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Do Asian students' social and academic integration positively affect their course completion ratio at the community college?

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Do Asian students' social and academic integration positively affect their course completion ratio at the community college?

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DO ASIAN STUDENTS’ SOCIAL AND ACADEMIC INTEGRATION

POSITIVELY AFFECT THEIR COURSE COMPLETION RATIO

AT THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE?

by

Manoj S. Wickremesinghe

____________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2007

Copyright 2007 Manoj S. Wickremesinghe

ii

DEDICATION

To my Mom and Dad

iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I could not have achieved this goal without your support
and encouragement.
• Dr. William Maxwell, committee chair
• Dr. George Prather and Dr. William Rideout,
committee members
• Greg Schulz, Kaneesha Miller, Shalamon Duke, Andrew
Truong, and Daniel Soodjinda, members of my
dissertation cohort
• My wife, Sarupa
• My friends and family

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ii
Acknowledgments iii
List of Tables vi
Abstract vii
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Background of the Problem 1
Research Question 5
Research Hypotheses 6
Theoretical Assumptions 6
Delimitations 7
Limitations 7
Overview of the Methodology 7
Definition of Terms 9

Chapter 2: Literature Review 10
Persistence Theory 10
Course Completion Ratio 12
Academic Success of Asian Students 15
Asian Cultural Values 23
Academic Advising and Counseling 32
Peer Relationships 41
Faculty Interaction 48
Summary 52

Chapter 3: Methodology 55
Los Angeles Community College Dataset 55
Data Collection and Analysis 56
Dependent Variable 56
Independent Variables 57
Research Design 57
Participants 60

Chapter 4: Results 63
Hypothesis 1 63
Hypothesis 2 69

v

Hypothesis 3 74
Summary 75

Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusion and
Recommendations 76
Summary and Discussion 76
Implications for Practice 82
Conclusion 85
Recommendations for Future Research 88

References 91

Appendix A – LACCD Survey Questions 103

vi

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Subgroups of Asian Students 59

Table 2: Course Completion Ratio by Availability of
the Transfer Center Services 61

Table 3: Course Completion Ratio by Availability of
the Counseling Center Services 62

Table 4: Course Completion Ratio by Knowledge of
the Transfer Center Staff 63

Table 5: Course Completion Ratio by Knowledge of
the Counseling Center Staff 64

Table 6: Course Completion Ratio by Helpfulness of
the Transfer Center Staff 65

Table 7: Course Completion Ratio by Helpfulness of
the Counseling Center Staff 66

Table 8: Course Completion Ratio by Instructor
Feedback 67

Table 9: Course Completion Ratio by Availability of
Instructors 68

Table 10: Course Completion Ratio by Instructors
Encouraging Different Points of View 69

Table 11: Course Completion Ratio by Meeting
Instructors Outside of Class 70

Table 12: Pearson Correlation between Interactions
between Instructors and Course Completion
Ratio 70

Table 13: Course Completion Ratio by Studying with
Others 72

vii

ABSTRACT
The study focused on whether Asian students’ social
and academic integration positively affects their course
completion rate at the community college. In this study,
academic integration is considered in terms of
experience with counseling/transfer centers, and faculty
interaction, social integration, and peer group
participation outside of class, while course completion
is considered indicative of persistence.
The purpose of this study was to address the three
hypotheses, each of which concerns course completion.
Asian students’ experience with academic
advisors/counselors, interaction with faculty, and
studying with others outside of class were hypothesized
to be related to a higher ratio of courses completed.
The researcher analyzed data on Asian students in
the Los Angeles Community College District, who
consecutively enrolled in the Fall 2000 through Spring
2002 semesters. The study utilized several aspects of
academic and social integration, as discussed by Tinto,

viii

taking into consideration cultural differences that
define the integration of minority students.
The study did not find any correlation between
experience with counseling and transfer center
advisors/counselors and Asian students’ course
completion ratios. Nor was there a correlation found
between peer group participation and course completion
ratios. However, the study did find a weak positive
correlation between instructor interaction and course
completion ratios.
The study concludes with recommendations for
researchers to develop more comprehensive models to
understand minority student integration to the campus
environment. The study also includes recommendations for
future practice for administrators and faculty members
to include the implementation of present student
engagement models as they apply to minority students.

1

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
This chapter provides an introduction to and
overview of the study. The chapter begins with the
background of the problem, followed by the research
question, research hypotheses, theoretical assumptions,
overview of the methodology, delimitations, and
limitations. The chapter concludes with the definition
of terms.
Background of the Problem
According to the literature, persistence is, in
large part, a function of integration into the campus
environment and the effort, frequency, and quality of
the interaction between academic counselors,
instructors, and peer groups. Considerable research in
higher education links factors of involvement on campus
and their relationship to persistence and graduation
(Astin, 1993; Pascarella and Terenzoni, 1991; Tinto,
1993). The idea of social and academic integration into
college has been replicated using Tinto’s model for
persistence and other college outcomes (Cockrell,
Caplow, & Donaldson, 2000; Pascarella & Terenzini 1991;

2

Tinto, 1993). Tinto asserted that involvement in the
college community increases academic integration and
that academic integration positively enhances a
students’ experience within academic systems and
communities (Astin, 1993; Tinto, 1998).
Such involvement as interaction with instructors,
peers, and utilizing support services, including
counseling, helps all students in higher education to
succeed (Cabrera, Nora, & Castaneda, 1993). As suggested
by Nora (1987) and Murguia, Padilla, and Pavel (1991),
Tinto’s theory can also be applied to campuses with
ethnically diverse students. However, little research
has been conducted on Asian students in the community
college setting, specifically in the areas of campus
involvement and persistence, probably due to their
perceived status as a model minority (Kao, 1995).
Although research has shown that the persistence rate of
Asian students in higher education is high (Goyette &
Xie, 1999; Kao, 1995), the characteristics of many Asian
students, particularly those enrolled at a community
college, may not be predictive of persistence in the
context of Tinto’s (1975, 1993) retention model.

3

Asian students in general, both Asian Americans and
other Asian students who are not permanent American
residents, are becoming a large part of the community
college population. Little research exists on their
integration into campus and its impact on course
completion. Researchers often attribute the success of
Asian students to their strong emphasis on education and
Asian cultural values. In this regard, enculturation
refers to the retention of cultural norms and traditions
of one’s indigenous culture, whereas acculturation is
the process of adapting to the norms of the dominant
culture.
Asians in general have increased public awareness
that enculturation is an important index of within-group
cultural variations among Asians (Kim, Atkinson, &
Umemoto, 2001). In particular, Kim et al. (2001) noted
that an important dimension of enculturation is
adherence to Asian cultural values, which include
deference to authority, emotional restraint, and
hierarchical family structure. Kim, Atkinson, and Yang
(1999) have identified several Asian cultural values
common to Asians of various ethnic origins:

4

collectivism, conformity to norms, emotional self-
control, and family recognition through achievement,
filial piety, and humility.
In the literature, there is confusion over whether
researchers are investigating Asian Americans, or both
Asian Americans and also other Asian students who are
not permanent American residents. Further confusion
exists where the category of Asian is used to refer to
different parts of Asia, sometimes including South Asia,
and in other instances focusing only on Southeast and
East Asians. In the review of the literature, I will
attempt to clarify when available, which groups each
author is reporting, whether Asians in general or Asian
Americans, and as to which parts of Asia the population
is linked. This dissertation collected new data from a
sample that includes students of South, Southeast, and
East Asians. The sample does not distinguish between
Asians in terms of those who are citizens, permanent
residents, and foreign citizens. In my comments
throughout the dissertation my references to Asian
students include all categories of Asians above.

5

Understanding that human development takes place in
a societal context, cultural factors play an integral
role in the ability of these students to integrate
themselves into a new environment, such as the community
college setting. As such, this study focuses on
determining whether academic and social integration
affect the course completion ratio of Asian students in
the community college setting.
Research Question
The main research question that guided this study
is: Do Asian students’ academic and social integration
positively affect their course completion ratio at the
community college?
Based on the main research question, the following
three specific research questions were addressed:
1. Does experience with academic
advisors/counselors affect the course completion ratio
of Asian students at the community college?
2. Does interaction with instructors before or
after class affect the course completion ratio of Asian
students at the community college?

6

3. Does participation in peer group sessions
increase the course completion ratio of Asian students
at the community college?
Research Hypotheses
Based on the specific research question above,
there were three research hypotheses that guided the
study.
1. Course completion ratios of Asian students are
positively affected by their positive experience with
academic advisors/counselors at the community college.
2. Course completion ratios of Asian students are
positively affected by interaction with faculty at the
community college.
3. Course completion ratios of Asian students are
positively affected by peer group participation outside
class at the community college.
Theoretical Assumptions
Tinto (1993) theorized that successful integration
into a college campus yields satisfaction that
positively enhances students’ intentions to persist at
that campus. This study assumed that Tinto’s theory

7

allows for minority groups to integrate the values of
large institutions.
Delimitations

The study is delimited to the Fall 2000 cohort of
students who were enrolled in the Los Angeles Community
College District. The study is delimited to persistence,
experience with counseling facilities, peer group
participation and student-faculty interaction.
Limitations

The study had the following three limitations:
1. The study is limited to the Los Angeles
Community College district.
2. The research is correlational in nature.
3. The research on Asian students is not
comprehensive in that it does not include all Asian
subgroups.
Overview of the Methodology

Participants in this study included Asian students,
who enrolled in Fall 2000 and who continued to enroll in
the subsequent three semesters through Spring 2002,
drawn from a large dataset maintained by the Los Angeles
Community College District (LACCD). This district-wide

8

dataset is comprised of 302,561 Asian students, from 1991
through 2005. The dataset contains complete transcript
files for each student, as well as personal information
about each student, such as ethnicity. Some Asian
students had taken a district-administered survey in Fall
2000, and the results of that survey were also included.
Each student’s course taking history is based on
transcript data.
The sample population was drawn from the dataset
that contained 23,776 Asian students, and only Asian
students who took the survey and who had enrolled in the
three subsequent semesters were chosen. This resulted in
a cohort of 1,577 Asian students.
Data from the LACCD database were analyzed through
multiple statistical methods, using the Statistical
Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). These methods
included cross-tabulations, frequencies, and
correlations.
Definition of Terms

Academic counseling/advising services are defined
as prescriptive and/or academic centered advising.

9

Interaction with faculty is defined as faculty-
student contact inside and outside of class.
Peer group participation is defined as groups that
are formed, inside or outside of class, with other
students.
Persistence is defined as course completion ratio,
specifically the ratio of courses attempted vs.
completed during four consecutive semesters, excluding
summer.

10

CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter contains the literature relevant to
Asian students’ academic and social integration into the
college setting. The review contains literature on
persistence theory, course completion ratio, academic
success of Asian students, Asian cultural values,
academic advising and counseling, peer relationships,
and family interaction. The chapter concludes with a
summary.
Persistence Theory
There are several theories that attempt to explain
persistence in the college setting. Research in this
area ranges from exploratory (Hagedorn et al., 2004) to
studies utilizing economic, organizational,
psychological, or societal frameworks (Braxton, 2000;
Valadez, 1993). However, the most prominent theory is
Tinto’s (1975) student departure theory, which asserts
that students enter an institution with varying
background attributes, experiences, and levels of
commitment to their educational goals and the
institution. The relationship between these variables

11

affects the level of academic and social integration
students’ experience, which, in turn, affects their
decision to either persist in or depart from the
institution.
Tinto (1982) asserted that there are an increasing
number of students in all age groups and from diverse
backgrounds that enter the higher education arena under-
prepared to meet its academic rigor. Although Tinto’s
theory suggests that both academic and social
integration are important in this process, he
acknowledged that, in urban community colleges (i.e.,
LACCD), students are shaped more by external forces,
such as work and family, and that social integration may
not be as important in this setting.
Other researchers (Halpin, 1990; Mutter, 1992;
Tinto, 1998) have found academic integration to be the
more important form of involvement in the community
college arena. However, it is important to note that
other researchers argue about the validity of Tinto’s
model in the community college setting (Braxton, 2000;
Feldman, 1993; Webb, 1989), noting a lack of emphasis on
student characteristics such as age, gender, or

12

ethnicity, as well as difficulty defining and measuring
academic and social integration. This dissertation is
concerned with whether persistence is affected by social
and academic integration in the community college for
Asian students, taking into account cultural differences
and stereotyping that may affect their participation in
the integration process.
Course Completion Ratio
Community colleges are referred to as the revolving
door in higher education. Such inconsistent
participation has rendered student enrollment and
persistence difficult to measure. Although several
researchers, including Astin (1991, 1993), Braxton
(2000), Terenzini & Pascarella (2005), and Tinto (1997,
1998) have studied persistence in four-year and
community college settings, there is no consensus on how
best to define this outcome measure. Nevertheless, some
define it using course completion ratio (Hagedorn,
2005).
Course completion ratio measures success against
students’ self-proclaimed goals (Hagedorn, Maxwell,
Chen, Cypers, & Moon, 2002). Hagedorn (2005) stated that

13

course completion ratio is the most appropriate measure
of success for community colleges in that it provides a
valid and reliable measure of success. Hagedorn further
stated that, due to high turnover rates, measuring
college student retention is complicated and context-
dependent.
This measurement considers retention within a
course or several courses and, because students either
do not enroll or attend courses sequentially, is
applicable in the community college setting. A
completion ratio is calculated as the quotient of the
number of courses attempted and the number of courses
successfully completed with a letter C or better
(Hagedorn et al., 2002). The equation for successful
course completion rate (SCCR) is as follows:
Number of courses with the grade of
A, B, C, D, CR, or P
SCCR =
Number of courses of enrollment

Hagedorn, Moon, Cypers, Maxwell, and Lester (2003)
have looked at course completion from a number of

14

perspectives. Using the metaphor of an “All American
Game,” Hagedorn et al. likened persistence to the sport
of baseball. Within LACCD, the nine campuses can be
viewed as individual baseball teams. Hagedorn et al.
analyzed data from 3,318 students who intended to
transfer. They found that women completed science
courses in higher numbers than did men; students under
the age of 30 were more likely to finish Mathematics,
Arts, and Humanities at higher rates than older
counterparts; and Asians in general were more likely to
finish math than any other group.
Nishimoto (2003) considered course completion in
relation to Asian Pacific American students in LACCD.
Using Spearman’s rho, correlations, ANOVA (Analysis of
Variables), and regression analyses, the correlational
study analyzed data from 731 Asian Pacific American
students, including the variables of course completion,
grade point average (GPA), and socioeconomic status
(SES). The results indicated that the lack of
persistence by Asian Pacific American students is
related to limited social integration.

15

Academic Success of Asian Students
Literature generally refers to all categories of
Asians, regardless of ethnic origin or resident status
in the United States as Asian Americans who are high
educational achievers (Kim & Yeh, 2002; Wong, Lai,
Nagasawa, & Lin, 1998; Xie & Goyette, 1999; Kao, 1995).
It is reported that Asian American students consistently
score higher on standardized tests of mathematics
ability, have higher grade point averages, and attend
four-year colleges at higher rates than do students of
other races. Because of these educational successes,
Asian Americans are often referred to as a “model
minority” (Chu, 1991; Kao, 1995). In exploring the
model-minority image, Chen (1996), Fejgin (1995), Kao
(1995), and others have compared Asian American
students’, specifically, Chinese, Japanese, Korean,
South East Asian, Filipino, Pacific Islander, and South
Asians’ academic performance to White students and other
non-Asian students, using test scores and grades as
indicators.
Wong et al. (1998) reported that Asian Americans in
general as a model minority have been a dominant theme

16

in media portrayals of Asian Americans since the mid-
1960s. In this study, the sample of Asian American
students consisted of Asian immigrants. The sample
though was not further categorized by their Asian ethnic
identity. The authors examined this image of Asian
Americans, with a focus on the relationship between the
academic performance of Asian American students and the
perception of them as a model minority. In this study,
Asian Americans perceived themselves as more prepared,
motivated, and likely to have higher career success than
Whites. In addition, the perceptions that Asian
Americans were superior to Whites in these three areas
were shared by Whites, African Americans, Hispanics, and
Native Americans, which confirmed the anecdotal and
journalistic accounts of Asian Americans as a model
minority.
Yet, at the university where the survey was
conducted, these Asian Americans did not perform better
than other groups on the indicators of academic
performance used in the study. Although there were some
significant differences, such as more Asian Americans
majoring in science and engineering, with a higher GPA

17

in overall performance, the differences were minor. It
is thus unfair to expect Asian American students as a
group to perform as implied under the model minority
label. The findings of this study question the model-
minority stereotype that portrays Asian American
students as high achievers in terms of SAT (Scholastic
Aptitude Test) scores and grades in college.
Lee (1996) found that Asian American students
separate themselves into four groups: Korean, Asian-
identified, Asian New Wave, and Asian American.
Membership in these four groups was fluid, with
characteristics such as school achievement defining the
basis for association by members of one group with those
of another.
Lee (1996) refined the work of Ogbu (1987, as cited
in Lee, 1996), regarding the reasons that some
minorities do well in school, while others do not.
Extending Ogbu’s concepts of voluntary and involuntary
minorities, Lee concluded that Ogbu’s characterization
fits only two of the four self-identified groups
(Koreans and Asian-identified, both of whom are
voluntary immigrants). Lee also concluded that “new

18

wave” Asians (second and third generation refugees) did
not view schooling as a means of increased mobility and
adopted perspectives similar to Ogbu’s “involuntary
minorities.” Asian Americans, in contrast, were
successful in school but, like “new wavers,” had few
illusions about the power of school success to foster
their own integration into society. Like many other
multigenerational minorities, they experienced the
racist aspects of American culture and the barriers that
they believed even educational success would not
overcome.
Lee (1996) and others have correctly pointed out
that there are ethnic differences and other variables
among Asian Americans that the model-minority label
masks. To better understand the notion of high academic
achievers, one must recognize both similarities and
diversity among Asian American subgroups. Asian
Americans of all ethnic groups maintain only a marginal
presence in the United States. Additionally, Asian
American groups maintain distinct ethnic identities,
even after several generations in the United States, and

19

many are recent immigrants and speak their native
language at home.
Xie and Goyette (1999) reported that, because of
their marginal status in U.S. society, Asian Americans
of all ethnic groups may view education as the best
means to overcome discrimination and other barriers to
achieving high social status. The 980 Asian American
respondents included 204 Chinese, 194 Filipinos, 57
Japanese, 137 Koreans, 163 Southeast Asians (Cambodians,
Laotians, Hmong, and Vietnamese). They examined why
Asian American groups have higher educational
expectations than do Whites. To do so, the study
explored three sets of factors: favorable socioeconomic
and background characteristics, demonstrated academic
ability, and parents’ high expectations. With data from
the National Educational Longitudinal Study, the authors
used linear and logistic multivariate regression models
to examine differences in educational expectations. The
analyses indicated that, although all Asian American
ethnic groups have higher expectations than do Whites,
the higher educational expectations of Asian American
groups that are well assimilated into U.S. society are

20

principally influenced by socioeconomic and demographic
factors. Parental expectations also generally explain a
large portion of their children’s high educational
expectations for all Asian American groups.
In their study of stereotypes of Asian American
students, Kim and Yeh (2002) discussed the various
negative and positive attributions of these stereotypes.
They reported how “Asian American” as a racial group
represents 29 distinct ethnic categories with multi
levels of social and economic variations between recent
Asian immigrants and Asian American communities that
have been in the United States for generations. They
explored how school practices and individual educators,
consciously or unconsciously, reinforce attributes that
have negative social, political, and economic
ramifications for Asian Americans. They reported that
the model minority stereotypes attribute educational and
economic success to all Asian Americans, and thereby
ignore the between and within group differences of
assimilation and acculturation.
It is important to note, however, that the term
Asian American does not represent a homogenous group.

21

For example, Asian Indian, Japanese, Chinese, Filipino,
and Korean American adults surpass average educational
achievement, compared to White students (Hsia, 1988; Xie
& Goyette, 1999) due to their parents’ socioeconomic
status. Similarly, poverty rates are high among some
Chinese, Vietnamese, Laotian, Cambodian, and Hmong
Americans, contributing to lower educational achievement
(Lee, 1994).
Apart from SES and cultural differences among the
many Asian nations, Asian Americans of different ethnic
groups also immigrated to the United States under
differing circumstances and immigration laws. According
to Kao and Tienda (1995) and Xie and Goyette (1999),
those who were born in the United States or have lived
here for a long time differ in many respects from those
who recently immigrated.
Additionally, studies reveal that the model
minority image has created a negative impact on Asian
students’ psychological well being. Chung (1997),
Fisher, Wallace, and Fenton (2000), and Lorenzo, Frost,
and Reinherz (2000) concluded that, for recent immigrant
students, academic excellence had the following academic

22

and psychological costs: studying longer hours, taking
fewer courses, enduring feelings of loneliness and
isolation, restricting one’s career, and foregoing a
social life in order to perform as well as other Asian
students.
As such, the model minority image has misled people
to think of the success story of Asian Americans or
Asian students in general as evidence of the triumph of
meritocracy in American society. The characteristics of
many Asian students, particularly those enrolled at the
community colleges, may not be predictive of successes
attained at the four-year level. Grubb (1990) stated
that, perhaps due to relatively small numbers of
participants or the broader categorization of Asian
students by region (e.g., South Asians, Southeast
Asians, and East Asians) the research on the persistence
of these students is scarce. More often than not, Asian
students have been disregarded in community college
research studies or aggregated with other minorities,
rather than identified as a separate and distinct
minority group (Grubb, 1990). In the limited research
recognizing Asian Students, it appears that there may be

23

a variety of factors related to integration and college
success. Despite the possible absence of integration,
Peng (cited in Hsia, 1998) asserted that Asian students
are more likely to persist at their institution of
choice.
Asian Cultural Values
In the light of growing numbers of Asian students
in urban areas, where they are likely to attend
community colleges, more research needs to be done to
identify what characteristics differentiate Asian
students from other groupings of community college
students who successfully persist. Academic integration
for Asian students cannot be understood without
discussing cultural factors in the Asian community that
inhibit this process (Tan, 1994; Uba, 1994). Cultural
reasons have been examined to understand whether they
affect Asian students’ seeking help from instructors,
academic counselors, and peers.
In their research of cultural values and racial
identity attitudes, Yeh, Carter, and Pieterse (2002)
found a strong preference for distinct cultural value
orientations that reflect both Asian and European

24

American values among Asian students. Yeh et al.
identified the uniqueness of Asian cultural values as
described by Kim et al. (1999). Yeh et al.’s study was
the first to examine the content and structure of culture
values, as well as differences associated with gender and
racial identity status in a sample of Asian Americans.
The sample included 122 Asian American undergraduate and
graduate students, 78 women and 44 men. The sample did
not include specific ethnic groups of the participants
because the goal of the study was to focus on the Asian
racial identity on cultural values. While other research
on Asian cultural values focused on describing Asians
only in comparison with White students, this study
broadened our understanding of specific Asian values by
examining culturally specific perspectives for
understanding the world.
Yeh et al. (2002) stated that Asian cultural values
result in certain psychological processes, behaviors, and
attitudes of both Asians in general and Asian Americans.
For example, Asian cultural values have been associated
with academic achievement (Sue & Okazaki, 1990), career
interests (Haverkamp, Collins, & Hansen, 1994), family

25

dynamics (Lee, Choe, Kim, & Ngo, 2000), social relations
(Lu, 1998), coping (Yeh & Wang, 2000), counselor cultural
sensitivity (Kim et al., 1999), counseling attitudes
(Leong, Wagner, & Kim, 1995), and counselor preferences
(Atkinson, Wampold, Lowe, Matthews, & Ahn, 1998).
Yeh et al. (2002), using a model of value
orientation by Kluckhohn and Strodbeck (1961, as cited in
Yeh et al., 2002) that may inform how an individual
understands Asian cultural values, asserted that
individuals across races must address five common
existential issues, each with three potential solutions
or alternatives. The five shared issues are as follows:
(a) what is the character of human nature? (b) what is
the person-nature relationship? (c) what is the proper
temporal focus (time value)? (d) what is the proper
manner of human activity? and (e) what is the proper
focus of social relations? The answers to these questions
determine and represent particular cultural value
orientations.
The results of Yeh et al’s study show that Asian
cultural values are primarily based on Confucianism and
Buddhism and emphasize interpersonal harmony and goodness

26

in human nature (Lee, 1997). Asian Americans who were
able to express a positive racial self that integrated
aspects of both Asians and Americans were able to express
a positive self, as well as a present and future time
value orientation. In Asian culture, there is a strong
respect for one’s history and past family relationships
that underlie a cultural preference for integrating past
perspectives into time value orientations (Braun &
Nichols, 1997; McLaughlin & Braun, 1998). For example, in
many Asian cultures, one’s decisions are often considered
in view of their impact on the reputation of previous
ancestors and traditions (Kim et al., 1999; Yeh & Wang,
2000). These studies also found that Asian American
women, but not men, had a preference for a present time
orientation. Because it has been reported that Asian
American women assimilate faster than do Asian American
men (Chow, 1988; Lee, 1997), this finding may reflect a
tendency toward White value orientations by Asian women
in general.
The above research also shows that Asian Americans
who actively reject Western culture and immerse
themselves in their own cultural group had a preference

27

for past time value orientation. This finding supports
other research that indicates that traditional Asian
culture emphasizes strong links to past traditions,
lives, and familial connections (Sodowsky et al., 1994;
Yeh & Huang, 1996). Such priorities may be further
embraced during an active period of rejecting the
dominant culture.
Mei (2002) discussed how career choices of Asian
Americans, Caucasian Americans, and Chinese college
students are influenced by their parents. Mei found that
Asian Americans in general and Chinese college students
were more likely than were Caucasian American students to
choose investigative occupation types (Holland, 1985, as
cited in Mei, 2002) and that their choices were more
likely to be influenced by their family. Mei does not
distinguish categories of Asian American students in his
sample.
This cultural trait of family involvement in Asian
families has been well documented. In traditional Asian
cultures, an individual’s occupation is viewed not only
as an indicator of personal achievement and social
status, but also as a family’s accomplishment (Leong,

28

1986). In contrast to Western culture’s focus on
individualism, traditional Asian culture focuses on
collectivism (Moy, 1992).
The concept of self is focused on the individual in
relation to others and on harmonious interdependence with
other family members (Markus & Kitayama, 1991).
Therefore, an individual’s career choice is hardly an
individual choice, but rather a choice that has evolved
from family needs and expectations. The value that
traditional Asian Americans place on family accord,
deference to senior family members and interdependence of
family members (Moy, 1992), makes it reasonable to
believe that family would play an important role in an
Asian American’s career choice. This information is very
important to academic counselors who must be sensitive to
cultural values when discussing career options with Asian
students.
Kim, Li, and Liang (2002) investigated the effects
of student adherence to Asian cultural values, counseling
session goals, and counselor emphasis of student
expression on student perceptions of the career
counseling process. Participants were immigrants to the

29

United States and consisted of 22 Koreans, 19 Chinese, 11
Asian Indians, 8 Filipinos, 7 with multiple Asian
ethnicities, 4 Vietnamese, 3 Taiwanese, 2 other Asians, 1
Japanese, and 1 Pakistani. Kim et al. noted that some
cultural values that are salient to the Asian American
group are deference to authority, emotional restraint,
and hierarchical family structure. Kim et al. (2002) also
noted that other cultural values common to Asian
Americans of various ethnic origins include collectivism,
conformity to norms, emotional self-control, family
recognition through achievement, filial piety, and
humility.
Contrary to expectations based on Kim et al.’s
(2001) research, Kim et al. (2002) found no evidence to
support the hypothesis that Asian American students, with
high adherence to Asian cultural values, would give more
positive ratings to the counselor who focused on insight
attainment through exploration of the problem than to the
counselor who focused on immediate resolution of the
problem. The researcher did find that Asian American
students with high adherence to Asian cultural values
perceived a greater client-counselor working alliance and

30

counselor empathic understanding than did clients who had
low adherence to Asian cultural values.
This finding is consistent with the notion that
Asian cultural values, in particular, the dimension of
maintenance of interpersonal harmony, are an important
characteristic of Asian cultural values (Kim et al.,
2001; Sue & Sue, 1999). This value dictates that people
should anticipate the emotional needs of others, never
express strong feelings at the expense of interpersonal
harmony and, in a disagreement among individuals,
overlook differences in an effort to maintain harmony.
Therefore, Asian Americans who adhere to Asian cultural
values try to be understanding, accommodating,
conciliatory, and not directly confrontational, and they
expect the same from others.
Do (1996) examined the function of community college
counselors in the context of immigrant students. He
argued that colleges should provide students with
separate English-as-a-Second-Language orientations and
that counselors should assist students in understanding
the American job market and encourage students to
familiarize themselves with American pedagogy.

31

Brilliant (2000) reported that, as urban community
colleges have grown in recent years, new challenges have
been created for college counselors. Counseling
intervention is essential to enable immigrant students to
cope with the stresses of immigration and the effects of
those stresses on their college performance.
Acculturation is a process that changes with time and
that affects students of different ages differently.
Cultural variations among immigrants affect social and
academic performance in college, as well. Developing
English language fluency both accompanies and is
accompanied by other adjustment issues. College
counselors can facilitate both student adjustment and the
college’s recognition of immigrant students’ cultural
perspectives.
Kim, Bryan, Liang, and Asay (2003), in their
qualitative study of the adaptation experiences of “1.5
generation” Asian Americans, found five domains of
adaptation experiences: pre-immigration experiences,
acculturation experiences, acculturation and
enculturation experiences, intercultural relationships,
and support systems. The Asian American participants were

32

immigrants and consisted of 5 Koreans, 1 Chinese, 1
Filipino, and 1 Thai. Participants reported that English
proficiency played a significant role in their initial
adjustment. Most of the participants reported currently
identifying with both U.S. and Asian cultures. Some
participants reported having experienced racism in the
past. Many participants noted that, currently, they had
no difficulty establishing friendships with culturally
different persons. Participants reported currently
feeling most close to friends of a similar background and
that they usually seek support from friends, family, and
religious organizations, but not from a psychologist or
an academic counselor.
Academic Advising and Counseling
Academic advising refers to a support service that
assists students in the planning of their academic
curriculum. Academic counseling lays out a plan for
students to follow to achieve a desired academic goal.
Participating in academic counseling assists students in
clarifying the sequence of classes that are needed and
in balancing general education courses with other major
related courses. Researchers such as O’Banion (1994),

33

Crookston (1994), and Lowenstein (1999) have developed a
foundation for advising theories. Additional researchers
such as Herndon, Kaiser, and Creamer (1996), Thompson
(2001), Smith (2002), Shultz, Colton, and Colton (2001),
and McArthur (2005) have used this foundation in their
research.
The term academic advising has varying definitions
among researchers. O’Banion (1994) described academic
advising as a developmental model that encompasses five
processes. These processes include exploration of life
goals, exploration of vocational goals, program choice,
course choice, and scheduling courses. Developmental
advising facilitates the student’s intra-personal growth
and development, including cognition.
Crookston (1994) described academic advising as
prescriptive. This process of academic advising takes
into account abilities, motivation, rewards, maturity,
initiative, control, responsibility, learning,
evaluation, and relationships. Prescriptive advising
proposes that advisers look at the whole student and try
to empower the student to take charge of his or her
educational planning.

34

Lowenstein (1999) uses the term academic-centered
advising. His framework contains two different
approaches to advising: developmental (O’Banion, 1994)
and prescriptive (Crookston, 1994). Lowenstein’s
academic-centered advising is an alternative to the sole
use of developmental and prescriptive advising. His
academic centered advising approach centers on the
student’s academic learning and is both student and
academic related (Lowenstein, 1999).
Herndon, Kaiser, and Creamer (1996) interviewed
community college students regarding their preference
for advising styles. Their research was based on a
sample of 424 currently enrolled students. Herndon et
al. studied African American and White students’ success
in math. Math was chosen because it was a required
course for all students. In addition to the interviews,
the researchers used the three-part Academic Advising
Inventory (AAI), which measures the prescriptive and
developmental advising sought by students. Cronbach’s
alpha for the first part is .74 and, for the second
part, .76. The third part contains demographic items
only. Analyses included ANOVA to determine whether

35

gender, major, race, or enrollment influenced the
variables of prescriptive or developmental advising.
Herndon et al. (1996) found that most of the groups
received more prescriptive then developmental advising,
with the exception of full-time White male and full-time
African American female students, who received more
developmental advising. Further, they found that part-
time students received more prescriptive advising. When
examining enrollment status, Herndon et al. found that
students who identified their goal as transfer preferred
prescriptive advising and that non-transfer students
preferred developmental advising. Finally, they found
that men preferred prescriptive advising, while women
mostly preferred developmental advising.
Smith (2002) interviewed 27 first year college
students regarding their perceptions of and experiences
with developmental or prescriptive academic advising.
Smith conducted a qualitative survey on a sample of 34
students (23 males and 11 females) and hosted focus
groups, with these 34 students, of no more than ten per
session. The focus groups were transcribed verbatim and
thematically analyzed. The results indicated students

36

preferred prescriptive over developmental advising.
Specifically, Smith found that students did not
necessarily want to bond with their counselor, but
rather obtain the needed information. The results of
this study are limited, however, in that the sample size
was very small and not representative of all first-year
college students.
Thompson (2001) investigated informal student-
faculty interactions, in relationship to math and
science courses in community colleges, using a random
sample of 5,276 full-time and part-time students, of
whom 2,638 were female and 2,638 were men, with a nearly
even distribution by ethnicity and age. In addition to
using math and science courses, Thompson considered the
variables of timework, job, family, gender, student-
faculty interaction, and quality of effort to measure
success in these courses but, more globally, persistence
in community colleges.
Thompson (2001) used the Community College Student
Experiences Questionnaire (CCSEQ) due to its utility in
assessing academic, intellectual, interpersonal, and
group experiences, as well as its appropriateness in

37

reflecting opportunities and experiences in two-year
colleges. Using corelational analyses, Thompson found
that both formal and information student-faculty
interaction is effective for math and science courses.
Students who have higher levels of interaction
demonstrated higher levels of effort. Moreover, informal
student-faculty interaction was the greatest indicator
of persistence for community college students. Thompson
used both developmental and prescriptive approaches to
advising to anchor the findings, noting that the
students in math and science courses needed a
prescription towards success (prescriptive) and to be
nurtured to ensure continuation (developmental).
Shultz, Colton, and Colton (2001) investigated an
advising and mentoring program, Adventor, for non-
traditional students in higher education. The name
Adventor comes from the words advisement and mentor.
This program used both prescriptive and developmental
forms of counseling in the hopes of increasing the
persistence of non-traditional students. The Adventor
pilot program took place in the 1995-1996 academic year,
and the sample included 19 students and 16 faculty

38

members. The ethnicity of the participants was 65%
African American and 40% Hispanic.
The key findings indicated that the program was a
success. Both students and faculty enjoyed the advising
and mentor relationship. In fact, the response rate for
the survey administered after the pilot was 73% for
students and 42% for faculty. Other results showed that,
due to this academic centered approach, the GPAs of the
participants increased by a mean of .13.
Academic advising is an essential function of
community colleges. It not only increases student
engagement, but also the persistence of traditional and
non-traditional students. Using several approaches to
measure advising, including developmental, prescriptive,
and academic centered advising, is paramount due to the
diversity of age, ethnicity, gender, and life
experiences often seen in community colleges.
Researchers have found that transfer ready students
prefer prescriptive advising and non-traditional
students prefer developmental advising primarily. Most
important is the understanding that all students will
need praxis of both models, as per Lowenstein’s (1999)

39

models. Both formal and informal interactions with
faculty are needed for the success of community college
students.
Academic advising is fundamental to understanding
educational goals and facilitates the process of
education (Herndon et al., 1996). Participating in
academic counseling integrates the student into the
campus culture, community, and classroom. For example,
Pascarella et al. (1986) reported that participating in
academic counseling directs students to participate in
orientation. Research has shown that an intensive two-
day orientation can significantly affect social
integration during college (Pascarella et al., 1986).
Academic counseling lays out a plan for students to
follow to achieve a desired academic goal. High quality
academic counseling can help students identify their
goals early in the matriculation process, thus
increasing the likelihood of persistence (Astin, 1991).
In addition, academic counseling offers the potential of
linking students’ goals with institutional resources
thus improving persistence.

40

Participating in academic counseling clarifies the
sequence of classes students take and balances out
general education classes with major related classes.
Researchers also have noted that participating in
academic counseling regularly is an essential component
of persistence that offers an opportunity for a student
to communicate difficulties and find guidance, which may
affect persistence (Astin, 1993; Pascarella & Terenzini,
2005). Studies have found a positive relationship
between the frequency of high quality, consistent
academic counseling, with feedback that is timely and up
to date, and academic integration and persistence
(Astin, 1993).
There have been many claims that outcomes of
quality academic counseling can increase student
persistence. Pascarella and Wolfe (1985) and Endo and
Harpel (1983) reported that interaction with faculty
outside the classroom is one factor that differentiated
students who persisted and those who dropped out of
college. Researchers also have asserted that academic
integration is an indicator of academic and intellectual
development because knowing how to navigate the system

41

and to select a sequence of classes to attain a goal
empowers a student (Borglum & Kubala, 2000; Cabrera,
Castaneda, Nora, & Hengstler, 1992; Hu & Kuh, 2003.
Tinto (1993) further explains that greater academic
integration enhances persistence. His argument is that
the more integrated the student is into the academic
system of the institution, the more likely the student
will persist.
Peer Relationships
Tinto’s central idea is that of integration, both
academic and social. He claims that whether a student
persists or drops out is strongly predicted by his or
her degree of social integration. Social integration can
mean personal relationships with peers and participating
in group study sessions. Related to this, Pascarella and
Terenzini (2005) defined work group participation as
students working with other students in groups, during
class. Indeed, studies have found that persistence is
related to study behavior, including time spent in and
outside class in community learning (Braxton, 2000; Hu &
Kuh, 2003; Kuh, Pace, & Vesper, 1997). Tinto (1993)
found that students in collaborative or shared learning

42

groups developed peer networks that helped them perform
better in their studies, while simultaneously meeting
social needs.
As Wentzel and Watkins (2002) reported, peer
relations and collaborative interactions have been
studied in relation to a range of academic
accomplishments throughout the college years. With
respect to peer relationships, consistent findings
relate popular status among peers and high levels of
acceptance to successful academic performance, as well
as rejected status and low levels of acceptance to
academic difficulties. Findings are most consistent with
respect to classroom grades, although peer acceptance
has been related positively to standardized test scores,
as well as IQ.
In addition to being socially accepted by peers,
students often interact with peers in collaborative
learning activities. In this case, the student
collaborators are likely to be acquaintances, but not
necessarily friends. Researchers have found that
collaborative problem solving encourages students’
social interaction and is related to academic and

43

intellectual outcomes. Collaborative problem solving
also has been related to high levels of engagement, use
of advanced strategic thinking skills, and specific
academic gains. This is specifically true if a less
competent student is provided with opportunities for
active participation, with elaborate explanations, and
encouragement from a higher achieving partner.
Despite the extensive literature linking peer
acceptance to academic outcomes, little is known about
the underlying processes that can explain these
relations. Several researchers have demonstrated that
associations between peer acceptance, rejection, and
academic outcomes can be explained, in part, by
behavioral styles that contribute to peer competence, as
well as academic functioning. In particular, prosocial
displays of behavior such as helping, cooperating, and
sharing have been linked to peer acceptance and
popularity, as well as to academic achievement, whereas
aggression and antisocial displays of behavior have been
related to peer rejection and academic problems.
To the extent that behavioral styles account for
positive associations between peer relationships and

44

academic outcomes, the quality of peer relationships is
also likely to play some role in promoting social and
academic competence in the classroom. A growing body of
research, however, also provides evidence that the
nature of a student’s relationships with peers might
contribute to his or her academic performance indirectly
by way of motivational outcomes. For instance, being
accepted by peers has been related positively to
satisfaction with the college, perceived academic
competence, and pursuit of goal to persist.
Because academic integration and integration into
the campus environment are perceived positively in
persistence, it is important to discuss social
integration in the context of minority students. Social
integration can mean different things to minority
student groups with differing cultural backgrounds, such
as the many categories of Asian students.
Criticisms of the use of models of integration have
noted that underlying the concept of acculturation to
the campus environment is the assumption that the
cultural differences of ethnic groups should be
diminished and that, to be successful, minority students

45

must adopt the values of the dominant college
environment--an assumption, according to Attinasi (1989)
and Tierney (1992), that is potentially harmful in
practice. Tinto’s (1993) response to these criticisms
was that the assumption of conformity is not always
associated with integration and that “the concept of
membership” is more useful than is integration because
it implies a greater diversity (of modes) of
participation (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Hurtado and
Carter reported that the concept of membership is
defined as social interaction on and off campus that
brings people together because of their identification
with a specific ethnic group, religious organization,
culture, language, or any general similar trait that
brings about a greater sense of affiliation.
Attinasi (1989, 1992) found that students become
integrated not because they share the values and
orientations of the majority of students at their
colleges, but because the specific collective
affiliations they form help them acquire the skills to
negotiate the social, physical, and cognitive
geographies of large campus environments. Students tend

46

to “scale down” their perspectives of the environment to
make sense of it and, over time, get to know their large
campus environments by affiliating with groups in the
college community. This notion of forming multiple
communities, or social niches, is useful in
understanding minority students’, such as the many
categories of Asian students’, collective affiliations
on campus.
This view of the importance of transitional
experiences is supported by Newcomb’s (1962, as cited in
Hurtado & Carter, 1997) theory of the formation of peer
groups in college. Diverse types of peer groups arise,
when students enter any type of college, on the basis of
ethnic identity, pre-college acquaintances, “chance”
encounters facilitated by proximity as in dormitories
and classrooms, similar attitudes, and interests.
Newcomb also observed that peer groups may form when
common problems are perceived. Thus, a logical extension
of this theory would suggest that peer groups can form
in a stand against conformity. These theoretical
explanations are important because they suggest that
minority students can feel a part of the campus

47

community without acculturating, conforming, or adopting
values of the majority (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). What is
important to understand, however, is that whether this
particular type of peer group formation and
participation will enhance persistence.
It is important to appreciate, from a cultural
perspective, the type of peer group that Asian students
participate in. Mordkowitz and Ginsburg’s (1986) case
study of Asian international students focused on the
tendency of Asian students to emphasize academic issues
in contrast to social issues. They concluded that Asian
parents in general tend to motivate achievement by
indicating high expectations and perseverance, but put
less emphasis on verbal expression and socialization.
Often, when Asian students participate in activities on
campus, it is for the purpose of meeting people in their
own culture, having fun, and participating in activities
with students from their own culture. These types of
interactions support the challenges of living and
functioning in an environment with marginal social
skills.

48

Thomas (2000), in his study of social integration
into the campus, concluded that those students with a
greater proportion of ties outside of their peer group
perform better academically and are more likely to
persist than are students without ties to a wider
network. The contribution of Tinto’s model has been its
emphasis on the importance of the college environment
and the central idea that students must be engaged in
the life of a college. However, it is also important to
explore the notions of multiple forms of membership that
have various consequences for minority students’
attachment to their college.
Faculty Interaction
McArthur (2005) investigated faculty-based advising
and its affect on student persistence using students
from the Arts and Humanities Department at Atlantic Cape
Community College, a college that enrolls over 5,000
students. McArthur sent 404 surveys on student
satisfaction with academic advising to students,
receiving 225 returned surveys, for a return rate of
over 50%.

49

The survey contained six items as follows: (1) My
faculty advisor is knowledgeable about academic career
options; (2) My faculty advisor presents new and
different academic options for me; (3) My faculty
advisor cares about my academic progress; (4) The time I
spend with my faculty advisor is valuable to me; (5) I
meet with my faculty advisor whenever I think it is
necessary; and (6) My faculty advisor makes an effort to
contact me. In addition to the survey questions, there
was a space for students to add comments about their
experiences.
The statistical analysis for this study used basic
descriptives and frequencies, and key findings showed
that many students felt that their academic advisor was
knowledgeable, available, and caring. Moreover, the
students indicated that their academic advisor makes an
effort to contact them and the time spent is valuable.
McArthur (2005) also conducted a separate internal
analysis that determined that actively increasing
academic advising increases persistence. McArthur
supported his findings through the developmental
approach to advising.

50

Interfacing with faculty outside the classroom is
one factor that differentiates students who persist and
those who drop out of college. This is supported by
research that demonstrates that student-faculty contact
outside the classroom is correlated with student
persistence.
As Cain (1999) stated, “the teaching faculty is the
key to the community college’s work. Other factors in
the system, such as support staff, administrators,
politicians and students, might help draw up the route
for the trip, but it is the faculty members who drive
the bus” (p. 47). Because community college students are
primarily commuter students, community college issues
tend to downplay the significance that extracurricular
activities play in student satisfaction. Hagedorn,
Maxwell, Rodriguez, Hocevar, and Fillpot (2000) stated
that, “student clubs and government, concerts and
artistic events, and athletics do not figure prominently
in the community college students’ campus priorities.
The classroom faculty is the main point of student
contact with the college” (p. 591). The literature is
consistent when emphasizing the importance of the

51

faculty in student persistence. Pace (2001) clearly
demonstrated that greater faculty student interaction
promotes higher levels of student satisfaction with the
college experience.
Astin (1993) concluded that, next to peer group
participation, faculty interaction presents the most
significant aspect of the student’s undergraduate
development. Studies of transfer and freshman students
(Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991) confirmed the importance
of student-faculty contact as an influential factor in
student achievement, persistence, academic skill
development, and personal development. The faculty
members represent the authority figure, the mentor, and
the role model that may not appear anywhere else in the
student’s life. For this reason, the faculty members’
influence on students can be significant (McArthur,
2005).
Halpin (1990) applied a model, similar to Tinto’s
(1987) student departure model of academic integration
at four-year colleges, to a non-residential community
college in rural New York State. The study concluded
that Tinto’s findings were also valid for the two-year

52

community college. Halpin (1990) stated that “[w]hile
little can be done to influence ‘background
characteristics’ or ‘environmental’ circumstances of
community college students, the creation of
institutional mechanisms to maximize student faculty
contact is likely to result in greater levels of
integration and hence persistence” (p. 31).
Summary
Tinto (1993) proposed integration as a process in
which the individual establishes membership (or fails to
establish membership) in the college community. He
distinguishes between social integration and academic,
or intellectual, integration. The former represents the
social ties that result from the day-to-day
interactions. The latter represents results from sharing
information, perspectives, and values common to other
members of the community.
Integration also has been defined as the extent to
which an individual identifies with, or shares and
incorporates the normative attitudes and values of his
or her instructors and classmates and becomes a member
of the college community (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991).

53

Satisfying and rewarding interactions with the formal
and informal academic and social systems of the
institution lead to greater integration and persistence.
Unpleasant or limited interactions inhibit integration
and decrease the likelihood of persistence.
As the research cited in this chapter demonstrates,
academic and social integration are influenced by a
variety of factors. These factors include student
background characteristics such as cultural differences.
Research contends that cultural beliefs about the
connection between effort and educational success are
manifested in Asian parents’ educational expectations
for their children. Asians believe that educational
goals are achievable through effort and are not solely
determined by ability. Asian parents and their families
typically push their children to attain as much
education as possible. Research also has suggested that
values learned in Asian countries are fostered by
integrated ethnic communities and that these values
underlie parent’s expectations of their children.
While recognizing the cultural values of Asian
students, the researcher contends that Asian students’

54

social and academic integration into the campus
environment positively affects persistence. The
researcher hypothesized that integration to the campus
environment and student success, as proposed by Tinto’s
theory of student departure, is relevant to assessing
Asian students’ persistence in the community college
environment.

55

CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
This chapter presents the methodology used in the
study. The chapter begins with a presentation of the
dataset that was used in the study, followed by a
discussion of the data collection and analysis,
dependent variable, independent variables, and research
design. The chapter concludes with a presentation of the
participants.
Los Angeles Community College Dataset
This study analyzed Asian students from a dataset
maintained by the Los Angeles Community College District.
The dataset contains 302,561 Asian students over the span
of 1991 through 2005. The dataset contains complete
transcripts and personal information, such as ethnicity,
for each student. Some students had taken a district-
administered survey in Fall 2000, and the results of the
survey also were included in the dataset. For the
purpose of this study, the analysis was based on the
transcript data for the Fall 2000 through Spring 2002
semesters. Summer 2001 was not analyzed because course

56

completion during the summer does not accurately reflect
a full-time (12-unit) semester course load.
Data Collection and Analysis
The LACCD survey was administered during Fall 2000
to all LACCD community college students from varying
backgrounds, ethnicities, and ages. The student was the
unit of analysis, and the student’s course taking
history was based on transcript data.
All data were entered into an SPSS database.
Statistical analyses included frequencies, means, and
Pearson correlations. Analyses were performed to
evaluate the differences in course completion ratios by
experience with counseling and transfer centers, faculty
interaction, and peer relations.
Dependent Variable
The dependent variable was persistence, which was
defined as course completion ratio (Hagedorn et al.,
2002). Course completion ratio was determined by
dividing the units attempted by the units earned from
the Fall 2000 through Spring 2002 semesters of those
students who participated in the Fall 2000 survey.

57

As noted above, a completion ratio is calculated as
the quotient of the number of courses attempted and the
number of courses successfully completed with a letter
grade of C or better (Hagedorn et al., 2002). The
equation for course completion rate is as follows:
Number of courses with the grade of
A, B, C, D, CR, or P
SCCR =
Number of courses of enrollment

Independent Variables
Based on the literature review, the following
independent variables were studied: (a) positive
experience with academic advising (Smith, 2002); (b)
interaction with faculty (Thompson, 2001); (c) peer
group participation (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005).
Research Design
The research design was organized around the
addressing of the three research questions. The first
question was: Does experience with academic
advisors/counselors affect the course completion ratio
of Asian students at the community college? Experience

58

with academic advising/counseling was measured through
responses to the following items (from the Fall 2000
survey):
Q. 27. Transfer center readily available;
Q. 28. Counseling center readily available;
Q. 35. Transfer center staff knowledgeable;
Q. 36. Counseling center staff knowledgeable;
Q. 43. Transfer center helpful;
Q. 44. Counseling center helpful.
The students had responded to each of these
questions using a 4-point Likert scale (strongly
disagree, disagree, agree, strongly agree) plus the
category of “does not apply.”
The next question was: Does interaction with
instructors before or after class affect the course
completion ratio of Asian students at the community
college? Interaction with instructors was addressed
through responses to the following items (from the Fall
2000 survey):

59

Q. 53. Instructors available outside of class;
Q. 54. Instructors encourage different points of
view;
Q. 68. Meet with instructors outside of class.
The students had responded to questions 53 and 54
using a 4-point Likert scale (strongly disagree,
disagree, agree, strongly agree) plus the category of
“does not apply.”
For question 68, students also used a 4-point
Likert scale, but with different choices (rarely or
never, sometimes, frequently, almost always) plus the
category of “no experience.”
The third question was: Does participation in peer
group sessions increase the course completion ratio of
Asian students at the community college? Peer group
participation was addressed through responses to the
following item (from the Fall 2000 survey):
Q. 66. I study with others rather than alone.
The students had responded to this question using a
4-point Likert scale (rarely or never, sometimes,
frequently, almost always) plus the category of “no
experience.”

60

Participants
Asian students in LACCD who completed the survey in
Fall 2000 and continued to enroll in the subsequent
three semesters, through Spring 2002, were utilized in
this study. The sample population consisted of 23,776
Asian students from Fall 2000 through Spring 2002. The
process of selecting the working dataset included the
following steps. First, students were isolated from the
larger Asian student population by those who were
enrolled in the fall 2000 semester. Second, of those
students, students who completed the survey were
selected. The third and final step involved selecting
only the Asian students who took the survey and enrolled
in the three subsequent semesters since Fall 2000. These
selection decisions resulted in a cohort of 1,577 Asian
students.
Students were included in a specific analysis only
if their responses were relevant to the specific survey
items. Thus students were excluded from the analysis of
a specific item if they did not respond to that item, or
if they had indicated a response of “no experience” or
“does not apply.” Therefore, the specific analyses

61

relied on less than the full sample of 1,577 students,
as will be seen in the tables in chapter 4.
From a statistical point of view, a sample size of
1,577 students, which is considered very large, is
likely to yield statistically significant coefficients
despite weak associations. Thus, the rationale for
selecting Asian students who enrolled in four
consecutive semesters is based on research that shows
that community college students who enrolled in
consecutive semesters outperformed students with other
types of enrollment patterns (Burley, Butner, & Cejda,
2001). Additionally, intent to re-enroll is a predictor
of persistence for community college students (Bers &
Smith, 1991).
Table 1 presents the distribution of Asian students
in the sample, with respect to subgroups within the
Asian ethnic category. As can be seen in the table,
Chinese students were, by far, the largest Asian
subgroup (31.5%), followed by Korean students (17.1%).
The “Other Asian” category may include students from
other Asian countries such as Malaysia and Singapore or
students who have multiple ethnic affiliations within

62

Asian countries. This study does not consider Filipino
students.
Table 1
Subgroups of Asian Students
Subgroup N Percentage
Chinese 497 31.5%
Korean 269 17.1%
Vietnamese 231 14.6%
Indian subcontinent 116 7.4%
Japanese 89 5.6%
Cambodian 32 2.0%
Laotian 30 1.9%
Other Asian 313 19.8%
Total 1,577 100.0%

63

CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
This chapter presents the results of the study by
each hypothesis. As presented above, the three
hypotheses were as follows:
1. Course completion ratios of Asian students are
positively affected by their positive experience with
academic advisors/counselors at the community college.
2. Course completion ratios of Asian students are
positively affected by interaction with faculty at the
community college.
3. Course completion ratios of Asian students are
positively affected by peer group participation outside
class at the community college.
Hypothesis 1
Hypothesis 1 stated that course completion ratios
of Asian students are positively affected by their
positive experience with academic advisors/counselors at
the community college. This hypothesis was addressed
through determining Asian students’ perceptions of the
availability of Transfer and Counseling Center services,
knowledge of the Transfer and Counseling Center staff,

64

and helpfulness of the Transfer and Counseling Center
staff.
Table 2 presents the course completion ratio by
availability of the Transfer Center services. As seen in
the table, 84.72% (1,015) of the Asian students agreed
or strongly agreed that the Transfer Center services
were readily available, while only 15.28% (183)
disagreed or strongly disagreed. Pearson r = .039, which
is not significant.
Table 2
Course Completion Ratio by Availability of the Transfer
Center Services (N=1,198)
Agreement Ratio n
Strongly Disagree .84 47
Disagree .74 136
Agree .81 734
Strongly Agree .82 281
Total .80 1,198

Note. r = .039

The course completion ratio by availability of the
Counseling Center Services is presented in Table 3. As
shown in the table, 84.63% (1,118) of the Asian students

65

agreed or strongly agreed that the Counseling Center
services were readily available, while only 15.34% (203)
disagreed or strongly disagreed. These results are
similar to those of the Transfer Center. Pearson r =
.020, which is not significant.
Table 3
Course Completion Ratio by Availability of the
Counseling Center Services (N=1,321)
Agreement Ratio n
Strongly Disagree .81 66
Disagree .78 137
Agree .82 729
Strongly Agree .81 389
Total .81 1,321

Note. r = .020

Table 4 presents the course completion ratio by
knowledge of the Transfer Center staff. As seen in the
table, 86.02% (978) of the Asian students agreed or
strongly agreed that the Transfer Center staff was
knowledgeable, while only 13.98% (159) disagreed or
strongly disagreed. Pearson r = .017, which is not
significant.

66

Table 4
Course Completion Ratio by Knowledge of the Transfer
Center Staff (N=1,137)
Agreement Ratio n
Strongly Disagree .79 40
Disagree .79 119
Agree .82 730
Strongly Agree .81 248
Total .81 1,137

Note. r = .017

The course completion ratio by knowledge of the
Counseling Center staff is presented in Table 5. As
shown in the table, 85.53% (1,099) of the Asian students
agreed or strongly agreed that the Counseling Center
staff was knowledgeable, while only 14.47% (186)
disagreed or strongly disagreed. These results are
similar to those of the Transfer Center. Pearson r =
-.002, which is not significant.

67

Table 5
Course Completion Ratio by Knowledge of the Counseling
Center Staff (N=1,285)
Agreement Ratio n
Strongly Disagree .81 74
Disagree .79 112
Agree .82 777
Strongly Agree .80 322
Total .81 1,285

Note. r = -.002

Table 6 presents the course completion ratio by
helpfulness of the Transfer Center staff. As seen in the
table, 86.10% (954) of the Asian students agreed or
strongly agreed that the Transfer Center staff was
helpful, while only 13.90% (154) disagreed or strongly
disagreed. Pearson r = -.004, which is not significant.

68

Table 6
Course Completion Ratio by Helpfulness of the Transfer
Center Staff (N=1,108)
Agreement Ratio n
Strongly Disagree .80 36
Disagree .81 118
Agree .81 720
Strongly Agree .80 234
Total .81 1,108

Note. r = -.004
The course completion ratio by helpfulness of the
Counseling Center staff is presented in Table 7. As
shown in the table, 86.34% (1,081) of the Asian students
agreed or strongly agreed that the Counseling Center
staff was helpful, while only 13.66% (171) disagreed or
strongly disagreed. These results are similar to those
of the Transfer Center. Pearson r = .005, which is not
significant.

69

Table 7
Course Completion Ratio by Helpfulness of the Counseling
Center Staff (N=1,252)
Agreement Ratio n
Strongly Disagree .83 63
Disagree .78 108
Agree .82 750
Strongly Agree .81 331
Total .81 1,252

Note. r = .005

Hypothesis 2
Hypothesis 2 stated that course completion ratios
of Asian students are positively affected by interaction
with faculty at the community college. This hypothesis
was addressed through determining Asian students’
perceptions of instructor feedback, availability,
encouragement of different points of view, and meetings
outside of class.
Table 8 presents the course completion ratio by
instructor feedback. As seen in the table, 87.10%
(1,195) of the Asian students agreed or strongly agreed
that the instructors gave accurate and timely feedback,

70

while only 12.90% (177) disagreed or strongly disagreed.
Pearson r = .078, as shown on Table 12, which is
significant (p = .002).
Table 8
Course Completion Ratio by Instructor Feedback (N=1,372)
Agreement Ratio n
Strongly Disagree .77 29
Disagree .76 148
Agree .82 827
Strongly Agree .84 368
Total .82 1,372

Note. r = .078, p = .002

The course completion ratio by availability of
instructors is presented in Table 9. As shown in the
table, 82.89% (1,080) of the Asian students agreed or
strongly agreed that the instructors were readily
available for consulting, while only 17.11% (223)
disagreed or strongly disagreed. Pearson r = .043, which
is not significant.

71

Table 9
Course Completion Ratio by Availability of Instructors
(N=1,303)
Agreement Ratio n
Strongly Disagree .80 48
Disagree .80 175
Agree .81 762
Strongly Agree .84 318
Total .81 1,303

Note. r = .043

Table 10 presents the course completion ratio by
instructors encouraging different points of view. As
seen in the table, 84.37% (1,101) of the Asian students
agreed or strongly agreed that the instructors
encouraged this, while only 15.63% (204) disagreed or
strongly disagreed. Pearson r = .064, as shown on Table
12, which is significant (p = .011).

72

Table 10
Course Completion Ratio by Instructors Encouraging
Different Points of View (N=1,305)
Agreement Ratio n
Strongly Disagree .76 35
Disagree .77 169
Agree .82 794
Strongly Agree .83 307
Total .81 1,305

Note. r = .064, p = .011
The course completion ratio by meeting instructors
outside of class is presented in Table 11. As shown in
the table, 5.80% (64) of the Asian students indicated
that they met with an instructor outside of class
“almost always,” and 11.06% (122) indicated that they
met with instructors “frequently.” The vast majority
(83.14% or 996) indicated that they either “sometimes”
or “never” met with an instructor outside class. Pearson
r = .013, which is not significant.

73

Table 11
Course Completion Ratio by Meeting Instructors Outside
of Class (N=1,103)
Frequency Ratio n
Rarely or Never .82 501
Sometimes .81 416
Frequently .85 122
Almost Always .81 64
Total .82 1,103

Note. r = .013
Table 12
Pearson Correlations between interaction with
instructors and course completion ratio
Components of
Instructor
interaction
Course Completion
Ratio
n
IV 1-Instructors
give me feedback
r=.078** 1,372
IV 2-Instructors
available outside
class
r=.043 1,303
IV 3-Instructors
encourage
different views
r=.064* 1,305
IV 4-Meet
Instructors
outside class
r=.013 1,103
**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level

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Hypothesis 3
Hypothesis 3 stated that course completion ratios
of Asian students are positively affected by peer group
participation outside of class at the community college.
This hypothesis was addressed through determining the
course completion ratio by studying with others.
Table 13 presents the course completion ratio by
studying with others. As shown in the table, 11.45%
(152) of the Asian students indicated that they “almost
always” met with others to study, rather than study
alone, and 8.89% (118) indicated that they “frequently”
met with others to study. The vast majority (75.0% or
996) indicated that they either “sometimes” or “never”
met with others to study. Pearson r = .030, which is not
significant.

75

Table 13
Course Completion Ratio by Studying with Others
(N=1,328)
Frequency Ratio n
Rarely or Never .81 532
Sometimes .81 464
Frequently .84 180
Almost Always .83 153
Total .82 1,328

Note. r = .030

Summary
The findings show no significance between Asian
students’ positive experiences with counseling, transfer
center advisors/counselors and their course completion
ratios, nor any significance between peer group
interaction and their course completion ratios.
There was a positive relationship, although weak,
between interaction with faculty in and out of class and
Asian students’ course completion ratios.

76

CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This study was developed to examine whether the
persistence of Asian students was affected by their
academic and social integration into the campus
environment, taking into consideration their cultural
differences. The independent variables examined were
Asian students’ experience of academic counseling,
interaction with faculty in and out of class, and
participating in group study activities in and out of
class. The dependent variable was persistence, as
measured by course completion ratios over four
consecutive semesters.
Summary and Discussion
The first hypothesis stated that course completion
ratios of Asian students are positively affected by
their positive experience with academic
advisors/counselors at the community college. The
results indicated that the majority of students felt
that both the transfer and counseling centers were
readily available to them. Similarly, a majority stated
that both the transfer center and the counseling center

77

staff were knowledgeable in response to their questions.
When asked whether the transfer center was helpful, a
majority felt that it was. The same response was
obtained for the counseling center.
Nevertheless, the results of the analysis did not
show a relationship between the above noted independent
variables and course completion ratios. One reason for
this may have been limited variation in the independent
variables. It is possible, however, that the high number
of positive answers in regard to the counseling and
transfer center services represents the true state of
affairs for this particular experimental condition.
Cultural values may not play a role in the perception of
Asian students seeking information from the transfer or
counseling centers at a level that would affect course
completion ratios for a given semester.
As explained by Kim et al. (2002), Asian cultural
values may only affect the student’s behavior based on
the severity of the student’s presenting problems. The
role of emotion and cognition in career and academic
counseling may depend on the intensity of both the
emotion and the student’s understanding of the

78

educational expectations to succeed. The questions on
the LACCD survey did not delve into the sensitive areas
that are typically stressful, such as career choice and
choice of major, which cultural values could trigger or
prominently figure in the decisions of Asian students.
The second hypothesis stated that course completion
ratios of Asian students are positively affected by
interaction with faculty at the community college. The
results indicated that the majority of Asian students
had experienced instructors giving helpful feedback.
Notably, there was a statistically significant, albeit
weak, relationship between feedback and course
completion ratio.
The results of the analysis also indicated that the
majority of these students felt that instructors were
available outside of class. However, there was no
relationship between instructor availability and course
completion ratio. Again, this may have been due to
limited variation in the independent variables.
In regard to meeting with instructors outside of
class, very few students indicated that they did this on
a regular basis. This could reflect Asian students’

79

discomfort with individuals, particularly faculty
members, who do not share their culture. In this regard,
Do (1996) and Brilliant (2000) believe that, by hiring
and training bicultural/bilingual instructors and
counselors at community colleges, minority students
would be more willing to meet with faculty members
outside of class.
In regard to instructors providing encouragement
for individual points of view, again, the majority of
students perceived that their points of view were
welcomed by the instructor. There was a statistically
significant, albeit weak, relationship between such
encouragement and course completion ratios.
The third hypothesis stated that course completion
ratios of Asian students are positively affected by peer
group participation outside of class at the community
college.
Similar to the findings with meeting with
instructors outside of class, the majority of Asian
students indicated that they would never, or only
sometimes, meet with another student to study. Again,
the results may be indicative of the cultural values of

80

Asian students. Additionally, according to Dougherty
(1992), the community college may not be the ideal
college environment to foster the type of peer
interaction seen at four-year colleges. Most community
college students commute to campus and spend very little
time in between classes on campus. Additionally, the
community college population is comprised of students
who work part time, off campus, or hold full-time jobs
that demand taking classes on weekends or that utilize
an online learning format. Ideally, these conditions do
not foster peer group interaction, unless prescribed by
a class assignment.
The findings in this study are mixed. The
hypothesis that the course completion ratio of Asian
students is positively affected by their positive
experience with academic advisors/counselors at the
community college was not supported. As discussed above,
limited variance in the independent variable could have
contributed to this finding. Similarly, the hypothesis
that the course completion ratio of Asian students is
positively affected by peer group participation outside
of class also was not supported. Again, as discussed by

81

Dougherty (1992), the community college environment may
not be conducive to such peer interaction. Additionally,
cultural values could play some part in Asian students
deciding not to work with peer groups.
In keeping with this, Mordkowitz and Ginsburg
(1986) discussed the tendency of students of Asian
descent to emphasize academic issues in contrast to
social issues. Although peer group participation could
be an academic endeavor, cultural values may inhibit
such interaction. Parents of Asian descent focus on
motivation through high expectations at home and do not
emphasize verbal expression or socialization.
Of interest is the hypothesis that received some
support. There was a weak positive relationship between
interaction with faculty and course completion ratio.
This is supported by the literature as well. McArthur
(2005) found that, in general, students feel that the
faculty is knowledgeable, available, and caring.
Interfacing with faculty outside of classroom is one
factor that differentiates students who persist and
those who drop out of college. Asian students who may
not socialize on campus with peer groups or see the

82

transfer and counseling centers as significant to their
academic success may, however, value interaction with
faculty. This could be due to faculty members
representing the authority figure, mentor, or role model
that Asian students, as part of their culture, look up
to.
Implications for Practice
Tinto (1993) explained that the student departure
model is "at its core, a model of educational
communities that highlights the critical importance of
student engagement or involvement in the learning
communities of the college" (p. 132). While Tinto would
say that the institution plays an important role in
encouraging and facilitating involvement, practitioners
have concentrated on individual responsibility in regard
to student persistence.
Thus, practitioners have offered programs to help
students get involved, but, for example, have not
focused on active outreach to students. Consequently,
few dropout-prone students actually get involved. If
practitioners accept the cultural differences assumption
without understanding its consequences for

83

nontraditional students, then practitioners will tend to
assume that all students, regardless of background, are
ready, willing, and able to get involved.
Astin’s (1984) theory of student involvement
addresses the issue of the individual. Involvement
theory states that "the individual plays a central role
in determining the extent and nature of growth according
to the quality of effort or involvement with the
resources provided by the institution" (Pascarella &
Terenzini, 1991, p. 51). Astin's involvement theory is
based on the Freudian notion of cathexis, in which
individuals invest psychological energy in objects
outside themselves, such as friends, families,
schooling, jobs, and the like. Astin (1984) defined
involvement as "the amount of energy that the student
devotes to the academic experience" (p. 27). Indeed,
research indicates that the more time and energy
students devote to learning and the more intensely they
engage in their own education, the greater the
achievement, satisfaction with educational experiences,
and persistence in college (Pascarella & Terenzini,
1991; Tinto, 1987).

84

Researchers who have studied nontraditional
students (Jalomo, 1995; Rendón, 1994; Ryan, 2003) have
contributed important findings to and modifications of
involvement theory. While the importance of involvement
cannot be overlooked, these researchers note that many
students, especially nontraditional students, find it
difficult to get involved. Important differences between
traditional and nontraditional students were not
explained in the original conception of student
involvement theory.
Traditional students often come from upper- to
middle-class backgrounds, are predominantly White, and
come from families where at least one parent has
attended college and where the expectation of college
attendance is well established. For traditional
students, college attendance is a normal rite of passage
and a part of family tradition. Consequently, they are
more likely to understand and manipulate the values,
traditions, and practices of college to their academic
advantage. Involvement theory does not emphasize the
fact that most two- and four-year colleges are set up to
facilitate involvement for traditional students.

85

Conclusion
Tinto's college student retention theory needs to
be even further developed. Tinto himself has done some
of this through extensions and refinements of his theory
(Braxton, Sullivan, & Johnson, 1997). With all that is
now known about student persistence, it is quite
possible that a totally new theory is needed. Moreover,
knowledge from disciplines other than education can be
used to develop new theoretical perspectives regarding
student retention. For example, Hurtado (1997) has
developed a "social engagement model [that] takes into
account gender as well as other significant social
identities like ethnicity/race, class, and sexuality to
study how groups change as they come into contact with
each other" (p. 299).
Employing a social psychology perspective, Hurtado
(1997) advocates that, to understand cultural
transformations in an increasingly complex and
multicultural society, as in the case when students from
one group enter the sphere of social engagement of
another group, requires not an
assimilation/acculturation framework, but a social

86

engagement model. Hurtado & Garcia (1994) employed a
social engagement framework to study the participation
of Latino parents in school, and this analysis of Latino
parents’ participation in school can serve as a model of
how one could analyze college student persistence.
Minority students are altering the nature of higher
education in many ways. Over the past 20 years, we have
witnessed dramatic changes in the classroom and the
curriculum (with the inclusion of ethnic/racial
perspectives and the use of learning communities), in
student services (with race-based programs), and in
faculty and staff composition, among other changes.
While we believe that theory-building is important,
scholarly discussions and research should lead to
advances in the development and the dramatic
transformation of academic and student services.
Assuming that good social scientists are also
caring humanitarians, the goal of student retention
research transcends making conceptual modifications in
theoretical models. In the end, students will elect to
stay or leave college not so much due to a theory, but
because college and university faculty and

87

administrators have made transformative shifts in
governance, curriculum development, in- and out-of-class
teaching and learning, student programming, and other
institutional dimensions that affect students on a daily
basis.
Brilliant (2000), for example, has argued that
institutions should provide in-service training for
their faculty and counseling staff so that they can
better understand students’ needs and develop action
plans to address those needs. Similarly, Do (1996)
stated that counseling centers should use research to
help develop academic and life skills workshops that are
geared toward the needs of nontraditional students.
Consequently, connecting retention research to field
practitioners and policy makers in new and creative ways
that involve collaborative relationships and mutual
learning experiences can take student retention research
to a higher level of theoretical accuracy and
applicability.
Researchers employing quantitative models based on
Tinto’s (1975, 1987) depiction of student persistence
have conceptually advanced some of the factors and

88

interrelationships postulated in Tinto’s model (i.e.,
Cabrera et al., 1993; Nora & Cabrera, 1996; Nora,
Cabrera, Hagedorn, & Pascarella, 1996). Qualitative
studies also provide some support to Tinto’s
propositions (Jalomo, 1995). While traditional theories
of student retention and involvement have been useful in
providing a foundation for the study of persistence,
they need to be taken further. More work needs to be
done to uncover and explore race, class, and gender
issues, among others, that affect retention for diverse
students in diverse institutions.
In community colleges, engagement is unlikely to
happen without intent. Engagement has to be by design,
and that design should be focused and targeted to
improve the persistence of all students. To this end,
this research found that relationships with faculty and
staff matter for Asian student persistence at community
colleges.
Recommendations for Future Research
This research has presented avenues for conducting
future research that must be targeted and more
comprehensive. Future research also should adopt a mixed

89

method approach for a more comprehensive understanding
of the findings.
The research on minority college students is
relatively young, and the majority of it focuses on
African American and Hispanic (primarily Mexican
American) students. Especially needed is research on
American Indians, Asians, Pacific Islanders, Filipinos,
Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and immigrant students from
Central and South America. As our society becomes more
multicultural and complex, the experiences of
multiracial students will merit careful investigation.
It is only within the past 20 years that researchers,
many of them non-White, have begun to study minority
students (Cabrera et al., 1993; Gandara, 1993; Hurtado
and Garcia, 1994; Jalomo, 1995; Nora & Cabrera, 1994;
Ogbu, 1978, 1987). This relatively new research not only
expands the knowledge base of student retention and
development theories, it advances policy and practice
and calls to question the predominant ways of
structuring student development services employing
research that included few, if any, minority students.

90

As a practicing community college counselor, the
ideas presented here are intended to stimulate
discussion that will better apply theory to practice in
student services and its relevance to minority students
in higher education.

91

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract The study focused on whether Asian students' social and academic integration positively affects their course completion rate at the community college. In this study, academic integration is considered in terms of experience with counseling/transfer centers, and faculty interaction, social integration, and peer group participation outside of class, while course completion is considered indicative of persistence.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Wickremesinghe, Manoj S. (author)

Core Title Do Asian students' social and academic integration positively affect their course completion ratio at the community college?

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 07/26/2007

Defense Date 05/04/2006

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic counseling,Asian students,course completion,faculty interaction,OAI-PMH Harvest,peer group participation

Place Name California (states), Los Angeles (city or populated place), Los Angeles (counties), USA (countries)

Language English

Advisor Maxwell, William E. (committee chair), Prather, George M. (committee member), Rideout, William (committee member)

Creator Email wickreme@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m683

Unique identifier UC1234968

Identifier etd-Wickremesinghe-20070726 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-522187 (legacy record id),usctheses-m683 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Wickremesinghe-20070726.pdf

Dmrecord 522187

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Wickremesinghe, Manoj S.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu