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Reclaiming the superintendency: the skills, strategies and experiences of successful women superintendents in California
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Content
RECLAIMING THE SUPERINTENDENCY: THE CRITICAL SKILLS,
STRATEGIES AND EXPERIENCES OF SUCCESSFUL WOMEN
SUPERINTENDENTS IN CALIFORNIA
by
Karen Dabney-Lieras
_______________________________________________________________
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2008
Copyright 2008 Karen Dabney-Lieras
ii
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to my husband, William Anthony Lieras, who
has been my soulmate from the day we met seven years ago. He has been a constant
source of support and inspiration for me since I began my doctoral work at the
University of Southern California three years ago. Throughout the entire process, he
never once complained about the long hours I spent away from home attending
classes and study groups. My weekends were spent locked away in my office
reading, researching and typing until all hours of the night. My husband cooked,
cleaned and took over all aspects of managing the house so that I could focus on the
work of finishing this degree. Most of all, he was there to pick me up and wipe my
tears, during the many occasions I was certain I could not go on. The long hours
required of me as a school administrator in a large urban high school, combined with
the time commitment necessary for completing this doctorate, left very little time for
us as a newlyweds.
I am also eternally grateful for the moral support and sharp editing skills my
mother Anna Louise Henny has provided me throughout my entire educational
career. She is an amazing woman who has survived every obstacle life has managed
to throw at her and still she keeps her spirits up. Her creativity and passion for
writing continue to inspire me.
My father William Robert Dabney taught me the very important lesson of
standing my ground and always speaking up when I truly believed in something. His
iii
favorite mantra, “You must be tough!” helped get me through some of the hardest
times.
I must also thank my brother Robert Scott Dabney, for assisting me with the
daunting task of pulling together data sets on superintendents in California and
helping me calculate all the numbers. His expertise in data analysis and Excel were
invaluable to me.
iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to express sincere appreciation to the members of my dissertation
committee for their support and guidance during this study. I would like to especially
thank my dissertation chair, former San Diego County Superintendent, Dr. Rudy
Castruita, for his expert advice and assistance during the dissertation process. I also
wish to thank the my two committee members, Dr. Wendy Doty, Superintendent of
the Downey Unified School District and Dr. Amanda Datnow, professor and award-
winning researcher, for their support of my dissertation research and the many
insights they provided.
I feel so fortunate to have met all of the women superintendents who assisted
me with this study. They were so encouraging and supportive of my dissertation
research, more than I had ever thought possible. They took time out of their busy
schedules to share a wealth of personal and professional experiences that have
helped shed light on critical issues for all women considering the superintendency as
a profession. My life has been forever changed by having the opportunity to meet
and interview these exceptional women.
My fellow cohort members Dr. Gordon Gibbings, Dr. Yvette Ventura and Dr.
Teresa Lanphere-Ames are all amazing individuals who have helped keep me sane
during the best and worst of times related to this program. They were my family
away from home and I know we will be life-long friends.
Last but not least, I would like to thank my editor, Dr. Shantanu Duttaahmed,
for his outstanding work and assistance in ensuring this dissertation actually
v
accomplished what I set out to do. He assisted me in making sure my work was
grounded in the research and frameworks and helped me present my findings in one
complete and polished piece of writing.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION ………………………………………………………………… ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ……………………………………………………… iii
LIST OF TABLES ……………………………………………………………... vii
ABASTRACT …………………………………………………………………... viii
CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ………………………………………………... 1
CHAPTER II. LITERATURE REVIEW ……………………………………….. 17
CHAPTER III. METHODOLOGY …………………………………………….....45
Figure 1: Triangulation of the Data ……………………………………………… 54
CHAPTER IV. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA AND INTERPRETATION
OF THE FINDINGS …………………………………………………………….. 55
CHAPTER V. SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS ……. 118
REFERENCES ………………………………………………………………….. 143
APPENDICES …………………………………………………………………... 149
vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table1.1 Knowledge of Skills Associated With Superintendents
Role Conceptions ………………………………………………………………. 37
Table 4.1 Age Range of Women Superintendents in California ………………. 57
Table 4.2 Marital Status of Women Superintendents in California …………… 58
Table 4.3 Racial/Ethnic Background of Women Superintendents
in California ……………………………………………………………………. 59
Table 4. 4 Racial/Ethnic Background of Superintendents Included
in this Study …………………………………………………………………….. 61
Table 4.5 Number of Women Superintendents with Children ………………… 62
Table 4.6 Demographics of Interview Participants …………………………….. 66
Table 4.7 Highest Degree Earned ……………………………………………… 79
Table 4.8 Size of School Districts Led by Women Superintendents ………….. 80
Table 4.9 Types of Public School Districts in the State of California ………... 81
Table 4.10 District Types of Responding Superintendents ……………………. 82
Table 4.11 Years Served as a Classroom Teacher …………………………….. 83
Table 4.12 Age First Held Administrative position …………………………… 84
Table 4.13 Age First Hired as a Superintendent ………………………………. 85
Table 4.14 Hired From Within or Outside District ……………………………. 86
Table 4.15 Total Years as a Superintendent …………………………………… 87
Table 4.16 Number of Years in Current position ……………………………… 88
Table 4.17 Types of Mentors …………………………………………………… 90
viii
ABSTRACT
The achievements of women superintendents in public school education
remain relatively absent from history books and are rarely acknowledged in graduate
leadership courses. As a result, their rich history of struggle and perseverance are
widely unknown today. Women superintendents of today are only now beginning to
reclaim their status in education at levels that were achieved during a brief period of
time in the early 1900s.
California has one of the highest percentages of women superintendents, with
31% heading public school districts in the state. While the number of women
superintendents in California has steadily increased in the past decade, the numbers
are still considered underrepresentative, as women make up the majority of K-12
educators.
The purpose of this study was to discover what accounts for the current
disproportionate representation of women in the public school superintendency.
Critical skills, strategies, experiences and forms of support women have used to
overcome identified barriers to the position and achieve success in the
superintendency were closely examined.
The methodology employed for this study was a multi-method qualitative
approach. Surveys were mailed to 55 women superintendents representing four
counties in California, with a return rate of 69%. A total of nine superintendents
were interviewed for this study. Participants represented diverse racial/ethnic
backgrounds and varied in age and years of experience. The women interviewed for
ix
this study managed districts of 1,000 to 50,000 students. Barriers related to race and
gender were also addressed, using the frameworks of feminist theory and critical race
theory.
This study also examined the challenges and sacrifices that women and their
spouses made to balance family priorities and the demands of the superintendency.
Study findings indicate that 66% of women believed that mentors and having a
supportive spouse were critical to their success. The majority of participants reported
waiting until their children were out of high school before pursuing the
superintendency, and many cited an unsupportive spouse as the leading cause for
divorce.
All of the women in this study confirmed that barriers to the
superintendency could certainly be overcome with extensive experience, advanced
degrees and a winning combination of both personal and professional support
networks.
1
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The American superintendency has become an exceptionally complex job
and the prescribed duties have undergone considerable change during the second half
of the twentieth century. Effective superintendents must be instructional leaders and
change agents who are skilled and knowledgeable in finance, management,
curriculum and instruction. As the requirements of the superintendency become
more demanding, there is a growing perception by school district hiring committees
and board members that a rapidly shrinking applicant pool indicates a shortage of
qualified candidates for the job (Björk & Kowalski, 2005).
Past studies have claimed there will be a shortage of qualified educational
leaders to replace an increasingly aging group of superintendent retirees. However,
more recent data does not support the notion of a shortage in a qualified pool of
candidates suited to school administration. There are plenty of educators qualified to
fill positions, and superintendency vacancies have remained consistent over the years
with an attrition rate of 6% to 7% a year for the nation’s 12,604 superintendents
(Björk & Kowalski, 2005). With women making up 72% of America’s teachers and
63% of principals, researchers maintain the greatest untapped pool of capable
candidates for the superintendency can be found in women (Björk & Kowalski,
2005; Blount, 1998; Brunner, Grogan, & Prince, 2003; Coughlin, Wingard, &
Hollihan, 2005; Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Glass, 2000b; Grogan & Brunner, 2005a)
2
The superintendency is perhaps the most pronounced illustration of the
barriers women face in educational administration, as it ranks behind all K-12
positions when it comes to gender equity (Tallerico, 2000c). While women have
made great strides in many areas of our society, distinct gender stratification
continues to prevail in public education at the highest administrative levels.
It is estimated women lead 21.7% of the 13, 728 public schools nationwide
(Glass & Franceschini, 2007). However, no current reliable national database exists
with accurate figures on superintendents disaggregated by race and gender (Dana &
Bourisaw, 2006b; Glass et al., 2000; Shakeshaft, 1987). Researchers maintain this
lack of accurate data is by no means unintentional (Tyack & Hansot, 1982). This
“conspiracy of silence” (Shakeshaft, 1989) is further perpetuated by the absence of
women’s history in graduate level leadership classes preparing future administrators
and superintendents to effectively lead public school systems in the 21
st
century
(Shakeshaft, 1989; Tyack & Hansot, 1982).
In California, the number of women serving as superintendents is
considerably higher than the national average of 21.7%. Women make up
approximately 31% of California public school district superintendencies according
to the most recent data published by the State Department of Education (CDE, 2007).
While the numbers of women superintendents have increased significantly in the last
several years, it is not considered to be a representative sample when compared to
the fact that the majority of educators and graduate students enrolled in
administration credentialing programs are women (Glass et al., 2000; Kowalski,
3
2006; Tallerico, 2000a). In fact, women consistently earn a higher percentage of
advanced degrees and on average have more classroom experience than their male
counterparts (Glass et al., 2000). Even with extensive experience and advanced
degrees in hand, women still remain greatly underrepresented at the highest levels in
education.
There is no evidence to support that a shortage of qualified educators exists
when it comes to filling superintendency positions (Brunner, 1999). For more than a
century, women and educators of color have struggled to overcome the glass ceiling
of public school administration. In essence, America’s public school system has
created its own applicant pool crisis, with traditional gate-keeping practices and a
legacy of institutionalized gender and racial discrimination.
The history of women in the superintendency reveals a story of struggle and
perseverance. While much progress has been made, and many struggles against the
glass ceiling have been won, there are still strong socio-cultural constraints
negatively impacting equity and social justice for women (Dana & Bourisaw,
2006b). As a result of the historical underrepresentation of women in the highest
level of school administration, the Census Bureau identified the public school
superintendency as one of the most male-dominated executive positions of any
profession in the United States (Glass et al., 2000).
Women in the superintendency, both past and present, represent some of our
greatest educators, with many more years of experience in the field and more
advanced degrees and training than their male counterparts(Björk & Kowalski, 2005;
4
Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Glass et al., 2000). Examining the history of the
superintendency as it relates to women, helps to put current numbers into perspective
so that women superintendents of the 21
st
century are not considered a new
phenomenon.
Over a century ago, the number of women superintendents exceeded many of
the national percentages we see today. Historically, women are not gaining new
ground in the superintendency; rather they are successfully reclaiming a status in the
profession they had begun to achieve more than one hundred years ago.
Background of the Problem
In 1909, Ella Flagg Young, the nation’s first woman superintendent of a
major urban school district, declared that “women were destined to rule the schools”
(Blount, 1998). As superintendent of Chicago schools and the first female president
of the National Education Association (NEA), Young believed that women were
natural leaders and someday would dominate educational leadership positions
throughout the nation (Blount, 1998). Young’s dream has remained unrealized, as
there were more women superintendents in her day than the current national levels
achieved over a century later (Blount, 1998). When Young stepped down from her
position as superintendent, another woman would not fill her seat for more than 70
years (Blount, 1998).
In 1870, women represented the majority of public school teachers in
America, but they were not allowed full membership in the National Teachers
Association (Dopp & Sloan, 1986). They were honorary members not allowed to
5
speak at meetings or vote on important decisions (Blount, 1998). Nevertheless, the
success women had in obtaining positions of leadership in education at the turn of
the century was a source of great pride and optimism for suffragists of the time. It
was believed that opportunities in politics and government organizations would
quickly follow (Blount, 1998). By 1917, in equal suffrage states, women accounted
for half of the county superintendents in the United States (Blount, 1998).
Researchers identify several barriers facing women who aspire to the
superintendency that may contribute to the current underrepresentation in the
profession today. Several studies indicate women are less willing to relocate for this
top level position as a result of the impact it may have on their children or spouse’s
career. In addition to the problems of mobility, women are less likely to receive
long-term and tenured opportunities in superintendent positions than their male
counterparts (Montz, 2004).
Additional barriers women educators face include: school boards being
unaccustomed to having a female leader; university programs and school board
associations failing to promote skilled female candidates; a lack of critical
experience and training in school finance, facilities and management; and less
experience in secondary schools (Montz, 2004). Research suggests that other factors
hindering women from being promoted to the superintendency include a lack of
confidence for working in a male-dominated field; limited expertise beyond
curriculum and instruction; spouses and partners not supporting a move into the
superintendent position; perceptions that women are less willing to dismiss staff that
6
are not effective; and a lack of female role models and mentors to support women
aspiring to the superintendency (Glass et al., 2000; Parent, 2004).
The achievements of women leaders in education remain relatively absent
from history books and rarely acknowledged in graduate leadership courses.
Subsequently, the historical context of women in education and their rich history of
struggle, perseverance and courage are widely unknown even by current women
superintendents of today. Educational administration courses fail to teach the history
of the Women’s Movement in its courses, even though events occurring during the
late 1800s and early 1900s are the quintessential examples of leadership for women
and all that it encompasses. This lack of historical perspective perpetuates the
commonly held belief that women have never really served as superintendents. A
misinformed understanding of womens’ historical roles as leaders in education, may
contribute to the underrepresentative numbers of women in the superintendency we
see today.
Graduate education courses are often taught from a male perspective, largely
because the majority of professors teaching leadership classes are male. The
coursework and textbooks are written and presented with a male-dominated view of
power and what it means to effectively lead a school system. The absence of
women’s voices in the literature, and the underrepresentation of women in the
superintendency itself, may ultimately lead to an assumption that women have never
held positions of power in education. This marginalization of women in public
school systems and higher learning institutions presents additional barriers in terms
7
of access to mentors, role models and networking opportunities for aspiring female
administrators (Brunner, 1999; Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Glass, 2000b).
Significance of the Study
The prevailing androcentric perspective of prior research has resulted in the
characteristics of men being considered the standard or ideal, while those of women
have been considered deficient or inadequate in comparison (Shakeshaft & Hanson,
1986). This study adds to the existing body of research because few studies have
addressed the experiences of women superintendents. The vast majority of studies
have focused on male superintendents and the majority of the findings have been
inappropriately generalized to the experiences of women (Blount, 1998; Shakeshaft
& Hanson, 1986). A greater body of research needs to be conducted on women
superintendents in order to learn “how they access, maintain and thrive in their
positions”(Katz, 2004,p.2).
Studies done on women have primarily focused on aspiring superintendents
or those who exited the superintendency for various reasons. There is a need for
more research on successful female district superintendents in the state of California.
This study focuses on exceptional women who have earned the respect of their peers
in the profession and have achieved success and sustainability in the superintendency
role. Additional goals of the study include an examination of women’s support
systems both personal and professional, and the ways in which women
superintendents balance the demands of the job in conjunction with family
responsibilities.
8
The importance of family and the role of the husband or partner have rarely
been studied in relation to the superintendency because of the male-dominated status
of the profession. This study will focus on the personal relationships of women
superintendents and how the dynamics of the family and marriage are likely to
change after a woman accepts this high-profile executive position. Very little
research exists on the personal relationships of superintendents, and no relevant
studies could be found that specifically address how a woman’s family and marriage
may be affected after accepting a superintendency position. This study will
contribute to a small body of current research on the challenges and sacrifices
women and their families make in order to balance priorities at home, along with the
demands of the superintendency job.
Since the majority of studies on women superintendents were completed
more than a decade ago, this study provides recent data and demographics on women
superintendents serving in California’s public school districts. Additionally, only a
handful of studies have been done about the experiences of women superintendents
of color. The voices of successful women superintendents of color have rarely been
heard or included in prior research. The majority of those studies focused on
conflicts that led to dismissal or an early exit from the superintendency, with very
few that focused on skills and experiences that promote success.
The current study included interviews with successful women
superintendents of color and examined the unique challenges they face. The
achievements of female superintendents of color are also specifically remarkable
9
considering that they must overcome what is commonly called “double jeopardy” as
they combat the dual oppressions of sexism and racism (Blount, 1998).
Female superintendent candidates will benefit from learning about the skills
and strategies successful women superintendents in California consider to be critical
for overcoming barriers associated with obtaining their positions. Understanding
more about how the support of family and the encouragement of mentors contribute
to success and sustainability in the profession will be helpful for aspiring female
superintendents. The shared experiences of successful women superintendents in
California will provide encouragement for female administrators considering the
superintendency, as they continue to fight against the glass ceiling of public
education (Gupton & Slick, 1998). School districts and university preparation
programs may also benefit from an increased understanding of the unique barriers
women face and how to address current inequities.
Finally, Feminist Poststructuralist Theory (FPT) and Critical Race Theory
(CRT) have largely been absent from prior studies of the superintendency. Feminist
Poststructuralist Theory and Critical Race Theory will provide an historical context
that validates the voices and experiences of all women superintendents included in
this study. Feminist Poststructuralist Theory (FPT) and Critical Race Theory (CRT)
will serve as frameworks for examining the institutionalized gender bias and racism
that undeniably contribute to the current underrepresentation of women and people
of color in this executive-level position.
10
Purpose Statement
The purpose of this study was two-fold. First, this study sought to discover
what accounts for the disproportionate representation of women in the
superintendency. This was done by identifying both personal and professional
barriers that women face in their ascent to this executive level position. Second, this
study identified critical skills, strategies, experiences and forms of support women
have used to overcome barriers to the position and experienced success as
superintendents in the state of California.
Research Questions
This study focused on the following research questions in order to provide answers
to the stated purpose of the study:
1. What accounts for the disproportionate representation of women in the
superintendency?
2. What are the most common personal and/or professional barriers women face
in their ascent to the superintendency?
3. How do the constructs of gender and race affect women in the
superintendency?
4. What skills, strategies, experiences and forms of support have contributed to
the success of women in the superintendency?
11
Assumptions of the Study
The assumptions for this study were:
1. A select group of women superintendents would be agreeable to face-to-face
interviews.
2. Barriers were experienced but were subsequently overcome by the practicing
women superintendents.
3. The researcher believed institutionalized sexism, racism and a lack of role
models and mentors were all contributing factors to the underrepresentation
of women and people of color in the superintendency.
4. The researcher believed that having the support of a spouse/partner was
critical to the success of women superintendents.
Limitations of the Study
The limitations of the study were:
1. This study was limited to women superintendents of public school districts in
four counties within the state of California.
2. This study may be limited due to researcher bias in terms of the themes and
patterns that were selected to be the focus of this study. However, the
“researcher bias” is grounded in both feminist and critical race theory
perspectives. Since the researcher is a woman of color in school
administration, personal experience in both of these frameworks may help
guide the research and be considered a strength, rather than a weakness
(Reinharz, 1992).
12
Delimitations of the Study
The delimitations of the study were:
1. This study was limited to women public school superintendents in California
in districts serving Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino and Sacramento
counties.
2. This study was limited to nine interviews of women superintendents serving
in public school districts in California. The size and demographics of the
districts varied from 5,000 to 55, 500 and were not comparable.
Definition of Terms
For the purpose of this study, the following definitions were used:
1. Successful women superintendents were defined as those who, based on
objective criteria relevant to the filed, are considered to be capable and
effective in their current positions. Successful women superintendents were
also defined based on survey results, where colleagues identified them as
such, based on their expert opinions. These women were also highly
respected by employees of their district, school board members and by the
communities of which they served.
2. Glass ceiling is defined as artificially applied, but material barriers blocking
the advancement of women and people of color from obtaining high-level
leadership positions.
3. Superintendent is defined as the executive officer of a public school district.
13
4. Person of Color is defined as non-white or not Caucasian. Person of Color
will be used to replace “minority” since non-Hispanic whites no longer
represent a majority in California (Bolman & Deal, 2003). Those commonly
referred to as minorities in the past, now make up the majority of the
population in the state of California.
5. Double Jeopardy is defined as the dual oppressions of sexism and racism
(Blount, 1998).
6. Career path is defined as a sequence of careers that provide experience and
training that will be necessary for subsequent positions.
7. Mentor/Sponsor is defined as an individual who advises, supports, promotes
and helps an individual in a new position (Shakeshaft, 1989).
8. Old Boy Network is defined as an exclusive informal network linking
members of a profession or organization in order to provide connections,
information and favors for its members. This network has traditionally
excluded, and continues to exclude both women and people of color.
9. Internal Barrier is defined as an obstacle, limit, or boundary coming from or
motivated by the psyche of the inner recesses of the mind that obstructs or
impedes passage to a goal. It causes behaviors and assumptions that stifle
growth and often occurs in response to external barriers.
10. External Barrier is defined as an outside force considered independent of the
perceiving mind that serves as an obstacle, limit, or boundary that obstructs
or impedes passage to a goal and requires institutional change.
14
11. Self-Efficacy is defined as the belief that one is capable of executing certain
behaviors or reaching certain goals (Ormrod, 2000).
12. Androcentric Bias occurs when the theory and research is informed by the
male perspective. The underlying assumption is that the experience of males
and females is the same and therefore research based on the male perspective
is appropriate for generalizing to the female perspective (Shakeshaft &
Hanson, 1986).
13. Leadership is the process by which an individual or individuals create a
vision of where and how an institution should direct its focus and resources in
the pursuit of goals and objectives (Gardner, 1990).
14. Critical Race Theory is a school of sociological thought that emphasizes the
socially constructed nature of race. Most research paradigms reflect a cultural
influence that is historically derived from a Eurocentric perspective that does
not adequately represent the ethnic and cultural backgrounds outside the
dominant culture. Critical race theory scholars “seek to demonstrate that
[their] experiences as people of color are legitimate, appropriate, and
effective bases for analyzing”(Tate, 1997).
15. Feminist Poststructuralist Theory is a gender-conscious framework for
looking at the world. It seeks to understand the nature of inequality and
focuses on gender politics, power relations and sexuality. feminist
poststructualist theory is a framework to “first see the path more clearly, and,
second, to question it”(Brunner, 1999, p. 201)
15
Organization of the Study
This study is organized into five chapters. Chapter I includes the introduction
and background to the study, the statement of the problem, the purpose of the study,
research questions, significance of the study, definitions, assumptions, limitations
and delimitations of the study. Chapter II contains a review of the literature which
focuses on (1) the historical context of women in the superintendency, (2) barriers
for women aspiring to the superintendency, (3) the demographics, of women
superintendents in California and (4) the skills, strategies and characteristics of
successful women superintendents. Chapter III presents information about the
population sample and the methods and analysis used for the study. Chapter IV
presents the findings of the study and Chapter V presents a summary of the findings,
conclusions, and a discussion with suggestions for further research.
Summary
Although women have made substantial gains in accessing the
superintendency over the past 50 years, the overall numbers are not representative
considering the field of education is dominated by women (Grogan & Brunner,
2005b). There is no shortage of qualified educators to fill superintendency positions.
Instead, opportunities for advancement are lacking, rather than qualified individuals,
when it comes a shrinking applicant pool for the job of superintendent. Once women
decide to actively pursue the superintendency, 60% obtain a superintendent position
within one year (Glass et al., 2000). School districts should actively recruit women
16
and persons of color, provide necessary support for success, assist with networking
to secure a position, and continue to mentor them in the field (Grogan & Brunner,
2005b).
A concerted effort should be made to increase the diversity of faculty in all
academic institutions and the coursework should be revised to better represent the
experiences of women and people of color in school administration. University
preparation programs need to model fairness in their own institutions, before
significant improvements in equity can occur at the public school level (Simmons,
2005). Fundamentally changing the way we train, recruit, and select public school
superintendents may help close the current gaps in equity and access for women and
people of color aspiring to this executive-level position in education (Simmons,
2005).
17
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction
This chapter will provide a review of the literature and explain the historical
context of women in the American superintendency. The literature will focus on (1)
the historical context, (2) perceived barriers for women educators (3) characteristics,
skills and strategies considered important for successful leadership and sustainability
in the position of superintendent.
The Historical Context of Women in the Superintendency
In the early decades of American history, there was a long-standing tradition
of men being employed in the public profession of teaching, while women were
prohibited from engaging in this kind of work (Blount, 1998). Women were believed
to be less intelligent than men, and therefore any academic preparation was
considered to be wasted on them (Blount, 1998, p. 12). Eventually, public opinion
began to move toward the belief that women could best serve their country and their
own children with sufficient education to enhance their motherly duties (Blount,
1998). As a result, from 1790 to 1850, the doors of opportunity in education began
to open for women (Blount, 1998).
By the early nineteenth century, both single and married women had begun to
distinguish themselves in the field of teaching (Blount, 1998, p. 14). Women
eventually dominated the field of teaching by the twentieth century and represented
70% of all of the nation’s teachers (Blount, 1998). Once women became the
18
majority, teaching quickly became labeled a low-status profession. As a result, men
desired a way to set themselves apart from an increasingly “feminized” position in
education and preserve their masculine identities (Blount, 1998). The creation of the
superintendency offered men a new route for promotion within a profession that had
newly diminished appeal (Blount, 1998). The job of superintendent commanded a
higher salary than that of teachers and it allowed men to assume more masculine-
identified supervisory duties. The location of the superintendent’s office served to
set men apart from women because they maintained their offices in central locations
near local male power structures (Blount, 1998; Quantz, 1985). The superintendency
offered men a gender-appropriate way to stay in education(Blount, 1998).
Suffrage activism and the women’s movement effectively challenged
previous social norms and propelled women into school leadership positions across
the nation (Blount, 1998). During these years, hundreds of women waged successful
campaigns for superintendencies. By 1930, women accounted for nearly 28% of
county superintendents and 11% of all superintendents nationwide (Blount, 1998, p.
61). The increased numbers of women in school administration seemed to indicate
that women would soon represent the majority of school administrators.
The Golden Age for Women and the Superintendency
Women achieved the highest percentage of superintendencies during 1900 to
1930, in what has been referred to as the “golden years” for women in educational
administration (Blount, 1998; Brunner, 1999; Schuler, 2002). Activists such as Ella
Flagg Young, the superintendent of Chicago schools from 1909 to 1915, hoped that
19
women would eventually dominate school leadership in the same way they did with
teaching (Brunner, 1999, p. 9). After Young’s departure, Chicago would not hire
another woman superintendent until Dr. Ruth B. Love of Oakland, California, was
appointed more than 70 years later in 1980 (Blount, 1998). During the golden years,
women held 55% of elementary principalships, 8% of secondary principalships and
25% of all county superintendent positions (Blount, 1998).
The Backlash Against Women in Education
Once women were granted suffrage and began winning superintendency
elections in large numbers, groups of male superintendents began pushing for
reforms that would remove school administration from the electoral process (Blount,
1998). The proposed changes resulted in the superintendency becoming an
appointed position rather than an elected position based on candidate credentials.
This “appointed superintendency” was likely inspired by the fear of women’s voting
power and the increasing numbers of women in leadership positions at that time
(Blount, 1998).
This appointive system hindered women’s progress into leadership positions,
because they were excluded from the male political networks primarily responsible
for promoting most superintendent candidates (Blount, 1998, p. 85). The three
decades following World War II saw a significant decline in the numbers of
administrative positions held by women (Blount, 1998).
From the 1920s to the 1940s, the concept of the single women educator
began to erode, despite institutionalized policies that previously made marriage a
20
cause for dismissal. A backlash movement was waged against economically
independent and educationally privileged women that included teachers (Blount,
1998). Single women were considered a threat to the masculinity of male students
and teachers, and they were accused of contributing to the demise of the white race
for being unmarried and childless. Single female educators were quickly labeled as
lesbians and regarded as socially dangerous (Blount, 1998).
All of these factors contributed to a new view of single educators. Policy
makers soon dropped the marriage ban for teachers and administrators and began
promoting the hiring of married women (Blount, 1998; Shakeshaft, 1987). As a
result, few single women succeeded in attaining administrative positions, as married
women were deemed more socially acceptable. This trend continued for decades. In
1988, the National Center for Education Information confirmed that 94% of the
nation’s superintendents were married, compared to 57% of the general population
(Blount, 1998).
The following socio-cultural factors were identified by Blount (1998) as
contributing to the decline of women administrators in public education from the
1950s through the 1970s: (1) the early women’s movement lost focus and faded after
the suffrage amendment, (2) the national backlash stigmatized men and women who
crossed culturally over determined gender-appropriate lines of behavior, and (3) the
government, universities and school districts made a significant effort to promote
school administration as respectable work for thousands of unemployed war veterans
following World War II (Blount, 1998).
21
The Veteran’s Preference Program gave soldiers priority consideration for
jobs that included teaching and school administration (Blount, 1998). Women
educators were frequently dismissed and passed over for positions in order to make
room for returning service men. During the 1950s and 1960s, the majority of states
eliminated county superintendent positions in favor of local district superintendents.
This reorganization of districts called for smaller districts, frequently headed by
women, to merge with larger districts, that were primarily headed by men (Blount,
1998; Shakeshaft, 1987). As small districts consolidated, women superintendents
were more likely to lose their jobs to male superintendents heading larger
neighboring districts (Blount, 1998; Shakeshaft, 1987).
By the late 1960s, the Vietnam War provided another incentive for men to
enter education. Men who taught or were in college preparation programs could earn
deferments to avoid the draft, adding to the decline of women employed in public
education and enrolled in universities. Men were also actively recruited into teaching
once coaching became a popular and gender appropriate option. The position of
coach often came with a promise of promotion from the principalship to the
superintendency in a short amount of time. An American Association of School
Administration survey published in 1971 reported that 74 % of superintendents
included in the survey pursued their degrees with assistance from the GI Bill, and
80% of all superintendents coached at least one sport before making the move into
administration (Blount, 1998; Shakeshaft, 1987).
22
The male-dominated social structure of the superintendency was further
perpetuated by the special incentives and opportunities provided to men after World
War II. The preferential hiring practices afforded to men and changes to the
configurations of school districts all served to the disadvantage of women and
contributed to a major decline in their representation in top level positions. To date,
Ella Flagg Young’s dream remains unrealized, as the public school superintendency
continues to be dominated by men nationwide.
The President’s Commission on the Status of Women, established by
President Kennedy and chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt in the 1960s, was set up to
compile data on women’s domestic, economic, and legal rights in the United States
(Blount, 1998). The Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title VII, protected against
employment discrimination based on race, gender, creed and national origin (Blount,
1998). In the 1980s, an enforcement of Title IX (1972) was achieved with Congress’
ruling in 1988 that signed into law the Civil Rights Restoration Act, prohibiting sex-
exclusive social groups and educational organizations that excluded women (Blount,
1998). This new legislation called attention to a lack of representation of women and
people of color at all levels of government and in the nation’s public schools, but it
did not succeed in creating equitable representation in school administration (Blount,
1998). Despite federal legislation over the past three decades, women and people of
color still do not have reasonable representation in the American superintendency.
23
Common Barriers Faced by Women Aspiring to the Superintendency
The research studies of the past two decades indicate that being a woman
significantly increases the difficulty of successfully overcoming barriers for the
superintendency (Björk & Kowalski, 2005; Blount, 1998; Brunner, 1999; Schuler,
2002). Women are generally older when they apply for the superintendency, while
men are in the early stages of their administrative careers. Research done by Evans in
2004, indicates that women are promoted based on their performance, while men are
often promoted on their perceived potential (Evans, 2004). Additional factors women
must face include: school boards not being comfortable with a female leader;
university programs and school board associations not promoting skilled female
candidates; a lack of critical experience and training in school finance, facilities and
management; and less experience in secondary schools (Montz, 2004).
Some women may also experience low self-efficacy due to a lack of
confidence for working in a male-dominated field. Limited expertise beyond
curriculum and instruction often becomes a barrier when women are not afforded
opportunities to gain a diverse range of skills or construct a career path that will
effectively lead them to the superintendency. Additionally, a lack of female role
models and mentors to support women aspiring to the superintendency is considered
one of the most significant barriers women face (Glass et al., 2000; Parent, 2004).
Gender Bias
Gender bias is an ever-present barrier affecting women and their efforts to
acquire superintendency positions in public schools (Blount, 1998; Brunner, 2000a;
24
Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Grogan, 1996; Schuler, 2002; Tallerico, 2000a). Even
women of color report that gender is more of a barrier for their pursuit of the job than
that of race (Grogan, 1996). Grogan (1996) maintains that women aspiring to
superintendent positions are viewed as women first, and administrators second.
Negative gender stereotypes about women that are prevalent in society have become
barriers for women, because they reinforce discriminatory practices and are
perpetuated by our institutions (Bolman & Deal, 2003; Grogan, 1996).
The “old boy network” is a structural barrier that excludes women from
employment opportunities, networking, sponsorship and mentoring. Also
discouraging to women applicants is the notion that the “old boy network”
guarantees men preference for jobs (Glass, 2000a). Search firms are often male-
owned with a substantial number of partners that are retired superintendents, further
adding to the perception that male administrators will receive preferential
consideration for jobs. Since the majority of former superintendents are white males,
members of search firms and school boards often fit this profile and have traditional
and somewhat stereotypical views about gender.
According to several decades of research done by AASA, Nearly 82 % of
women superintendents indicated school board members did not see them as strong
managers and 76 % felt school boards did not view them as capable of handling
district finances (Glass et al., 2000). The majority of women superintendents
responding to the 2000 survey agreed the glass ceiling existed in school
management. However, in the 2007 Mid-Decade Report on the Superintendency,
25
the presence of a glass ceiling was ranked behind all other responses that included
working conditions of the superintendency (27.1%), the job not appealing to family
concerns (21.0%), and gender discrimination by school boards (17.3%). Seven years
later, that number was less than half with only 10.6% of superintendents citing a
presence of a glass ceiling as the reason for comparatively fewer females in the
superintendency (Glass & Franceschini, 2007). These recent figures indicate that
change is on the horizon with respect to gender discrimination and the
superintendency.
Gupta (1983) noted societal myths that were present about women in terms of
their abilities, commitment to their careers and their effectiveness in assuming
leadership roles translated into barriers for administrative positions. Some of the
identified myths were: (a) women were considered incapable of being effective
managers. This was based on beliefs that women were irrational or too emotional. (b)
Women were considered lacking commitment to their careers and work. The
commonly held belief behind this myth was that women frequently left work for
family matters and therefore lacked commitment to the job. Additionally, (c) women
were considered ineffective leaders and (d) the role of a woman as nurturer was seen
as conflicting with the position of administrator (Gupta, 1983).
The gender stereotypes society holds for women can create a cycle of barriers
for women to contend with. Banks (1995) and others report that masculine
leadership traits valued in men are perceived differently when expressed by women.
Yet women who demonstrate typically “female” characteristics are also viewed with
26
disdain, being considered too “soft” for school administration. These conflicting
expectations result in a no-win, double jeopardy situation, in which women are
penalized for displaying masculine traits associated with effective leadership (Banks,
1995; Bolman & Deal, 2003; Shakeshaft, 1999).
The implications of the literature and research suggest the need for a
complete reshaping of the field of education that would allow for women to be more
equitably represented in the superintendency. Shakeshaft (1989) suggests beginning
with a expansion of courses in universities preparing future administrators that would
include: (a) women’s experiences in educational administration; (b) case studies of
women to be used in classes; (c) internships for female students with women
administrators when possible; (d) encouragement and support of research on styles of
women administrators; (e) women speakers in classrooms on college campuses; (f)
addition of women to college and university faculties in educational administration
(Shakeshaft, 1989).
The Support of Spouse or Partner
A review of the research indicates that personal relationships are significantly
impacted when a woman accepts a position as superintendent (Bolman & Deal,
2003; Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Glass et al., 2000). Typically, when a man
interviews for superintendent, his wife is invited to the interview and considered to
be part of the package (Brunner, 2000a). While the husband of a female candidate
may be invited to attend a meeting or dinner during the interview process, it is
assumed he has a career of his own. He is most certainly not considered to be part of
27
the package in the same way a wife would be perceived (Brunner, 2000a). The
nature of the superintendency being such a high-profile position may be difficult for
many husbands to handle. Some men are not able to accept a back seat to the wife’s
career, and may not be supportive in the same way that women have traditionally
been expected to support their husbands.
A move into the superintendency requires an understanding spouse who can
handle role conflict without falling victim to the “male ego”(Hensley, 1996; Ramsey,
1997). Insecurities often surface when the wife becomes the higher wage earner
(Brunner, 2000a). A woman superintendent with a family needs a partner who will
be agreeable to assisting with household chores and the everyday duties of child
rearing. If the husband is unable or unwilling to assist with childcare and the day-to-
day work of running a household, a woman will need to employ the help of extended
family or pay for outside assistance.
The superintendent’s husband must be prepared to be uprooted and move to a
different city or state if it is necessary for his wife’s career. He may spend many
hours alone, be required to attend a multitude of district and social functions with his
wife, and live in a “fishbowl” in a very public role of “the superintendent’s
husband” (Ramsey, 1997). If the husband is well-established in his own career, he
may not accept the idea of disrupting his professional life as a means of supporting
the career aspirations of his spouse (Glass, 1992). Therefore, the support of a
husband or partner may have a significant impact on a woman’s decision to actively
pursue the superintendency (Brunner, 2000b).
28
Research is scarce on the emotional, professional and financial sacrifices a
couple will make when the wife accepts a superintendent position (Hensley, 1996).
Horner (1971) found that women who strive for innovative careers tend to marry
men who are not threatened by the success of their spouse, possess strong egos and
images of themselves, and as a result, can be proud of their wives. It is unlikely that
a marriage will succeed if the husband is highly competitive, has traditional views of
sex roles and shows little interest in supporting his wife’s career (Gilbert, 1988;
Hensley, 1996; Ramsey, 1997).
Initial studies indicate that women who married men with greater or equal
levels of education and had husbands who remained family “breadwinners”, were
happier in the marriage, because the husband did not feel threatened by his wife’s
success (Glass et al., 2000). A few studies noted the contrary, claiming that
husbands with careers earning less money were more agreeable to the prospect of
relocation, and they took on most of the household duties and actively helped raise
the children in order to promote the success of the wife’s career (Hertz, 1986;
Tichenor, 1999).
In the case of older superintendents, child care issues were not considered a
barrier because the children were grown and out of the house. Similarly, the
husbands were older and often retired, so relocation in those cases did not pose a
significant problem. This may be an additional reason that women decide to enter the
superintendency considerably later than men. Single women or couples who had no
29
children often had commuter marriages rather than moving or had fewer concerns
about moving because it did not involve uprooting their children to another location.
Many contemporary families have learned to adjust to the occasional reversal
of the traditional roles of society, with the husband choosing to stay home and care
for the children while the higher-earning wife continues to advance in her career.
There are no studies that quantify how many women have taken the economic lead in
their marriages, but according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, almost 31% of
women make more money than their husbands (Howe, 2003). A United States
Census analysis in the year 2000 found that 105,000 fathers stayed at home full time
raising a total of 189,000 children in that year. Actual numbers may be higher, due to
possible under-reporting stemming from the social stigma attached to the role of
“stay-at-home dad.”
The Association of California School Administrators’ study (2000) indicated
that 35% of practicing women superintendents had raised children under the age of
20, and 32% of those women raised children ages 15 or younger (Glass et al., 2000).
The majority of women in the 2000 study attributed their success to supportive
spouses or partners who shared in the family responsibilities at home. Divorced
superintendents cited their spouse’s failure to support their career as a major factor in
their decision to end the marriage (Glass et al., 2000). When women are in
traditional marriages requiring them to assume full responsibly for child care and
other major duties in the home, the balancing act between family and the demands of
the superintendency can present a serious challenge. The level of stress on a woman
30
in a “traditional marriage” can be similar to that of a single, widowed or divorced
woman immersed in a challenging career while facing the responsibilities of raising
children alone.
Little research has been done on the effect of spouses and partners on female
superintendents. Researcher Marrilyn Tallerico asserts that examining the effect the
husband has on a female’s decision to accept or decline a superintendency position,
exemplifies the existing gender bias female administrators face. She argues that we
do not ask the same question of aspiring male superintendents. While it is true the
same question would not be asked of a man, studies like those done by Hensley
(1996) conclude that women are different with respect to this particular issue.
Therefore, the question is critical to answer. A woman will find it difficult to serve in
the capacity of superintendent without some kind of support system at home, be it
that of the spouse, paid help or the extended family (Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b). Due
to socialization and women being traditionally viewed as nurturers and caretakers in
our society, issues of family may have a larger impact on a woman’s decision when
considering the job of superintendent. As a result, female superintendents and their
families must undergo adjustments that may not conform to the traditional family
model.
A spouse or partner’s support can have a powerful effect on a woman’s
decision to enter the superintendency. Many women superintendents acknowledge
they were significantly affected by the impact their career had on their spouses and
families (Ramsey, 1997). The conditions of the job must be openly discussed with
31
family and agreements must be made well in advance of accepting a superintendent
position (Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b). Male and female superintendents alike report
relying on the support of a spouse and family as an important contributing factor to a
successful career (Glass et al., 2000). Since women represent the minority in the
profession, with smaller networks and support systems at work, the support of the
spouse may prove to be more significant for female superintendents and this issue is
in need of further study.
Mentors and Role Models
Women in school administration have a less-developed mentoring system
than their male colleagues, mainly due to a shortage of women role models and
mentors at the highest levels of school management (Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b;
Quick, 2000; Schuler, 2002; Tallerico, 2000b). Mentors are crucial because they
often serve as go-betweens among superintendent candidates and school boards.
Mentors give candidates information on in-district mobility opportunities and
prospective job offerings in neighboring districts and counties. One barrier cited in
the literature is that women lack role models in public school administration and this
may be part of the reason more women do not enter the superintendency (Katz,
2004). Women aspiring to the superintendency are at a great disadvantage without
the help of a mentor.
Glass (2000) found that 66% of superintendents nationwide served as
mentors and 78% of that group reported that they had been mentored. The
importance of mentoring was evident in the majority of districts, regardless of the
32
district’s size or demographics (Björk & Kowalski, 2005). The greatest percentage of
superintendents with mentors were women, with 71% reporting they had mentors
compared to only 56% of male superintendents reporting they had a mentor (Glass et
al., 2000).
A lack of sponsorship and limited access to mentors may contribute to the
underrepresentation of women superintendents. Additionally, people who serve as
mentors are more likely to promote individuals who are most like themselves. As a
result, would be mentors with a traditional androcentric view of leadership may often
overlook and undervalue the contributions and leadership styles employed by
women. As long as women are underrepresented in top-level administrative
positions, mentors will continue to be scarce and often inaccessible (Kanter, 1977).
Double Jeopardy: Women of Color in the Superintendency
Women superintendents of color face even greater challenges than their white
female colleagues, because they must deal with what is often referred to as “double
jeopardy,” the dual oppressions of sexism and racism (Blount, 1998). Estimating the
numbers of administrators of color as a whole is more easily achieved than
generating specific numbers of African-American women, Asian-American, Native-
American and Latina school administrators as separate groups. This is due to
irregular reporting procedures of most districts. Few studies report the nationwide
totals for women of color as a stand-alone group. More often than not, the numbers
published combine both male and female administrators of color making it difficult
to discern actual numbers (Schuler, 2002). Mertz and McNeely (1994) found that
33
certain districts held more opportunities for the advancement of women of color than
other districts. Urban districts reportedly have the largest percentage of women
superintendents of color. This is largely because these districts have more positions
to fill and superintendents of color may be considered a better fit for the culture of
these organizations than they would be of smaller, less diverse districts.
The Council of the Great City Schools, a coalition of the nation’s largest
central city school districts, conducted a survey in 2006 which determined
approximately 31% of its superintendents were women (Casserly, 2006). The GSC
study found that among the 31% females reported, 19 % were black, 12 % were
white and 2 % were identified as Latina. The Council of the Great City Schools
represents cities with populations over 250,000 or student enrollment over 35,000.
Initial results of this particular study indicate that superintendents of these large
urban school districts have become more diverse than many smaller suburban and
rural districts in the nation. The number of women superintendents in large, urban
city school districts has increased since the last study in 1997, with white women
having the largest growth in superintendencies from zero in 1997 to 12 % in 2006
(Casserly, 2006).
A study funded by American Association of School Administrators (AASA)
in 2003, reported that women superintendents of color felt they had to consistently
prove themselves on the job with little room for error, needing more experience and
qualifications than their white male and female counterparts. The study also found
that African-American women did not obtain superintendencies as quickly as white
34
women: with only 56 % of African-American women being hired in the first year of
actively seeking a superintendency, compared with more than 70 % of white female
educators (Grogan & Brunner, 2005a). African-American women responding to the
study reported having to wait five or more years to obtain a superintendency
compared to only 8% of white women and 9 % of white men (Grogan & Brunner,
2005a).
One of the most interesting findings of the 2003 10-year AASA study was
that only 1.3 % of women superintendents surveyed nationwide, identified
themselves as Latina (Glass et al., 2000). Given the current demographic trends in
the United States, especially in places like California, the disparity of numbers is
particularly surprising. It is apparent that Latinas have made little headway in their
pursuit of the superintendency nationwide in comparison to other women of color,
considering their current numbers in the nation’s total population (Grogan &
Brunner, 2005a).
In California, women of color represent approximately 14% of women
superintendents in California. Latinas represent 9%, African American women
represent 3%, and Asian women represent 2% of women superintendents in
California. In comparison, white women make up a large majority of women
superintendents in California, as they represent 86% of all women superintendents.
An overall theme was found in the literature suggesting that many women
superintendents of color held positions in difficult to staff districts plagued with high
turnover rates, financial concerns and program improvement issues surrounding
35
student achievement (Ortiz & Marshall, 1998). More than forty years after civil
rights legislation, the number of all women superintendents of color heading school
districts in the United States is only about 6.8% nationwide (Björk & Kowalski,
2005). The trying conditions under which many women superintendents of color
serve is undoubtedly a testament to their political, managerial and leadership
qualities that make them essential change agents in some of the nation’s most
troubled school districts.
Attributes of Successful Women Superintendents
Bijork and Kowalski (2005) maintain that the majority of female educational
leaders are more knowledgeable about instruction and curriculum, have a greater
understanding of child development and student achievement, and tend to be
nurturing, caring and child-centered. Most women begin their careers committed to
education, with nearly half of female educators majoring in education or the
humanities. Women educators have an average of 5 to 10 more years experience in
the classroom than that of their male counterparts. By the time women consider
applying to the superintendency, they usually have a track record of proven skills,
leadership style and competence in the profession. Conversely, male applicants are
often in the early stages of their educational careers with limited experience, having
had less time to learn and demonstrate their leadership skills(Björk & Kowalski,
2005). The added curriculum and instruction experience women typically possess
will become increasingly important as districts continue to face mandates of No
Child Left Behind (NCLB) requirements and an emphasis on high-stakes testing.
36
According to Dana and Bourisaw (2006), most women go into school
leadership for altruistic reasons. They have a desire to make a difference in the lives
of children and positively affect school communities and families (Dana &
Bourisaw, 2006b). In her book The Female Advantage, Sally Helgesen points out
that women are knocking at the door of leadership at the moment that their skills are
particularly well matched with the requirements of the day (Helgesen, 1990).
Bowman and Deal argue that research on evidence for gender differences in
leadership is equivocal and that men and women in the same positions are more alike
than they are different (Bolman & Deal, 2003).
The nature of the superintendency is changing as a direct result of federal and
state reform efforts. Superintendents must be change agents who can effectively lead
reform efforts and improve student achievement. Superintendents of the 21
st
Century
must also be visionaries with effective problem solving and interpersonal skills that
allow them to work successfully with staff, students, parents and community
stakeholders. Bjork (2000) and Grogan (2000) cite that women are more
knowledgeable about curriculum and instruction, leading to improved student
achievement. Successful female superintendents possess the experience, skills and
characteristics required to successfully lead sustainable reform efforts in America’s
schools.
Descriptions of five role conceptualizations important for all superintendents
were outlined in The Contemporary Superintendent (Björk & Kowalski, 2005). The
following table integrates both the American Association of School Administrators
37
(ACSA) and the Interstate School Leadership Licensure Consortium (ISLLC)
standards for school administrators. Together, these two models identify important
knowledge and skills associated with the role of superintendent. Table 1.1 outlines a
list of knowledge and skills necessary for each role conceptualization of the
superintendency.
Table1.1 Knowledge of Skills Associated With Superintendents Role Conceptions
Role Pertinent Knowledge and Skills
Teacher-Scholar Pedagogy; educational psychology; curriculum instructional
supervision; staff development; educational philosophy
Manager Law; personnel administration; finance/budgeting facility
development/ maintenance; collective bargaining/contract
maintenance; public relations
Democratic
Leader
Community relations; collaborative decision making politics
Applied Social
Scientist
Quantitative and qualitative research; behavioral sciences
Communicator Verbal communication; written communication; listening;
public speaking; media relations
Multirole* Motivation; organizational theory; organizational change and
development; leadership theory; ethical/moral administration;
technology and its applications; diversity/ multiculturalism;
human relations
*This category includes knowledge and skills pertinent to all or nearly all roles
Source of information: The Contemporary Superintendent (Björk & Kowalski,
2005)
38
Bolman and Deal (2003) maintain that successful leadership can be
conceptualized within four important frames--structural, human resource, political,
and symbolic (Bolman & Deal, 2003). The Four-Frames are essential for successful
leadership and fit well within the five role conceptualizations outlined in Table 1.1.
from the The Contemporary Superintendent (Björk & Kowalski, 2005). Brunner
(1999) makes the assertion that one of the most difficult challenges for women in
school leadership is that they walk a fine line of conflicting expectations where they
must be both “powerful” and “feminine” at the same time. Bolman and Deal (2003)
found little difference between men and women in comparable positions, and in their
ability to exhibit qualities in all four frames. The differences they found had more to
do with the expectations that were placed on men and women by coworkers. The
expectations of men and women in the workplace are often connected to gender
stereotypes(Bolman & Deal, 2003). The high-level status of the superintendency
makes it a “powerful” position, and this often conflicts with society’s views on how
women should behave. A powerful woman can make men and women alike feel
uncomfortable, because she challenges the conventional definitions of sex roles
(Brunner, 1999).
Successful women superintendents must learn to negotiate their roles, finding
ways to exercise power that is uniquely different than the norm (Shakeshaft, 1998).
They have achieved a kind of “insider” status in a male-dominated profession and
culture. Yet women must remain true to themselves and their values, or risk
unconsciously participating in their own oppression--through the denial of one’s true
39
self--for the sake of fitting in with the dominant culture (Weiler, 1991). There is still
an assumption that women should conform to the norms of the profession that are
driven by stereotypically masculine qualities of aggressiveness, coolness under
pressure and emotion rarely shown except in the private sphere of personal
conversations (Young and Skrla, 2000).
Strategies for Overcoming Barriers
Research indicates that men are nearly forty times more likely to advance to
the superintendency from the ranks of teaching than women are (Skrla, Reyes, &
Scheurich, 2000). Engaging in careful career planning, earning advanced degrees,
developing personal and professional support systems that include mentoring and
access to networking with other professionals, are frequently cited in the research as
critical for aspiring to superintendent positions (Brunner, 1999; Dana & Bourisaw,
2006b; Dopp & Sloan, 1986; Glass et al., 2000; Tallerico, 2000a). Women should
seek mentors from different sources including community leaders, retired school
employees, state education workers and colleagues with similar interests as viable
options if receiving mentoring from a superintendent is not possible (Dana &
Bourisaw, 2006b).
Access to women superintendents as mentors will likely be limited, so
aspiring candidates should look for a variety of individuals or influential persons
who will help them build confidence and vital skills and who will promote them
when opportunities arise. The more people women have in their network with
40
firsthand knowledge of their work, the better their chances will be of securing a
superintendency job (Tallerico, 2000a).
All historically underrepresented groups must be proactive in promoting their
own advancement and finding ways to access existing systems for promotion to the
superintendency level. Marilyn Tallerico’s (2000) research found that women and
people of color have successfully found ways to negotiate the complexities of a
profession of predominately white males for more than a century. Members of
underrepresented groups must work hard to accumulate the educational, managerial,
and political skills and strategies needed to successfully compete for the
superintendency (Tallerico, 2000, p.135). Tallerico’s findings support those of Bell
and Chase’s (1996) study, which found it essential for women and people of color to
be well connected to white men within their organization. Both studies support the
notion that to be “well connected to white men is to be integrated into the power
structure and support networks of the occupation” (Bell & Chase, 1996, p.129).
A Social and Political Framework
Much of the research on superintendents is rendered problematic and
ungeneralizable to women because it has traditionally focused its attention solely on
men. Feminist theory maintains that interpreting human actions and experiences can
be a valid focus of research. In order to have a true picture of women’s experiences
in the superintendency, more case studies will need be done (Olesen, 1994).
Examining the experiences of women, the skills and strategies they use to achieve
success in this male-dominated position, and their ability to achieve an “insider
41
status” within the dominant culture of the profession are all areas that need further
study (Shakeshaft, 1998; Weiler, 1991).
Feminist Poststructuralist Theory
Margaret Grogan defines feminist poststructuralism as “blending a
commitment to social change with a sense of shifting perspectives” (Brunner, 1999,
p. 200). In an anthology entitled Sacred Dreams: Women and the Superintendency,
Grogan and Brunner designed their qualitative research studies using feminist
poststructuralism as a framework to “first see the path more clearly and, second, to
question it”(Brunner, 1999, p. 201). Their findings indicated the nature of the
superintendency causes women to be “immersed in conflicting roles and discourses”
(Brunner, 1999, p. 201). The discourse of the nurturer and caregiver encourages
women to maintain relationships by supporting the ideas of others and staying
behind the scenes (Brunner,1999). This is in direct conflict with the role of the
superintendency, a profession that values more outspoken and assertive forms of
expression (Brunner, 1999). Weedon (1987) argues that feminist postructuralist
inquiry “enables us to give meaning to the world and then act to transform it”
(Weedon, 1987, p. 32).
Women have been socialized to reject power while men are socialized to seek
it. Subsequently, sex role stereotypes have been the basis for justifying the exclusion
of women from top-level positions. Women who demonstrate what is considered
masculine behavior are considered distasteful and inappropriate; while women who
are considered “too feminine” are considered unworthy of promotion when it comes
42
to the superintendency (Keller, 1999). Feminist theory does not argue against
traditional male-based formulations of leadership; rather, it results in a balanced
perspective that transcends both male and female knowledge bases (Regan &
Brooks, 1995). Feminist theory will serve as a lens for reviewing the literature and
designing a study that is for women, rather than simply providing research about
women (Lather, 1992).
Critical Race Theory
A second and equally important framework that will be used as a lens for
viewing data collected in this study is Critical Race Theory (CRT). CRT represents a
school of sociological thought that emphasizes the socially constructed nature of
race. The majority of research paradigms reflect a cultural influence that is
historically derived from Eurocentric perspectives failing to adequately represent the
ethnic and cultural backgrounds outside the dominant culture. Critical race theory
scholars “seek to demonstrate that [their] experiences as people of color are
legitimate, appropriate, and effective bases for analyzing”(Tate, 1997). Since women
and people of color do not experience the world in the same way as white males do,
a great deal of research in educational administration lacks an inclusive knowledge
base that is crucial for understanding and managing school organizations
(Shakeshaft, 1989). This study will include the voices and experiences of successful
women superintendents of color with the understanding that those experiences are
shaped by their existence as members of marginalized groups within our society.
43
A Relational Leadership Framework
There is a vast body of research that examines the role of school leadership,
mainly from the male perspective. Women have often emulated the leadership
qualities expected of them as administrators by suppressing their “feminine” side or
being too overbearing or “masculine”. Both have been unsuccessful leadership
strategies for women. Regan and Brooks (1995) developed a conceptual framework
that brings both masculine and feminine traits together in a relational leadership
style. Blending the strongest combination of leadership styles together, relational or
transformational leadership is based on attributes of caring, collaboration, courage,
intuition and vision (Regan & Brooks, 1995). Relational leadership is a style that
both women and men can use effectively as a whole new leadership approach
incorporating the best attributes of both genders (Regan & Brooks, 1995).
Moving school organizations toward a relational style of leadership will
inevitably minimize some of the gender barriers currently facing aspiring women
superintendents. Margaret Grogan (2000) asserts that the superintendency has been
filled with conflicting realities about leadership, but a relational leadership style
incorporates the best of all styles and it is fundamental to achieving systemic change.
Relational or transformational leaders create and maintain a vision for a
school district and work collaboratively with others through problem solving and
shared decision making with all stakeholders (Bolman & Deal, 2003; Sergiovanni &
Starratt, 1993). Helgesen (1990) calls for less autocratic leadership in our schools
and supports Grogan and Brunner’s (1999) assertion that a move toward relational
44
leadership will ultimately increase the numbers of women superintendents over time.
The superintendency must be re-conceptualized to be inclusive of a multitude of
characteristics, communication styles, and non-traditional approaches to leadership
that can be successfully used by both men and women.
Summary
The goal of this study is to examine the skills and experiences successful of
women superintendents and the strategies they employed to overcome barriers they
faced in their ascent to the superintendency. The majority of studies on women
superintendents were conducted more than a decade ago, and there have been few
studies that examined the barriers to the position from the perspectives of women
and persons of color.
Barriers related to both race and gender were examined using the frameworks
of feminist theory and critical race theory to guide the research. The support of the
spouse/partner, and mentoring relationships were also examined as important factors
for success. Very little research exists on how a woman’s personal relationships may
be affected after accepting a superintendency position. This study examines the
challenges and sacrifices women and their spouses make in order to successfully
balance the priorities of family and the demands of the superintendency job.
45
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to first discover what accounts for the
disproportionate representation of women in the superintendency, by identifying
both personal and professional barriers women face in their ascent to this executive
level position. Secondly, this study identified critical skills, strategies, experiences
and forms of support women have used to overcome identified barriers to the
position and experience success in the superintendency role.
The methodology employed for this study was a multi-method qualitative
approach. A survey and interviews were designed with the understanding that
research questions would be best answered by collecting first-hand information from
women currently serving as superintendents in California (Maxwell, 2005; Yin,
2003). This multi-method qualitative approach allowed the participants to share their
reality, constructed by their experiences in their ascent to the superintendency. The
perceptions of the participants helped the researcher better understand the current
underrepresentation of women in the superintendency, and what skills and strategies
they employed to overcome personal and professional barriers along the way. This
study gathered data from several sources that included a survey mailed to 55 women
superintendents, interviews with nine women superintendents and the examination of
numerous state, county and district documents.
46
The superintendent interviews followed an emergent design that allowed for
the study to evolve and be driven by the content revealed in the discussions with nine
women superintendents in California.
This chapter will outline the methods and procedures for conducting this
study and is divided into the following sections: (a) research questions; (b) selection
of the population; (c) method of data collection; and (d) data analysis.
Research Questions
Interviews serve as the most important source of case study information (Yin,
2003). According to Yin (2003) a good case study investigator should be able to do
the following:
• Ask good questions—and interpret the answers
• Be a good listener and not be trapped by his or her own preconceived notions
and ideologies
• Be adaptive and flexible, so that newly encountered situations can be seen as
opportunities, not threats
• Have a firm grasp of the issues being studied, whether this is a theoretical or
policy orientation, even in an exploratory mode. Such a grasp allows the
relevant information and events to be sought to manageable proportions
• Should be unbiased by preconceived notions, including those derived from
theory. Thus, a person should be sensitive and open to contradictory evidence
(Yin, 2003, p.59).
47
This study asked the following research questions in order to provide answers
to the stated purpose of the study:
1. What accounts for the disproportionate representation of women in the
superintendency?
2. What are the most common personal or professional barriers women face in
their assent to the superintendency?
3. How do the constructs of gender and race affect women in the
superintendency?
4. What skills, strategies, experiences and forms of support have contributed to
the success of women in the superintendency?
Selection of the Population
The population defined for this study included 55 female public school
superintendents in California serving in Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino and
Sacramento counties during the 2007-2008 school year. Records were obtained from
a statewide database of superintendents and compared with existing county records.
The researcher verified the current employment of each woman superintendent
included in these counties and obtained contact information from public school
directories and district websites. The 55 districts had student populations ranging
from 1,000 students to well over 55,500 students located in a variety of urban,
suburban and rural settings.
Four counties were represented in this study and surveys were mailed to all
55 women superintendents. Los Angeles had the largest number of women
48
superintendents with 34 women superintendents heading approximately 47% of its
public school districts. Orange County had the second largest percentage of women
superintendents with 9 women heading approximately 33% of its districts. San
Bernardino had a total of 10 women superintendents leading 20% of its public school
districts. In Sacramento County, there were a total of 4 women serving as
superintendents, heading 25% of that county’s public school districts. The names,
mailing addresses and email addresses of all 55 women superintendents were
obtained from the California Public School Directory (2007) and cross referenced
with local district website data. Superintendents retiring at the end of the 2006-2007
school year were excluded from this study, as were interim superintendents,
superintendent/principals, assistant superintendents and county superintendents. If
the gender was unclear due to an ambiguous name, additional information from the
school district website was obtained for clarification. The researcher used the
California Department of Education’s 2006-2007 figures to establish baseline data.
The baseline data was then cross-referenced with information on district websites
and changes occurring for the 2007-08 school year were painstakingly applied one
district at a time. This included accounting for new hires, excluding retired
superintendents, interim and county superintendents. Data collected for this study
indicates that women currently represent approximately 31% of the 687 school
district superintendents in the state of California (Dataquest California Department
of Education, 2007).
49
The population for the in-depth interviews was selected based on the survey
responses of women superintendents. Respondents were asked to identify colleagues
they believed were successful and demonstrated exemplary leadership. The
researcher’s ability to travel to the location was also a consideration. Los Angeles,
Orange and San Bernardino Counties were all in proximity to the researcher’s place
of residence (within a 100-mile radius).
Instrumentation
The predominant method used to gather data for this study was through in-
depth interviews with nine superintendents and through the use of a questionnaire
that was mailed to all 55 superintendents. The interview protocol was designed to
address the three research questions of the study. The research questions, interview
questions and survey instrument design evolved from questionnaires used in similar
studies including AASA’s study of the superintendency in 2000 (Glass et al., 2000)
and its study on women in the superintendency in 2003. Suggested topics for
further research reflected on the work of Margaret Grogan (1996), Jackie M. Blount
(1998) and Cryss Brunner (1999) were also considered in the development of this
study. Additionally, the more recent doctoral research of Bindy Grewal (2002) and
Carol Montz (2004) also served as inspiration for the development of the survey
questions and interview protocol used in this study.
There were a total of 20 questions about professional and personal
demographics, career paths, preparation and skills included in the survey. The last
question was open-ended; asking women superintendents to give their expert opinion
50
in listing five women superintendents in California that they admired and regarded as
highly successful in the field.
An open-ended interview guide (Appendix F) was developed to assist the
researcher in the in-depth interview process. Open-ended questions were designed to
elicit insightful responses to the questions posed in this study and they were designed
to allow practicing women superintendents to share what they believed to be critical
skills and strategies for success in the profession.
The survey questions and in-depth interview questions were piloted by four
female administrators, two from the researcher’s district and two from neighboring
districts. Triangulation was used to establish credibility in this study. The use of a
mailed questionnaire, nine in-depth interviews with women superintendents in
California, and an analysis of relevant literature that included past research studies
were all used to complete this study.
Data Collection Procedure
Two data collection methods were used in this study. First, cover letters
explaining the study and surveys were mailed to 55 female public school
superintendents currently serving in Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino, and
Sacramento Counties (Appendix A). Follow up emails were sent to superintendents
that did not respond to the first mailing and a PDF version of the survey was also
created for a second mailing via the internet. In some instances a third attempt was
made to contact the superintendent by calling her assistant and faxing additional
information on the study. In the end, a total of 38 surveys were returned with a
51
return rate of approximately 69%. Of those responding to the survey, a total of nine
women were selected for in-depth interviews.
A maximum variation purposeful sampling method was used to select women
superintendents for interviews. They ranged in age, district size, years of experience,
number of superintendencies and were from various ethnic/racial backgrounds. The
women selected for interviews currently supervise both urban and suburban districts
in California with student populations between 5,000 and 55,000 students.
Additionally, many of the women received numerous leadership awards and they
were all well respected by their colleagues based on the open-ended survey results of
this study.
The superintendents were interviewed for approximately 45 minutes to an
hour each. Follow-up phone calls were made as necessary, and all interviews were
recorded digitally using an i-pod and a back-up tape recorder. All interviews were
carefully transcribed and reviewed by the researcher in order to ensure the accuracy
of the findings.
Data Analysis
This experimental design resulted in a mixed methods study that was
primarily qualitative with some quantitative data collected from the general survey.
Quantitative methods were used in the statistical analysis of the survey results and
this was compared with state and county demographic data.
Data from all nine interviews were carefully transcribed and analyzed for
patterns and themes that related to the research questions. The comments of the
52
interviewees were carefully considered and synthesized in an effort to capture the
unique voices and experiences of women superintendents in California. Creswell
(2002) maintains that reflective field notes are an important aspect of qualitative
research. They serve to define “personal thought that researchers have that relate to
insights, hunches or broad ideas or themes that emerge during an observation or
interview.”(Creswell, 2002,p.203) Recording reflective field notes after each
interview helped the researcher to engage in a preliminary analysis of the data and
begin to bring common themes together.
Validity Concerns
To ensure credibility and validity in this study, careful attention was paid to
analyzing and interpreting the data. Employing triangulation is a process of
corroborating evidence from multiple sources and through the use of different data
collection methods to ensure validity (Creswell, 2002). A model of how data was
triangulated in this study is shown in Figure 1.1.
Patton (1990) recommends using multiple researchers, perspectives and/or
multiple methods to study a single problem as a way to obtain triangulation. In this
study, a through review of prior research coupled with the results of in-depth
interviews and survey questionnaires were used for comparison with numerous state
and county documents to triangulate the data and validate the findings.
Ethical Considerations
Since this study involved human participants, the guidelines set for by the
Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the University of Southern California were
53
strictly adhered to. Before contacting any potential participants, specific information
was submitted to IRB about the study in order to obtain the University’s permission
to conduct the study.
All participants were assured of confidentiality in reporting the results of this
study. The letters A through I were used in place of the names of individual
superintendents, and the school districts and counties were not specifically identified
in any of the findings. Participants indicated their consent to participate in an in-
depth interview on the first page of their survey response sheet after they had read all
informed consent information and details about the purpose of the study (Appendix
C).
Summary
This chapter explained how the use of a mixed-method qualitative design was
used to collect data on women superintendents in California. The qualitative data
collection procedures were explained and the process used for selecting participants
for this study was presented in this chapter. The methods and procedures for
conducting this study were explained and divided into the following sections: (a)
research questions; (b) selection of the population; (c) method of data collection; (d)
data analysis (e) validity concerns; and (f) ethical considerations. The use of multiple
data sources and the triangulation of the data were explained in this chapter and are
outlined on the next page in Figure 1.1. This method of triangulation was used to
ensure the trustworthiness and reliability of the study (Creswell, 2002).
54
Figure 1. Triangulation of the Data
AASA Mid-Decade
Report on the
Superintendency
(2007)
in
National, State and
County Data
(California Dept. of
Education)
(2005-2008)
Survey Data
(quantitative)
In-depth
Interviews
(qualitative)
Reflective Field
Notes
(Creswell, 2002)
Research
Findings
55
CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS OF THE DATA AND INTERPRETATION OF THE FINDINGS
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to discover what accounts for the
disproportionate representation of women in the superintendency, by identifying
personal and professional barriers women face in their ascent to this executive-level
position. Additionally, this study identified critical skills, strategies, experiences and
forms of support women have used to overcome barriers to this male-dominated
profession and experience success in the superintendency role. This chapter provides
an analysis of the data collected from the survey and interviews with current women
superintendents in California.
As the researcher compiled and analyzed multiple sources of data, Feminist
Poststructuralist Theory (FPT) and Critical Race Theory (CRT) provided an
important and historical framework for understanding the unique experiences of
women superintendents in California. Both theories serve as lenses for viewing the
institutionalized gender and racial bias that has undoubtedly contributed to the
underrepresentation of women and people of color in the superintendency for more
than a century.
The specific research questions addressed in this study were:
1. What accounts for the disproportionate representation of women in the
superintendency?
56
2. What are the most common personal and/or professional barriers women face
in their ascent to the superintendency?
3. How do the constructs of gender and race affect women in the
superintendency?
4. What skills, strategies, experiences and forms of support have contributed to
the success of women in the superintendency?
Demographics of Women Superintendents in California
The first five survey questions of this study related to the personal
characteristics of all 38 women superintendents who responded to this study. Table
4.1 shows that 8 (21.1%) respondents fall between the ages of 51-55 years old and 18
(47.4%) are 56-60 years old. Only 5 (13.2%) respondents are between the ages of
61-65 years, and 2 (5.3%) women responding to the survey indicated that they were
between the ages of 41-45 years of age.
The superintendency has often been described as a “graying” profession, and
the findings of this study bear this out, with 84% of respondents indicating they are
between the ages of 50 and 65 years old. On average, women enter the profession at
a later age than men do, for a number of reasons. Women’s delayed entry into the
superintendency is most often attributed to the extra years spent in the classroom
and, consequently, obtaining administrative positions somewhat later than men.
Additionally, women commonly wait until their own children are older before
considering a top level administrative job, so the average age of women entering the
superintendency is considerably older than men (Björk & Kowalski, 2005).
57
Table 4.1 Age Range of Women Superintendents in California
Age Frequency Percentage
36-40 0 0.0%
41-45 2 5.3%
46-50 5 13.2%
51-55 8 21.1%
56-60 18 47.4%
61-65 5 13.2%
65+ 0 0.0%
Note: N= 38
The superintendency has long been considered a “traditional-family”
position. In past decades, school boards have been reluctant to hire individuals
without a spouse and children. (Glass & Franceschini, 2007). The majority of
superintendents across the nation are married with children. A total of 30 (78.9%)
superintendents responding to this study indicated they are married, compared to 2
(5.3 %) who indicated they are single and have never been married. There were 3
(7.9%) women who revealed that they are widowed and two (5.3%) superintendents
reporting they are currently divorced.
Table 4.2 demonstrates that the overwhelming majority of female
superintendents in California are married. However, the survey findings do not
indicate how many of these marriages may have followed a divorce. The interview
portion of this study focused on the role of the spouse as being a critical component
of a woman’s support network. Divorce was often cited in prior research as a
58
casualty of the profession (Glass et al., 2000). The findings of this study revealed
that divorce often occurred when the spouse was unsupportive of the woman’s
career. Prior research maintains that when traditional divisions of labor remained
unchanged and the spouse did not assist the wife with meeting the demands of the
superintendency job, the marriage ultimately suffered in the end (Pavan,1987;
Ryder,1994).
Table 4.2 Marital Status of Women Superintendents in California
Marital Status Frequency Percentage
Married 30 78.9%
Single (never married) 2 5.3%
Single (Divorced) 2 5.3%
Widowed 3 7.9%
Decline to State 1 2.6%
Note: N=38
Previous studies have maintained it is impossible to identify the racial
backgrounds of current superintendents by district. The most recent can be found in
The State of the American Superintendency: A Mid-Decade Study, where authors
Thomas E. Glass and Louis A. Franceschini report that no data exists identifying the
race of superintendents by district (Glass & Franceschini, 2007). This study does not
support that claim, as data for California superintendents disaggregated by race and
gender was readily available and obtained through the California Department of
Education’s web site.
59
The survey results and CDE statistical data collected in this study indicate
that women of color currently represent approximately 14% of women
superintendents in California. The low representation of African-American, Latina
and Asian women is evident in the data, and California’s current numbers mirror that
of national trends. Of the 213 women superintendents in California, a total of 183
(85.9%) are white females. Only 19 (9%) of women superintendents are identified as
Latina, six (2.8%) are identified as African American, and five (2.3%) are identified
as Asian in the entire state (CDE Data Quest, 2007). The California Department of
Education did not list any women superintendents identifying themselves with a
category of “other”, as it does not allow for a mixed-race or multiracial category.
One superintendent responding to this study identified herself as multiracial,
because the survey design allowed for this option. Table 4.3 indicates the racial and
ethnic backgrounds of all women superintendents in California and Table 4.4
represents the demographics of women superintendents that are the focus of this
study.
Table 4.3 Racial/Ethnic Background of Women Superintendents in California
Race/Ethnicity Frequency Percentage
White/Caucasian 183 85.9%
Black/African-American 6 2.8%
Native American 0 0.0%
Latina 19 9.0%
Asian 5 2.3%
Note: N= 213 (CDE Data Quest, 2007)
60
Table 4.4 indicates the racial/ethnic groups of women superintendents
included in this study from Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino and Sacramento
counties. The county data is in line with state averages and indicates that women of
color have not entered the superintendency in significant numbers. The low
representation of women of color may be attributed to several possible factors that
will be addressed in the interview findings and in the summary and implications
section of this dissertation.
There were some notable differences between the study sample and that of
the entire state. White women represented the majority of superintendents, at 72.7%
of the study population, compared to 85.9% in the entire state. Latinas represented
the second largest percentage at 14.5% of the study population, compared to 9% in
the entire state. African American women were 5.5% of the study population
compared to 2.8% in the entire state and Asian women also represented 5.5% of the
total study population and are currently 2.3% of superintendents in the state. Lastly,
one superintendent identifying herself as multiracial accounted for 1.8% of the study
population.
The percentage of superintendents of color in the study population is higher
than the state and national average. This was a result of purposeful sampling done by
the researcher to ensure that the experiences of women of color would be well
represented in the overall findings of the study.
61
Table 4. 4 Racial/Ethnic Background of Superintendents Included in this Study
Race/Ethnicity Frequency Percentage
White/Caucasian 40 72.7%
Black/African-American 3 5.5 %
Native American 0 0.0%
Latina 8 14.5%
Asian 3 5.5%
Pacific Islander 0 0.0%
Multiracial 1 1.8%
Note: N=55
The fourth survey question asked superintendents about whether or not they
had children in order to determine how many women were balancing the demands of
of the superintendency with the responsibilities of motherhood. Table 4.5 indicates
nearly 80% of respondents had one or more children. A total of 23.7% indicated
they had one child, and 39.5% had two children. An additional 13.2% reported
having three children. Only two (5.3%) of responding superintendents indicated
having four children. One superintendent reporting she had four children added a
footnote explaining they were “bonus children” belonging to her spouse. Only seven
women superintendents (18.4%) reported having no children at all.
In addition to asking whether or not the superintendents in this study had
children, the survey also asked respondents to indicate the age their children were at
the time they accepted their first superintendency position. Approximately 86% of
62
women in this study waited until their children were of high school age or older
before seeking the superintendency. The remaining respondents with children had at
least one child in elementary or middle school when they accepted their first
superintendency position. This finding corresponds with research done by Schuster
and Foote (1990) that found that 36% of women entered the superintendency after
age 46 as a result of child care issues, compared to only 14% of men.
Table 4.5 Number of Women Superintendents with Children
Number of Children Frequency Percentage
Zero 7 18.4%
One 9 23.7%
Two 15 39.5%
Three 5 13.2%
Four 2 5.3%
Five + 0 0.0%
Note: N=38
This study examined the ways in which women superintendents have learned
to effectively balance the requirements of the job and their responsibilities at home.
The survey responses helped reveal the various types of support women received
with family obligations and the responsibilities of the superintendency job.
Respondents were asked to identify the type of assistance they received with
childcare and household duties. A majority of women (77.4%) indicated they
63
received help from a spouse or significant other. Additionally, 42% of respondents
employed the help of gardeners, housekeepers and other paid domestic services at
home. A small percentage of women (9.7%) indicated they had help from older
children and other family members. Only one superintendent, who was single with
no children, indicated she had no assistance at home. The overwhelming majority
(97%) of women superintendents reported that they received some type of help with
household duties and childcare.
The findings of this study differ greatly from those found over a decade ago
by Pavan (1987) and Ryder (1994). Pavan found that female superintendents were
expected to retain the role of homemaker and caregiver along with being a chief
executive officer. Both researchers found that the traditional division of labor, where
the woman takes care of household chores and men take care of outdoor tasks,
remained relatively unchanged in most female and male superintendent households
(Pavan, 1987; Ryder, 1994).
The findings of this study were more aligned with Ramsey (1997), who found
that domestic chores and the division of labor were not concerns because the salaries
of superintendents and their spouses were high enough to pay for most services.
Clearly, the move to the superintendency comes at the price of family time, privacy,
and necessary role changes within the marriage (Ramsey, 1997). Most women have
come to the realization that they cannot do it all. This study found assistance with
child rearing and household duties was essential for women superintendents
64
successfully balancing the demands of motherhood with the responsibilities of the
superintendency job.
Interviews With Women Superintendents in California
The American Association of School Administrators estimates the total
number of all superintendents in California to be 989. This number of nearly 1,000
includes county superintendents, interim superintendents, individuals designated as
superintendent/principals and state appointed administrators. All of these special
categories were excluded from this particular study, in order focus specifically on
women superintendents leading elementary, high school and unified public school
districts in California. This study sample includes the most recent data available on
female school district superintendents in California.
Of the 687 school district superintendents in California, there are currently
213 women representing approximately 31% of all superintendents in the state
(Dataquest California Department of Education, 2007). At the time data was first
collected for this study three years ago, women superintendents made up 27.8% of
superintendents in California, and male superintendents represented 72.2% of the
total population (Dataquest California Department of Education, 2005). In three
short years, the total number of women in the California public school
superintendency has increased by 3.2% (CDE, 2007).
Of the four counties represented in this study, Los Angeles had the largest
number of women superintendents with 34 women heading approximately 43% of
public school districts in the county. Orange County had the second largest
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percentage of women superintendents with nine women heading approximately 38%
of its districts. San Bernardino had a total of seven women superintendents leading
28% of that county’s public school districts and Sacramento County had a total of
four women serving as superintendents heading 25 % of the county’s public school
districts. The findings in this chapter are based on both quantitative data from the
survey (Appendix E) and qualitative data from the in-depth interviews with women
superintendents in California (Appendix F).
In order to answer the over-arching question of why women are so
underrepresented in the superintendency, it was important to examine what barriers
women face in their ascent to the position. The superintendents who were
interviewed for this study ranged in age, district size, years of experience, number of
superintendencies and were from various ethnic/racial backgrounds. Four of the nine
superintendents interviewed for this study are white females, three are Latina, one is
African American and one identified herself as multiracial. The findings of this
study provide important insights related to the underrepresentative numbers of
women superintendents in California, as the participants shared their perceptions
about what skills, strategies, experiences and forms of support are critical for success
in the superintendency role.
The identities of all participants have been protected following IRB protocol,
with the names of interviewees being substituted with the letters A through I (See
Table 17). Only categories such as size of the district, and for individuals, their age
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range, ethnicity and years of experience are revealed in order to illustrate the
diversity of experience and varied backgrounds of each superintendent.
The women selected for interviews currently supervise both urban and
suburban districts in California with student populations between 5,000 and 55,000
students. Additionally, many of the women received numerous state and regional
leadership awards and fellowships. All of the women were well respected by their
colleagues, based on the open-ended survey results of this study. The nine women
interviewed for this study are currently employed in districts serving Los Angeles,
Orange and San Bernardino Counties.
Table 4.6 Demographics of Interview Participants
Superintendent
Age
Group
Race/Ethnicity District Size
Total Years as
Superintendent
A 56-60 M 5000-6999 8
B 51-55 W 10,000-29,999 7
C 61-65 W 10,000-29,999 14
D 56-60 L 10,000-29,999 10
E 61-65 W 5000-6999 6
F 56-60 L 5000-6999 11.5
G 51-55 W 55,000 or more 1
H 56-60 L 30,000-49,999 2
I 56-60 B 30,000-49,999 6
M=Multiracial , W=White/Caucasian, L=Latina, B= Black/African-American
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Five of the women selected for interviews have held superintendent positions
above the national median average of six years (Glass & Franceschini, 2007), the
longest of which was 14 years. Two of the interviewees are in their first and second
years of the superintendency. Three of the women interviewed for this study are the
first women to serve as superintendents in the entire history of their districts.
The interview findings of this study are organized by the four research
questions of this study. Data from the interviews were then compared with the
overall survey findings presented in the second half of this chapter.
Research Question 1
Research question 1 asked, What accounts for the disproportionate representation
of women in the superintendency?
Historical explanations for the underrepresentation of women in the
superintendency cite both internal and external barriers that hinder women in their
ascent to this executive level positon. AASA’s State of the American School
Superintendency Mid-Decade Study published this year, cited working conditions
and family concerns as the main reasons for comparatively fewer females entering
the superintendency (Glass & Franceschini, 2007). In terms of external barriers,
twice as many women as men reported that the presence of a glass ceiling (16.5% of
women compared to 8.5% of males) contributed to both formal and informal
“nonselection” of women to be superintendents (Glass & Franceschini, 2007).
Another external barrier commonly cited in prior research was gender discrimination
by school boards and search firms. Internal barriers cited in prior research include:
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low self efficacy, lack of aspiration and internal conflicts with being a wife, mother
and career woman (Glass et al., 2000; Gupton & Slick, 1998; Shakeshaft, 1989)
Superintendent G is in her first of the superintendency, and she is the first
woman superintendent in the history of her district. She supervises an urban unified
school district of more than 55,000 students. Superintendent G shared her thoughts
on the underrepresentative numbers: “I think it’s paternalistic. I think it’s historical.
The superintendency is the last frontier. Our district is almost 120 years old, and I am
the first woman superintendent.”
Superintendent H is in her second year as a superintendent. She is the first
woman and first person of color ever selected to serve as superintendent of her urban
district of more than 30,000 students. She attributes the disparity in numbers to the
pull women feel to have children and their desire to balance motherhood with the
demands of the job. She also notes that women are their own worst enemies in terms
of second guessing themselves and lacking confidence in their ability to do the job.
Superintendent H believes the support of mentors and quality preparation programs
are key to helping women build the confidence and skill sets they need to handle the
demands of the job. Superintendent H added:
The emphasis on student achievement, combined with women’s experience
in curriculum and instruction, will give women an added advantage in their
pursuit of the superintendency in this age of accountability and No Child Left
Behind (NCLB). So right now, there is a little window for us. How long it
will remain open, who knows?
Superintendent A is now in her third superintendency. She currently serves in
a suburban district with approximately 6,500 students. When asked about the
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underrepresentative numbers of women in the profession, Superintendent A believes
it is due in part to the fact that many search firms are predominately composed of
male retired superintendents:
Many of the headhunters that put you into the superintendent position are
male. There are few females—few—and I have become very close with
them. You can pretty much trust them because they know…they have been
there and they understand what a woman goes through.
Superintendent F has been a superintendent of her suburban district of 5,500
for more than 11 years. She believes that the historical underrepresentation of
women in the profession has resulted in many boards of education still viewing the
position as being a man’s job. She was very knowledgeable on the latest statistics of
women and women of color in the superintendency because she often does
presentations on the subject at conferences and seminars.
Prior research studies identified external barriers that include: socio-cultural
barriers of sex-role stereotyping, gender bias and male-dominated search firms,
school boards and the “old boy network” all contribute to the nonselection of women
as superintendents (Brunner, 1999; Dana & Bourisaw, 2006a). Two superintendents
believed that male-dominated search firms could present a barrier, but none of the
women in this study identified the “old boy network” as being a factor when it came
to their particular school boards.
The inability or unwillingness to relocate has often been cited in the research
as a major barrier for women aspiring to the superintendency. Only two
superintendents in this study cited mobility issues as a factor, when and if it would
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have a negative impact on the spouse’s career or would result in uprooting school-
aged children. The majority of women in this study (86%) reported a delayed entry
into the superintendency in order to avoid either of these mitigating factors.
Superintendent I is in her sixth year of her first superintendency in a district
with over 30,000 students. She shared two reasons she believes women are so
underrepresented in the field:
My number one answer is that the superintendency represents a position of
power, a position of knowing when and how to tell somebody the way things
need to be done. Women have traditionally been relegated to the sidelines, as
cheerleaders, as nurturers... It may be difficult to perceive of us as persons of
substance, as women of power... as individuals who can manage, as well as
lead.
Superintendent I successfully oversees a school district budget of over $223
million dollars, yet she believes that the age-old gender stereotype of women not
being able to manage money continues to be prevalent in our society. She adds “My
second reason I believe women are so underrepresented is that the superintendency is
a CEO position... and women are still not believed to be good managers of money.”
Numerous studies found that a lack of positive role models and mentors in
the profession created structural barriers for women aspiring to the superintendency
(Björk & Kowalski, 2005; Brunner, 1999; Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Glass &
Franceschini, 2007; Grogan & Brunner, 2005a; Gupton & Slick, 1998). All of the
superintendents in this study believed that mentors were very important to women
seeking the superintendency. The majority of the women reported having several
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mentors throughout their careers in education. Only one superintendent interviewed
for this study reported she did not have a mentor.
When women superintendents were asked the question, “Why do you believe
there are more women superintendents in California compared to the national
average?” all nine women attributed this fact to California being such a progressive
state. They expressed the belief that historically there have been more opportunities
for women and people of color here in California in comparison to other areas of the
country.
Superintendent B is in her second superintendency heading a district of more
than 22,000 students. She was not surprised that the number of women
superintendents in California surpassed national numbers reported by AASA(2007):
California is such a diverse state... we are much more liberal thinkers, and as
a democratic state and I think a more liberal thinker is going to be more open
to different possibilities. One of the things I think is so amazing is that for so
much of our history, people have been very willing to write off a very
competent 50% of this population. I am very excited about the fact that
Hillary Clinton is running for the presidency. It symbolizes change.
Superintendent F believes California will continue to be a place of
opportunity for women in the superintendency. “I am not surprised to see that there
are more opportunities in our state. We are fast approaching a time where many
current superintendents will retire, and this will open the doors of opportunity for
both men and women to move up.”
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Superintendent D is in her 10
th
year as a superintendent, and currently
supervises a district of 30,000 students. She has witnessed an increase of women
superintendents in California over the past decade:
I think there are more opportunities in California...When I became a
superintendent I went to the Superintendent’s Conference every year in
Monterrey Bay, California. At that time there were very few women
superintendents and I noticed I was usually the only one in the women’s
restroom ... Now, there is always a huge line at this conference. So, I think
that opportunities have been given to women and they have done a good job.
The perception that a woman cannot do this [job] has been altered. As we see
more and more women step into these roles, they will begin to be viewed not
as female superintendents, but as competent professionals.
A few superintendents were surprised to learn there were more women
superintendents in California than the national average. Upon hearing the national
average is now 21.7%, one superintendent carefully wrote the figure down on a
sheet of paper to refer to for future reference. All of the women expressed excitement
in knowing that the overall numbers of women in the superintendency have
increased.
Summary
Existing research on the underrepresentation of women in the
superintendency is problematic as traditional theoretical lenses and researcher bias of
past studies have attempted to understand the disparity of numbers without including
the perspectives of women themselves (Skrla et al., 2000). Prior research fails to
include women’s perspectives on how they perceive and experience their work, and
how women think about their colleagues (Bell, 1988, p. 35).
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The findings of this study indicate that low self-efficacy and self-limiting
behaviors may play a partial role in the underrepresentative numbers. Several of the
superintendents interviewed for this study believed that the underrepresentation of
women was a result of women choosing not to pursue the superintendency and that
women of younger generations have chosen not to work so hard. Gate-keeping
practices and gender discrimination were also identified as contributing factors, as
well as personal barriers that included self-doubt and not having a supportive spouse
or partner at home. All of the women in this study confirmed that personal and
professional barriers could certainly be overcome with extensive experience,
advanced degrees, and personal and professional support networks.
Research Question 2
Research question 2 asked, What are the most common personal and/or
professional barriers women face in their ascent to the superintendency?
Personal and Professional Barriers
The superintendents interviewed for this study identified various personal and
professional barriers they had to overcome in their ascent to the superintendency.
Interestingly, only a few women indicated there were professional barriers that
hindered their progress. Many expressed that they were fortunate to have great
mentors and supportive colleagues that encouraged them to pursue the
superintendency. One superintendent noted, “I did not experience any barriers to
obtaining my position as a superintendent, other than those I imposed upon myself.”
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The concept of self-imposed barriers is an underlying theme noted in prior
research that reports that the career aspirations of women are influenced by societal
sex-role stereotypes, that become internalized and ultimately affect women’s self-
concepts (O’Leary, 1974; Banks, 1995). While this study primarily focused on
external barriers, the internal barriers resulting from self-limiting beliefs and
behaviors may influence women in their decision against pursuing the
superintendency. Low self-efficacy and self-limiting behavior were not significant
factors for the women participating in this study. Those who may have experienced
barriers related to self-doubt and a lack of confidence in entering a male-dominated
field were able to overcome those concerns with the support of mentors, advanced
degrees, and the skills and expertise gained through a deliberate career path
preparing them for the superintendency.
Superintendents A, B and C all faced personal barriers and challenges as a
result of being widowed. Superintendent C’s husband passed away recently. She
admits to putting an added emphasis on work as a result. “I have more or less put my
whole life into my job right now, and that is probably not really healthy...Before my
husband died, I had a more balanced perspective on things. I was actually able to
enjoy doing family things on the weekend and briefly forget about pressures at
work.”
Superintendent A described two life-changing events that took place within a
few years of one another. The first tragedy occurred when her child was hit by a car
when she was only 11 years old. “My daughter sustained a serious brain injury. In
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one instant, she went from being gifted-talented student to a child with special needs.
Two years later, my husband died.” Superintendent A spoke of the importance of
quality time with family. “Now, my family comes first, before the job. The board
members and people who work for me know and understand this, and I am equally
sensitive to the needs of my employees when issues with their families arise.”
Superintendent B was in the process of completing her doctorate when she
suffered the loss of her husband. She would spend the next decade raising her young
son alone. Superintendent B took the extra years she needed to complete her degree,
and she made sure her son graduated from high school before she considered a
superintendency position.
Honestly, I didn’t become a superintendent until my son was off to college...
I was not interested in accelerating the process, because I had to take care of
him and there was no way that I was going to leave my kid unattended in
high school! Once he had a car to drive...he needed to be watched more
closely, not less!
Superintendent H believes, “behind every successful woman, there is a
supportive man.” She is amazed at the strength of her widowed colleagues, that they
are able to continue on successfully after such a loss: “With my particular
personality...I could not have done it...I would have melted into a pile...just like the
witch from the Wizard of Oz.”
Superintendent E is a white female currently in the second year of her second
superintendency position. She is in charge of an urban district of 5,500 students.
Over the years, she and her husband have raised three children, one of which is
currently serving in the U.S. Army in Bagdad. She considers all of her personal
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barriers during her career to be those that revolved around pregnancy and childcare:
“It was as if I was always on the verge of ending my career whenever my babysitter
would say, ‘I can’t baby-sit any more’.”
Superintendent E also described times in her career when motherhood
quickly went from being a personal barrier, to that of a professional one. In the early
1970s she was happily married and pregnant, working as a teacher in Los Angeles,
when she was told by her female principal that she would have to quit working as
soon as the baby started to “show.” Although there were no laws to protect her at the
time, Superintendent E refused to quit and remained steadfast in her reserve to fight
for her job. She added, “ I think they were afraid that I was going to sue.”
Superintendent E was eventually allowed her maternity leave, but it was under
the condition that she would return as a sub in the spring if there was a flu epidemic
and the school had a shortage of teachers.
I don’t know that their treatment of me was considered illegal at that time
since it was all pre-Title IX, but they sure made it hard for women back then.
It is interesting historically, having been on the edge of all of those
changes...but it sure wasn’t easy.
Superintendents A, G and H all had personal barriers related to their first
marriages in which their husbands were not supportive of their careers. Two of the
three superintendents indicated that cultural factors were to blame for much of the
problem. Their husbands’ traditional beliefs about what was considered
“appropriate” work for their wives took a toll on their marriages. Their spouses did
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not back them in their pursuit of advanced degrees, and they were uncomfortable
with the prospect of their wives making salaries that exceeded their income.
Superintendent H shared that her mother-in-law was the one who finally
convinced her husband to “let her go” and get her Ph.D. During the time she was in
the doctoral program, she separated and eventually divorced her first husband over
irreconcilable differences related to her career. Superintendent H has since
remarried and her current husband, also in education, is extremely supportive of her
career.
There is substantial research indicating that success in the superintendency
often comes at the cost of women’s personal relationships (Brunner, 1999; Glass et
al., 2000; Glass & Franceschini, 2007; Grogan & Brunner, 2005a; Ramsey, 1997)
More than 13% of divorced women superintendents cited the end of their marriage as
a lifestyle change made to accommodate the demands of the superintendency
(Grogan & Brunner, 2005a).
Superintendent I spoke candidly about currently being in divorce proceedings
from her second marriage.
No one could have told me 20 years ago that this marriage would break up.
Every day I ask myself, why this has happened. I never believed that my
marriage would end. It failed largely because of the responsibilities of this job.
My position as superintendent has robbed me of time with my family … of
what my husband probably desired of me as a traditional wife, mother, and
grandmother. I thought that he could handle it... I assumed that he was
extremely proud of me, as he had said many times ... I had reached the summit
of my career and I thought I was successful in doing it all. You know, they say
you hit the glass ceiling at work....But you hit it at home, too. You’ll catch hell
at home when you’re doing this job... if you don’t have the right partner.
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Superintendent I’s comments are echoed in prior research and the findings of
this study. A husband who is highly competitive, has traditional views of sex roles,
and shows little interest in supporting his wife’s career will ultimately fail to be the
right partner for a woman seeking a demanding executive-level position of
superintendent (Gilbert, 1988). In fact, the most recent study on the superintendency
indicates that women are four times more likely to be unmarried than men with
24.6% of women superintendents being unmarried, compared to only 6.13% of male
superintendents (Glass & Franceschini, 2007). Prior studies indicate that divorced
superintendents cited their spouse’s failure to support their career as a major factor in
their decision to end the marriage (Glass et al., 2000)
Summary
A limited amount of prior research suggests there are several factors
hindering women from being promoted to the superintendency that include: (a) a
lack of confidence for working in a male-dominated field; (b) school boards being
unaccustomed to having a female leader; (c) university programs and school board
associations failing to promote skilled female candidates; (d) a lack of critical
experience and training in school finance, facilities and management; (e) less
experience in secondary schools; (f) limited expertise beyond curriculum and
instruction; (g) a lack of female role models and mentors to support women aspiring
to the superintendency; (h) personal barriers related to child care , (i) lack of
mobility, (j) low self-efficacy in entering a male-dominated field, (k) lack of access
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to personal and professional support systems (Glass et al., 2000; Grogan & Brunner,
2005a; Montz, 2004; Tallerico, 2000c).
Education and Professional Background
The second half of the survey focused on the education and professional
backgrounds of women superintendents. It is estimated that 56.8% of women
superintendents nationwide hold either an Ed.D or Ph.D, in comparison to 43.7% of
male superintendents (Glass et al., 2000). This finding indicates that a majority of
women administrators across the nation consider advanced degrees to be an
important factor in obtaining a superintendency job.
Women superintendents participating in this study were asked to indicate the
highest degree they currently hold. The majority (63.6%) of responding
superintendents indicated that they hold a doctorate, with 8 (21.5%) who have earned
a Ph.D. and 16 (42.1%) who have completed an Ed.D. The remaining 14 (36.8 %)
women superintendents held Master’s Degrees.
Table 4.7 Highest Degree Earned
Degree Frequency Percentage
Master’s 14 36.8%
Ed.D 16 42.1%
Ph.D 8 21.5%
Note: N=38
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The next survey question asked superintendents to identify their district size
and type. Data collected in this study indicate that a majority of women
superintendents representing Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino and Sacramento
counties lead large urban school districts. A total of 34.2% are leading districts with
student populations of 10,000 to 29,000. Approximately 18.4% of women
responding to the survey serve in districts of 1,000 to 2,999 students and only 5.3%
of respondents supervise districts with less than 1,000 students. A total of three
(7.9%) women superintendents supervise districts of 30,000 to 49,999 students, and
two (5.3%) superintendents supervise districts with more than 50,000 students.
Table 4.8 Size of School Districts Led by Women Superintendents
Enrollment Frequency Percentage
Fewer that 1,000 2 5.3%
1,000 to 2,999 7 18.4%
3,000 to 4,999 5 13.2%
5,000 to 6,999 4 10.5%
7,000 to 9,999 2 5.3%
10,000 to 29,999 13 34.2%
30,000 to 49,999 3 7.9%
50,000 or more 2 5.3%
N=38
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The survey results indicate that there are very few high school districts
headed by women superintendents. High school districts make up only 11.1% of all
districts in California, and the majority of those districts are dominated by men, with
only three (5.5%) women in serving as high school district superintendents.
Table 4.9 Types of Public School Districts in the State of California
Type of District Total Number in California Percent
Elementary Districts 305 45.9%
High School Districts 74 11.1%
Elementary/Unified 285 42.9%
N= 664 Source: CBEDS 2006-07(cde.ca.gov)
The survey findings indicate that the number of women serving in larger K-
12 unified districts has increased during the past decade. Glass (1992) found that the
majority of women superintendents tended to be clustered in smaller districts.
However, his most recent study of the superintendency over a decade later, indicates
that women superintendents are no longer found to be in one dominant size or type
of school district (Glass & Franceschini, 2007).
A total of 25 (45.5%) of women in California serve in K-12 unified districts.
Another 27 (49.1%) lead elementary districts. Nearly all women superintendents in
this study serve in either unified or elementary districts. There were three women
(5.5%) in this study supervising high school districts. No research could be found to
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explain why men dominate the smaller high school districts. It is likely attributed to
the historical gender stratification between elementary and secondary education.
With nearly 80% of all superintendents reporting they coached at least one sport
before making the move into administration, it is possible that high school districts
are more sought after by men (Blount, 1998; Shakeshaft, 1987).
Table 4.10 District Types of Responding Superintendents
Type of District Total Number Percent
Unified 25 45.5%
Elementary Districts 27 49.1%
High School Districts 3 5.5%
N=55
The majority of female superintendents in California have numerous years of
experience as teachers with 18 (47.3%) respondents indicating they served 6-10
years in the classroom. Another 8 (21.1%) had between 11 and 15 years of
experience and two superintendents indicated they had 16 to 19 years of experience
in the classroom. Only 26% of respondents indicated they had the minimum
requirement of 3-5 years experience as a classroom teacher before they made the
move into administration.
On average, women superintendents generally have more years of experience
in the classroom than that of their male counterparts. Additional experience in
curriculum and instruction is a critical skill for success in an age of school
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accountability and the mandates of the federal No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB).
Additional years of experience in the classroom, combined with waiting for their
own children to grow older, may explain why many women enter the
superintendency much later in comparison to men (Ramsey, 1997; Ryder, 1994;
Schuster & Foote, 1990). Since the majority of women stay in the classroom an
average of 6-10 years, the median age at which women receive their first
administrative position is older than that of their male counterparts.
Table 4.11 Years Served as a Classroom Teacher
Years Frequency Percent
3-5 10 26.3%
6-10 18 47.3%
11-15 8 21.1%
16-19 2 5.3%
N=38
The next survey question asked superintendents to indicate the age at which
they received their first administrative position. The largest percentage of women
(50%) indicated that they received their first administrative position when they were
between the ages of 31-35 years old. In general, women get their start in school
administration at an older age than their male counterparts (Glass et al., 2000).
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Table 4.12 Age First Held Administrative position
Age Frequency Percent
25-30 6 15.8%
31-35 19 50.0%
36-40 7 18.4%
41-50 4 10.5%
51-55 0 0.0%
Decline to state 2 5.3%
N=38
Superintendents were asked to indicate the age at which they received their
first superintendency position. The estimated mean age for current superintendents
across the nation is 54.6 years old. The American Association of School
Administrators (AASA) reports that the current superintendents included in their
most recent study are the oldest group of any previous 10-year studies (Glass &
Franceschini, 2007). Since this current national mean is equivalent to the age at
which more than 35% of responding female superintendents received their first
superintendency job, the average age of women is undoubtedly older. Women’s
delayed entry into the superintendency will continue to increase the overall mean age
of superintendents, as long as the numbers of women superintendents continues to
rise.
Table 4.13 outlines the age ranges of women superintendents responding to
this study. There were only two (5.3%) women who reported they were between the
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ages of 36-39 when they entered the superintendency. It is interesting to note that
there were several unique characteristics about these two women that deviated from
the majority of the findings in this study. Both women were 38 years old when they
obtained their first superintendency. The one from “inside” her district held her
position for eight years, and the other who went “outside” her district held that
position for only four years. Additionally, both women reported they did not have
mentors when they entered the superintendency. With (55%) of women reporting
they were hired from the “inside”, it may be that it is easier for women to be hired at
a younger age and without the assistance of a mentor only if they receive a position
from “inside” the district in which they are considered a known commodity as a
“homegrown” administrator.
Table 4.13 Age First Hired as a Superintendent
Age Frequency Percent
36-39 2 5.3%
40-49 19 50.0%
50-59 13 34.2%
60+ 2 5.3%
Decline to state 2 5.3%
N=38
Only three respondents indicated they held superintendencies out of state,
which were Ohio, Michigan and Colorado. All other respondents indicated they have
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only been superintendent in the state of California. Table 4.14 indicates there were a
total of 17 (44.7%) respondents who became superintendents from outside the
district in which they worked as a teacher or school site administrator. There were a
total of 21 (55.3%) superintendents who indicated they obtained their position from
within their original district.
Table 4.14 Hired From Within or Outside District
First Superintendency f Percentage
Hired from Within 21 55.3%
Hired from Outside 17 44.7%
N=38
Table 14 indicates the total number of years respondents have served in the
superintendency. When asked about the number of years they served as
superintendent, the majority of women responding to the survey 30 (79%) reported
they had served for 0.5 to nine years. Numbers of women in the superintendency
have significantly increased in comparison to the previous decade where only eight
(21%) respondents held superintendencies during that time. More specifically, the
number of women superintendents in Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino and
Sacramento counties has grown by nearly four times the amount it was ten years ago.
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Table 4.15 Total Years as a Superintendent
Years f Percentage
0.5 or less 4 10.5%
1 3 7.9%
2 8 21.1%
3 3 7.9%
4-5 4 10.5%
6-7 5 13.2%
8-9 3 7.9%
10-11 4 10.5%
12-13 0 0.0%
14-16 3 7.9%
17+ 1 2.6%
N=38
Table 4.16 identifies the number of years the women in this study have
served in their current position. One respondent indicated that she has held the same
superintendency position in her district for a total of 17 years. Another 10.5% of
responding superintendents have had their position for ten years or more.
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Table 4.16 Number of Years in Current position
Years f Percentage
0.5 or less 4 10.5%
1 4 10.5%
2 11 28.9%
3 5 13.2%
4-5 7 19.4 %
6-7 1 2.6%
8-9 2 5.3%
10-11 2 5.3%
12-13 0 0.0%
13-14 1 2.6%
15-16 0 0.0%
17+ 1 2.6%
N=38
The majority of respondents (50%) indicated that they were new to their
position having served between 0.5 and three years; the highest percentage of which
(28.9%) were hired two years ago. The recent numbers of this study indicate that
women superintendents in California will continue to make steady gains into the
superintendency. More than 42% of women in California have served beyond six
years, which is considered the mean average of tenure for superintendents
nationwide (Glass & Franceschini, 2007).
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The Role of Mentors
Success and longevity in the superintendency profession may be attributed to
several factors that include the support and encouragement of mentors in the field.
The vast majority of respondents felt that mentors were very important, even if they
did not have the support of a mentor when they began their career as a
superintendent. The survey results indicated 25 (65.8%) women superintendents had
the support of one or more mentors in their pursuit of the superintendency.
It is estimated that two-thirds of women (67%) entering school administration
did so because they were encouraged early on by others, rather than it being an
internal pursuit of their own (Dopp & Sloan, 1986). The survey results of this study
indicate that nearly 66% of women superintendents in California have had the
support of mentors. This finding is comparable to the most recent data published on
the superintendency (AASA, 2007) which reported that 67% of women
superintendents nationwide were mentored in the profession.
Superintendents who indicated they had experience with mentors were asked
to identify characteristics of those mentors by noting all descriptions that applied.
Table 4.17 identifies some of the characteristics of the mentors who assisted the
respondents in obtaining their first position. Several women reported that their
mentors have continued to support them as they moved up the career ladder and
served in different capacities. The mentoring did not end once the superintendents
obtained their positions. Mentors served as advisors they could call upon whenever
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they needed help, and many of them have continued to be life long friends of the
women superintendents participating in this study.
Table 4.17 Types of Mentors
Mentors Frequency Percent
White Male 14 56.0%
Person of Color Male 2 8.0%
Person of Color Female 7 28.0%
White Female 5 20.0%
Colleague 14 56.0%
Older 17 68.0%
Younger 1 4.0%
Retired Superintendent 5 20.0%
Family member 2 8.0%
Friend 3 12.0%
Member of an Educational Org. 3 12.0%
From the same District 8 32.0%
From a Different District 6 24.0%
County Office of Education 2 8.0%
University Professor 2 8.0%
Other 4 16.0%
N= 25
An expected finding of this study was that more than half of women
superintendents’ mentors were men. White males constituted 56% of all mentors
assisting women superintendents in this study. The second largest group of mentors
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providing support for women superintendents responding to this study were women
of color. This finding was unexpected, given that female administrators of color
remain underrepresented at all levels of school administration, and they are the least
represented in the superintendency.
This study found that while women of color are the most underrepresented
group, they reportedly constitute the second largest group of mentors, with 28%
providing assistance for women superintendents in California. This finding
demonstrates that while women of color in school administration continue to struggle
against the glass ceiling, their experiences as marginalized groups do not deter them
from seeking the position. Additionally, their struggles transform into a sincere belief
in the importance of “giving back” and assisting other women along the path to the
superintendency (Fieldnotes, January 29, 2008). The third largest group of mentors
(20%) assisting women in the superintendency were white women. The smallest
percentage of mentors overall were men of color, who represented only 8% of
mentors for women superintendents in this study.
An additional finding related to mentors was that women who reported they
had no mentor assisting them in their pursuit of the superintendency primarily held
superintendencies in the same districts in which they were teachers. A total of 13
(34.2%) women in this study indicated that they had no assistance from mentors. Of
the 13 superintendents without mentors, 11(85%) reported obtaining their positions
within the same district that they served in as teachers. All of these women are in
their first superintendency and have not been superintendent in any other district in
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California. This finding may indicate that mentors may not be as critical for
“homegrown” superintendents who are hired from inside their districts. It may be
that mentors are more essential for candidates seeking superintendencies outside
districts in which they began their careers in education.
Two superintendents without mentors indicated they went out of state for
their first superintendency position. Both women have since returned to California,
and are now in their second superintendency. Very few women reported they were
superintendents in other states. One woman indicated she was recruited out of state
through a search firm and the other woman reportedly moved out of state in support
of her spouse’s career.
Research Question 3
Research question 3 asked, How do the constructs of gender and race affect
women in their ascent to the superintendency?
Gender Barriers
Numerous studies identify gender stereotypes as problematic for women
aspiring to the superintendency (Björk & Kowalski, 2005; Blount, 1998; Brunner,
1999; Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Gewertz, 2006; Grogan, 1996; Kowalski, 2006;
Skrla et al., 2000). Masculine leadership traits valued in men are perceived
differently when expressed by women (Banks, 1995). The conflicting expectations of
gender roles often result in a no-win situation where women displaying masculine
traits associated with effective leadership are penalized (Banks, 1995; Bolman &
Deal, 2003; Shakeshaft, 1999). The current social construct of the superintendency is
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incompatible with the gender expectations society places on women. Therefore,
women superintendents must find ways to redefine their role and identity as school
leaders (Skrla et al., 2000).
Two superintendents interviewed for this study believed their leadership and
abilities were often questioned because they were women. Research done by Skrla
(2000) supports the assertion that women’s leadership and abilities are often
questioned more than those of men, because they continue to be associated with
feminine gender-related cultural norms.
During the past 20 years, researchers in the field of educational
administration have criticized the knowledge base of prior research for its
androcentric bias, and they have cited the need for more studies on women’s
experience in the superintendency by including the perspectives of the women
themselves (Bell, 1988; Blount, 1998; Brunner, 1999; Grogan, 1996; Grogan &
Brunner, 2005a; Ramsey, 1997; Shakeshaft, 1987; Skrla et al., 2000).
One identified phenomenon that complicates the research is what Beekley
(1994) describes as women’s reluctance to discuss issues of gender discrimination in
the workplace:
Why did these women fail to acknowledge the prejudice and discrimination
they experienced? They really did not talk at length about the problem. Was
it because they just accepted it as part of the job, or were they so accustomed
to it they didn’t find it unusual? Did they ignore it as a way of managing the
work they had to do? Is it not socially acceptable to talk about it? (Beekley,
1994, p. 149)
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Chase (1995) described this phenomenon as “discursive disjunction” that
often shapes the way women talk about their experiences related to gender. Women
were often found to speak freely about subjects related to job performance, while the
conversations became more strained when topics related to gender were discussed
(Chase, 1995).
Throughout the interview process there was a recurrent theme reflected by
the majority of the women that “gender was not a factor” and that being a woman did
not hinder them in their ability to obtain their jobs as superintendents.
Superintendent B did not feel that she had any barriers in the pursuit of the
superintendency:
I don’t know if I’m an exception on this, but I have to honestly say I really
didn’t come across any barriers. The men in my life were wonderful mentors
to me, and they were very supportive.
Superintendent C, who has had a 40-year career in her district, beginning as a
teacher and now in her 14
th
year as superintendent, described similar experiences:
I am such an anomaly; I don’t think there are barriers. I think if you are
good, you are going to get the job. I just don’t think there are the barriers
related to gender unless there is a sense out there (outside the district) that
male-dominated search firms have traditionally sought after male applicants.
Having been in only one district all these years, I have not experienced that
type of barrier
Both women described their situations as being unique, in that they believed
they were an “exception” or an “anomaly” in comparison to the typical experiences
of women superintendents. These responses indicate that gender barriers still loom
for the majority of women in school administration, and those who do not experience
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these barriers are considered exceptions to the rule. When answering questions about
how gender and race could be barriers to the superintendency, three of the women
stopped for confirmation about the level of anonymity in this study, before sharing
their thoughts on the topic. They asked questions such as “this is anonymous, right?”
or “I won’t be identified by name?” before going on to discuss sensitive issues of
gender and race in the superintendency. The reluctance of some women to speak
freely on such issues is understandable, and great care has been taken to protect the
confidentiality of all participants in this study.
Most examples of gender barriers shared by the women in this study were
incidents that took place early on in their educational careers, when they were
teachers, school site administrators or district level administrators. The few shared
examples of gender discrimination in this study seem to indicate gender is still a
barrier for many women. Just how much gender is a barrier is not entirely clear,
because not all women are comfortable sharing discriminatory experiences they have
endured and other may have become so accustomed to unpleasant experiences that
they view it as “part of the territory” in their field.
According to the participants of this study, the majority of gender
discrimination occurred during entry-level school administration positions.
Superintendent H was the only participant who reported gender barriers at the
superintendency level:
When I applied for the job here as superintendent, I said I would not come
unless I had a unanimous vote by the Board. So the day of the board meeting
when they were set to announce I was going to be superintendent... I got a
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call from the district’s attorney and he said ‘I have bad news for you. The
only female board member has just informed us that she is going to vote no.’
I had already invited my parents, my husband, my sister and her husband and
my nieces and nephews and other family from out of town. The attorney said
‘it’s up to you, but I think you should take the job.’ I thought it over and
decided not to withdraw. On the night of the board meeting it was amazing.
The board room was packed. When they took the vote, she voted “no” and
the other four members voted “Yes.” I received a standing ovation, so even
though she had voted against me, she had to stand up and congratulate me.
The experience shared by Superintendent H was a completely unexpected
finding of this study. It was the only example of gender discrimination at the
superintendency level that was shared with the researcher and it was especially
surprising to hear this act of discrimination was carried out by a female in a position
of power against another woman who was aspiring to the superintendency. A
follow-up question was asked regarding that critical incident in superintendent H’s
career. The researcher asked, “What do you think that was about?... Her vote against
you?” Superintendent H replied “She made it very clear that as long as she was board
president, there would never be a female superintendent of the district. I am the first
female superintendent this district has had since it was founded in 1880. I am also
the first person of color.”
Superintendent E described several incidents of gender discrimination when
it came to entry level administrative jobs. Men were clearly given preferential
treatment when it came to hiring administrators in the large urban school district
where she worked at the time:
I put my name in for vice principal, but I didn’t get past the first round of
interviews, despite the fact that some of the people--all of them male--made it
through, and they had done less than me... I was almost 30 and I really
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looked young... I asked, What do I need to do? How long do I need to wait?
They told me to ‘come back in 10 years.’ Upon hearing that I was ready to
quit but my mentors kept saying ‘no, hang in there.’ They helped me put
together my resume and connected me with people...Since I saw I had no
immediate future as an administrator at that district, I started applying
elsewhere. On my next interview, one of the principals on the committee
asked me where my lollypop was... again, someone else implying I was too
young. So, that’s when I said ok, I need different clothes and I need a haircut.
I stopped short of dyeing my brown hair grey.
The experiences shared by Superintendent E may on the surface level, seem
more like age discrimination than gender discrimination; however, she went on to
explain that in each situation she was passed over for promotions, and those
positions were filled by men. The male colleagues who were appointed to these
positions were her age and even younger, and had comparatively less experience in
the field of education.
In another district, Superintendent E was told the top five candidates
competing for two administrative openings were women, so the district decided to
hire one woman and one man, because they did not feel the organization was ready
to have two women. That district promised Superintendent E that the next
administrative job that came up would be “hers.”
Superintendent F described similar experiences of gender barriers when she
wanted to obtain her first administrative job:
When I was 23, I met with the dean of my university about going into the
education administration program, and he said, ‘This is not something for
you. You need to go down some other career path. Get a Master’s in some
other area.’ So, I said okay, I will a pursue Master’s in another area, but I’ll
be back. I got my Master’s in a year and half and went back and entered the
program at age 25. I was selected for my first administrator position at age
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26. The assistant superintendent of personnel asked me, ‘what’s a nice girl
like you want to go into administration and become a principal for?’
Superintendent F said she nullified the barriers to positions she wanted by
obtaining all the necessary credentials and experience required for the jobs. “I made
sure there were not going to be any questions about that! I was really fortunate to
have been hired into K-12 curriculum and instruction, because I obtained outstanding
training and experience.” Since her district had an unwritten rule that no one became
a principal until they were at least 37, Superintendent F found another district with
no minimum age rule. She was one of two finalists for a principalship in which there
had been over 100 applicants. In the interview, the superintendent’s final question
was, “May I ask you how old you are?” and she replied, “ I am 30 years old, but I
am sure my age will have no bearing on whether or not I am selected for this job.”
Shortly after that interview, Superintendent F received her first principal job.
Racial Barriers
Superintendent I experienced many barriers as an African-American female
applying for administrative positions in a district where she got her start as a teacher
working in a predominately white community.
After completing my administrative credential program, I was told by my
peers and teachers alike that out of that entire class, I would be ‘most likely
to secure an administrative job first’. Not only was I the only African
American in that class, but I was the LAST to get a job. The district where I
worked in the early 1970s still continues to say the same thing today in
2008.... ‘We’re not ready for a black female administrator.’ I mean, what do
you have to do to get ready?
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Superintendent I provided another poignant example of how race became an
issue when she was selected for a principalship in a small town in Colorado. The
local papers stridently came out against her, claiming she was not qualified, and that
“she got the position because she was black.” Rumors also circulated that the current
superintendent, who was from California, must have known her and that was why
she got her job.
The superintendent, whom I did not know before the interview, came out in
my defense and said, ‘She’s bilingual; she’s had a successful career in high
school, and all of these other experiences.’ Since I previously had such a
glorious career here in California, I subsequently withdrew my acceptance for
the job. Then, I had parents calling me, board members calling me, but I
didn’t feel I would have the support I needed to be successful at that
school...even the Muslims (Nation of Islam) called and said they would
surround the school and protect me.
With all of the attention of the local papers, superintendent I’s current boss
and school board in Colorado found out she was selected for a principalship and had
intentions of leaving her position as their director of student services:
My superintendent called and said, ‘The board will have my head if you
leave. What do I have to do to get you to stay?’ I said, ‘You gotta get (current
supervisor) off my back and I need a secretary.’ My superintendent was
willing to give me anything, so I told her I would stick with her. Within 18
months they were opening a new middle school and I just happened to say to
someone, ‘You know I would love to open that middle school’ because less
than one percent of African Americans open new schools—I don’t know
what the percentage is now, but we are known to clean up schools... but we
rarely get an opportunity to open them. To give us a new school where we
can select the staff, and let us build the programs and pick the furniture?(she
laughs)....Needless to say, the superintendent came into my office and said,
‘Is it true that you would like to be the principal of that new middle school?
I’m going to recommend you for this job, but don’t you dare withdraw if they
pick you.’
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Superintendent I was ultimately selected as the new principal of a brand new
school in a predominately white community. “Some people would say I took a step
down, moving from district level administrator to principal ...but I didn’t go down, I
went up for people of color...I was one of very few African American administrators
to have an opportunity to open a new school.”
Superintendent I gave one final example of how race often is sometimes an
issue in her current position as superintendent.
Race is an issue, no question about it. I still have members on my cabinet that
will question my decisions and say, ‘I don’t think you should have three
African American administrators at that school’ and I think why not? If they
are the most qualified to be there? The time is now to put them there, when
the administrators were all white males for all these years ... people thought
that was OK. So why not have more than one administrator of color at a
particular school site...I place the most qualified people in the places they are
needed most.
Superintendent G spoke candidly about professional barriers attributed to
race when she was a district-level administrator. As a white female serving in a
predominately Latino community, a Latino board member who was newly elected at
the time felt she was not the “right fit,” considering she did not speak the language
and was “not of the culture.”
Race is the biggest barrier… we got a new board member who didn’t feel that
I was representative of the population. My area scores were the highest. My
principals were the best performing, I said, ‘I am being punished for my
good evaluations and I don’t understand this.’ I had to protect my career, so I
put together a resume, got hired in another district and I left. Before, I
always felt that if I did a good job, I would be rewarded for my hard work. I
had an excellent work ethic. I was honest and truly cared about the kids. The
rug was really pulled out from under me on that one. I was very hurt... I was
so hurt.
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Superintendent F points out the importance of being a superintendent of color
who is able to connect with the white community within a district, as well as with
communities of color. Relating only to one’s own ethnic group can prematurely end
a superintendent’s tenure in a district if it is perceived that they cannot relate to all
populations they serve:
I know a number of minority superintendents who have gotten into trouble,
by relating only to the minority population in their school district and not to
the powers that be or the established white population. Being able to make
that connection has been one of my strengths. I have been well received and
have established credibility with the long-established white population here,
so they have never questioned my credentials or my skills and abilities as a
superintendent.
Superintendent A, who is multiracial, of white and Latina ancestry, finds that
she is able to communicate effectively with all groups represented in her district. She
is bilingual and has made connections with both white and minority communities
represented in her district. “Professionally, I have made the choices when I have
gone to different districts to represent myself the way it is going to work best in that
particular district.”
Superintendent C agrees that race remains a barrier to the superintendency,
especially in smaller districts. “I still see signs that race can be a barrier and I am
very disheartened by that. I think school boards are heavily influenced by community
input, and I see so many highly skilled people of a variety of races who are passed
over for jobs as a result.”
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Summary
Prior research cites gender and race as the most frequently reported barriers
for women aspiring to the superintendency (Björk & Kowalski, 2005; Blount, 1998;
Brunner, 1999; Shakeshaft, 1989) The majority of women interviewed for this study
did not cite gender or race as factors hindering them in obtaining a superintendency
job. However, race and gender issues did present barriers early in their careers at the
entry points of school administration. Several women shared experiences with
gender and racial bias that occurred when they were school site administrators and
district level administrators. Since these experiences occurred during earlier parts of
their careers, none of the women seemed to consider those experiences as barriers to
reaching the superintendency level.
Only one superintendent identified gender as a professional barrier when it
came to the superintendency job. Her experience with the female board member
refusing to support her because she was a woman was not a typical finding in this
study. Only one other superintendent described similar examples of female board
members “not wanting to work with women superintendents and preferring to work
with men.” The majority of women superintendents indicated they had positive
working relationships with female board members, and they felt equally supported
by both men and women serving on their boards.
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Research Question 4
Research question 4 asked, What skills, strategies, experiences and forms of
support have contributed to the success of women in the superintendency?
Career Paths
All of the women superintendents interviewed for this study emphasized the
importance of creating a specific career path that would ultimately lead to the
superintendency. Being “too specialized” in a particular area of education and not
gaining enough experience doing several types of administrative jobs can present
barriers for women seeking the superintendency. All superintendents interviewed for
this study spoke about the dangers of staying in one particular job too long, without
allowing for the depth of experience that comes from holding various types of jobs.
Women interviewed for this study unanimously agreed on the importance of the
principalship as a vital pathway to the top.
Depth and Breadth of Experience
Superintendent G attributed her experience serving on a negotiating team for
seven years as a principal and the completion of her doctorate were critical to
successfully obtaining her current superintendency. As superintendent of her district
for more than 11 years, her skills in negotiation have served her well. She
transformed the district’s 30-year history of adversarial relationships with the
teacher’s union, into a positive working relationship where she has negotiated multi-
year contracts with her teachers.
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Superintendent B credited her success as a superintendent to her advanced
degrees and her insistence on doing all jobs in an order of progression that built a
strong foundation and depth of experience:
My skills were developed by doing every job really, really well. I am a
person who wants to know information in depth; that’s why I have two
master degrees, in addition to a doctorate and the reason I have four
credentials. I have always sought to have a really strong base and I get to reap
the benefits of those experiences because I am very confident in what I do.
By and large, no matter what scenario comes my way, I know what I need to
do and it’s all because I was so insistent on doing all the jobs without
skipping over critical positions and really building a foundation before
moving on.
Three other superintendents shared similar experiences of turning down
promotions because they felt they needed to build a stronger foundation of
experiences first. They cautioned aspiring superintendents to think through decisions
before “moving up”. Superintendent D turned down a promotion because she did not
feel she was adequately prepared for the job:
I had been a principal for three years in a district when I had a promotional
opportunity to be a director of instruction. This was a big promotion, but I
turned it down because I did not think I had been a principal long enough to
be leading other principals. I have always shared that experience, because I
think people need to know that it is okay to say, ‘I do not have the depth that
I need... let me get it first, and then I will move on.’
The superintendents interviewed for this study all agreed on the importance
of diversifying experiences and following career paths that gave them a solid
foundation in preparation for the superintendency. Establishing a varied set of
experiences was identified as a critical skill by each of the women. They also
considered integrity, effective communication skills, and a strong work ethic to be
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non-negotiable qualities one must have to be an effective superintendent. Many of
these qualities were also identified in the five role conceptualizations important for
all superintendents outlined in The Contemporary Superintendent (Björk &
Kowalski, 2005). An outline of those qualities may be found in chapter three of this
dissertation. Women interviewed for this study also cited skills in negotiation and
finance, as well as being politically astute and having effective problem-solving
strategies as critical qualities needed for success. All of the superintendents agreed
on the importance of having a broad base of experience. Having experience doing
several types of jobs at all levels of education K-12, participating in specialized
credential programs, fellowships, doctoral programs and ACSA Institutes, were just
some of the recommendations superintendents in this study had for women to gain
competitive skills.
In some cases, gaining an array of experiences meant leaving the districts
where these women served most of their careers. Many of the women expressed
initial reluctance to leave the comfort of their districts. However, all the women who
made the move outside their district identified that experience as being one of the
best things that ever happened to them. This was particularly true for women
working in smaller districts where there were limited opportunities for promotion.
Superintendent B explained that leaving the district was an important
experience because it gave her a competitive edge. “When I returned...I was the
ultimate insider-outsider.” Superintendents B and G both had the benefit of working
outside the district where they left the comfort zone and added a new dimension to
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their knowledge and skills. Their experiences “from the outside,” coupled with their
understanding of the “inside” culture of their original districts, became a winning
combination for success.
Advanced Degrees
Six of the women (67%) interviewed for this study have doctorates. The
survey findings were similar with 63.7% of responding superintendents indicating
they held doctorates. All of the women with doctorates believed advanced degrees
helped them “open doors” and gave them a competitive edge when they applied to
larger districts. Two have earned Ph.Ds and four have earned Ed.Ds. Three
superintendents have only Master’s degrees.
Superintendent D’s first superintendency was in a district with a very strong
culture. She attributes being “fresh from the doctoral program” as something that
helped her in terms of talking about what needed to be done to change things within
the organization:
Getting a doctorate is absolutely essential. Not just because the title is
important, because it is, that title carries a lot of weight, but because it gives
you a lot of depth and people figure out pretty quickly what you know, and
do not know.
Superintendent I, who has only a Master ’s Degree, had a few things to say on the
subject of earning a doctorate:
People often refer to me as Dr. and I don’t have my doctorate ...I had multiple
opportunities to get into a program over the years, but I found my time was
better spent going to workshops and conferences and making presentations
myself ... honing my skills in public speaking. I am so honored to be in the
presence of those of you who hang in there with those programs (she laughs)
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but I cannot sit for hours in a class and “sit and git”....I need to be in a
workshop, get what I need and then I’m out of there!
After further reflection, and a moment of silence, Superintendent I added:
If I had it to do over again, I would get the doctorate and do it long before my
mother passed away. My dad would have loved to see me do all of this too,
because he was a school administrator. My mom’s favorite saying was
always “Glory in your Spunk,” which was her way of saying, ‘I am so elated
and excited that you have the perseverance to reach all these different levels.’
My mom was my cheerleader for all of my promotions. Thankfully, she did
get to see me become superintendent. She came all the way from West
Virginia to attend my first board meeting.
More than half of the superintendents interviewed for this study have been in
their current position between 5-14 years. They had high rates of job satisfaction and
were willing to make the sacrifices needed to be successful in the position.
Superintendent A shared the following thoughts about the demands of the
job:
You have to be willing to really handle the challenges which are different
from any other job you will ever have. You have five bosses. And then you
have the union. All of it will take a personal toll on you, so you have to be
able to deal with the personalities, the issues, the egos, and the nastiness of
the unions. This year is going to be worse, because of all the state cuts to
education. You must also remember you are the role model for the whole
district. So you can never have a bad day. You can never fall apart. You
really have to build an armor to protect yourself, maintain your confidence
and remain true to yourself.
All of the superintendents in this study spoke about the demands of the job
and the toll it can take on one’s personal life and relationships. Given the daily
challenges of the job and the personal sacrifices required , when asked if they would
do it all over again, the majority of women superintendents agreed they would.
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Support of the Spouse
The role of the spouse has rarely been addressed in prior research on the
superintendency. This study examined married women superintendent’s perceptions
about whether or not the support of their spouse, or lack thereof, had an impact on
their career decisions and their ability to be successful.
Superintendent B summed up what the majority of the women believed about
the importance of a supportive spouse: “I think a spouse or a partner can help or
hinder anything in your life. If you really care about one another you have to learn to
compromise and you will both have to make sacrifices.” Superintendent B shared an
example of the sacrifice she and her husband had to make in order for her to obtain
her first superintendency position:
My husband was very distressed that I was going to leave our home and go
live in an apartment for my first superintendency. The search firm was
pushing hard to recruit me over there and I knew I would have to take it or
I’d be washed up; I got the job and I ended up in a tiny apartment for two
years so I could live in the community where I worked, and I would go home
to be with my husband on the weekends. He understood that I really wanted
to be a superintendent. Even though he wasn’t happy about it, he did support
me. If he had been angry and unsupportive during those two years, it would
have made my life as a beginning superintendent a whole lot harder.
Superintendents E and G both maintained they could not do the
superintendent job without the loving support of their husbands. Superintendent G is
remarried and her second husband is someone who understands the demands of her
in her chosen profession. She believes his support made all the difference in the
world:
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My husband is 100% supportive. I couldn't do this job without him. This job
in particular is very demanding on personal relationships because you are
gone all the time. My husband does everything. My husband cooks. My
husband runs errands for me. My husband encourages me and lets me dump
on him when I’ve had a bad day. He is always very proud of me … When
you are in this job, you have to have a partner who is self-actualized and not
threatened by you. If you are with someone who is insecure... then it is just
not going to work.
Since Superintendent E’s husband is now retired, he has agreed to move
wherever job opportunities take her. They sold their family home and moved to a
different county so that Superintendent E would not have a long commute for her
present job. Her husband loves all of the community events and football games that
come along with the job, and most of all he does not mind being referred to as the
“superintendent’s husband”:
We don’t have a word for first gentleman; we have a word for first lady. How
odd first gentleman sounds. My husband happens to like the social things...he
doesn’t mind the Friday night football games....the chamber mixers...he likes
the support role. My husband is retired, but he was in education so he
understands the work....He says that if Hilary gets elected president, he will
give Bill lessons on how to be first gentleman.
Superintendent D’s husband remained a neutral party in her decision to enter
the superintendency and did not try to persuade her either way, leaving the ultimate
decision in her hands:
My husband has his own professional life. So, by the time I went for the
superintendent position, he told me, ‘This is your career, your
profession...you need to do what you think is right.’ My husband is a good
sounding board, but he has never tried to tell me how I should conduct myself
and my work. I find that by the time most women get to that point of being
ready for the superintendent’s role ... their spouses have been a support
system to them all along.
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Superintendent A stated she has recently remarried and her second husband is
very supportive of her career. Still, he wishes she was able to take more time off:
I remarried three years ago. Even though you want the marriage, you want to
be in a relationship and all of that, the demands of the job are pretty
significant. You have to be with someone who can accept the demands ...
deal with the travel and the late nights…My husband called me right before
[this interview] and he asked whether I could go home early or could I take
tomorrow off? I just kept thinking No, I have already told you, I can't take
tomorrow off.
Superintendent F emphasized the support of the spouse as an important
component of success for women superintendents:
I think that is a major issue to have the full backing of your spouse. It’s
something that the female superintendent or aspiring superintendent needs
to have clearly discussed with their spouse, to know what the expectations
and limitations are going to be. Back in my doctorate days, when I had eight
months left and I was writing the dissertation, my husband took over all
household responsibilities. He had meals cooked so that I could write until
1:00 am every night and all day on Saturdays and Sundays.
An additional part of the job that involves the spouse is the amount of
weekend and evening events the board and community members expect
superintendents to attend. For male superintendents, it is generally expected that
their spouses will attend community events and district functions. How much
involvement is expected of a female superintendent’s husband is not altogether clear,
because there are no existing studies on this subject. When asked about how much
of a time commitment their husbands were expected to make when it came to
community events, football games and other school functions, all the women agreed
that their husbands did not need to attend everything.
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Women superintendents are much more likely to be single, widowed,
divorced or to have commuter marriages, than their male counterparts (Glass &
Franceschini, 2007). Mobility in dual career households also poses a significant
barrier when women move for a superintendency job and their husbands must find
employment in a new area. Married women superintendents must have husbands
willing to make the required changes to the relationship that will accommodate the
new demands of the job.
Six of the nine superintendents interviewed in this study are currently
married. A total of 56% of the women interviewed for this study have been married
more than once. One woman is currently going through a second divorce.
Approximately 22% of married women interviewed for this study have been
widowed, and the remaining 22% have been married only once in relationships that
have spanned decades.
Support of Mentors
Research maintains that women in school administration have a less-
developed mentoring system than their male colleagues. (Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b;
Quick, 2000; Schuler, 2002; Tallerico, 2000b). This lack of mentors is often cited in
research and has been attributed to a shortage of women at the highest levels of
school management. However, the findings of this study agreed with ASSA studies
conducted in the past two decades that the greatest percentage of superintendents
with mentors were women, with 71% reporting they had mentors compared to only
56% of men (Glass et al., 2000).
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This study found that there were a total of 25 (66%) women superintendents
reporting that they had the assistance of at least one mentor. Many women indicated
that they had several mentors who assisted them in obtaining a superintendency
position. There were only 13 (38%) superintendents who reported having no
mentors to assist them along the way.
Superintendent A believes that mentors are critical to a woman gaining
successful entry into the superintendency. She is encouraged that the number of
women in the profession continues to grow each year.
Quite honestly, I think you need to have a mentor who is going to push you
into the superintendency and typically, those mentors are male. You have to
be lucky enough to have a man who is confident enough to support a woman
as she works her way through the administrative ranks. I had a couple of
them. So, I was very, very lucky.
Superintendent G believes that her two mentors were essential.
I owe my two male mentors everything ...because I wouldn’t have known
how to open the door without them.. Those two were my models for
mentoring and I have always tried to do that for others, mentoring both men
and women... because they did that for me....
Superintendent F believes taking some risks and obtaining the support of
mentors are critical to obtaining the superintendency. “In order to get as broad an
experience as you can, you need to take some risks along the way. Try some jobs
that might be a little bit out of your comfort zone and prove to yourself that you can
do it. Get a mentor, absolutely, because good mentors will tell you where they see
deficiencies.”
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Three superintendents spoke at length about the importance of mentoring
other women. Superintendent A admits that she does not take full advantage of the
network of support existing among her colleagues, but she does make a point to
mentor other women aspiring to the superintendency. She shared the following
thoughts about the importance of networking and having a mentor:
I don’t call them [my colleagues]. I should call them. My life would be a lot
easier. I am not very good at that, but I find myself now mentoring others
who are just going into the superintendency, You have to have someone who
is going to watch your back and pick you up when you fall, because you are
going to fall or stumble sometimes. They will tell you that you are going to
be fine and to keep on going. That is critical.
Superintendent H is in her second year as a superintendent. She describes
herself as being “very lucky” and “blessed” to have several mentors that continue to
help her:
I have had so many mentors who have been incredible ...If I have a question
or have something I need to discuss, I just call them....One of my mentors
also coaches me. He actually comes to board meetings, sits in the back and
watches me. He meets with me afterward to tell me how I am doing. He is
brutally honest with me and I like that because, generally, your staff won’t
always tell you what they really think. Just imagine, several mentors of mine
came and sat with me for an entire weekend going through all my stuff,
giving me ideas and helping me plan the first year of my superintendency.
The importance of mentors and sponsors has been documented in several
studies (Bolman & Deal, 2003; Collins, 1983; Gardiner, Enomoto, & Grogan, 2000;
Grogan & Brunner, 2005b). Prior research identifies the four basic functions of
mentors to be: exposure, advice, protection, and sanction (Valverde, 1980). The
findings of this study indicate that 62% of women superintendents in California have
obtained the assistance of at least one mentor. Many women indicated that they had
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several mentors who assisted them in obtaining their position. Only 13% of women
participating in this study reported having no mentors assisting them in their ascent
to the superintendency.
Advice for Aspiring Superintendents
When asked what advice and recommendations they would offer to other
women considering the superintendency, the women had a number of positive things
to say about the job of superintendent. The number one priority of all the women
interviewed for this study was putting a focus on improving student achievement in
their districts. One superintendent quoted Sean Covey stating that it is important to
“begin with the end in mind” when solving problems and changing current practices
through shared decision-making.
All nine women (100%) emphasized the importance of the principalship as an
important component to a career path leading to the superintendency. None of the
women bypassed this position. All of the women agreed this position was important
in terms of having credibility with principals (Fieldnotes, January 18,2008).
Superintendent G remarked “Once you become superintendent you cannot
expect to be able to lead principals if you have never sat in the chair [as principal]. I
really think it makes a difference. How can you serve the schools if you don’t
understand what a hard job it is?
Superintendent E had this to say about the principalship as it relates to being
superintendent:
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You need to be a principal first. It’s a credibility thing, unless you come up
through business. Experience as a principal shapes everything you do. I can’t
imagine doing what I do without having been a principal. Bottom line, the job
of superintendent is organizing schools around the needs of kids, not around
the needs of adults. This is very hard to do if you don’t first have that
grounding of being principal.
Superintendent G offered advice on the importance of never burning a bridge
when leaving one district and going to another. She explained, “The world of
education in California is a very small community...and you are known by your
actions...Word travels fast if you don’t have integrity...Don’t ever do anything you
can’t face yourself in the mirror about the next morning because you will ultimately
have to live with the decisions you make.”
Superintendent B believes there are no substitutes for good common sense.
“A superintendent who doesn’t have good common sense can quickly mess up a
district.” Describing herself as a practical woman, Superintendent B stated:
I don’t have to win everything. I am really interested in finding some middle
ground and understanding where the people I work with are coming from. By
making sure I meet their needs, I can ultimately meet the district’s needs.
Working collaboratively is really where it’s at for the 21st century in all
fields.
Superintendent F emphasized the importance of attending academies offered
through ACSA and the advisability of obtaining an advanced degree. “Go to the
Business Academy and the Personnel Academy; make sure you obtain every
credential you need and take the time to get that doctorate.”
Superintendent I gave specific advice for administrators of color aspiring to
the superintendency. She believes many administrators of color do not promote
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because districts prefer to place them in disciplinary roles as agents for “cleaning up
troubled schools” and keeping students of color “under control”:
People see us primarily as disciplinarians. When you allow someone to keep
you in that type of position, lavishing you with comments like, ‘ Oh you are
such a good disciplinarian; you keep our school calm and our kids under
control.’ It’s like you become a prison guard. Don’t stay in a position of
discipline too long, or you won’t promote. Get lots of experience doing other
things from the elementary, middle and high school levels. If you want to be
a superintendent, you have to have a panoramic view of a district, and you
won’t get that doing discipline all day long.
Superintendent C had this to say about deciding whether or not to pursue the
superintendency:
Do your homework. Know what it involves. Be ready to commit. Make
sure that you can balance your personal life and your professional life. Make
sure that you are very successful in all of the positions you hold so that your
career ladder shows continual successes... That’s critical.
Superintendent G believes one of the best experiences anyone can have is to
work in a district that is historically underachieving. “I think the most valuable thing
is to have experience in low-performing school districts and be able to say, ‘I have
been in a low-performing school district and I made a difference’.”
Summary
This chapter presented an analysis of both quantitative and qualitative data
from the surveys and face-to-face interviews with nine current women
superintendents in California. This descriptive study identified critical skills,
strategies, experiences and forms of support that women superintendents in
California have used to overcome internal and external barriers to the public school
superintendency. This study also presented the perspectives of women
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superintendents in California based on their experiences with overcoming barriers
and achieving success in this executive level position in education.
Women superintendents in this study recounted both professional and
personal barriers they experienced in their pursuit of the superintendency, but
nothing ultimately deterred them from obtaining the job. Once they set their sights
on the superintendency, the women in this study actively sought opportunities to
strengthen and vary their skills in order to build a solid foundation of experience that
would successfully prepare them for the position.
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CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to discover what accounts for the
disproportionate representation of women in the superintendency, by identifying
both personal and professional barriers women face in their ascent to this executive
level position. This study also sought to explore critical skills, strategies,
experiences and forms of support women superintendents identified as being critical
for overcoming identified barriers and experiencing success in the superintendency
role.
This final chapter discusses the results of this study and compares it with
previous studies in the areas of barriers to the position, forms of support, skills and
strategies for success, and issues of gender and race in the public school
superintendency. Recommendations for further research and implications for
graduate preparation programs, school districts, and aspiring female superintendents
will also be discussed.
Methods and Procedures
A multi-method qualitative research design was used to collect first-hand
information from women currently serving as superintendents in California. This
multi-method design allowed the participants to share their reality, constructed by
their experiences in their ascent to the superintendency. Face-to-face interviews and
data collected from surveys mailed to 55 women superintendents in California,
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allowed for the study to evolve and be driven by the content revealed in the survey
responses and interviews with nine women superintendents in California.
Research Questions
This study was guided by the following four research questions:
1. What accounts for the disproportionate representation of women in the
superintendency?
2. What are the most common personal and/or professional barriers women face
in their ascent to the superintendency?
3. How do the constructs of gender and race affect women in their ascent to the
superintendency?
4. What skills, strategies, experiences and forms of support have contributed to
the success of women in the superintendency?
Three Main Categories of Major Findings
An analysis of the data collected from the survey results and in-depth
interviews with nine women superintendents in California led to major findings in
three main areas:
(a) current demographics of women superintendents in California;
(b) personal and professional barriers women face while aspiring to the
superintendency;
and (c) the critical skills, strategies, experiences and forms of support that
contribute to the success of women in the superintendency. The major
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findings are summarized within the context of the four research questions of
this study.
Major Findings for Question 1: What accounts for the disproportionate
representation of women in the superintendency?
The research studies of the past two decades indicate that being a woman
significantly increases the difficulty of successfully overcoming barriers of the
superintendency job (Björk & Kowalski, 2005; Blount, 1998; Brunner, 1999;
Schuler, 2002). Women are generally older when they apply for the superintendency,
while men are in the early stages of their administrative careers. Research done by
Evans in 2004, indicates that women are promoted based on their performance, while
men are often promoted on their perceived potential (Evans, 2004).
Additional factors women must face include: school boards not being
comfortable with a female leader; university programs and school board associations
not promoting skilled female candidates; lack of critical experience and training in
school finance, facilities and management; and less experience in secondary schools
(Montz, 2004).
Some women may also experience low self-efficacy due to a lack of
confidence for working in a male-dominated field. Limited expertise beyond
curriculum and instruction often becomes a barrier when women are not afforded
opportunities to gain a diverse range of skills or construct a career path that will
successfully lead them to the superintendency.
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The American School Superintendency Mid-Decade Study published this
year, cited working conditions and family concerns as the main reasons for
comparatively fewer females entering the superintendency (Glass & Franceschini,
2007). In terms of professional barriers, twice as many women as men reported that
the presence of a glass ceiling (16.5% of women compared to 8.5% of males)
contributed to both formal and informal “nonselection” of women to be
superintendents (Glass & Franceschini, 2007). Other professional barriers commonly
cited in prior research include: socio-cultural barriers of sex-role stereotyping,
gender bias and male dominated search firms, school boards and the “old boy
network” as all contributing to the disproportionate numbers of women as
superintendents (Brunner, 1999; Dana & Bourisaw, 2006a). Additionally, numerous
studies indicate a lack of positive role models and mentors in the profession can
create structural barriers for women aspiring to the superintendency (Björk &
Kowalski, 2005; Brunner, 1999; Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Glass & Franceschini,
2007; Grogan & Brunner, 2005a; Gupton & Slick, 1998)
Personal barriers cited in prior research on women in the superintendency
include: low self-efficacy, lack of aspiration and internal conflicts with being a wife,
mother and career woman (Glass et al., 2000; Gupton & Slick, 1998; Shakeshaft,
1989). The inability or unwillingness to relocate has often been cited in the research
as a major barrier for women aspiring to the superintendency.
The majority of women in this study (86%) reported a delayed entry into the
superintendency. This was a personal choice made for reasons that included
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considering the impact a move would have on the spouse’s career and the
undesirable consequences of uprooting school-aged children. All of the interviewees
with children (100%) reported waiting until their children were college-aged before
making the move to the superintendency.
Several of the superintendents interviewed for this study believed that the
underrepresentation of women was partially due to women choosing not to pursue
the superintendency. They believed that low self-efficacy, limited access to role
models, and a lack of interest in “working that hard” when it came to the demands of
the superintendent job, were some of the reasons women did not aspire to become
superintendents.
The findings of this study indicate that a general lack of interest in the job, as
well as self-limiting behaviors, may partially explain the underrepresentative
numbers. However, gate-keeping practices and gender discrimination were the most
frequently identified reason for the disparity of numbers. All of the women in this
study confirmed that barriers to the profession could certainly be overcome, with
varied experiences in the field of education, obtaining advanced degrees and by
enlisting the support of mentors.
While the overall numbers of women superintendents are considered
underrepresentative, this study found the there has been an increase of women
superintendents in California of 3.2% in just three years. The data revealed that
women now make up 31% of superintendents in California, and this is the largest
reported percentage in our state’s history.
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It is the hope of the women participating in this study that the most recent
numbers will encourage additional women in the field of education to pursue the
superintendency in the future. It appears that Ella Flagg Young’s dream of women
being “destined to rule the schools” has begun to take shape and be realized, as more
women continue to fill superintendency positions in the state of California.
Major Findings for Question 2: What are the most common personal and/or
professional barriers women face in their ascent to the superintendency?
Personal and Professional Barriers
The superintendents interviewed for this study identified various personal and
professional barriers they had to overcome in their ascent to the superintendency.
Interestingly, only a few women indicated there were professional barriers that
hindered their progress. Many expressed that they were fortunate to have great
mentors and supportive colleagues who encouraged them to pursue the
superintendency. One superintendent noted, “I did not experience any barriers to
obtaining my position as a superintendent, other than those I imposed upon myself.”
Three superintendents interviewed for this study had personal barriers related
to their first marriages in which their husbands were not supportive of their careers.
Two of the three superintendents indicated that cultural factors were to blame for
much of the problem. Their husbands’ traditional beliefs about what was considered
“appropriate” work for their wives took a toll on their marriages. Their spouses did
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not back them in their pursuit of advanced degrees and they were uncomfortable with
the prospect of their wives making salaries that exceeded their income.
There is substantial research indicating that success in the superintendency
often comes at the cost of women’s personal relationships (Brunner, 1999; Glass et
al., 2000; Glass & Franceschini, 2007; Grogan & Brunner, 2005a; Ramsey, 1997)
More than 13% of divorced women superintendents cited the end of their marriage as
a lifestyle change made to accommodate the demands of the superintendency
(Grogan & Brunner, 2005a). Prior studies indicate that divorced superintendents
cited their spouse’s failure to support their career as a major factor in their decision
to end the marriage (Glass et al., 2000)
A husband who is highly competitive, has traditional views of sex roles and
shows little interest in supporting his wife’s career, will ultimately not be the right
partner for a woman seeking a demanding executive-level position of superintendent
(Gilbert, 1988). The most recent study on the superintendency indicates that women
are four times more likely to be unmarried than men, with 24.6% of women
superintendents being unmarried, compared to only 6.13% of male superintendents
(Glass & Franceschini, 2007).
The findings of this study revealed the importance of having the full backing
of one’s spouse before seeking the job of superintendent, as having an unsupportive
spouse can quickly become a barrier to the profession.
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Major Findings for Question 3: How do the constructs of gender and race affect
women in their ascent to the superintendency?
Gender Barriers
Grogan (1996) maintains that women aspiring to superintendent positions are
viewed as women first, and administrators second. Negative gender stereotypes
about women that are prevalent in society have become barriers for women, because
they reinforce discriminatory practices and are perpetuated by our institutions
(Bolman & Deal, 2003; Grogan, 1996). Gender bias is a barrier affecting women and
their efforts to acquire superintendency positions in public schools (Blount, 1998;
Brunner, 2000a; Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Grogan, 1996; Schuler, 2002; Tallerico,
2000a).
Sannella (1990) and Gupta (1983) both noted societal myths present about
women in terms of their abilities, commitment to their careers and their effectiveness
in assuming leadership roles translated into barriers for administrative positions.
Some of the identified myths were: (a) women were considered incapable of being
effective managers. This was based on beliefs that women were irrational or too
emotional. (b) Women were considered lacking commitment to their careers and
work. The commonly held belief behind this myth was that women frequently left
work for family matters and, therefore, lacked commitment to the job. Additionally,
(c) women were considered ineffective leaders and (d) the role of a woman as
nurturer was seen as conflicting with the position of administrator.
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The gender stereotypes society holds for women can create a cycle of barriers
for women to contend with. Banks (1995) and others report that masculine
leadership traits valued in men are perceived differently when expressed by women.
Yet women who demonstrate typically “female” characteristics are also viewed with
disdain, being considered too “soft” for school administration. These conflicting
expectations result in a no-win, double jeopardy situation, in which women are
penalized for displaying masculine traits associated with effective leadership (Banks,
1995; Bolman & Deal, 2003; Shakeshaft, 1999).
The implications of the literature and research suggest the need for a
complete reshaping of the field of education. Shakeshaft (1989) suggests that
developing a research agenda allowing for a discovery of factors to be taken into
consideration is needed to respond to women in educational administrative courses.
She maintains an expansion of courses should include: (a) women’s experiences in
educational administration; (b) case studies of women to be used in classes; (c)
internships for female students with women administrators when possible; (d)
encouragement and support of research on styles of women administrators; (e)
women speakers in classrooms on college campuses; (f) addition of women to
college and university faculties in educational administration (Shakeshaft, 1989).
During the past 20 years, several researchers in the field of educational
administration have criticized the knowledge base of prior research for its
androcentric bias, and they have cited the need for studies on women’s experience in
the superintendency by including the perspectives of women themselves (Bell, 1988;
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Blount, 1998; Brunner, 1999; Grogan, 1996; Grogan & Brunner, 2005a; Ramsey,
1997; Shakeshaft, 1987; Skrla et al., 2000). One identified phenomenon that
complicates the research is what Beekley (1994) describes as a reluctance to discuss
issues related to gender. Chase (1995) described this phenomenon as “discursive
disjunction” that often shapes the way women talk about their experiences related to
gender. Women typically spoke freely about subjects related to job performance, but
the conversations became more strained when topics of race and gender were
discussed (Chase, 1995).
Throughout the interview process there was a recurrent theme reflected by
the majority of the women that “gender was not a factor” and that being a woman did
not hinder them in their ability to obtain their jobs as superintendents. Most
examples of gender barriers shared by the women in this study were incidents that
took place during earlier days of their careers, when they were teachers, school site
administrators and district level administrators.
Racial Barriers
In California, women of color represent approximately 14% of all women
superintendents in the state. Latinas represent 9%, African American women
represent 3%, and Asian women make up 2% of women superintendents in
California. In comparison, white women make up the largest majority of women
superintendents in California, as they represent 86% of the total numbers.
An overall theme was found in the literature suggesting that many women
superintendents of color held positions in districts plagued with high turnover rates,
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financial concerns and program improvement issues surrounding student
achievement (Ortiz & Marshall, 1998). It is believed women superintendents of
color face even greater challenges than their white female colleagues, because they
must deal with what is often referred to as “double jeopardy,” the dual oppressions of
sexism and racism (Blount, 1998).
A study funded by the American Association of School Administrators
(AASA) in 2003, reported that women superintendents of color felt they needed
more experience and better qualifications than both their white male and female
counterparts to be considered for a superintendency job. The study reported that
African-American women did not obtain superintendencies as quickly as white
women: with only 56 % of African-American women being hired in the first year of
actively seeking a superintendency, compared with more than 70 % of white female
educators (Grogan & Brunner, 2005a).
Critical Race theory and poststructuralist theories maintain that all people are
positioned in discourses “determined by race, class, gender, sexuality, and abilities or
disabilities...and those positions are either dominant or subordinate”(Grogan, 1999).
Women of color are not equally positioned in the discourse of public school
administration based on both race and gender. The superintendency role has
traditionally been held by white males, so the discourse of the profession has been
shaped by both gender and race. Women of color in the superintendency are
beginning to transform the image of what has been considered the “traditional”
superintendency. As a result, women of color often find themselves immersed in
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conflicting discourses as women and persons of color, and have had to learn how to
assert their role as superintendent in a way that does not compromise who they are
(Grogan, 1999).
The results of this study indicate that “race does matter,” and it has a
profound effect on women of color in the superintendency in terms of how they view
the world, and how the world reacts to them. The women of color in this study
acknowledged feelings of “otherness” at times when they believed they were treated
differently because of their race, or when they were one of the few women of color at
a conference or meeting. One superintendent described dealing with race issues as
learning to “roll with the punches” and another superintendent defined it as
“placeism” as others tried to define what her place in education would be as a result
of who she was racially. All of the superintendents interviewed for this study agreed
on the importance of being able to relate to and work with all racial groups within a
community. Often assumptions are made that a superintendent of color will favor
students of their racial group above other groups in the district, as if they do not have
the best interests of all children in mind. It is important that women superintendents
of color make the important and sometimes difficult decisions that need to be made
without fear of how those decisions will be perceived or second-guessed as a result
of their race and gender.
By asserting themselves as competent and successful leaders of their districts,
the women in this study have helped redefine the discourses and definitions of
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“superintendent” in the state of California. As a result of their hard work and
determination, they have opened doors of opportunity for others to do the same.
Major Findings for Question 4: What skills, strategies, experiences and forms of
support have contributed to the success of women in the superintendency?
Career Paths
All of the women superintendents interviewed for this study emphasized the
importance of creating a specific career path that would ultimately lead to the
superintendency. Being “too specialized” in a particular area of education and not
gaining enough experience doing several types of administrative jobs can present
barriers for women seeking the superintendency. All superintendents interviewed for
this study spoke about the dangers of staying in one particular position too long,
without allowing for the depth of experience that comes from holding various
positions in education. Women interviewed for this study unanimously agreed on the
importance of the principalship as a vital pathway to the superintendency.
Depth and Breadth of Experience
The superintendents interviewed for this study all agreed on the importance
of diversifying experiences and following career paths that gave them a solid
foundation in preparation for the superintendency. They cautioned aspiring
superintendents to think through decisions before “moving up.” Establishing a
diverse set of experiences was identified as a critical skill by each of the women.
They also considered integrity, effective communication skills, and a strong work
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ethic to be non-negotiable qualities one must have to be an effective superintendent.
Many of these qualities were also identified in the five role conceptualizations
important for all superintendents outlined in The Contemporary Superintendent
(Björk & Kowalski, 2005).
Women interviewed for this study also cited skills in negotiation and finance,
as well as being politically astute and having effective problem-solving strategies as
critical qualities needed for success. All of the superintendents agreed on the
importance of having a broad base of experience. Having experience doing several
types of jobs at all levels of education K-12, participating in specialized credential
programs, fellowships, doctoral programs and ACSA Institutes, were just some of
the recommendations given for women to gain additional skills.
In some cases, establishing a broad base of experiences meant leaving
districts where many of these women had built their careers. Although some
expressed their initial reluctance to leave the comfort of their original districts, all the
women who went “outside” for promotional opportunities identified that experience
as being the best thing that ever happened to them.
Advanced Degrees
Six of the women (67%) interviewed for this study have doctorates. The
survey findings were similar, with 63.7% of responding superintendents indicating
they held doctorates. All of the women with doctorates believed advanced degrees
helped them “open doors” and gave them a competitive edge when they applied to
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larger districts. Two of the women interviewed for this study have earned Ph.Ds and
four have earned Ed.Ds. Three of the nine interviewees had only Master’s degrees.
More than half of the superintendents interviewed for this study have been in
their current position between 5-14 years. All of the women reported having high
rates of job satisfaction and believed that they had made a difference in the lives of
students in their districts. All of the superintendents in this study spoke about the
demands of the job and the toll it can take on one’s personal life and relationships.
Given the daily challenges of the job and the personal sacrifices required , when
asked if they would do it all over again, all of the women agreed they would.
Support of the Spouse
A review of the research indicates that personal relationships are significantly
affected when a woman accepts a position as superintendent (Bolman & Deal, 2003;
Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Glass et al., 2000). The nature of the superintendency
being such a high-profile position may be difficult for many husbands to handle.
Some men are not able to accept a back seat to the wife’s career, and may not be
supportive in the same way that women have traditionally been expected to support
their husbands. If the husband is well-established in his own career, he may not
accept the idea of disrupting his professional life as a means of supporting the career
aspirations of his spouse (Glass, 1992). Therefore, the support of a husband or
partner may have a significant impact on a woman’s decision to actively pursue the
superintendency (Brunner, 2000b).
133
A woman superintendent needs a partner who will be agreeable to assisting
with household chores and the everyday duties of child rearing. If the husband is
unable or unwilling to assist with childcare and the day-to-day work of running a
household, a woman will need to employ the help of extended family or pay for
outside assistance. In some instances, the superintendent’s husband must be
prepared to be uprooted and move to a different city or state, if it is necessary for his
wife’s career. Research is scarce on the emotional, professional and financial
sacrifices a couple will make when the wife accepts a superintendent position
(Hensley, 1996). Women superintendents are much more likely to be single,
widowed, divorced or to have commuter marriages, than their male counterparts
(Glass & Franceschini, 2007). Mobility in dual-career households also poses a
significant barrier when women move for a superintendency job and their husbands
must find employment in a new area. Married women superintendents must have
husbands willing to make the required changes to the relationship that will
accommodate the new demands of the job.
Horner (1971) found that women who strive for innovative careers tend to
marry men who are not threatened by the success of their spouse, possess strong egos
and images of themselves, and as a result, can be proud of their wives (Hensley,
1996). Several women in this study referred to their husbands as being “proud” of
them. Gilbert (1988) found that husbands who were highly competitive and had
traditional views of sex roles, tended to show the least amount of interest and support
in their wives careers.
134
The women interviewed for this study agreed with the findings of Dana &
Boursaiw (1996) that a woman will find it difficult to serve in the capacity of
superintendent without some kind of support system at home, be it that of the spouse
or the extended family. Due to socialization and women being traditionally viewed
as nurturers and caretakers in our society, issues of family may have a larger impact
on a woman’s decision when considering the job of superintendent. As a result,
female superintendents and their families must undergo adjustments that may not
conform to the traditional family model.
A spouse or partner’s support can have a powerful effect on a woman’s
decision to enter the superintendency. Many women superintendents acknowledge
they were significantly affected by the impact their career had on their spouses and
families (Ramsey, 1997). The conditions of the job must be openly discussed with
family, and agreements must be made well in advance of accepting a superintendent
position (Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b). Male and female superintendents alike report
relying on the support of a spouse and family as an important contributing factor to a
successful career (Glass et al., 2000). Since women represent the minority in the
profession, with smaller networks and support systems at work, the support of the
spouse may prove to be more significant for female superintendents and this issue is
in need of further study.
The role of the spouse has rarely been addressed in prior research on the
superintendency. This study examined married women superintendent’s perceptions
about whether or not the support of their spouse, or lack thereof, had an impact on
135
their career decisions and their ability to be successful. Six of the nine
superintendents interviewed in this study are currently married. A total of 56% of the
women interviewed for this study have been married more than once. One woman is
currently going through a second divorce. Approximately 22% of married women
interviewed for this study have been widowed, and the remaining 22% have been
married only once in relationships that have spanned decades.
Support of Mentors
Women in school administration have a less-developed mentoring system
than their male colleagues, mainly due to a shortage of women role models and
mentors at the highest levels of school management (Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b;
Quick, 2000; Schuler, 2002; Tallerico, 2000b). Mentors are crucial because they
often serve as go-betweens among superintendent candidates and school boards.
Mentors give candidates information on in-district mobility opportunities and
prospective job offerings in neighboring districts and counties. One barrier cited in
the literature is that women lack role models in public school administration, and this
may be part of the reason more women do not enter the superintendency (Katz,
2004). Women aspiring to the superintendency are at a great disadvantage without
the help of a mentor.
Glass (2000) found that 66% of superintendents nationwide served as
mentors and 78% of that group reported that they had been mentored. The
importance of mentoring was evident in the majority of districts, regardless of the
district’s size or demographics (Björk & Kowalski, 2005). The greatest percentage
136
of superintendents with mentors were women, with 71% reporting they had mentors
compared to only 56% of male superintendents reporting they had a mentor (Glass et
al., 2000).
Lack of sponsorship and limited access to mentors contributes to the
underrepresentation of women superintendents. Additionally, people who serve as
mentors are more likely to promote individuals who are most like themselves. Those
with a traditional androcentric view of leadership often overlook and undervalue the
contributions and leadership styles employed by women. As long as women are
underrepresented in top-level administrative positions, mentors will continue to be
scarce and often inaccessible (Kanter, 1977). Research maintains that women in
school administration have a less-developed mentoring system than their male
colleagues. (Dana & Bourisaw, 2006b; Quick, 2000; Schuler, 2002; Tallerico,
2000b). This lack of mentors is often cited in research and has been attributed to a
shortage of women at the highest levels of school management. However, the
findings of this study agreed with ASSA studies conducted in the past two decades
that the greatest percentage of superintendents with mentors were women, with 71%
reporting they had mentors compared to only 56% of men (Glass et al., 2000).
It is estimated that two-thirds of women (67%) entering school administration
did so because they were encouraged early on by others, rather than it being an
internal pursuit of their own (Dopp & Sloan, 1986). The survey results of this study
indicate 66% of women had the support of mentors. This finding is comparable to
the most recent data published on the superintendency (AASA,2007) which reported
137
that 67% of women superintendents nationwide were mentored in the profession.
Many women indicated that they had several mentors who assisted them in obtaining
a superintendency position.
The survey results of this study indicated the majority ( 64% ) of women’s
mentors were reportedly men. White males constituted 56% of all mentors and men
of color represented 8% of those mentors. The second largest group of mentors
providing support for 32% of all women superintendents responding to this study
were women of color. This finding indicates that while women of color are the most
underrepresented group in school administration, they reportedly constitute the
second largest group of mentors for women superintendents in California. Although
women of color continue to struggle against the glass ceiling of school
administration, their experiences as a marginalized group clearly do not deter them
from seeking the position. Additionally, those struggles transform the act of “giving
back” and assisting other women along the path to the superintendency. (Fieldnotes,
January 29, 2008)
An additional finding related to mentors was that women who reported they
had no mentor assisting them in their pursuit of the superintendency primarily held
superintendencies in the same districts in which they were teachers. A total of 13
(35%) of women in this study indicated that they had no assistance from mentors. Of
the 13 superintendents without mentors, 11 (85%) reported obtaining their positions
within the same district where they served as teachers. All of these women are in
their first superintendency and have not been superintendent in any other district in
138
California. This finding may indicate that mentors may not be as critical for
“homegrown” superintendents who are hired from the inside their districts, as
compared to those who seek superintendencies outside their districts.
Summary
More than half of the superintendents interviewed for this study have been in
their current position between 5-14 years. All of the women reported having high
rates of job satisfaction and believed that they had made a difference in the lives of
students in their districts. While all of the superintendents in this study spoke about
the demands of the job and the toll it can take on one’s personal life, when asked if
they would do it all over again, all of them agreed they would.
The number one priority of all the women interviewed for this study was
putting a focus on improving student achievement in their districts. All nine women
(100%) emphasized the importance of the principalship as an essential part of their
path leading to the superintendency. None of the participants bypassed this position
and the majority of the women referred to the principalship as being their favorite
job. All of the women believed the principalship was a key component of credibility
when leading principals as a superintendent (Fieldnotes, January 18, 2008).
Implications and Recommendations
Implications for Higher Learning Institutions and Preparation Programs
1. University leadership courses must better represent the experiences of women
and people of color in school administration.
139
2. A concerted effort should be made to increase the diversity of faculty in all
academic institutions.
Implications for Aspiring Women Superintendents
The women in this study offered the following advice for aspiring female
superintendents:
1. Obtain varied leadership experiences doing several types of jobs that will
build a broad base of skills to draw upon as superintendent.
2. Having experience as a principal is critical for credibility when leading
principals as a superintendent.
3. Be sure to gain elementary, middle, high school, and central office
experience.
4. Have a supportive and encouraging spouse/partner and/or family members.
5. Seek the assistance of mentors and sponsors. Remember that those mentors
can be people of any race and both genders.
6. Obtain advanced degrees, either an Ed.D or Ph.D.
7. Take advantage of workshops and seminars offered through ACSA.
8. Have a strong work ethic and make decisions based on what is best for kids.
9. Remember to stay true to yourself and never compromise your integrity.
10. Mentor other women in the field.
11. Know when you have been somewhere too long, and be able to recognize
when it is time to leave.
140
12. Develop a thick skin and do not take things too personally. (“As
superintendent, you can never have a bad day”, “Never let them see you
sweat” , “don’t drop a tear...at least not publicly anyway.”)
13. Do not get stuck in the role of doing discipline for too long. You will not
promote from the school site, as districts like to keep strong disciplinarians
around to keep “kids under control and the campus quiet.”
14. Hold high expectations for yourself and others and be self-reflective about
your work.
15. Try to maintain a healthy diet, and exercise so that the job does not consume
you. Take time to take care of yourself.
Recommendations for Further Research
1. Conduct study that replicates this study on a larger scale, by including all
women superintendents in California.
2. Conduct a study that investigates the correlation between the success of
female superintendents and the levels of support they receive from their
spouses/partners.
3. Replicate this study in 5-7 years to see if some of the same barriers still
remain and whether or not the number of women superintendents continues
to increase in California each year.
4. Conduct a study on women who have not experienced success as
superintendents and attempt to determine the causes by comparing their
experiences, skills and strategies to the findings of this study.
141
Concluding Remarks
The American public education system is in a state of crisis. We can no
longer accept the gender bias and racial discrimination that continues to close doors
of opportunity on some of the best and brightest future school administrators,
especially in a state as diverse as California. This study contributes to the small body
of research done for and about women in the superintendency. All of the women
participating in this study achieved their goal of becoming superintendent regardless
of personal and professional barriers they may have faced along the way. They serve
as inspiration to other women in the field and to female school administrators
aspiring to this executive level position. The experiences and advice shared by the
women interviewed for this study are invaluable additions to the research on women
in the superintendency, and they are a voice for all women who have chosen careers
in traditionally male-dominated fields.
Although women have made substantial gains in accessing the
superintendency over the past 50 years, the overall numbers are still not considered
to be representative, considering that the field of education is dominated by women
(Grogan & Brunner, 2005b). It is the researcher’s belief that there is no shortage of
qualified female educators to fill superintendency positions. Instead, opportunities
for advancement are lacking when it comes to a shrinking applicant pool for the job
of superintendent. Once women decide to actively pursue the superintendency, 60%
obtain a superintendent position within one year (Glass et al., 2000).
142
The underrepresentation of women in the superintendency may also be due in
part to the gender and racial discrimination that occurs at the entry-level
administrative positions, in effect discouraging many women and people of color
from pursuing a career in educational administration.
The women of this study are committed to improving the lives of students in
their districts. Their commitment to education is evident in their years of experience
as teachers and the work they have done in their individual districts as
superintendents. They are mothers, teachers, mentors, wives, and role models for
women of all ages who have proven that women superintendents in California are
reclaiming their position as K-12 educational leaders. The current number of 31% is
the highest percentage of women superintendents to date, both statewide and
nationally.
In California, we have begun to actualize the century-old dream of Ella Flagg
Young, who envisioned women as being “destined to rule the schools.” Women
superintendents in California are opening doors of opportunity for others, as their
hard work and commitment to educating the nation’s children are reshaping the
traditional role of the superintendency. Through advanced degrees, preparation
programs, and a commitment to excellence, women superintendents in California are
successfully reclaiming the superintendency--by refusing to allow others to define
their “place” in school administration.
143
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APPENDIX A
COVER LETTER
Dear Superintendent,
Thank you for taking time from your busy schedule to review information on:
RECLAIMING THE SUPERINTENDENCY: THE CRITICAL SKILLS, STRATEGIES AND
EXPERIENCES OF SUCCESSFUL WOMEN SUPERINTENDENTS IN CALIFORNIA
You have been invited to participate in a graduate research study conducted by Karen Dabney-Lieras,
vice principal of Downey High School, and a doctoral student from the Rossier School of Education’s
Ed.D. Program at the University of Southern California.
This study is focused on learning about the key factors for success in obtaining a public school
superintendency position in California and the perceived barriers that exist for women. While women
make up more than 72% of the nation’s teachers and a majority of graduate students in administration
credentialing programs, the number of women superintendents is considered underrepresentative, at
only 21% nationwide. The purpose of this study is to identify critical skills, strategies, and
experiences that have contributed to the success of women superintendents in the state of California
where they represent approximately 27% of the state’s superintendents; higher than the national
average. This study will explore the skills, preparation, characteristics and experiences that contribute
to the success of women currently serving as public school superintendents in California.
If you agree to participate in this research study, the approximate time required to complete the
enclosed survey questionnaire is about 10-15 minutes. Please complete the survey questionnaire and
return it in the enclosed self-addressed stamped envelope. Along with the questionnaire and consent
form, you may also indicate whether or not you would be interested in participating in a face-to-face
or follow-up phone interview. Please also indicate whether or not you would like to have a copy of the
findings, once the study is complete.
Your participation in the study is voluntary and you have the right to withdraw at any time without
penalty. Any data collected will be destroyed per your request. All information obtained in
connection with this study will be confidential and the data will be reported in aggregate so that your
responses cannot be linked back to you. There are no perceived risks to participants.
If you have any questions or concerns regarding participation in this study, please contact Karen
Dabney-Lieras or Dr. Rudy Castruita at the University of Southern California. Thank you very much
for your time and assistance.
Sincerely,
Karen Dabney-Lieras
Researcher: Faculty Supervisor
Karen Dabney-Lieras Dr. Rudy Castruita
dabney@usc.edu rcastrui@usc.edu
150
APPENDIX B
INFORMED CONSENT FORM
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
RECLAIMING THE SUPERINTENDENCY: THE CRITICAL SKILLS,
STRATEGIES AND EXPERIENCES OF SUCCESSFUL WOMEN
SUPERINTENDENTS IN CALIFORNIA
You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Karen Dabney and Dr.
Rudy Castruita at the University of Southern California because you are a woman
currently serving as a school superintendent in the state of California. This research
study will be the basis for a dissertation done in completion of the Ed.D program.
The study will examine the perceived barriers that exist for women aspiring to the
superintendency, and what skills, preparation, characteristics and experiences
contribute to the success of women currently serving as public school
superintendents in California. Your participation is voluntary. Please read the
information below before deciding whether or not to participate.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to identify critical skills, strategies and experiences that
have contributed to the success of women superintendents in the state of California.
PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked to complete a short
survey containing twenty questions and you may be asked to take part in a 45-minute
face-to-face or phone interview on the critical skills, strategies, and experiences that
have contributed to your success as a woman superintendent in California.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no foreseeable risks or discomforts associated with participating in this
study. You have the right to decline answering any questions that may cause you
discomfort.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECT AND/OR TO SOCIETY
You will not directly benefit from the study. However, your participation in this
study will add to the professional knowledge and understanding of critical skills,
strategies, and experiences that have contributed to the success of women
151
superintendents in the state of California. The findings will benefit other women
superintendents and female administrators aspiring to the superintendency.
PAYMENT FOR PARTICIPATION
There is no payment for participation in this study.
CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your
permission or as requested by law.
Audio-tapes will be transcribed and the original tapes will be erased after
transcription is completed. Only the researcher will have access to the data
associated with this study. The data will be stored in the investigator’s home office
in a locked file cabinet and on a password protected computer.
The data will be stored for three years after the study has been completed and then it
will be destroyed. When the results of the research are published or discussed in
conferences, no information will be included that would reveal your identity.
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You may choose whether or not you would like to participate in this study. If you
volunteer to be in this study, you may withdraw your consent at anytime without
consequence. You may also refuse to answer any questions you don’t want to
answer and still remain in the study.
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at anytime and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights, or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have any questions regarding your rights
as a research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room224A, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1146,
(213) 821-5272 or uprib@usc.edu.
IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Karen Dabney-Lieras at dabney@usc.edu or Dr. Rudy Castruita, Faculty Sponsor, at
rcastui@usc.edu.
152
APPENDIX C
SURVEY: WOMEN SUPERINTENDENTS IN CALIFORNIA
Directions for completing this survey:
Please respond to the questions by placing an “x” next to the response that best
represents your position on a particular question. For open-ended questions, please
write your answer in the space provided. The information you provide will remain
confidential and will be used to create a current profile of women superintendents in
California. When you have completed the survey, please mail the survey back in the
self-addressed stamped envelope by_____________________________.
Thank you very much for taking time out of your busy schedule to participate in this
study.
153
APPENDIX D
SURVEY CONSENT FORM
As part of my study, I plan to do in-depth interviews with a total of 10
superintendents to gain further insight into the barriers women must overcome in
their assent to the superintendency. I plan to interview women superintendents from
public school districts in the following counties: Los Angeles County, Orange
County, San Bernardino County, and Sacramento County. If you would be willing
to be interviewed for this research project, please indicate this below by checking the
appropriate box.
I am willing to participate in an in-depth interview (45min-1hour) for this
research project.
I am unable to participate in an in-depth interview for this research project,
but would be willing to do a shorter less involved phone interview.
I am only able to complete the survey at this time and will not be available
for an interview.
Name: _____________________________________________________
School District: ________________________________________________
Telephone number: ______________________________________________
Email Address: __________________________________________________
Please check this box if you would like a copy of the research findings once
the study is complete.
154
APPENDIX E
SURVEY: WOMEN SUPERINTENDENTS IN CALIFORNIA
Personal Characteristics
1. Please select the age group that best describes you.
30-35
36-40
41-45
46-50
51-55
56-60
61-65
65+
2. Present Marital Status:
Currently Married
Single (never married)
Single (divorced)
Single (widowed)
Unmarried in a committed relationship
3. Racial/Ethnic Group(s) that best describe you. You may check all that apply
and best represent how you identify yourself.
White/European-American
Black/African-American
American Indian/Native American
Hispanic/Latino
Asian
Pacific Islander
Multiracial/Mixed race
Other (please specify) ______________________________
4. Do you have any children? If so, how many?_________________ How old
was your child/were your children when you obtained your first
superintendency job?_____________________
155
5. Who assists you with household duties and family responsibilities? (Please
check all that apply.)
No assistance
Spouse/Partner
College age child/children
Minor child/children
Parent
Other adult relative
Paid help
Other ______________
Professional Characteristics
6. What is the highest degree you hold? Please select one.
BA or BS
Master’s Degree
Ed.D.
Ph.D.
Currently in graduate school working toward a doctorate
7. Please identify the type of school district you work for.
Rural
Urban
Suburban
8. What is the total number of students in your district?_______________What
grade levels does your district serve?_________________________________.
9. What was the total number of years you served as a full-time classroom
teacher before obtaining your first administrative job?
3-5 years
6-10 years
11-15 years
16-19 years
20+ years
Please list your subject areas:_____________________________________
156
10. At what age did you obtain your first administrative position?
a. 25-30
b. 36-40
c. 31-35
d. 36-40
e. 41-50
f. 51-55
g. 55 or older
11. At what age did you obtain your first superintendency? _____________
12. How many school superintendencies have you held including your present
job?
a. 1
b. 2
c. 3
d. 4
e. 5
f. 6
g. More than 6
13. Have you held superintendency positions outside of California? If so, in what
states?_______________________________________________________
14. Did you obtain your first superintendency from:
Within the same district that you served as a teacher, school site
administrator or district administrator?
Outside the district from which you served as a teacher, school site
administrator or district administrator?
15. How many years have you served in your current position? __________
16. How many total years have you served as a school superintendent?______
17. Did you have a mentor or sponsor that helped encourage you in your pursuit
of the superintendency?
a. Yes
b. No
157
18. If so, please indicate how important the support of that mentor/sponsor was to
your decision to pursue the superintendency and ultimately be successful
during the first year on the job. Please circle one below:
Extremely Important Very Important Somewhat Important
Not Very Important
19. Please identify some characteristics of that mentor (Please circle all that
apply)
a. White male
b. Person of color (male)
c. White female
d. Person of color (female)
e. Older
f. Younger
g. Colleague
h. Retired superintendent
i. Family member
j. Friend
k. Member of an educational organization/networking group
l. From the same district
m. From a different district
n. County office of education
o. University professor
p. Other _______________
20. Please list who you consider to be the top 5 women superintendents in
California. Women you know personally/or that you are aware of, who
exemplify strong leadership skills and have achieved great things in their
districts. You may include yourself in this list.
1. Superintendent’s name _________________________District
2. Superintendent’s name ________________________District
3. Superintendent’s name_________________________District
4. Superintendent’s name_________________________District
5. Superintendent’s name_________________________District
Thank you again for taking the time to complete this survey. Please feel free to add
any additional comments that you feel are relevant to this study.
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
158
APPENDIX F
INTERVIEW GUIDE
1. Please describe your career path that led you to the superintendency. What
positions did you hold? Where and for how long?
2. What do you believe accounts for the disproportionate representation of
women in the superintendency, considering their significant numbers at all
other levels in education?
3. What skills, strategies, and experiences do you believe have contributed to
your success in the superintendency?
4. What were the most common personal or professional barriers, if any, you
experienced in your assent to the superintendency?
5. How much of a barrier do you consider gender and race to be when it comes
to obtaining a superintendency?
6. Do you believe a spouse or partner plays a significant role in a woman’s
decision-making process as she considers entering the superintendency? How
might the spouse or partner contribute to/or hinder a woman’s ability to
succeed professionally?
7. What role if any, did mentors play in helping you reach the superintendency
level?
8. How have you successfully balanced the demands of the job and family
responsibilities while being a superintendent?
9. Why do you think there are more women superintendents in California, with
approximately 31% leading school districts, in comparison to the national
average of about 21.7 %?
10. What recommendations can you make to other women considering the
superintendency as a profession? Is there anything else you would like to add
that you feel may be pertinent to this study and important for aspiring female
superintendents to know?
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
The achievements of women superintendents in public school education remain relatively absent from history books and are rarely acknowledged in graduate leadership courses. As a result, their rich history of struggle and perseverance are widely unknown today. Women superintendents of today are only now beginning to reclaim their status in education at levels that were achieved during a brief period of time in the early 1900s.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Dabney-Lieras, Karen
(author)
Core Title
Reclaiming the superintendency: the skills, strategies and experiences of successful women superintendents in California
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education (Leadership)
Publication Date
07/10/2008
Defense Date
04/14/2008
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
OAI-PMH Harvest,women and leadership,women superintendents
Place Name
California
(states)
Language
English
Advisor
Castruita, Rudy M. (
committee chair
), Datnow, Amanda (
committee member
), Doty, Wendy (
committee member
)
Creator Email
kdabney@yahoo.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m1327
Unique identifier
UC1205075
Identifier
etd-DabneyLieras-20080710 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-81936 (legacy record id),usctheses-m1327 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-DabneyLieras-20080710.pdf
Dmrecord
81936
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Dabney-Lieras, Karen
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Repository Name
Libraries, University of Southern California
Repository Location
Los Angeles, California
Repository Email
cisadmin@lib.usc.edu
Tags
women and leadership
women superintendents