Sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and acculturation as predictors of psychological well-being

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SEX-ROLE ORIENTATION, GENDER ROLE ATTITUDES, AND
ACCULTURATION AS PREDICTORS OF PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING
IN ASIAN AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN AMERICAN WOMEN

by

Anne D.H. Kim
____________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
EDUCATION (COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGY)

December 2008

Copyright 2008 Anne D.H. Kim

ii
DEDICATION

To My Parents, Hung Nae and Sook Hee Kim

iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First and Foremost, I want to thank God for inspiring me to enter the field of
psychology and giving me the strength and determination to complete my studies.
Next, my deepest gratitude extends to Dr. Ruth Hyun-Bee Chung. My chair, my
mentor, a huge reason I came to this program, thank you so much for standing by me
and getting me through this process. I am truly grateful for your wisdom, support, and
commitment to me. I am blessed not only knowing you as my professor, but as a role
model in many aspects of life. Words cannot express my gratitude.
I would also like to thank the other members of my committee, Dr. Rodney
Goodyear and Dr. Bob Knight. Dr. Goodyear, thank you for staying with me through
this long process. Your support and willingness to see me through completion has
meant a great deal. Dr. Knight, I can not thank you enough for your stepping in as my
third committee member. Having been away from the program for quite awhile, I felt
completely encouraged when you came onboard. And to my statistical consultant, Dr.
Yuying Tsong, thank you, thank you, thank you! I would have been so lost without
your assistance. Thank you for always being there to answer questions and offer
invaluable feedback.
Lastly, where would I be without my family. To my mom and dad, this
dissertation is dedicated to you. You guys have always believed in and inspired me to
reach for the highest goals. Thank you for the endless babysitting, the endless support,
and endless love that you give. My gratitude also extends to my mother-in-law who

iv
graciously provided babysitting services as I completed this dissertation. To my
cousin, Judith, my no. 1 cheerleader, thank you for stressing me out enough to help me
finish. All the pep talks, positive attitude, sushi dinners, and retail therapy definitely
helped me to get through this process. I would be remiss to leave out my far away
cheerleaders, Edward and Bonnie. Thank you guys for your encouragement, support,
and humor during this long journey. And to my husband Nelson, who I started this
journey with, we did it honey! Thank you for all the zeroxing, all the technical
support, and of course your encouragement. Our life can go on now. I am truly the
luckiest wife in the world to have you. Finally, to my children, Jaden, Toby,
Anderson, and Avery, my four great loves, you guys are my inspiration for everything.
When you grow up, I hope that my accomplishment will encourage you to fulfill all
your dreams.

v
Table of Contents

Dedication ii
Acknowledgements iii
List of Tables vii
List of Figures viii
Abstract ix
Chapter I: Introduction 1
Sex-Role Orientation and Psychological Well-Being 3
Changing Gender Roles 4
Asian American Women and Acculturation 6
Gender Role Socialization and Development 8
Significance of the Study 12

Chapter II: Literature review 14
Historical context of Asian American Women 14
Transition of Asian American Women through Career and Education 19
Theories of Sex-Role Orientation and Psychological Well-Being 24
Congruence Model 24
Androgyny Model 26
Masculinity Model 28
Gender Role Attitudes 31
Models of Acculturation 33
Psychological Well-Being 37
Asian American Women and Psychological Well-Being 38
Acculturation and Psychological Well-Being 41
Acculturation, Psychological Well-Being, and 42
Masculine Sex-Role Orientation
Summary 43
Purpose of the Study 44
Research Questions 45

Chapter III: Method 47
Participants 47
Instruments 50

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Procedure 60

Chapter IV: Results 62
Intercorrelations 62
Intercorrelations for Asian American Participants 63
Research Question 1: Relationship of Sex-Role Orientation, 67
Gender Role Attitudes, and Acculturation to Psychological Well-Being
Research Question 2: Analyses of Mediation Models 70
Research Question 3: Racial Group Differences in Sex-Role 75
Orientation, Gender Role Attitudes, and Psychological Well-Being

Chapter V: Discussion and Implications 77
Predictors of Psychological Well-Being 77
Masculine Sex-Role Orientation as a Mediator 83
Racial Group Differences in Major Variables 85
Discussion of Additional Noteworthy Findings 91
All Participants 91
Asian American Women 93
Implications 95
Theoretical and Research Implications 96
Clinical Implications of Analyses 99
Limitations of Study 102
Future Directions 105
Conclusion 107

References 110

Appendices 120

Appendix A 120
Appendix B 123
Appendix C 125
Appendix D 126
Appendix E 127
Appendix F 129
Appendix G 131
Appendix H 132

vii
List of Tables
Table Page
Table 4.1: Demographic Information of Participants by Race 48

Table 4.2: Means, Standard Deviations, and Zero-Order Pearson 62
Production Correlations for All Participants
Table 4.3: Means, Standard Deviations, and Zero-Order Pearson 65
Production Correlations for Asian American Participants

Table 4.4: Summary of Simultaneous Regression Analysis for the Center 68
for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) and the
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE)

Table 4.5: Means and Standard Deviations of Masculine and Feminine 76
Sex-Role Orientation, and Gender Role Attitudes by Race

Table 4.6: Summary of Multivariate and Univariate Analysis of Variance 76
and Independent Sample Statistics

viii
List of Figures
Figure Page
Figure 4.1: Mediation Conceptual Model 71

Figure 4.2: CES-D Mediation Model with AAMAS-EA as predictor 74

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ABSTRACT

Under the framework of the masculinity model and Gender Schema theory,
this study examined gender and culture variables in relation to the psychological well-
being of Asian American women. Specifically, sex-role orientation, gender role
attitudes, and acculturation were predicted to influence the level of depression and
self-esteem. The study further investigated possible mediating effects of masculine
sex-role orientation on the relationship between acculturation and psychological well-
being. Additionally, group differences in sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes
and psychological well-being were explored among Asian American and European
American women. Participants included 176 Asian American and 118 European
American women who were recruited to complete an online survey via listservs,
websites, and web mailings. The survey consisted of demographic information, The
Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI), The Attitudes Toward Women Scale (ATWS), The
Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS), The Asian Values
Scale (AVS), The Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D), and
The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES). Results supported the Masculinity model
and Gender Schema theory in that masculine sex-role orientation was able to predict
self-esteem and Asian American women espoused masculine sex-role orientation and
egalitarian gender role attitudes significantly less than European American women.
Acculturation was also found to predict psychological well-being, while gender role
attitudes failed to demonstrate any relationship. The study further demonstrated that

x
masculine sex-role orientation was a significant partial mediator between behavioral
acculturation to European culture and self-esteem. The results however provided no
support for racial group differences in psychological functioning. Implications for
theory, research, and practice were discussed.

1
CHAPTER I
Introduction
Sex role is described as “behaviors, expectations, and role sets defined by
society as masculine or feminine which are embodied in the behavior of the individual
man or woman and culturally regarded as appropriate to males or females (O’Neil,
1990, p.23)”. Sex roles are learned early in life assigning distinct roles for men and
women. While men are more likely than women to hold socially prominent positions,
control family resources, and are bestowed status and power as their birthright, women
are more likely to hold positions in supportive roles that reflect their subordinate
status. Men and women may have equally ambitious occupational plans, yet women
are still expected to modify their work roles and commitment for their families (Tittle,
1982). In almost all cultures, sex roles are divided and far from egalitarian.
The Asian culture perhaps displays the most strict and least egalitarian sex
roles. Consisting of over 25 ethnic groups, such as those of Chinese, Korean, Filipino,
Thai, and Vietnamese ancestries (Uba, 1994), the Asian American group represents
approximately 3.6% of the total population of the United States (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 2000). In the 1990s there was a 35% increase in the number of Asian
Americans and Pacific Islanders in the United States (U.S. Bureau of the Census,
2000). Over 5 million Asian American women comprise this rapidly growing Asian
American community.

2
For Asian American women who are raised with Confucian ideals, the gender
dichotomy is even more clearly delineated. Traditional Asian culture upholds a strict
sex-role division, differentiating men and women in their sex type behaviors. While
traits such as altruism, affiliation, and adaptiveness are encouraged for both sexes,
women are discouraged from “masculine” qualities such as independence, activism,
and competitiveness (Chow, 1987). Asian women are socialized from an early age
that female children are of less value than male children. From foot binding, to laws
that prohibited widows from remarrying and females from education, Asian women
have long been submissive and obedient to the men in their lives (Chia, Moore, Lam,
Chuang, & Cheng, 1994). Preference for male children and female infanticide are
examples of sexism that is prevalent even today. In comparison to women from
different cultures, the prevalent stereotype and traditional expectations of Asian
women being valuable primarily as child bearers and domestic help predisposes Asian
American women to discrimination and oppression. Research indicates that many
Asian American women still continue to be confined and influenced by traditional sex
roles (Hyde, 1996).
Consequently, this study seeks to increase understanding of how gender and
acculturation variables influence the mental health of Asian American women.
Specifically, sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and acculturation and their
relationship with psychological well-being will be explored. Greater insight into how
these variables contribute to Asian American women’s mental health will better

3
prepare clinicians and researchers in providing more culturally appropriate treatment
for this population.
Sex-Role Orientation and Psychological Well-Being
The women’s movement of the 1960’s and the increased numbers of women
working outside of the home has facilitated the changing of sex role norms. The
availability of expanded social roles has added complexity and changed priorities in
the lives of many Asian American women. Some contend that gaining power from the
ability to work and taking a more active role in public society has allowed many Asian
American women to acquire a more positive identity and psychological well-being.
For instance, many Asian American women are becoming involved in industries that
have been traditionally male oriented. These new positions have enhanced their
employability over men and changed their role to that of a co-provider for the
financial well being of the family. Espiritu (1997) suggests that through these new
roles, Asian American women are adopting and learning more stereotypically male
traits such as independence and assertiveness. They are in a sense becoming
masculinized.
The literature (Taylor & Hall, 1982; Bassoff & Glass, 1982) suggests that
masculinity is associated with greater mental health while femininity correlates with
lower levels of psychological functioning. In a meta-analysis of 32 studies examining
the relationship between sex-role orientation, depression and adjustment, Whitley
(1984) demonstrated that it was the masculinity component which expressed a strong

4
relationship to both lack of depression and high general adjustment. Femininity had
no relationship with depression and only a small relationship to adjustment. In
another study (Kleinplatz, McCarrey, & Kateb, 1992), both men and women judged
stereotypically "masculine" traits as being more positive than corresponding
stereotypic feminine roles. These findings lend support to the Masculinity Model
which maintains that psychological well-being is a function of the extent to which one
has a masculine sex-role orientation.
In contrast, the congruence model and the androgyny model present two
different views on the relationship between sex-role orientation and psychological
well-being. The congruence model posits that psychological well-being results from
congruence between one’s gender and one’s sex-role orientation while the androgyny
model asserts that individuals with both masculine and feminine personality traits are
the most psychologically well adjusted. However, the masculinity model has garnered
the most empirical support in the literature. From this perspective, Asian American
women would be at greater risk for psychological dysfunction than either their male
counterparts or those women who hold non-traditional identities due to their
traditional feminine traits and accompanying values.
Changing Gender Roles
Hurh and Kim (1988) suggest that changes in gender roles for Asian American
women may be a forced one that perhaps strains and burdens the women more than
empowering them. Many Asian American women are not only responsible for the

5
household duties, but earning the income to support the family. These women may be
working solely for survival rather than to enhance their personal growth. Thus, Asian
American women's behavior may not necessarily reflect a change in their attitude or
identity. They may still feel limited and confined internally regardless of them
holding more traditional male roles. As Hurh and Kim (1988) suggested, the change
in gender role is often the Asian American woman's need to fulfill family duty rather
than self-fulfillment.
Similarly, Zamarripa, Wampold, and Gregory (2003) in their study revealed
that the increase in women in the workforces has changed the role of women from
supporting men’s career progress to having to balance work and family roles (Rogers
& Amato, 2000). Women’s experience of the conflict is problematic because they feel
more responsible for family commitments and home tasks than men (Becker & Moen,
2002).
Regardless of the many conflicts Asian American women face, they continue
to be considered part of the "model minority" for their high economic and educational
achievements. Woo (1989) contends that the existing literature only focuses on their
accomplishments. This can be explained from a cultural emphasis on education, hard
work, and thrift. What is absent from the literature is the way in which these women
"spend their whole lives doing their duty in quiet desperation" (Hyde, 1996). Contrary
to the model minority stereotype, Asian American women struggle with low self-
esteem, depression, and addictions. In fact, studies reveal that Asian Americans

6
experience more psychological symptoms than other ethnic groups (Grath, 1995;
Myers & Diener, 1995).
Asian American Women & Acculturation
Salient to the psychological functioning of Asian American women is the
process of acculturation. Since the mid 1980's, the concept of acculturation has
become the focus of psychological research on Asian Americans. It has helped
identify important differences within the Asian American population. Acculturation is
defined as the way in which an individual incorporates values and behaviors of the
new culture into currently held ones (Liu, W. M., Pope-Davis, D. B., Nevitt, J., &
Toporek, R. L., 1999). The more an individual acculturates to another culture, the
more the language, customs, values, identity, attitudes, and behaviors of the
predominant culture are adopted.
The acculturation process itself is a challenging and stressful experience.
Problems with language, racial discrimination, family stress, social separation,
financial difficulties and differences in cultural values all contribute to psychological
distress during acculturation. Asian values such as filial piety, obedience to authority,
and self abasement further conflict with American values of individualism,
egalitarianism, and independence. Asian Americans are likely to be challenged and
confronted by negative perceptions as they are compared to or are pressured to
conform to Western norms. With such different perspectives to choose between and
to reconcile, struggles with their psychological adjustment may occur.

7
Researchers contend that the larger the socio-cultural gap between two
cultures, the more difficult the acculturation process (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok,
1987). Similarly, the greater the variance between two cultures, the more likely
identity conflict or psychological maladjustment will occur. The distance between
Asian and American culture is vast, making adaptation of Asian to American culture
an especially challenging task. The literature suggests that high acculturation could
act as a buffer against psychological distress (Saldana, 1994).
Asian American woman in particular experience confusion and conflict during
their acculturation to American gender roles and norm (Chin, 2000). When Asian
American women engage in "inappropriate" masculine sex-type role by either
selecting a masculine occupation, they are not likely to be positively reinforced for
this decision. These women are challenged to negotiate the two cultural and gender
values. Gender role patterns learned in the American culture tend to be different from
those learned in Asian culture, often creating conflict among family members and with
in self. While taught to be discreet and subservient at home, outside they are told to
be assertive and sociable. Asian American women are further encouraged to be
“good” women by having no personal goals and pursuing what the parents deem
appropriate goals and behaviors. In some sense, neither world supports them nor
encourages them to be their own person. Asian women face a dilemma where
although they display characteristics that society values, they may suffer negative
consequences by showing these behaviors.

8
Gender Role Socialization & Development
To better understand Asian American women’s gender role dynamics,
Psychodynamic, Cognitive Developmental, and Social Learning theories are the three
traditional models that explain their gender role socialization and development.
Psychodynamic theories focus on how early childhood experiences affect the
personality. These theories maintain that gender identity is central part of an
individual's personality. While all psychodynamic theories focus on identification with
the same-sex parent, other theories focus on different developmental dynamics. Most
relevant to the current study is the thoughts of feminist psychodynamic theorists. They
assert that that being raised by a female results in children developing different
cognitive orientations and personalities. Females develop a more personal and
relational style, while males develop a more abstract and impersonal style due to
identifying with a more distant male figure. Males according to this theory must reject
their identification with their caretaker, leading to a rejection of any feminine
association. In order to separate from the caretaker's attachment they feel they must
subordinate females. By the age of five or six, male domination and female
subordination is part of the male and female gender identity (Basow, 1992).
In contrast to psychodynamic theories, social learning theory proposes that
gender identity is a product of different forms of learning. Thus the importance of the
child's environment in his or her gender development is emphasized (Bandura &
Walters, 1963). According to social learning theory, females become more communal

9
and males become more agentic because they are either punished or rewarded for
appropriate and inappropriate behaviors. This theory conveys that children tend to
model their same sex parent, learning gender appropriate behaviors through
observation. From birth, boys and girls are treated differently according to social
learning theory. Because different behaviors get reinforced and modeled by children,
an early awareness of gender connected behaviors is established early on. With age
and experience, children's stereotyped behaviors and knowledge increases with
reinforcement. Especially for males, the number of sex-typed traits one possesses
increases with age through adolescence (Galambos, Almeida, & Petersen, 1990).
Kohlberg's Cognitive Developmental theory emphasizes the active role of the
child in acquiring sex role behaviors. Based on Piaget's theory of cognitive
development, Kohlberg contends that children learn their sex role as a function of their
understanding of the world. Because children do not understand physical constancy
from ages 4 to 7, before age 5 they can not have a firm gender identity. After that age,
the permanence of gender is grasped. From this point, the self categorization of girl
and boy becomes an organizing focus of future behaviors. Children begin to value
same-sex behaviors and attitudes while beginning to devalue opposite sex ones. At the
same time, they begin to look for models and situations in accordance with this to
remain self consistent. Kohlberg's theory argues that the establishment of gender
identity guides the perception of gender stereotypes and the consequent development of
gender attributes. He explains that when children are young they have "sharp" gender

10
stereotypes and exaggerated ideals of the two sex roles due to their concrete operations.
It is only with further cognitive development that these concepts can be changed to
incorporate exceptions and personal preferences.
Similar to Kohlberg, Pleck (1975) applied cognitive-developmental theory to
children's understanding of gender. He maintained that children went through stages in
their understanding of gender roles. While Kohlberg's theory ceased to describe the
process beyond ages five or six, Pleck extended his theory to describe older and
younger adults. Pleck's model consists of three stages of gender role development
which parallel stages of moral development in children. In the first stage, children's
gender role concepts are disorganized. The child is not cognizant of his or her gender,
and the behaviors specific to each gender. In the second stage, children are aware of
gender role norms and are highly motivated to conform to them, as well as influence
others to conform to them. This stage commences in childhood and climaxes in
adolescence when gender role conformity is most important to their identity. In the
third stage, individuals transcend limitations of gender roles imposed by society. They
develop androgyny, an inclusion of both feminine and masculine traits, in response to
their beliefs and values. Thus, Pleck viewed androgyny as a stage.
The most recent model is Bem’s Gender Schema theory (1974). In her model,
integrated cognitive developmental and social learning theories are utilized to
understand sex role development. What differentiates her theory from many others, is
the importance of culture. Bem posits that sex typing is largely due to children's

11
readiness to encode and organize information according to the culture's definition of
gender roles. By observing the distinction made between males and females in their
culture, children learn not only the specific content of the gender roles but also that
gender and gender distinctions are salient. This schema helps to organize and guide an
individual's perception. Consequently, sex typing results from one's self-concept being
integrated into the gender schema. By matching one's behaviors and attributes against
the developing gender schema, an individual learns to evaluate his or her adequacy as a
person. According to this theory, if cultures did not have such great distinctions
between the sexes, children would not develop or utilize such strong gender schemas.
All of these theories to some extent can aid understanding in Asian American
women's gender role development and socialization. However, Gender Schema theory
appears most applicable to this minority group. Bem's theory emphasizes that
depending upon the culture, an individual learns the importance and distinctions of
gender roles. If an individual was raised in a more egalitarian culture, then the
individual would be exposed to more androgynous gender roles. He or she would then
develop a weaker gender schema, resulting in less sex-typing. Asian females because
they are raised in a rigid gender distinct society tend to have well developed gender
schemas. They learn from an early age that gender roles are distinctly different for
each sex. With such strong gender schemas, Asian females examine themselves and
others in comparison to those ideals. However, the problem arises when Asian women
are confronted with a different culture and contradictory gender roles. They are then

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left in a potential conflict regarding their own gender identity and psychological well-
being.
Significance of the Study
This present study is a step towards understanding the mental health of Asian
American women. Under the framework of the masculinity model and Bem’s Gender
Schema theory, the relationship between sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes,
acculturation, and psychological well-being was examined among Asian American
women. Acculturation was measured in three dimensions: values acculturation to
Asian culture, behavioral acculturation to culture of origin, and behavioral
acculturation to American culture. Psychological well-being was measured in two
dimensions: depression and self-esteem.
Although Asian American women are part of a rapidly growing community,
there continues to be a paucity of research on their mental health needs. In particular,
there are few studies that address the psychological adjustment of Asian American
women. With recent studies suggesting that Asian American women are at higher risk
for psychological maladjustment (Uba, 1994; Kramer, Kwong, Lee & Chung, 2002)
there is a clear need to investigate variables that influence their mental health.
Acculturation, is one variable that has been shown to be salient to the psychological
functioning of Asian American women. Since acculturation has already been
demonstrated to be a salient factor in the mental health of Asian American women, it
may be just as critical to explore the mechanism by which acculturation influences

13
psychological well-being. Moreover, research has revealed that gender variables are
related to psychological well-being. Exactly how these variables influence Asian
American women and their mental health remains ambiguous. Thus, an examination
of gender and acculturation variables among this group was well deserved.
Chapter II included a review of relevant literature that addressed Asian
American women’s history, sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, acculturation,
and psychological well-being. Chapter III presented the methodology used in the
study including participant characteristics, and psychometric properties of the
instruments used to measure sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, acculturation
and psychological well-being. Chapter IV provided the results of the analyses used to
address the research questions of this study. This chapter also included the
interrrelationships of the variables. Chapter V discussed the results of the study, the
implications of the results for theory and clinical practice, the limitations of the study,
and future direction.

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CHAPTER II
Literature Review
This chapter begins with an overview of Asian American women’s historical
background. The chapter then delves into past and current literature on sex-role
orientation, gender role attitudes, and acculturation in relation to psychological well-
being. The literature also addresses the mental health status of Asian American
women. Finally, the chapter ends by proposing the specific research questions and
hypotheses that is investigated in this study.
Historical context of Asian American Women
Prior to the teachings of Confucius, the positions of Asian women were
esteemed. They were warriors, leaders, scholars and respected members of their
communities (Fujitomi & Wong, 1981). However, with the widespread dissemination
of his teachings regarding familial relationships, Asian women suffered from
inferiority status and forced incapability for several centuries. They were excluded
from attaining formal education and taught mainly household tasks by other female
relatives (Fujitomi & Wong, 1981). Asian women were discouraged from learning
skills and developing talents that would give them a career outside the home.
Their families were hierarchical in nature emphasizing sex, generation, and
age. The father, husband, brother, and son were at the highest level dominating the
young women who were at the lowest level. Daughters usually held a low status in the
household because they did not continue the family line. The mother was expected to

15
be the compliant wife and homemaker while the father's role was the breadwinner and
decision maker. Roles and behavioral standards were clearly defined and ethical
values stressed male dominance (Ligutom, 1995). These families further encouraged
the development of the male's personality and goals, while discouraging women's
individuality and aspirations.
Asian women's history in the United States began in the 1850's with a small
number of Chinese women. They were part of a large influx of Chinese who
immigrated to the country. Having no intention of permanent residence, their only
goal was to earn money and return to China. However, due to political unrest and
natural catastrophes of flood and famine in China many chose to stay in the United
States. By 1890, there were only 3, 868 Chinese females compared to 103,620
Chinese males (Jung, 1974). The disproportionate sex ratio resulted in several
hundred Chinese women being brought over to the United States as prostitutes. The
majority of these women were forced into prostitution (Jung, 1974). Consequently,
many Chinese women in the United States began their lives as oppressed slaves and
sexual commodities.
The unbalanced sex ratio was exacerbated by the United States passing the
Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. This law prohibited the entry of Chinese women who
were not wives of merchants, students, and teachers into the country. A majority of
the immigrants were laborers, thus their wives were unable to immigrate. The states
also passed miscegenation laws which prevented Chinese males from intermarrying

16
with White females. Sixty one years later, the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed
allowing Chinese women to enter this country in 1943. Even today, the Chinese
American population still experiences the consequences of the Exclusion act in highly
unbalanced sex ratios in certain age categories (Kumagai, 1988).
Besides prostitution, Asian women immigrated to the United States in other
ways. Philippina women immigrated with their husbands as wards of the state while
many Korean and Japanese women entered the United States as picture brides
(Bradshaw, 1994). Asian women also entered the United States as wives of American
soldiers. The growth in the numbers of Asian American women was restricted by
another quota in 1924 limiting the number of Asian immigrants entering the country.
While Asian men continued to outnumber Asian women in the early
immigration period, a great increase in the number of Asian women occurred after the
end of World War II and after the liberalization of the immigration law in 1965. Since
then, the trend has been reversed, and more Asian women have entered the United
States than men. Today, there exists fifth and sixth generation Asian American
women. The main reason for Asian women to immigrate currently is the reunion of
their families, occupational preference, or as refugees. The recent wave of
immigration has increased the percentage of foreign born Asian American women,
increased the level of education, and decreased the male dominated sex ratio in the
Asian population.

17
Immigration to the United States was and continues to be an extremely
difficult process for many Asian women. Their experiences following immigration
were of economic hardships and hard labor. Many women worked in domestic service
and were considered socioeconomically lower status. When Chinese immigrant
women first came to the country, they were viewed as degraded animal-like creatures.
Negative perceptions of these women were formed during the anti-Chinese period
from 1870 to 1900. After World War II, American soldiers conveyed their images of
Japanese women as perfect wives. Today, Asian American women are conveyed
through the media as shy, docile, quiet, submissive, or sexy and erotic. Asian
American women are frequently stereotyped in the media as "China doll", "Suzie
Wong sex pot", the "Geisha girl", or negatively as the devious and dominating "dragon
lady" (Fujitomi & Wong, 1976). These images have been generalized onto all Asian
women. Specifically, the stereotype of Asian American women as hypersexual can be
explained from World War II through the Vietnam War by the experience of
American GIs, prostitution in the Pacific region and lack of realistic media portrayals
of Asian American women (Bradshaw, 1994).
These racial and sexual stereotypes have been detrimental to the development
of positive self-identity for Asian American women. Fujitomi and Wong (1976)
argued that even positive stereotypes are dehumanizing and are aimed at legitimizing
Asian women as eligible marriage partners for American males. Asian men further
stereotype their own women by defining for them what it means to be "traditional" and

18
"unfeminine" (Fong, 1996). Asian men may be attracted by the American standard of
beauty and prefer women other than Asian women. These stereotypes make it
difficult for Asian American women to develop their self-esteem. The media has
further reinforced to a great extent the prevailing attitudes and stereotypes of Asian
American women. Recently, a systematic importation through advertisements in
newspapers and magazines of Asian "mail-order brides" has continued their
exploitation as commodities and has contributed to the sexist and discriminatory
treatment of Asian American women.
These images support the idea of subordinate femininity conveying Whiteness
as normal and European White women as superior to minority women (Pyke &
Johnson, 2003). The images of being weak, submissive, sexually exotic, and quiet
also attribute hyperfeminity to Asian women making them more vulnerable to
mistreatment. The struggle for a positive self-esteem has been made more difficult
through these widespread images and stereotypes.
Many suggest the most powerful stereotype of Asian Americans is the model
minority myth, a belief that Asian Americans are free from social and economic
problems and are upwardly mobile (Fong, 1998). According to this misconception,
Asian Americans are well adjusted and experience little adjustment difficulties. The
model minority myth further supports a perception of Asian Americans as
homogenous with similar experiences despite the large number of different ethnic
groups that belong to this racial category (Pak, 2001). These misconceptions of Asian

19
Americans have prevented them from appropriate and needed assistance (Thrupkaew,
2002). Regardless of the model minority myth, Wilson (1996) contends that White
Americans hold stereotypes about Asian Americans that are more negative than
positive and they desire social distance from Asians.
Transition of Asian American Women through Career and Education
In the past, Asian American women have been confined to traditional gender
roles. When examining the recent development of these women from a social,
cultural, and economic context, it is clear that their roles are evolving. Although
traditional Asian culture defines appropriate roles and expectations for females that are
different from American culture (Chow, 1984), Asian women in the United States
have taken upon new responsibilities leading to the alteration of their sex roles.
Asian American women's gender role attitudes have altered with their
participation in the work force and their higher career aspirations. They have begun to
shift from a "traditional" stance to a more egalitarian one. Lim (1997) in his study
showed that working women were able to challenge gender inequality at home
through their participation in the paid labor force. In-depth interviews of Korean
immigrant wives revealed that they are no longer blind to their husbands' dominance
at home and their lesser work load. Ferree (1987) suggests that when women
contribute a relatively substantial financial assistance to the family, this leads them to
examine their husband's lack of household work and begin to voice their desire for

20
change. Consequently, immigrant women have a greater potential to challenge gender
inequality at home.
The wives new self-expression and marital conflicts was a sign of the
immigrant women attempting to make a change in their husbands' dominance at home.
With their awareness of their contribution to the family economy, wives were
beginning to believe they deserve more assistance from their husbands. As a result of
the double burden of the immigrant wives, they also chose to neglect the quality or
quantity of family work (Lim, 1997). The wives often delayed laundry until there
were no clean socks and undergarments left or they neglected chores such as dish
washing and cleaning. These wives rejected the "superwoman" ideal (Lim, 1997).
Similarly, Hurh and Kim (1988) illustrated how dynamics of gender role were
changed by Korean American women's employment. Korean women are still limited
to domestic roles in their husbands' families even today. Consequently, when Korean
married women immigrate to the United States they are in a vastly different social
situation where a large segment of married women are employed. Hurh and Kim
(1988) through their interview of 334 Korean married women in Southern California
discovered that a majority (67.9%) of them were currently employed contrary to the
traditional expectations of married women in Korea. Their employment rate was
higher than White married women (48.3%) and Black married women (59.7%). Like
most immigrant women, Korean immigrant wives were employed to support the

21
family. Their husbands were incapable of supporting the family financially without
the assistance of their wives.
In an ethnographic study of women's social groups and networks among
Vietnamese immigrants in the United States, Kibria (1990) demonstrated how
Vietnamese women's power to challenge male authority has increased through their
economic contributions to the family economy. Instead of openly confronting male
authority and radically changing the traditional role system, Vietnamese immigrant
women used their new resources to cope more effectively with male domination.
As a mechanism of coping, Vietnamese immigrant women have formed
informal social groups where they exchange food, materials, services, and
information. It was also an important source of support and aid for the women.
Kibria (1990) presented a scenario where the social group collectively assisted a
woman in breaking ties with a physically abusive husband. The women in the group
were able to influence their community to ostracize the man, eventually forcing him to
leave the city. This course of action however was contrary to family norms and
female propriety (Kibria, 1990). Women in this situation acted as both protectors and
supporters of family and woman's interests. These scenarios also revealed women's
groups' ability to exert power over both men and women in the community through
their positions in the workforce. Migration to the United States has weakened men's
control over economic and social resources which indirectly paved a way for women
to assume greater informal power.

22
Asian American women are also found to seek more prestigious occupations
compared to White women (Leung, Ivey, and Suzuki, 1994). Interestingly, Asian
female students were more likely than their Caucasian counterparts to consider
nontraditional occupations for women. Asian men on the other hand were more likely
than Caucasian male students to consider traditionally male occupations. This study
suggests that although Asian culture encourages the individual to maintain their
traditional sex roles, Asian American women are considering alternatives that are
nontraditional for women.
Asian American women's high educational aspirations and achievements
further exemplify their change in gender roles. Studies reveal that young Asian
American women's educational attainment levels were higher than Asian American
men's levels (Brandon, 1991). They even reached a high level of education more
quickly than males, especially among the immigrant generation. Dison, Fukuda, and
Ignacio (1972) also determined that Asian American females were more likely to
choose academic post high school goals than males.
Between 1975-1983, Hsia (1988) showed in his research that among the Asian
Americans who were winners in the New York region's Westinghouse Science Talent
Search, almost half were women. In comparison only about a quarter of the White
winners were women. Campbell and Connolly (1987) found that Asian American
women read more technical literature and knew more computer languages than both
the white males and females. The Asian-American women in the study attributed less

23
importance to socializing and spent more time gaining technical literacy than White
women.
In comparison to males of other races, Hsia (1988) showed that the proportion
of Asian American females who plan to major in mathematics, physical sciences, or
engineering were equivalent. They also found that the percentage of Asian American
women who intended to pursue a doctoral or other professional degree rose from 24%
in 1980 to 29% in 1985, whereas the percentage for Asian American men remained at
approximately 33%. In comparison to White women (13%), Asian American women
(Chinese 30%, Japanese 20%, Filipina 41%) had higher percentages of college or
advanced degrees.
This information reflects the changing values and roles for Asian American
women. Educational achievement is as important or even more so for Asian females
than for Asian men. It is however speculative if the purpose of education is the same
for Asian males and females. While the goal of education in the past has been for
Asian women to be more cultured and marketable wife, present day circumstances has
perhaps altered this line of thinking. The trend has been turning toward Asian
American women emphasizing more financial independence and security.
Like a majority of women, Asian American women face role
conflicts. While they are expected to be traditional mothers and wives in Asian
culture, they are motivated to be liberal, independent, career driven women. However,
in a marriage with both partners employed, the women's vocation will most likely

24
have less importance, limited job satisfaction, and career success. Although these
conflicts are present in most women's lives, they may have a greater impact and effect
due to the difference between cultural values and expectations (Leung & Chung,
1993).
Theories of Sex-Role Orientation and Psychological Well-Being
In the past, traditional sex-role theory maintained that individuals were either
masculine or feminine, unable to possess both traits. Masculinity and femininity were
considered to represent aspects of personalities at opposite ends of a continuum (Bem,
1977). A major theoretical shift occurred in the 1970s when research demonstrated
that sex role orientation should be conceptualized as independent masculine and
feminine components (Spence, Helmrich, and Stapp, 1975). However, the
disagreement over the nature of these dimensions and psychological well-being
continued to persist. According to Grimmell and Stern (1992), Constantinople (1973)
was the first to question the assumption that psychological well-being was due to
congruence with one’s physical and psychological gender. Today, research on sex
role orientation and psychological well-being is dominated by three models.
Congruence Model
The first model to be developed of the relationship between sex-role
orientation and psychological well-being was the congruence model. It was based on
the assumption that masculinity and femininity were opposite poles of a single
dimension. An individual was only able to possess either a masculine or a feminine

25
sex-role orientation since the orientations are mutually exclusive and incompatible.
This assumption lead to the hypotheses that psychological well-being resulted from
congruence between one's gender and one's sex-role orientation. However, the
congruence was reformulated with research that showed sex-role orientation was
rather bi-dimensional incorporating both masculinity and femininity rather than uni-
dimensional (Bem, 1974). Under this model, psychological well-being is presented as
a function of gender by sex role interaction. Psychological well-being then results
from high masculinity and low femininity in men and from low masculinity and high
femininity in women.
The results of empirical studies consistently refute the hypothesis of the
congruence model (Whitley, 1984; Whitley, 1983; Bassoff & Glass, 1982). Research
indicates that femininity has little bearing on psychological well-being of both men
and men. While the congruence of gender and gender appropriate orientation may
lead to the psychological health of men, it has no application to women.
In terms of cross cultural relevance, the results vary. In a study (Mori,
Nakashima, Yamazaki, & Kurita, 2002) of Japanese men and women masculinity was
found to predict poor mental health in women. Since women are not expected to be
masculine in Japanese society, women who have high masculinity do not fulfill
society’s expectations of them and feel it as a pressure. This study suggests that not
meeting society’s expectations of not being feminine for men and not being masculine
for women related to poor mental health, while not meeting society’s expectations of

26
being masculine for men and being feminine for women did not predict poor mental
health. These results support the congruence model asserting that psychological well-
being is fostered only when one’s sex orientation is congruent with one’s gender.
Androgyny Model
According to the congruence model, healthy women were viewed with
"feminine" characteristics such as nurturance, warmth, support, and compassion while
healthy men possessed "masculine" characteristics such as assertiveness, competence,
forcefulness, and independence (Bassoff & Glass, 1982). The theory of androgyny
challenged this notion asserting that individuals with both masculine and feminine
personality traits were more flexible and better adjusted psychologically than people
who were traditionally masculine or feminine (Bem, 1974). The androgyny model
presents masculinity and femininity as independent and complementary dimensions.
Individuals according to this model can possess high degrees of both femininity and
masculinity in their sex role orientation (androgynous orientation) as well as a high
degree of one sex-role orientation and a low degree of the other (a masculine or
feminine orientation). Sex role orientation was then expanded to include classification
of a person into one of four categories: androgynous, undifferentiated, sex-typed; or
cross-typed. Androgynous individuals are those who have high levels of both
masculine and feminine psychological characteristics. Undifferentiated persons have
low levels of masculine and feminine characteristics. Feminine individuals have high
levels of feminine and low levels of masculine psychological characteristics, and

27
masculine individuals have high levels of masculine and low levels of feminine
psychological characteristics.
Researchers (Ballard, Reisch, & Elton, 1992) argue that androgyny is more
adaptive and fitting for a complex society with changing norms. According to Bem
(1974), an androgynous gender orientation facilitates and fosters more fully integrated
human beings than traditional gender roles. Consistent with this view, Chow (1987)
found androgyny as a positive and healthy state for Asian American women. In a study
of 161 Asian American women (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Filipino) she found
that androgynous Asian American women had higher levels of self-esteem and greater
work satisfaction than those with other gender role identities. Masculine and feminine
types followed respectively, with the undifferentiated type of Asian American women
having the lowest levels of self-esteem and work satisfaction. The study further
indicated that increasing both the androgyny and occupational status would improve
the self-esteem and work satisfaction of Asian American women. Results showed that
both masculine and androgynous Asian American women have higher levels of
occupational attainment than those with feminine and undifferentiated types of sex-role
identities (Chow, 1987).
Elpern & Karp (1984) in their study of depression also supported the
relationship between androgyny and psychological well being. Although they found
no significant differences in degree of depressive symptoms between males and
females, they did find significant differences in the extent of depressive symptoms

28
when men and women were divided according to sex-role type. Traditional females
were found to have the highest depressive symptoms while androgynous men and
women along with traditional men were found to have the lowest incidences. In
addition, being androgynous specifically helped the women to experience less
depressive symptoms.
Masculinity Model
Although much research indicated that androgyny was related to psychological
health, there was failure to show that androgyny resulted in superior adjustment over
masculine individuals. Thus, the masculinity model was formulated to emphasize that
masculinity is the key to positive adjustment of both masculine and androgynous
persons. The model suggests that psychological well-being is a function of the extent
to which one has a masculine sex-role orientation regardless of one's gender (Whitley,
1984). Empirical findings convey that the relationship between androgyny and
psychological well-being is primarily due to the masculinity component of androgyny
rather than the feminine component (Adams & Sherer, 1985).
Using different measures of personality and psychopathology, Adams and
Sherer (1985) demonstrated that individuals with an androgynous sex-role orientation
were not psychologically better adjusted than their masculine counterparts. Both
groups were found to be better adjusted than feminine or undifferentiated individuals.
However, they found that masculine individuals appear to be better adjusted than
androgynous persons.

29
In examining the research on sex roles and psychological well-being, the
literature is confusing showing support for each model as well as studies which fail to
support each model (Whitley, 1984). Through a meta-analysis of 32 studies of the
relationship between sex-role orientation and depression and adjustment, Whitley
(1984) attempted to determine if there was a consensus by combining results of
various studies. The overall results showed the best support for the masculinity
model. The masculinity component expressed a moderately strong relationship to
both lack of depression and high general adjustment. Femininity had no relationship
with depression and only a small relationship to adjustment. There was no support for
the congruence model. These results were similar to those reported in other studies
between sex-role orientation and self-esteem (Whitley, 1983; & Bassoff and Glass,
1982).
Consistent with the findings of Whitley's (1984) study, two other meta-analysis
(Taylor & Hall, 1982; Bassoff & Glass, 1982) studies also concluded that there was a
strong, positive association between masculinity and mental health. Even though
androgyny correlated with higher levels of mental health than femininity, it was the
masculine component of androgyny, rather than the integration of femininity and
masculinity, that accounted for this. Femininity in their studies appeared to be an
irrelevant component of androgyny on measures of mental health. Bassoff and Glass
(1982) communicated that perhaps American society's preference for assertive and
independent individuals result in these types of people valuing themselves. On the

30
other hand, feminine individuals may come to devalue themselves being unrecognized
in a society that values ambition and achievement.
In examining this hypothesis, Grimmell and Stern (1992) controlled for
possible differences in cultural valuation of gender-typed traits as part of their
experimental design. They investigated the interactions between personal and societal
values of gender role traits and various aspects of psychological well-being. The study
(Grimmell & Stern, 1992) did in fact find masculine traits as being more valued in
American culture than feminine traits. While all participants of the study described an
ideal person who was significantly more masculine than themselves, no individuals
depicted an ideal that was significantly more feminine than self. The study revealed
that the ideal person in American society was considered to be much more masculine
than feminine. The study also showed that neither sex devalued any of the twenty
masculine items on the measures, but both sexes devalued at least some feminine traits.
It can then be speculated that Asian American women because they are raised
with traditionally "feminine" qualities are far from what American culture considers
ideal women. However, with the adoption of American gender roles and attitudes,
Asian American women are possibly becoming more masculinized, consequently
improving their psychological functioning. It is therefore salient to explore the
relationship between sex-role orientation and psychological well-being among Asian
American women.

31
Gender Role Attitudes
With the feminist movement of the 1960s, previously defined gender roles in
society were challenged and sex role norms began to evolve. With the redefinition of
sex role norms, gender role attitudes also began to change. People’s beliefs about the
appropriate role and obligations of women and men have become more egalitarian in
the Untied States. In examining three decades of research on attitudes toward
women’s roles, Spence and Hahn (1997) found that the majority of female students’
gender role attitudes were more egalitarian. The trend toward a more egalitarian
attitude in society is seen across different ethnic groups as well.
According to Tang and Dion (1999), Asian American women have changed in
their gender role attitudes due to exposure to the American culture. In a comparison of
Chinese men and women on their levels of traditionalism, the study found that Chinese
women viewed themselves as less traditional than males. Similarly in a study by
Matsui (1995) examining gender role attitudes among international students from Japan
and China, he found that Japanese students who interacted frequently with Americans
tended to change their views on gender roles.
However, there continues to be distinct differences in gender role attitudes
cross culturally (Gibbons, Hamby, & Dennis, 1997). Fernandez and Carlson, (1997) in
their study revealed that the United States was found to be a more gender egalitarian
society than China. In another study (Higgins, Zheng, Liu, & Sun, 2002) researchers
found that individuals from a more traditional society (e.g. China) have more consensus

32
about the gender roles of men and women and generally adhere more to traditional
morality and values. Chia et al. (1994) in his study found cultural differences in
attitudes toward marital roles, expressivity, social interaction and preference for males
between Taiwanese and Caucasian college students in the United States. Regardless of
culture, all women expressed a desire for more equal and liberal attitudes regarding
gender roles while all males expressed the desire to be the dominant figure.
The few studies that have examined gender role attitudes in relation to mental
health have demonstrated that liberal egalitarian attitudes are related to psychological
well-being ( Parry, 1987; Kim, 1998). In a study by Parry (1987) of 160
married/partnered women, findings illustrated that employed women with liberal
gender role attitudes evidenced less psychiatric symptoms than women with traditional
gender role attitudes. Among non-employed women, those with more liberal attitudes
displayed greater self-esteem. Similarly, Kim (1998) in her study of 558 Korean
women discovered that women with less traditional gender role attitudes exhibited
greater psychological well-being. It appears that non traditional gender role attitudes
may allow better coping mechanisms for women and may be more suited to the
demands of a rapidly changing society, however more studies are needed to better
understand gender role attitudes and its ramifications on mental health.
Acculturation
Salient to Asian American women, acculturation is another significant variable
to explore when investigating mental health issues. According to Williams and Berry

33
(1991), acculturation is seen as a multidimensional process of adaptation experienced
by members of an ethnic group as a result of contact with a different culture. In
contrast to assimilation, which contends that the original cultural identity is abandoned
and the values of the larger host society are absorbed, acculturation is a process in
which coping skills are learned for surviving in a different and often threatening
environment. High acculturation reflects embracing the values and beliefs of the host
culture and low acculturation expresses retaining the cultural values and beliefs of
another culture. In a multicultural society like United States, an individual can be
influenced by more than one cultural group whereby the process of change or learning
is not unidirectional.
Models of Acculturation
There still exist differences in defining and understanding the acculturation
process. Some view acculturation as a bipolar linear process where individuals
relinquish their cultural values and behaviors while adopting the values and behaviors
of the dominant society (Phinney, 1991). However, many others believe that
individuals may become highly acculturated without relinquishing their original
cultural tradition and their ethnic identity. There are different conceptual models of
acculturation and their implications. These models reflect the racial and cultural
ideology of specific political and historic time periods (Chung, 1996).
The earliest model of cultural adaptation was the Assimilation model.
According to this model, acculturation was conceptualized as a process that follows a

34
single or unilinear continuum. One end of the continuum represented strong ethnic
identity, while the other extreme represented strong affiliation to the dominant culture.
Adopting host-culture behavior occurred simultaneously as disconnecting from their
culture or origin. Acculturation was viewed as weakening one's ethnic identity. In
early American history, the expectation was for immigrants to assimilate to the
dominant Anglo culture. This mentality was shown by early immigrants who
encouraged their children to speak only English as a means of accelerating the
assimilation process. The Assimilation model ignored the complexity of the
psychological and social variables embedded in the process of acculturation.
In contrast to the Assimilation model, the bicultural model posits that cultural
orientations are independent of each other. This model is both uni-dimensional and
bi-dimensional. This model is uni-dimensional in that both cultures are on a single
dimension, and it is bidirectional or bipolar in that both cultures are viewed as equally
desirable and legitimate. However, biculturality is defined as being in the middle of
the two cultures. To be bicultural, then may result in an individual having weak ties to
both cultures. The uni-dimensional nature of this model also suggests that movement
toward one culture is at the expense of the other.
In the Transcultural model, biculturality is viewed as a new identity integrated
from different cultures. The model emphasizes the value of the ethnic culture and
acknowledges the difficult process of moving from one culture to another. However,

35
similar to earlier models, the Transcultural model assumes the movement toward the
majority culture must and will take place.
The latest model of cultural adaptation, the Orthogonal model (Oetting &
Beauvais, 1991) places the culture of origin and the host culture on independent or
orthogonal dimensions. Movement toward one culture is not at the expense of the
other. Any combination or pattern of cultural identification is possible. An individual
can have strong or weak ties with both the ethnic and the dominant cultures. A strong
ethnic identity does not indicate a low level of involvement with the dominant culture.
This model emphasizes the importance of the level of cultural identification rather
than transition. Biculturality in this model is seen as having a strong identification
with both cultures while marginality is defined as low commitment and identification
with both cultures. This model offers a more flexible and adaptive idea of
biculturality. Individuals who are bicultural in this model are able to express more
traditional behavior with other ethnic minorities, while at the same time displaying
more Western behavior and attitudes with others.
According to Berry (2003) a multidimensional perspective does not view
acculturation as being on a continuum, but rather that individuals are free to choose
which values from the mainstream culture they wish to integrate into their lives
without sacrificing their culture of origin. With this perspective people can possess
values from both cultures simultaneously without eliminating the values from their
original culture. Individuals assessed using this model can be acculturated in the

36
following ways: (1) to only the host culture, (2) to only the native culture, (3) to both
the host culture and the native culture, or (4) to neither the host culture or the native
culture (Oetting & Beauvais, 1991). According to Trimble (2003) the current trend in
acculturation research is a movement toward a more multidimensional model which
appears to present a more comprehensive picture of acculturation.
Acculturation studies have focused primarily on behavioral aspects of
acculturation (e.g. language use, food preference) failing to measure values
acculturation. In neglecting adherence to ancestral values and values of dominant
culture, researchers are failing to capture essential components of a person’s
acculturation (Kim, Atkinson, & Yang, 1999). Moreover, assessing both types of
acculturation is salient due to the differences at which behavioral acculturation and
values acculturation may occur. Researchers posit that behavioral acculturation occurs
more rapidly than values acculturation due to economic survival needs (Szapocznik &
Kurtines, 1980). According to Szapocznik and Kurtines (1980), individuals will learn
the behaviors essential for survival in a new culture before they acquire values of the
dominant culture. For Asian Americans, although they may quickly adopt the
behaviors of American culture, they may also maintain their Asian cultural values
indefinitely (Sodowsky, Kwan, & Pannu, 1995).
Asian American acculturation has been shown to be significantly related to a
numerous psychological variables. Studies have shown that acculturation is related to
attitudes toward professional psychological help (Atkinson & Gim, 1989; Kung,

37
2003), willingness to see a counselor (Gim, Atkinson, & Whitley, 1990), attitudes
toward type of counseling (Leong, Wagner, & Kim, 1995), and intergenerational
conflict (Gim Chung, 2001). Acculturation has also been strongly connected with
psychological health (Wong-Rieger & Quintana 1987; Organista, Organista, &
Kurasaki, 2003).
Psychological Well-Being
Psychological well-being can be defined as the quality of an individual's inner
state and the subjective sense of overall satisfaction and positive mental health (Ryff,
1989). Viewed as a multidimensional construct, psychological well-being has been
associated with many different domains. Some of the variables that have
demonstrated a strong relation to psychological well being are depression and self-
esteem. Ryff (1989) in his research showed that these dimensions demonstrated high
correlation with each other and with other measures of positive functioning.
Subsequently, one of the indicators of psychological well-being in the current
study is depression. It is described as a mental disorder consisting of symptoms and
signs that include appetite loss, loss of pleasure, hopelessness, insomnia and
dysthymia (DSM-IV-TR, 2000). With more than 15 million individuals suffering
yearly, depression is considered the most prevalent mental disorder in American
society. However, there is little consensus to the cause, course, or treatment of the
illness. It is a well known fact that the incidence of depression is found considerably
higher for women than men in our society (DSM-IV-TR, 2000). Statistics show that

38
women are admitted and diagnosed for depressive disorders at a ratio of two to one. It
has been suggested that one reason for the differential rate of depression by gender is
due to "traditional" sex roles and the status of women in American society. The
traditional male sex role in American society is primarily adaptive and agentic. Males
are socialized from childhood to actively impact their environment. In contrast,
females are trained to be more communal and socialized to perceive themselves as
having little or no control over their environment. Thus, women's feelings of
helplessness and weakness are thought to result in depression.
Self-esteem has also been the indicator of psychological well-being most
commonly used in sex role studies. Rosenberg (1979) defines self-esteem as an
individual's general positive and negative attitudes toward him or herself as an object.
In much of the psychological literature, self-esteem has been used as the primary
indicator of positive psychological adjustment in a variety of populations. While high
self-esteem is viewed as a healthy and desirable characteristic, low self-esteem has
been linked to such indicators of psychological distress as depression, anxiety and
poor general adjustment. Similar to the gender effects on depression, women also
suffer from lower levels of self-esteem than men.
Asian American Women and Psychological Well-Being
According to Sue and Morishima (1982) there exist two controversial views on
Asian American mental health. One perspective posits that Asian Americans are
mentally healthy regardless of the vast gap between Asian and American cultures.

39
This perspective is based on studies that show Asian Americans having low incidence
of psychopathology and high academic achievement in comparison to other ethnic
groups. The opposite view contends that Asian Americans experience significant
mental health problems which have not been recognized due to their tendency to
underutilize mental health services (Atkinson & Gim, 1989).
In a longitudinal, multi-ethnic community based study of 3302 middle aged
women, researchers (Bromberger, Harlow, Vaix, Kravitz, & Cordal, 2004) concluded
that Chinese and Japanese women had the lowest odds of developing Depressive
symptoms compared with Hispanic, African-American, and Caucasian women. The
prevalence of CES-D scores of 16 or higher was highest among African American and
Hispanic women and lowest among Chinese and Japanese women. Chinese women
compared with White women were approximately 40% to 50% less likely to have
significant depressive symptoms. In another study of 1747 Chinese Americans in Los
Angeles, structure interviews indicated that 6.9% had a lifetime history of a major
depressive episode which was more than 50% lower than the lifetime prevalence
reported by the National Co-morbidity Survey for the US population (Takeuchi,
Chung, Lin et al., 2001).
In contrast, numerous studies illustrate high incidence of depression among
Asian Americans (Okazaki, 1997; Okazaki, 2000; Oh et al., 2002). Kuo and Tsai
(1986) found that Asian Americans not only reported depression symptoms, but
possessed higher levels of depression than the White population. Gratch (1995) found

40
similar results showing Asian Americans displaying the highest mean depression
scores among all the other ethnic group (i.e. African American, Caucasian, and
Hispanics). The study demonstrated that adjustment difficulties (e.g. financial,
language barriers, homesickness) were correlated with high depression scores among
the Asian American group.
Many studies (White & Chang, 1983; Myer & Diener, 1995; Rhee et al., 2003)
have also shown that Asian Americans have lower self concept and more social
anxiety than the White European population. Although the model minority stereotype
may suggest that internalization of stigma would result in high self-esteem among
Asian Americans, the opposite appears to hold true where negative stereotypes,
prejudice discrimination and unfavorable attitudes leads to low rather than high self-
esteem among Asian Americans (Twenge & Crocker, 2002). In a meta-analyses
review, Twenge et al. (2002) revealed that Asian Americans actually scored higher in
self-esteem than White Americans in elementary school samples. However, their level
of self-esteem grew progressively more negative through junior high, high school, and
college age samples, indicating an increasing Asian disadvantage in self-esteem.
Asian American women are thought to be at a higher risk for maladjustment
due to their experiences as women of color (Uba, 1994). Contrary to the model
minority stereotype, research supports the view that Asian American women are
struggling with self-esteem issues and depression (Hyde, 1996). Korean American
women in particular have been found to be more depressed than the average American

41
adult (Lee, 1988; Shin 1993; Oh et al, 2002). Young Asian American women also
appear to be experiencing serious mental health issues. According to one study
(Kramer, Kwong, Lee, & Chung, 2002) Asian American women between the ages of
15 to 24 possessed the most risk of suicide in comparison to other racial groups.
Acculturation and Psychological Well-Being
Studies on acculturation and psychological well-being has suggested that Asian
American immigrants who have lived in the United States longer, assuming a greater
level of acculturation with time, have been found to have lower rates of depression
than those who have lived fewer years in America. As a result, the level of
acculturation may be an indicator of psychological need. Abe and Zane (1990) in their
study of psychological maladjustment among foreign born Asian, US born Asian and
White US college students, found that acculturation is a key to psychological well-
being. After carefully controlling variables confounded with ethnicity, results
revealed that the foreign born Asians reported greater levels of interpersonal and
intrapersonal distress than the other groups, and the US born Asian did not differ from
the White subjects. Since all confounds were controlled, the major differences
between the two Asian groups were acculturative ones (generational differences and
differences in length of residence in the US).
Consistent with prior studies, Yeh (2003) in a study of Chinese, Japanese and
Korean American students examined the association between age, acculturation,
cultural adjustment difficulties and general mental health. Results showed that more

42
American-identified Asian youths reported fewer mental health symptoms than Asians
immigrants who are more Asian-identified. In a study of acculturation and self-
esteem, Rhee et al. (2003) also discovered that acculturation level strongly predicted
an Asian adolescent’s self-esteem. Highly acculturated adolescents reported higher
self-esteem in comparison to less acculturated adolescents. In general, the research
presents "traditional" Asian cultural values as supporting and contributing to mental
health issues (Shum, 1996).
Acculturation, Psychological Well-Being, & Masculine Sex-Role Orientation
With the literature (Abe & Zane, 1990; Shum, 1996; Rhee et al., 2003)
demonstrating a strong relationship between acculturation and mental health, what has
been neglected is an examination of the relationship between acculturation and
specific variables of salience that influence psychological well-being. Previous
literature has already established that higher acculturation contributes to greater
psychological adjustment. Specifically, western behaviors and values have been
associated with less depression and higher self-esteem (Shum, 1996; Rhee et al., 2003;
Kim & Omizo, 2006). Prior research has also suggested a link between sex-role
orientation and psychological well-being (Ying, 1992; Mori et al.,2002). A series of
meta-analyses has shown masculine sex-role orientation to be responsible for positive
psychological adjustment (Bassoff & Glass, 1982; Whitley, 1984; Adams & Sherer,
1985). These studies provide some support for the relationship between
acculturation, sex-role orientation, and psychological well-being. However, as with

43
the research on Asian American women’s mental health, none of these studies have
systematically assessed acculturation from an orthogonal perspective, nor have they
systematically examined the process by which acculturation may influence
psychological well-being.
In summary, the literature offers ample evidence that Asian American women
are experiencing mental health issues. Whether they are experiencing more symptoms
than the general population is arguable. However, it is clear that Asian American
women struggle with value and role conflicts as they attempt to negotiate two vastly
different cultures. Although it may appear that Asian American women's adoption of
western sex roles and attitudes have enhanced their lives, in reality, there is little
known about how these variables impact their psychological well-being. Thus, a
closer examination of Asian American women's mental health in relation to their sex-
role identity and acculturation experiences is much warranted.
Summary
Asian American women have risen from a background of much oppression in
the forms of racism and sexism. Achieving psychological health has been a challenge
hindered by variables of gender and culture. Research indicates that sex-role
orientation, gender role attitudes and acculturation are all variables that influence
psychological well-being. However, few studies have examined these variables
among Asian American women in a systematic way. Of the studies examining sex-
role orientation among Asian American women, the research is unclear as to whether

44
masculinity, femininity, or androgyny is responsible for psychological well-being.
Among research investigating acculturation and mental health, there are only a
handful of studies assessing acculturation from an orthogonal perspective. Most
studies have failed to demonstrate a comprehensive assessment of behavior and values
acculturation. In addition, there exists no study that has attempted to examine the
process by which acculturation influences psychological well-being.
Purpose of the Study
Under the framework of the masculinity model and Gender Schema theory,
this study explored gender and culture variables among Asian American and European
American women. Specifically, the influence of sex-role orientation, gender role
attitudes, and acculturation on the psychological well-being of Asian American
women was examined. This study also investigated whether masculine sex-role
orientation would mediate the effects of acculturation on Asian American women’s
level of depression and self-esteem. The study further moved one step beyond
previous literature in assessing acculturation from an orthogonal perspective. Lastly,
differences among sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes and psychological well-
being were compared among Asian American and European American women.
Overall, the literature continues to present an unclear picture of Asian
American women’s mental health status. Thus, the purpose of this study was to assess
their levels of depression and self-esteem as well as identify salient variables that
influenced these indicators of psychological well-being. With current research

45
demonstrating a strong relationship between masculine sex-role orientation and
psychological health, this study further aimed to test the validity of the masculinity
model among Asian American women. Similarly, a deeper insight into the
relationship between acculturation and psychological well-being was explored by
proposing a mediator model with masculine sex-role orientation as the mediator. Due
to its significant relationship with psychological well-being and acculturation in the
literature, masculine sex-role orientation was utilized as potential mediator between
acculturation and psychological well-being. In addition, this study aspired to highlight
the importance of culture by comparing Asian American and European American
women in their sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and psychological well-
being.
Research Questions:
This study will examine the following questions and hypotheses:
Research Question 1:
Do sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and acculturation
predict psychological well-being in Asian American women?
Hypothesis 1A: Asian American women who possess more masculine traits
will demonstrate greater psychological well-being (low levels of depression
and high self-esteem).

46
Hypothesis 1B: Asian American women who possess liberal non-traditional
attitudes will demonstrate greater psychological well-being (low levels of
depression and high self-esteem).
Hypothesis 1C: Asian American women with higher acculturation to
European American culture will demonstrate greater psychological well-being
(low levels of depression and high self-esteem).
Research Question 2:
Does masculine sex-role orientation mediate the influence of acculturation on
the psychological well-being of Asian American women?
Hypothesis 2: Masculine sex-role orientation will mediate the influence of
acculturation on the psychological well-being of Asian American women.
Research Question 3:
Are there differences in sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and
psychological well-being between Asian American and European American women?
Hypothesis 3A: Asian American women will possess less masculine traits
than European American women.
Hypothesis 3B: Asian American women will possess less liberal egalitarian
gender role attitudes than European American women.
Hypothesis 3C: Asian American women will demonstrate greater symptoms
of depression and lower self-esteem than European American women.

47
CHAPTER III
Method
This chapter will review the methodology used to investigate this study.
Information will be presented regarding the research design, research questions,
hypotheses, participants, instruments, data collection procedures, and statistical
analysis procedures.
Research Design
This study examined the role of sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes and
acculturation on psychological well-being of Asian American women. This study was
a quasi-experimental design with three independent variables, sex-role orientation
(masculine, feminine, androgynous, or undifferentiated), gender role attitudes
(traditional or liberal), acculturation (behavioral acculturation to European American
culture, behavioral acculturation to culture of origin, and Asian values acculturation)
and one dependent variable of psychological well-being (depression and self-esteem).
Participants
Participants were recruited via the internet March 2008 through April 2008 on
various email listservs. The anonymous, online, self-report survey was accessed
through a website link that was included in the study announcement. Female
participants were asked to participate voluntarily in a study which explored women’s
psychological health. They were informed of their rights to confidentiality and the
limits of confidentiality. Of the 492 surveys that were completed, 198 could not be

48
included in this study because they were either incomplete or the respondents
indicated they were not Asian American or European American women. The final
sample of 294 participants included 176 Asian women, who made up 59.9% of the
sample, and 118 White European American women, which made up 40.1% of the
sample. Racial group distribution of demographic information was included in Table
4.1.
Table 4.1
Demographic Information of Participants by Race

Asian
( n = 176)
White
( n = 118)
N % n %
Marital Status
Single, Never Married 100 56.8 67 56.8
Married or Partnered 73 41.5 42 35.6
Divorced 3 1.7 8 6.8
Widowed 0 0 1 0.8
Age
18 – 29 86 49.5 60 50.6
30 – 39 71 41.0 22 18.4
40 – 49 13 7.6 19 15.9
50 and above 3 1.8 17 14
Country Born in (top 3)
US 92 52.3 111 94.1
South Korea 44 25.0
China 10 5.7
Canada 2 1.7
Others 5 4.0
Generational Status
1
st
72 40.9 4 3.4
2
nd
82 46.6 7 5.9
3
rd
10 5.7 14 11.9
4
th
11 6.2 28 23.7
Above 4
th
1 0.6 65 55.1

49

Table 4.1 Continued
Demographic Information of Participants by Race
SES
Working Class 18 10.2 7 5.9
Lower Middle Class 11 6.2 8 6.8
Middle Class 64 36.4 43 36.4
Upper Middle Class 78 44.3 53 44.9
Upper Class 5 2.8 7 5.9
Income
Less than $50,000 22 12.5 15 12.7
$50,001 - $100,000 63 35.8 41 34.7
More than $100,000 91 51.7 62 52.5
Sex Role Groups
Undifferentiated 88 56.1 41 37.6
Masculine 47 29.9 50 45.9
Feminine 18 11.5 7 6.4
Androgynous 4 2.5 11 10.1

The majority of the participants were born in the United States (n= 203; 69%),
while 15% (n= 44) of the participants were born in South Korea and the remaining
participants were evenly distributed among 18 countries (n= 47;16%). In terms of
generation, 25.9% of the participants were first generation (n= 76), 30.3% of the
participants were second generation (n= 89), 8.2% of the participants were third
generation (n= 24), 13.3% of the participants were fourth generation (n= 39), and
22.4% were fifth generation and above (n= 66). The average number of years in the
United States for all the participants was 26.84 years (SD= 11.9). The age range of the
participants (n= 294) was between 18 to 77 years, and the overall mean age was 30.59
years (M= 30.59, SD= 10.53).

50
The majority of participants reported being single/never married (n= 167;
56.8%), while 115 participants (39.1%) reported being married and 12 (4%) of the
participants reported being divorced/separated/widowed. One hundred, fifty-three
(52%) of the participants also indicated an average family income exceeding
$100,000, while 104 participants (35.4%) indicated an average family income between
$50,001 and $100,000. Thirty seven participants (12.6%) reported their average
family income less than $50,000. The average number of years of education for this
sample was 17.46 years (SD= 3.096).
Instruments
The instruments selected for the present study consisted of the following
inventories: 1) a demographic questionnaire; 2) a measurement of sex-role
orientation, Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI); 3) a measurement of gender role
attitudes, Attitudes Toward Women Scale (ATWS); 4) measurements of
acculturation, the Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS)
and the Asian Values Scale (AVS); 5) measurements of psychological well-being,
the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) and the Rosenberg
Self-Esteem Scale (RSES).
Demographic and Background Information. The following demographic
information was collected at the beginning of the questionnaire: age, sex, marital
status, educational level, nationality, ethnicity, generation level, length of time in the
U.S., socioeconomic status of family, annual family income, and religious affiliation.

51
Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI). The Bem Sex Role Inventory (Bem, 1974) is
a measure of sex-role orientation that was developed by Bem (1974) on the basis of
the concept of psychological androgyny (i.e., the integration of femininity and
masculinity within a single individual). According to Bem (1979), the BSRI was
“designed to assess the extent to which the culture’s definition of desirable female and
male attributes is reflected in an individual’s self-description” (p. 1048). The BSRI
has two features that distinguish it from most masculinity-femininity scales. First, the
BSRI treats femininity and masculinity as two independent dimensions rather than as
two ends of a single dimension. Secondly, the BSRI is based on a conception of the
traditionally sex-typed individual as someone who is highly attuned to cultural
definitions of sex-appropriate behavior and who uses such definitions as the ideal
standard against which her or his own behavior is to be evaluated (Bem, 1981).
The BSRI includes 60 adjectives, with 20 stereotypically feminine (e.g.
sensitive to the needs of others, gentle), stereotypically masculine (e.g. independent,
ambitious), and 20 neutral items (e.g. happy, unpredictable). A shortened form of the
BSRI (Bem, 1981) was developed that used 10 items on each of the three subscales:
masculinity, femininity, and filler items, with the participants rating each adjective as
it describes themselves. Both forms use a 7-point Likert scale ranging from “1” for
“never or almost never true” to 7 for “always or almost always true.” For the purpose
of this study, the short form of the BSRI was used. Administration time for the short
form is 10 minutes (Bem, 1981).

52
The median-split scoring procedure specified by Bem (1981) was used for
scoring and classification. One median was calculated for the Masculinity scale and
one median was calculated for the Femininity scale. Using this method, participants
were classified into one of four categories by means of a 2 X 2 table according to their
position above or below the median scores on the two scales. The four categories
include Androgynous (high masculine and high feminine scores), Masculine (high
masculine score, low feminine score), Feminine (low masculine score, high feminine
score), or Undifferentiated (low masculine and low feminine scores). Prior studies
suggest that approximately 25% of a given population falls into each of the four
categories (Bem Sex Role Inventory Guide).
The BSRI is a well-established measure with strong indicators of reliability
and validity. Test-Retest reliability was found to be .90 showing stability to measure
the same constructs in a similar way over time. Using factor analysis, reliability
estimates, and measures of population agreement, Ballard-Reisch and Elton (1992)
reexamined the usefulness of the BSRI. Almost two decades after the development of
the BSRI, their results supported the reliability of the original BSRI subscales with the
current population.
Validity was determined through the use of empirical tests that showed the
BSRI-short form discriminated between participants who behaved in accordance with
stereotypes (Bem, 1981). Four additional studies by Bem and Bem (1981), Martyna
and Watson (Bem, 1981) also supported the availability of the BSRI by having sex-

53
typed participants in a series of studies on instrumental and expressive functioning.
Men sex-typed as masculine, scored high in the independence study and low in the
remaining three categories. Women sex-typed as feminine, had low scores on the
independence study, and high scores on the nurturance studies, while women, sex-
typed as masculine, had high scores on the independence study, and low scores on two
of the nurturance studies. Participants who were androgynous scored high on both
independence and nurturance studies. The ability of the BSRI to distinguish between
masculine and feminine psychological traits provided evidence of the validity of the
instrument. Bem and Johnson (1990) also reported the BSRI to have adequate
construct validity in their review of the literature on sex-role orientation. For this
study, the internal reliability of the masculinity scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .77) and the
femininity scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .67) of the BSRI was both comparable to the
ones obtained in Bem’s (1974) study.
The BSRI has been found to be valid cross-culturally, suggesting that this
instrument could be used with minority groups (Wilson et al., 1990, Zhang &
Norvilitis, 2001). Zhang & Norvilitis (2001) in their study, tested the reliability and
validity of the BSRI in Chinese culture administering it to 302 Americans and 273
Chinese college students. They found that the BSRI remains a valid instrument of
gender role orientation in American as well as Chinese culture. Mori et al. (2002) in
their study of Japanese men and women also utilized the BSRI in examining sex-role
orientation and mental health in the workplace among the Japanese. They discovered

54
that femininity predicted poor mental health in men while masculinity predicted poor
mental health in women.
Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS). The Attitudes Toward Women Scale
(AWS) constructed by Spence and Helmreich (1972) is the most widely used scale of
gender-role attitudes. It was developed in the early 1970s to assess people’s beliefs
about the rights, roles, and responsibilities of women (versus those of men). The
original AWS contained 55 items, but a brief version was subsequently developed.
The brief version of 15 items is the most frequently used measure of gender-role
attitudes.
In the current study, the brief form of Attitudes Toward Women Scale (Spence,
Helmrich & Stapp, 1973) was used. The brief version correlates almost perfectly (.97)
with the full item (Spence et al., 1973). It covers vocational, educational, and
intellectual roles of women. The scale investigated domains such as freedom and
independence, dating, courtship and etiquette, sexual behavior, and marital
responsibilities and obligation. Scores can range between zero and 75. A low score
reflects a more traditional, conservative attitude and a high score reflects a more
liberal, profeminist attitude toward women's rights and roles. The internal consistency
of the test is .89 and is highly correlated to the original 55 item version (r= .91).
Those scoring above the median of 38 on the AWS were classified as non-traditional,
while those scoring below the median were classified as traditional. In this study,
internal reliability (Cronbach’s Alpha) for the AWS was .75.

55
Studies have shown that the AWS continues to be cross culturally appropriate
and relevant (Frieze et al., 2003; Agbayani-Stewart, 2004). Frieze et al. (2003)
examined gender role attitudes of three groups of college students from the United
States, Slovenia, and Croatia utilizing the AWS. The findings indicated that women
were more egalitarian in their view regarding women’s roles than men from all three
cultures. Agbayani-Siewert (2004) also demonstrated the applicability of AWS is
measuring attitudes toward women’s roles among Asian American students (2004)
comparing two Asian ethnic groups. They found that Filipino Americans held more
egalitarian views in comparison to Chinese Americans.
Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS).
Acculturation was measured by the Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation
Scale (Chung, Kim, & Abreu (2004). The AAMAS was selected to assess
acculturation because of its orthogonal model and applicability across Asian ethnic
groups. Its multidimensional nature allowed for the assessment of orientation to three
cultural orientations: one’s own Asian culture, the pan-ethnic Asian American culture,
and the European American culture. Items on the AAMAS assess several domains of
acculturation such as cultural identity, language proficiency, cultural knowledge and
food consumption.
The measure in its entirety consists of three scales: The AAMAS-Culture of
Origin (AAMAS-CO), AAMAS-Asian American (AAMAS-AA), and AAMAS-
European American (AAMAS-EA). Only two scales (AAMAS-CO and AAMAS-

56
EA) were included for the purposes of this study to assess acculturation to one’s own
Asian culture and acculturation to the European American culture. Each scale consists
of 15 items, and utilizes a 6-point Likert type scale ranging from “not very much” to
“very much.” Scores were obtained by averaging across the 15 items in each scale.
Higher scores indicate a stronger orientation to the cultural dimension that is being
measured.
For the AAMAS-CO, alpha coefficients ranged from .87 to .91; and for the
AAMAS-EA, alpha coefficients ranged from .76 to.81. Test-retest reliability over a
two week period was .89 for AAMAS-CO and .78 for AAMAS-EA. Criterion-related
validity was established through a negative correlation between the AAMAS scales
and participants’ generational status. Convergent validity was established by
calculating the correlations between the AAMAS scales and scales from two other
acculturation measures: The Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-
ASIA; Suinn, Richard-Figueroa, Lew & Vigil, 1987) and the Cultural Identification
Scale (CIS, Oetting & Beauvais, 1991). Divergent validity was established by
comparing the AAMAS scales to the Intergenerational Conflict Inventory (ICI;
Chung, 2001). For this study, the internal reliability for the AAMAS-CO scale
(Cronbach’s alpha= .88) and the AAMAS-EA scale (Cronbach’s alpha= .83) were
both comparable to the ones obtained in Chung et al.’s (2004) study.
Asian Values Scale (AVS). Since the AAMAS is largely based upon the SL-
ASIA, which is a more behavioral measure of acculturation, Kim, Atkinson, and

57
Yang’s (1999) Asian Values Scale (AVS) was used to measure values acculturation.
The AVS consists of 36 items and utilizes a 7-point Likert type scale. A total score is
calculated by adding the responses to the 36 items. Internal reliability for the AVS
ranges from coefficient alphas of .81 to .82 for the entire scale. Test-retest reliability
over a two week period was .83. Convergent and divergent validity for the AVS were
established through factor analysis and by comparing the AVS to the Individualism-
collectivism Scale (Triandis, 1995) and the SL-ASIA (Suinn et al., 1987). For this
study, the internal reliability (Cronbach’s alpha= .87) was comparable to the internal
reliability obtained in Kim et al.’s (1999) study.
Psychological well-being was operationalized as a two factor variable.
Previous research (Franklin, 1992) has indicated that psychological well-being
consists of different domains. Among the factors that correlate strongly with
psychological well-being are self-esteem and absence of psychological symptoms
(Ryff, 1989). According to Sharpe and Heppner (1991), depression and self-esteem
are traditional measures of psychological well-being that has previously been studied
when examining the relationship between gender and psychological well-being.
Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D). The Center for
Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (Radloff, 1977) is a commonly used 20
item self report questionnaire that was developed to measure current level of
depressive symptoms, affective component, and depressive mood in the general
population. Respondents are asked to indicate how frequently they have experienced

58
either positive or negative mood during the past week on a four point Likert type
scale. Two examples are that during the last week, “I felt depressed” and “I felt
lonely”. Possible responses range from rarely (less than one day), sometimes (1-
2days), occasionally (3-4 days), and mostly (5-7 days). A summation of all the CES-
D items comprises a total score that can range form 0 - 60 with higher scores
indicating symptoms of depression. Score of 16 or greater indicates that the
respondent is depressed. Exploratory factor analysis on the CES-D resulted in four
factors: depressed affect, positive affect, somatic and retarded activity, and
interpersonal concerns (Radloff, 1977). The coefficient alpha of reliability on all
items was .90 while the Spearman-Brown was .92 and .87 in patient samples and
general populations respectively.
The CES-D has been widely used as a research instrument and has been found
to be valid across ethnically diverse populations (Noh, Avison, & Kaspar, 1992, Ying,
1992; Bromberger, Harlow, Avis, & Kravitz, 2004). The CES-D scale has been
widely used among the Asian-American population (Hurh, 1990A; Hurh, 1990b;
Koeske, G.,Okazaki, S., 2000) and has demonstrated relatively high reliability and
validity for this population (Kuo, 1984; Noh, 1998; Takeuchi, D., Chung, R., Lin, K.,
2001). For this study, the .91 alpha reliability achieved in the present sample was very
similar to that obtained on American and international samples.
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE). The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale
(Rosenberg, 1965) was designed to measure the positivity of one's attitudes toward

59
oneself, or the self acceptance aspect of self-esteem. The scale consists of ten items
that are answered on a four-point Likert-type format that ranges from strongly agree to
strongly disagree. Five items (1, 2, 4, 6 & 7) denote possible self-concept and five
others (3,5,8,9, & 10) communicate negative self concept. Each item is scored on the
basis of subjects' response being consistent with high self-esteem. Each "correct"
answer receives one point, whereas a "wrong" answer receives zero points. Each
category is scored on the basis of its component item or items. For instance, two or
three correct out of the first group of three items is scored as one item receiving one
point; two correct of the second group of items 4 & 5 receives one point; and two
correct of items 9 & 10 as one item receives one point. The range of total scores is
from zero to six points. Higher scores indicate higher self-esteem.
The RSE has good internal consistency. A Guttman scale reproducibility
coefficient of .93 was reported by Rosenberg (1965). Blascovich and Tomaka (1990)
reports tests reliability of .88. Test-retest correlations of .85 and .88 were also
demonstrated over two weeks, indicating high temporal stability. Criterion-related
and construct validity of the RSE have been examined, with results supporting this
scale as a good instrument to assess global self-esteem. Rosenberg (1965) supported
the validity of his scale by finding correlations with measures of depressive affect,
psychosomatic symptoms, nurses’ observational ratings, and peer ratings. The RSE
has also been displayed good cross-cultural reliability and validity. Numerous studies
have utilized the instrument to examine different ethnic populations (Suzuki-Crumly

60
& Hyers, 2004; Tsai et al., 2001; Rhee et al, 2003). Rhee et al. (2003) in their study
found significant ethnic differences in levels of self-esteem. For this study, the
internal reliability (Cronbach’s alpha) was .85.
Procedure
Participants were recruited via the internet March 2008 through April 2008 on
various email listservs. Announcements making requests for participation in the study
were posted on the following: listservs to female undergraduate and graduate students
in various universities across the United States; listservs for Asian Americans;
websites that targeted Asian Americans; websites that targeted women; internet web
mailings (to undergraduate and graduate students) in a southern California university
and in one east coast women’s college. Furthermore, various professors at universities
across the United States were asked to send the email announcement for the study to
their students. Snowball sampling was also utilized as participants in the study were
encouraged to forward the announcement to their female friends and acquaintances
utilizing.
Individuals who participated in the study were able to directly access the
survey through a link embedded in the original email announcement. The survey was
created on a secure website that was designed for the purpose of collecting
confidential information. Once the participant selected the embedded link, they were
offered a description of the study and an informed consent form. Participants were
informed that their participation in the study was confidential, anonymous, and

61
voluntary. They were then given the contact information for the primary and
secondary researchers in the event that they had any questions about the study.
Individuals who were eligible and consented to participate in the study could indicate
their consent by pressing an option button on the electronic consent form that allows
them to continue on to the survey. Participants were then explained that they could
discontinue the survey at any time. All data was transferred from the secure website
to a secure computer that was password-protected.

62

CHAPTER IV
Results
This chapter will provide the descriptive data of the variables in this study,
including means, standard deviations, and intercorrelations. Group differences on all
of the major variables will also be discussed. Lastly, results from the multiple
regression analyses and tests of the mediator models for the three major research
questions will be presented.
Intercorrelations
The means, standard deviations, and correlations of all the measured variables
of the total sample size of 294 participants are presented in Table 4.2.
Table 4.2
Means, Standard Deviations, and Zero-order Pearson Product Correlations for All Participants
Var
M SD
2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1. Age 30.59 10.54 .53*** .17*** .16** .05 .12* -.28*** .29***
2. Edu 17.46 3.10 -- .01 .05 -.02 .14* -.27*** .23***
3. Race -- .23*** .08 .17** -.07 .06
4. Mas 4.65 .88 -- .02 .20*** -.18** .37***
5. Fem 4.77 .71 -- .02 -.03 .15**
6. AWS 36.35 5.55 -- -.01 .11
7. CESD 10.75 9.40 -- -.59***
8. RSE 21.56 6.21 --
Note. 1: Age in years; 2: Edu: years of education after high school; 3: Race (1 = Asian, 2 =
European American); 4. Mas: scaled Masculinity scores (1 – 7), 5. Fem: scaled Femininity scores
(1 – 7); 6. AWS: Attitudes toward Women Scale (15 – 60), 7. CESD: Center for Epidemiological
Studies Depression Scale (0 – 60); 8. RSE: Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (0 – 30)
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

For all participants, both age and education were significantly and positively
associated with gender role attitudes and psychological well-being. This suggests that

63
those participants who are older or have more years of formal education reported more
liberal, egalitarian attitudes toward women’s rights and roles, higher level of self-
esteem, and lower levels of depression. Race was significantly and positively
correlated with gender role attitudes and masculine characteristics endorsement. This
suggests that in comparison to White European women, Asian American participants
reported less liberal egalitarian attitudes toward women’s right and roles. Overall,
White European women also reported greater masculine characteristics endorsement
than Asian American women. Masculine characteristics endorsement was also
significantly and positively associated with gender role attitudes and self-esteem,
while inversely associated with depression. This suggests that in this study, those
participants who reported having higher masculine characteristics endorsement
reported more liberal egalitarian attitudes toward women’s rights and roles and greater
psychological well being (high self-esteem and low levels of depression). Feminine
characteristics endorsement was positively and significantly associated with self-
esteem suggesting that those participants who reported higher feminine sex-role
characteristics endorsement also expressed a high level of self-esteem.
Intercorrelations for Asian American Participants
The means and standard deviations of the Asian American participants for the
major variables are presented in Table 4.3. For Asian American participants, age was
significantly and inversely associated with behavioral acculturation to culture of
origin, values acculturation, and depression, while being positively associated with

64
self-esteem. Thus, Asian American participants who are older reported lower
behavioral acculturation to their culture of origin, less traditional Asian values, and
greater psychological well-being (low depression and high self-esteem).

65

Table 4.3
Means, Standard Deviations, and Zero-order Pearson Product Correlations for Asian American Participants
Var
M SD
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
1. Age 29.09 8.28 .59*** .67*** -.09 .04 -.01 -.11 -.18* .12 -.19* -.37*** .41***
2. Edu 17.45 3.00 -- .54*** -.10 -.01 -.02 .13 -.13 .04 -.19* -.31*** .30***
3. YrUS 23.74 9.79 -- .28*** .02 -.08 .18* -.33*** .12 -.24** -.26*** .23***
4. Gen 1.79 .85 -- -.05 -.09 .08 -.30*** -.13 -.14 .11 -.10
5. Mas 4.48 .83 -- -.04 .16* .12 .23** -.14 -.21** .38***
6. Fem 4.72 .75 -- -.06 .23*** .09 .17* .08 .14
7. AWS 35.58 5.39 -- -.14 .10 -.32*** -.02 .18*
8. AMACO 4.25 .86 -- .13 .37*** .14 -.08
9. AMAEA 4.91 .62 -- -.12 -.23** .31***
10. AVS 4.04 .67 -- .27*** -.24**
11.CESD 11.32 10.41 -- -.62***
12. RSE 21.24 6.54 --
Note. 1: Age; 2: Edu: years of education after high school; 3: YrUS: years in US; 4. Gen: Generational Status (1 = first generation, 2 = second
generation, 3 = 3
rd
generation, etc.); 5. Mas: scaled Masculinity scores (1 – 7), 6. Fem: scaled Femininity scores (1 – 7); 7. AWS: Attitudes
toward Women Scale (15 – 60); 8. AMACO: Behavioral Acculturation to Culture of Origin scaled scores (1 – 6); 9. AMAEA = Behavioral
Acculturation to European Culture scaled scores (1 – 6); 10. AVS: Asian Value Scores scaled (1 – 7); 11. CESD = Center for Epidemiological
Studies Depression Scale (0 – 60); 12. RSE = Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (0 – 30)
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

66

Years in the United States was significantly and positively associated with
gender role attitudes and self-esteem, while being inversely associated with behavioral
acculturation to culture of origin, values acculturation, and depression. This suggests
that those Asian American participants who have resided in the United States longer
reported more liberal egalitarian attitudes toward women’s rights and roles, lower
levels of behavioral acculturation to one’s own culture of origin, less traditional Asian
values acculturation, and greater psychological well-being. Generational status,
however, was only inversely associated with behavioral acculturation to culture of
origin, indicating that those of higher generational status reported lower levels of
enculturation. Behavioral acculturation to culture of origin was only significantly and
positively with Asian Values acculturation, as expected, suggesting that those who are
more behaviorally enculturated also endorsed more traditional Asian values.
Behavioral Acculturation to European culture and was significantly and
inversely associated with depression and positively related to self-esteem suggesting
that those Asian American women who are more acculturated reported greater
psychological well-being. On the other hand, Asian Values acculturation was
significantly and positively associated with depression and inversely related to self-
esteem. Those Asian American participants who endorsed more traditional Asian
values reported a lower level of psychological well-being (higher levels of self-
esteem, and higher level of depression).
In terms of sex-role orientation, masculinity characteristics endorsement was
significantly and positively correlated with gender role attitudes, behavioral

67
acculturation to European culture, and self-esteem, while inversely associated with
depression. This suggests that in this study, Asian American women who endorsed
more masculine characteristics reported more liberal egalitarian attitudes toward
women’s rights and roles, greater behavioral acculturation to European culture, and
greater psychological well-being (low depression and high self-esteem). Femininity
characteristics endorsement for Asian American women was significantly and
positively associated with behavioral acculturation to culture of origin, and Asian
values acculturation showing that those Asian American participants who endorsed
more feminine characteristics reported more traditional behavior and values according
to their own Asian culture.
Research Question 1
Do sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and acculturation predict psychological
well-being in Asian American women?
Two separate simultaneous multiple regression analyses were performed to
examine whether sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, behavioral acculturation to
culture of origin, behavioral acculturation to European American culture, and Asian
values acculturation were able to predict psychological well being (depression
symptoms and self-esteem). Table 4.4 presents the summary of the regression
analyses statistics. Participants were categorized into one of the four sex-role groups:
Masculine (high masculine and low feminine characteristic endorsement), Feminine
(high masculine and high feminine characteristic endorsement), Androgynous (high

68
masculine and high feminine characteristic endorsement), and undifferentiated (low
masculine and low feminine characteristic endorsement), based on their endorsement
of the masculine and feminine characteristics. Sex-role orientation was then dummy
coded with undifferentiated group as the reference group in order to be included in the
regression analysis.
Table 4.4
Summary of Simultaneous Regression Analysis for CES-D and RSE
Variables R
2
F B SE β p
CES-D .149 3.70 .001
Masculine -2.74 1.78 -.12 .127
Feminine .77 2.53 -.02 .762
Androgynous -2.68 4.94 -.04 .587
AWS .23 .15 .13 .127
AMACO 1.31 1.00 .11 .191
AMAEA** -3.95 1.25 -.25 .002
AVS* 3.27 1.30 .22 .013

RSE .222 6.04** .000
Masculine** 3.98 1.12 2.74 .001
Feminine 2.64 1.58 .13 .098
Androgynous .52 3.10 .01 .868
AWS .07 .09 .06 .485
AMACO -.98 .63 -.13 .121
AMAEA*** 2.94 .78 .28 .000
AVS -1.34 .82 -.14 .102
Note. * p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

The results with CES-D as the criterion variable indicated that when
considering the effects of sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and acculturation,
behavioral acculturation to European American culture and Asian values acculturation
were significant in explaining approximately 14.9% of the variances in the level of
depression F(7,148) = 3.70, p< .05. More specifically, when examining the

69
predictability of sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, behavioral acculturation to
culture of origin, behavioral acculturation to European American culture, and Asian
values acculturation, only behavioral acculturation to European American culture and
traditional Asian values were significant predictors of the level of psychological
functioning/depression (β = -.25, p < .002, and β = .216, p < .013, respectively). This
suggests that those Asian American women who reported less behavioral acculturation
to European American culture and more traditional Asian values demonstrated a lower
level of psychological well-being (greater depression symptoms).
The results of the simultaneous multiple regression analyses with RSE (self-
esteem) as the criterion variable indicated that sex-role orientation and behavioral
acculturation to European American culture explained an approximately significant
22% of the variances in self-esteem, F (7, 148) = 6.04, p < .05, when gender role
attitudes, behavioral acculturation to culture of origin, and Asian values acculturation
were also entered into the regression.
More specifically, when examining the predictability of sex-role orientation,
gender role attitudes, behavioral acculturation to culture of origin, behavioral
acculturation to European American culture, and Asian values acculturation together,
sex-role orientation and behavioral acculturation were the only two significant
predictors of self-esteem (β = .274, p = .001; β = .281, p = .000, respectively). This
suggests that when considering all the predictor variables, those Asian American
women with a higher degree of behavioral acculturation to European American culture

70
demonstrated higher levels of self-esteem. In addition, compared to the
undifferentiated gender role group (low masculinity and femininity), those Asian
American women in the Masculine gender role group (high masculinity and low
femininity) also indicated greater level of self-esteem. This supports the hypothesis
that those Asian American women who possess more masculine than feminine traits as
well as a higher level of behavioral acculturation to European American culture
demonstrate a greater level of self-esteem.
Research Question 2
Does masculine sex-role orientation mediate the relationship between acculturation
and psychological well-being?
Tests of mediator models were performed to assess for the potential mediating
effects of masculine sex-role orientation on the relationship between acculturation and
psychological well-being. Specifically, three measures of acculturation including
behavioral acculturation to European culture (AAMAS), behavioral acculturation to
culture of origin (AAMAS-CO), and Asian Values acculturation (AVS), along with
two measures of psychological well-being, depression (CES-D) and self-esteem
(RSES) were analyzed with masculine sex-role orientation as the mediator.
According to Baron and Kenny (1986), a variable is defined in the capacity of
a mediator when it specifies how an independent variable (or predictor) affects the
dependent variable (or outcome variable). Figures 4.1 illustrates the relationships

71
among the predictor (acculturation), the mediator (masculine sex-role orientation), and
the outcome variables (depression and self-esteem) proposed in this study.

Figure 4.1.
Mediator Conceptual Model

A.

(Predictor Variable) (Outcome Variables)
Acculturation CES-D (Depression)
RSES (Self-Esteem)

B.
(Mediator Variable)
Masculine Sex-Role
Orientation

Acculturation Depression &
Self-Esteem
Path a
Path c′
Path b
Path c

Baron and Kenny (1986) and Holmbeck (1997) developed the most common
method for testing mediation in psychological research. According to this method, a
significant mediating relationship is demonstrated when Path a, path b, and path c are
significant. Further, the difference between path c and Path c’ (the mediating effect)
must also be significant. The Sobel posthoc test is often performed to test the
significance of the mediating effect.

72
Three mediator models were performed to examine acculturation (AAMAS-
EA, AAMAS-CO, AVS) and self-esteem with masculine sex-role orientation as the
mediator while three mediator models were performed to examine acculturation and
depression with masculine sex-role orientation as the mediator.
Mediator Models for Depression (CES-D)
In the first mediation model, a series of three regression analyses were
performed to test the mediation model of behavioral acculturation to European
American culture (AAMAS-EA) as the predictor, masculine sex-role orientation as the
mediator and depression (CES-D) being the criterion variable. Results indicated that
masculine sex-role orientation was not a significant mediator between AAMAS-EA
and CES-D. Although the model met the first three criteria for mediation, Sobel post
tests indicated that the mediation effects, or the decrease in the effects of AAMAS-EA
on the level of depression was not significant (Z = -1.801, p > .057). This finding
suggests that masculine sex-role orientation does not serve as a significant mediator
between behavioral acculturation to European culture and level of depression.
In the second mediation model analysis, with behavioral acculturation to
culture of origin (AAMAS-CO) as the predictor, masculine sex-role orientation as the
mediator and depression being the criterion variable, results indicated that masculine
sex-role orientation was not a significant mediator between AAMAS-CO and CES-D.
There was no significant relationship between AAMAS-CO and CES-D (path c) nor
AAMAS-CO and masculine sex-role orientation (path a) indicating no mediation.

73
In the third mediation model, with Asian values (AVS) as the predictor,
masculine sex-role orientation as the mediator, and depression (CES-D) being the
criterion variable, results indicated that masculine sex-role orientation was not a
significant mediator between AVS and CES-D. There was no significant relationship
between AVS and masculine sex-role orientation (path a) indicating no mediation.
Mediator Models for Self-Esteem (RSES)
In the fourth mediation model, with behavioral acculturation to European
American culture (AAMAS-EA) as the predictor, masculine sex-role orientation as the
mediator and self-esteem (RSES) being the criterion variable, results indicated that
masculine sex-role orientation was a significant mediator between AAMAS-EA and
RSES (Z = 2.57, p < .05) (see figure 4.2). The direct effects of AAMAS-EA on RSES
reduced from .309 to .235. However, since c’ was still significant, the mediation
effect was only partial. Without considering masculine sex-role orientation,
behavioral acculturation to European American culture had a significant direct effect
on the level of self-esteem for Asian American women. More specifically, greater
behavioral acculturation to European American culture predicted higher self-esteem
for Asian American women. However, after considering masculine sex-role
orientation, the direct effects of their behavioral acculturation to European American
culture became less significant. In other words, masculine sex-role orientation had
partial mediating effects on the relationship between behavioral acculturation to
European American culture and level of self-esteem.

74
Figure 4.2
Self-Esteem Mediator Model with AAMAS-EA as predictor

A.

Acculturation Self-Esteem
(AAMAS-EA) (RSES)

B.
Masculine Sex-Role Orientation

Acculturation Self-Esteem
(AAMAS-EA) (RSES)

0.232**
0.235**
0.318***
0.309***

In the fifth mediation model analysis, with behavioral acculturation to culture
of origin (AAMAS-CO) as the predictor, masculine sex-role orientation as the
mediator and self-esteem (RSES) being the criterion variable, results indicated that
masculine sex-role orientation was not a significant mediator between AAMAS-CO
and RSES. There was no significant relationship between AAMAS-CO and RSES
(path c) indicating no mediation.
In the final mediation model, with Asian values (AVS) as the predictor,
masculine sex-role orientation as the mediator, and self-esteem (RSES) being the
criterion variable, results indicated that masculine sex-role orientation was not a
significant mediator between AVS and RSES. There was no significant relationship
between AVS and masculine sex-role orientation (path a) indicating no mediation.

75
Research Question 3
Are there differences in sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and psychological
well-being between Asian American and European American women?
A 2 x 2 Multivariate Analysis of Variances was conducted with masculine and
feminine sex-role orientation as the criterion variable and race as the independent
variable to investigate whether Asian American and European American women differ
in their sex-types. Results from the MANOVA analysis indicated that Asian
American and European American women significantly differ in their sex-role
orientation (Wilks’ Λ = .940, F (2, 291) = 9.28, p = .000 < .05). Specifically, Asian
American women reported less identification with masculine sex-role orientation than
European American women (F (1, 292) = 16.45, p = .000 < .05).
To investigate differences in gender role attitudes between the two groups, a
one-way ANOVA was conducted with the criterion variable being gender role
attitudes (AWS), and independent variable being race. Results of the independent
sample t-test revealed that Asian American women reported significantly less liberal
egalitarian gender role attitudes than European American women (t (292) = -2.96,
p = .003 < .05). Results of the above analyses were summarized in Table 4.5 and 4.6.

76
Table 4.5
Means and Standard Deviations of Masculine and Feminine Sex-Role Orientation, and Gender Role
Attitudes by Race
1 2

Asian Caucasian
n = 176 n = 118
M SD M SD
Masculine 45.81 10.46 51.01 11.21
Feminine 41.69 9.47 43.23 8.03
Attitudes toward Women 35.58 5.39 37.51 5.60
Note. All scores were scaled scores.

Table 4.6
Summary of Multivariate and Univariate Analysis of Variance and Independent Sample Statistics
Source λ t F df p
Race .940

9.28 2, 291 .000
Masculine*

16.45 1, 292 .000
Feminine

2.09 1, 292 .149
Attitudes toward Women*

-2.96 292 .003

To examine differences in Asian American and European American
psychological well-being, a one-way Multivariate Analysis of Variances was
conducted with criterion variables being depression (CES-D) and self-esteem (RSE),
and independent variable being race. Results from the MANOVA analysis indicated
that there were no significant differences (Wilks’ Λ = .994, F (2, 291) = .881,
p = .415 > .05). This finding failed to support the hypothesis that Asian American
women would experience more psychological distress than Caucasian women.

77
CHAPTER V

Discussion and Implications

Under the framework of the Masculinity model (Whitley, 1984) and Bem’s
Gender Schema theory (1974), this present study aimed to explore factors that are
important to Asian American women’s psychological well-being. Sex-role
orientation, gender role attitudes, and acculturation were the variables hypothesized to
be relevant to Asian American women’s psychological functioning. Results from this
study supported both the Masculinity model and Gender Schema theory in that sex-
role orientation was able to predict self-esteem and Asian American women espoused
masculine sex-role orientation and egalitarian gender role attitudes significantly less
than White European women. The study also demonstrated that sex-role orientation
was a partial mediator for the relationship between acculturation and self-esteem.
However, the results failed to provide support for racial group differences in
psychological functioning. This chapter addresses the findings of this study within the
context of previous research. Implications of this study as well as its limitations and
direction for future research will be presented in the following discussion.
Discussion of Results
Predictors of Psychological Well-Being
The present study examined sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and
acculturation in predicting psychological well-being among Asian American women.
More specifically, the four types of sex-role orientations (masculine, feminine,

78
androgynous, and undifferentiated) along with gender role attitudes and three
measurements of acculturation (behavioral acculturation to European American
culture, behavioral acculturation to culture of origin, and Asian values acculturation)
were included in exploring the predictors of psychological well-being. Psychological
well-being itself consisted of two measures, the CES-D measuring depression, and the
RSE measuring self-esteem. The findings supported the hypothesis that sex-role
orientation and acculturation would significantly predict psychological well-being.
However, the hypothesis did not hold for gender role attitudes as a predictor of
psychological well-being.
Findings from the study demonstrated that among all of the predictors,
behavioral acculturation to European culture and Asian values acculturation were the
only significant predictors for the criterion variable depression. Asian American
women who reported higher behavioral acculturation to European American culture
and less traditional Asian values indicated less depression symptoms. Thus, the
hypothesis that higher acculturation would predict greater psychological well-being
was supported.
This finding suggests that "traditional” Asian cultural behaviors and values
may support and contribute to the dimensions of depression (e.g., self blame and
shame) while adoption of Western behaviors and values for Asian American women
act as a buffer against symptoms of depression (Shum, 1996). As a result, the level of
acculturation may be an indicator of their psychological adjustment. The findings

79
however did not include sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and behavioral
acculturation to culture of origin as significant predictors of depression. This is
contrary to research that shows a strong association between sex-role orientation and
depression (Ying, 1992). Ying (1992) in his study of sex-role orientation and well-
being among Taiwanese college graduates found that for women, lower levels of
femininity significantly predicted a decrease in depressive levels. More specifically, a
decline in submissiveness, sensitivity and vulnerability were predictive of improved
emotional well-being (lower CES-D scores).
With regard to the relationship between gender role attitudes and depression,
results of this study were consistent with Lee’s study (2001) where no relationship was
found between gender role attitudes and depression. The findings of the current study
concur with previous research suggesting that psychological well-being may have a
more significant relationship with other variables.
For the criterion variable self-esteem, findings were consistent with the
hypothesis that sex-role orientation is a significant predictor. More specifically, Asian
American women who identified more strongly with the masculine sex-role
orientation demonstrated a higher level of self-esteem, conveying greater
psychological well-being. When considering sex-role orientation as a predictor of
psychological well-being, findings in this study suggest that it is the masculine type
that is associated with the self-esteem component. These results are consistent with
previous findings (Bassoff & Glass, 1982; Whitley, 1983; Kleinplatz, McCarrey,

80
Kateb, 1992) that indicate masculine sex-typed women experience a greater sense of
psychological well-being in comparison to feminine, androgynous, or undifferentiated
sex-typed women.
Kleinplatz et al. (1992) in their study of five hundred and forty one female
college students, utilized the BSRI and AWS to categorize women in the
“feminine”/traditional group and “masculine”/non-traditional categories. Results
indicated that traditional women (sex-typed feminine and traditional gender role
attitudes) had significantly lower self-esteem than non-traditional women (sex-typed
masculine and liberal egalitarian gender role attitudes). According to the authors,
when women demonstrate more stereotypically masculine traits (i.e. autonomy,
assertiveness, achievement orientation) they may receive the same desirable feedback
as men receive. Their mastery over the environment and achievement was also
thought to assist them in developing a strong stable self-concept. Furthermore, non-
traditional women may be more satisfied simply due to the fact that they are behaving
according to their own goals and desires.
The findings of the current study suggest that Asian American women by
adopting more masculine traits may in fact be increasing their positive self-concept.
In a society that values masculine traits such as ambition and achievement, feminine-
typed individuals may often go unnoticed and come to devalue themselves (Bassoff
and Glass, 1982). Asian American women by identifying the qualities that American
society views as positive are in essence valuing themselves. Consistent with this

81
thought, Grimmell and Stern (1992) in their study found that the ideal person in
American society was considered to be significantly more masculine than feminine.
Both men and women described an ideal person who was significantly more
masculine then themselves and neither sex had an ideal that was significantly more
feminine than self. Moreover, neither men nor women devalued any of the 20
masculine items on the BSRI while both sexes devalued at least some feminine items.
This study strengthens the argument that masculinity has a great influence on Western
culture and one’s psychological well-being.
The findings of the study were also consistent with the hypothesis that
acculturation would significantly predict self-esteem. Specifically, Asian American
women who showed a high degree of behavioral acculturation to European American
culture demonstrated high levels of self-esteem, demonstrating greater psychological
functioning. As predicted, and similar to the results for the criterion variable
depression, behavioral acculturation was a significant predictor of self-esteem. This
finding is congruent with prior studies where acculturation was found to be a strong
predictor of self-esteem among Asian Americans (Rhee et al., 2003; Kim and Omizo,
2006). Rhee et al. (2003) in her study of Asian adolescents found that acculturation
strongly predicted self-esteem. Highly acculturated adolescents reported higher self-
esteem in comparison to less acculturated adolescents. Kim and Omizo (2006) in their
study of Asian American college students also found that both acculturation and

82
enculturation were positively related to self-esteem demonstrating further support for
the significant influence of acculturation on self-esteem.
One explanation for this finding may be that Asian American women who are
more behaviorally acculturated to European American culture may have the highest
degree of bicultural competence, thus are able to negotiate the demands of two distinct
cultures. Literature suggests that individuals who can effectively function in both the
dominant and indigenous cultures may demonstrate increased cognitive functioning
and mental health (LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). With bicultural
competence these women possess a) knowledge of cultural beliefs of both culture, b)
positive attitudes toward both groups, c) bicultural efficacy, the belief that one can live
life in a satisfying manner within both cultures without sacrificing one’s cultural
identity/ communication ability in both cultures, e) role repertoire, or the range of
culturally appropriate behavior and a sense of being grounded in both cultures (Kim &
Omizo, 2006). In addition, increased attachment to dominant culture allows
accessibility to more resources and feeling of competence, knowing what behaviors
are appropriate and expected.
Interestingly, behavioral acculturation to European American culture was the
only type of acculturation that significantly predicted both domains of psychological
well-being (depression and self-esteem) addressed in this study. This finding suggests
that behavioral acculturation to European American culture is perhaps a more relevant
measure than values acculturation or behavioral acculturation to culture of origin when

83
examining acculturation in predicting psychological well-being. This may be due to
behavioral acculturation to European American culture more adequately addressing
particular values of salience that contribute to psychological well-being than values
acculturation and behavioral acculturation to culture of origin. In addition, values
acculturation and behavioral acculturation to culture of origin may not have been able
to uncover significant findings due to the vast heterogeneity of the Asian American
population. Asian Americans encompass over thirty ethnic groups with different
languages, diverse immigration patterns, and a host of other differences. The
acculturation measurements may not have been able to capture the nuances and
differences that contribute to psychological well-being.
Masculine Sex-Role Orientation as a Mediator
The present study hypothesized that masculine sex-role orientation would
mediate the relationship between acculturation and psychological well-being. More
specifically, the present study hypothesized that identification with masculine traits
would serve as a mechanism through which behavioral acculturation to European
American culture, behavioral acculturation to culture of origin, and Asian values
acculturation influenced the level of depression and self-esteem among Asian
American women. Although this study was unique in systematically investigating the
relationships between acculturation, masculine sex-role orientation, and psychological
well-being among Asian American women, findings in previous studies were
consistent with the findings of this study (Whiteley, 1984; Yeh, 2000).

84
Of the six mediator analyses performed, only one mediator model supported
the hypothesis that masculine sex-role orientation would mediate the relationship
between acculturation and psychological well-being. The results demonstrated that
masculine sex-role orientation partially mediated the relationship between behavioral
acculturation to European culture and self-esteem. This finding suggests that greater
behavioral acculturation to European culture leads to higher levels of self-esteem;
however, when considering masculine sex-role orientation, the direct effect of
behavioral acculturation to European culture became less significant. This finding
illustrates that masculine sex-role orientation is one mechanism through which
behavioral acculturation to European American culture influences self-esteem in Asian
American women.
As found in this study, when considering psychological well-being, prior
studies have found that masculine sex-role orientation predicts greater mental health
(Bassoff & Glass, 1982; Whitley, 1983; Kleinplatz, McCarrey, Kateb, 1992). It has
also been reported that many factors influence psychological well-being (Ryff, 1989).
The finding of this study, namely that masculine sex-role orientation serves as a partial
mediator, supports previous research demonstrating that different variables may
contribute to the psychological well-being of Asian American women.
In summary, mediator models offer deeper insight into the relationship
between acculturation and psychological well-being. In particular, masculine sex-role
orientation was found to be a partial mediator of psychological well-being in that it

85
was affected by behavioral acculturation to European culture. The finding suggests
that while masculine sex-role orientation is significant in explaining the relationship
between acculturation and psychological well-being, masculine sex-role orientation
does not alone account for the psychological well-being of Asian American women.
Moreover, masculine sex-role orientation failed to be a mediator with Asian values
acculturation and behavioral acculturation to culture of origin as predictors due to lack
of a relationship with sex-role orientation and psychological well-being.
Racial Group Differences in Sex-Role Orientation, Gender Role Attitudes, and
Psychological Well-Being
Consistent with previous research, a significant difference was found between
Asian American women and European American women in their sex-role orientation.
The hypothesis was supported in that Asian American women identified significantly
less with masculine sex-role orientation than European American women. One
explanation for this finding may be that Asian American women are perhaps more
female oriented than European American women due to American standards for
gender roles. What it means to be feminine or masculine in one culture may not be
necessarily the same in another culture. Consistent with this thought, Zhang et al.
(2001) found that a majority of BSRI scores are generally lower for the Chinese
sample than for the American sample. Leung (2003) in her study of Anglo-
Australians and Chinese immigrants in Australia also found that Anglo Australians

86
identified more strongly with masculine values/traits while Chinese Australians
identified more strongly with feminine values/traits.
Zhang et al. (2001) also intimates that another explanation for differences in
responses originate from different cultures. According to Triandis (1972), there is
culture –specific approaches to answering Likert-Type questions. There is more
evidence that Asians may use a response style different from Westerners (Chen, Lee,
& Stevenson, 1995). Asians tend to answer in moderation choosing the “middle
road”, adhering to Confucian beliefs. This philosophy may have influenced the Asian
American participants more than the European American participants in choosing
lower points on a Likert-type scale (Zhang et al., 2001).
In terms of differences in gender role attitudes, the hypothesis was supported in
that Asian American women reported less liberal egalitarian attitudes toward women’s
rights and roles than European American women. This finding is congruent with
prior studies that show that women who adhere to Asian values to hold more
conservative gender role attitudes given that traditional Asian culture endorses stricter
gender role expectations than the dominant culture (Fujitomi & Wong, 1973). In a
cross-cultural study, Fernandez and Carlson (1997) revealed that United States is a
more gender egalitarian society than China. Similarly, individuals from a more
traditional society (Zheng, Liu, and Sun, 2002) tend to adhere to more traditional
morals and values regarding gender roles.

87
Similarly, Lam and Cheng (1994) in their study found similar results. They
administered sex role attitude scales to college students in Taiwan and in United
States. Results indicated that Chinese held more conservative views. The study
demonstrated that regardless of culture, that both Taiwanese and Caucasian women
expressed the preference for more equal and liberalized attitudes toward women and
sex roles in general.
Contrary to previous research on psychological well-being, no significant
difference was found in the level of psychological distress between Asian American
and European American women. This results failed to support the hypothesis that
Asian American women experience more psychological distress than European
American women. The level of depression and self-esteem were similar for both
groups. This finding is contrary to past research that has indicated that Asian
Americans tend to report higher levels of distress and maladjustment on a variety of
self-report measures in comparison to European Americans (Abe & Zane, 1990;
Aldwin and Greenberger, 1987). A number of studies comparing severity of
depression and other forms of psychopathology among Asian Americans and
European Americans have reliably documented that Asian Americans tend to report
more depressive symptoms (Chang, 1996; Okazaki, 1997) and other symptoms of
maladjustment (Abe & Zane, 1990) than European Americans. Ying (1988) in her
study revealed that Asian Americans reported mean depressive symptoms scores that
were significantly higher than the published norm for the nonclinical community

88
populations. Several studies (Lee, 2001; Shin, 1993; Lee, 1988) also evidence that
Korean–American women suffer from significantly higher levels of depression than
the average adult American. Okazaki (2002) in her study found ethnic differences in
symptoms of depression and anxiety between Asian and European Americans.
Specifically, Asian Americans reported significantly higher levels of depressive
symptoms than European Americans.
One possible explanation for this finding may relate to the survey itself.
Depressed individuals do not actively engage in tasks. Depressed women usually
isolate themselves and have very little interest in life. The study may have recruited
individuals that were less likely to be depressed. Another reason for the lack of
depression symptoms among Asian American women may be due to differences in
cultural views regarding mental health symptoms. The issue of shame and saving
face is an important part of Asian culture that may prevent participants from
communicating their true feelings. By endorsing depressive symptoms on the survey
the participants may have viewed it as claiming mental illness, a great stigma in Asian
culture.
Consistent with this thought, Steel in his study (1991) found that Asians in
North America report lower levels of self-disclosure, lower levels of behavioral
affective expression and more attempts at masking their feelings in comparison to
Caucasians. The literature also contends that individuals with an Asian cultural
background are less likely to disclose emotional distress to strangers or mental health

89
professional than those with a Western cultural background (Tsui & Schultz, 1985).
Similarly, the comparable psychological functioning between the two groups can be
explained by culture specific concepts of mental disorder. Asian culture tends to
somaticize psychological distress as a part of cultural norm. This study was perhaps
unable to detect some existing depressive symptoms due to the fact the measures did
not tap into somatic complaints.
Similarly, the study found no difference in the level of self-esteem among
European American and Asian American women. The level of self-esteem was high
for the majority of all the participants illustrating that Asian American women hold
positive views of themselves despite the negative stereotypes and images that are
perpetuated by the media. This finding is contrary to the literature (Rhee et al., 2003;
White and Chang, 1983; Myer & Dierner, 1995) which suggests that Asian Americans
have lower self-esteem than European Americans. Rhee et al., (2003) in a study of
Asian and European American adolescents found that self-esteem was significantly
lower among Asians than European American adolescents. White and Chang’s study
(1983) also demonstrated that Chinese American graduate students had lower self
concept than their European American counterparts. Similarly, Myer & Dierner
(1995) revealed that Asian Americans possessed lower self concepts and more social
anxiety than other racial or ethnic groups.
More recently, Twenge and Crocker (2002) examined differences in self-
esteem among various races revealing that European Americans scored higher than

90
other racial minority groups with the exception of African Americans. Their meta-
analyses indicated that among White Americans, Black Americans, Hispanic
Americans, Asian Americans and American Indians, Asian Americans reported the
lowest level of self-esteem.
In the current study, Asian American women’s positive self-esteem and lack of
depression symptoms may be explained by their bicultural identification. The ability
to adhere to two cultures may add to their coping resources because they are able to
adapt and adjust according to the cultural context they find themselves in. When they
are with the larger community they are able to interact comfortably due to their
familiarity with the cultural values of the setting. Similarly, they do well in their own
ethnic community due to their partial identification with their own culture. Thus, the
existence of a bicultural identity can serve as a coping mechanism for Asian American
women.
It must also be taken into consideration that a majority of the Asian American
women held a high level of education and high social economic status. These women
may simply have more resources to cope with stressors that may affect their
psychological functioning. In addition, racial density may be another explanation.
The fact that most of the women were from southern California and western United
States suggests that their self-esteem may have been positive due to residence in areas
with more Asians.

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Twenge and Crocker’s in their study (2002) found that self-esteem levels
differed by regions. Asians who reside in the western United States (California,
Oregon, and Washington States) demonstrated greater self-esteem than Asian
Americans from eastern, southern, and Midwestern United States. Consequently, self-
esteem tends to be higher where racial density is higher. Concentrations of Asians are
higher in the West serving to bolster Asian American women’s self-esteem. The
results of Twenge and Crocker’s study (2002) suggest that frequent contact with
people of one’s own race or feeling that one is included in a racial group affirms ones
value and worth. The study (Twenge and Crocker, 2002) further revealed that the
longer an individual has resided in the United States, the smaller the self-esteem
disadvantage relative to European Americans. In the current study approximately
seventy five percent of the women identified themselves as second generation or
higher which aids in understanding the similar prevalence rate of depression and self-
esteem among the two groups of women. Moreover, minority self-esteem has been
increasing relative to European Americans (Twenge and Crocker, 2002) further
supporting this study’s findings.
Discussion of Additional Noteworthy Findings
All Participants
Findings demonstrated both age and education were significantly and
positively associated with gender role attitudes and psychological well-being. Women
who are older or have more years of formal education were found to have more liberal

92
egalitarian attitudes toward women’s rights and roles, higher level of self-esteem and
less symptoms of depression. Often times, a higher level of education allows
increased awareness and exposure to more egalitarian gender role attitudes in Western
countries. Dasgupta (1986) in a study of Asian Indian women found that the single
most important factor in nontraditional sex roles was the number of years an
individual has studied in the United States. Rather than the length of stay in the
United States, it was the actual length of participation in the Western educational
system that was related to egalitarian feelings.
Findings also demonstrated a significant association between masculine sex-
role orientation and gender role attitudes. As expected, all participants who identified
with a masculine sex-role orientation supported a liberal egalitarian attitude toward
women’s rights and roles. Women who identify with the masculine sex-role
orientation would need to espouse egalitarian attitudes in order behave in traditionally
“masculine” ways. Masculine sex-role orientation was also significantly related to
psychological well-being. All women who identified with the masculine sex-role
orientation reported greater psychological well-being (higher self-esteem and lower
levels of depression). This finding supports previous research showing masculinity
being associated with greater psychological functioning as well as the current study’s
finding of masculine sex-role orientation predicting self-esteem.
A significant relationship was also found between feminine sex-role
orientation and self-esteem for all participants. Those women who adhered to the

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feminine sex-role orientation reported a high level of self-esteem. This relationship
suggests that psychological health is more strongly associated with the feminine
orientation than undifferentiated and androgynous orientations. Since women are
expected to be feminine, perhaps women who have high femininity are fulfilling
society’s expectations of them. Consequently, they feel accepted and valued.
Asian American Women
Among Asian American women, findings demonstrated a significant
relationship between age and acculturation. Asian American women who are older
reported lower behavioral acculturation to their culture of origin and less traditional
Asian values. Findings also indicated that length of residence in the United States was
significantly associated with gender role attitudes, acculturation, and psychological
well-being. Asian American women who have resided in the United States longer
reported more liberal egalitarian attitudes toward women’s rights and roles, lower
levels of behavioral acculturation to one’s own culture of origin, less traditional Asian
values acculturation, and greater psychological well-being (high self-esteem, less
symptoms of depression). Generational status was also significantly related to
behavioral acculturation to culture of origin. Asian American women with higher
generational status reported lower levels of enculturation.
This finding is consistent with research (Sue & Zane, 1985) that shows a
significant relationship between length of residence in the United States and mental
health. Sue and Zane (1985) in their study of Chinese students and psychological

94
well-being found that students who immigrated less than six years were not as
psychologically well-adjusted than students with longer lengths of residence in the
United States. Similarly, Abe and Zane (1990) in their study of psychological
maladjustment among foreign born Asian, American born Asian and American born
Caucasian college students, found that acculturation is the key to psychological well-
being. After carefully controlling variables confounded with ethnicity, the study
revealed that foreign born Asians reported greater levels of interpersonal and
intrapersonal distress than the other groups, while the American born Asian students
did not differ from the Caucasian students. Since all confounds were controlled, the
major differences between the two Asian groups were acculturative ones (generational
differences and differences in length of residence in the US).
For Asian American women, behavioral acculturation to culture of origin was
significantly related to Asian Values acculturation, as expected, suggesting that those
who are more behaviorally enculturated also endorsed more traditional Asian values.
Behavioral acculturation to European culture was found to be significantly associated
with psychological well –being in that participants who are more acculturated reported
greater psychological well-being. Similarly, Asian Values acculturation was
significantly related to psychological well-being. Asian American women who
endorsed more traditional Asian values reported a lower level of psychological well-
being (low level of self-esteem, and greater symptoms of depression). Past studies
(Oh et al., 2002; Hwang, Chun, Takeuchi, Myers, & Prabha, 2005) also support this

95
negative relationship between acculturation and level of depressive symptoms among
Asian Americans. This finding suggests that Asian American women who are more
acculturated may have the skills to participate in larger society instead of being
restricted in their own ethnic communities. Their familiarity and comfort of highly
acculturated women with dominant culture further allows them to interact with their
communities for more resources than those who have to depend only on their own
ethnic communities for support.
For Asian American women, masculine sex-role orientation was significantly
related to gender role attitudes, behavioral acculturation to European culture and
psychological well-being. Asian American women who endorsed more masculine
characteristics demonstrated more liberal egalitarian attitudes toward women’s right
and roles, greater behavioral acculturation to European culture, and greater
psychological well-being. Adherence to feminine sex-role orientation was
significantly associated with traditional Asian values and greater behavioral
acculturation to one’s own Asian culture. Asian women who endorsed more feminine
characteristics reported more traditional behavior and values according to their own
Asian culture. As expected, this relationship supports the primary findings.
Implications
The current study examined the influence of sex-role orientation, gender role
attitudes, and acculturation on the psychological well-being of Asian American
women. The findings from this study hold important implications for theory, research,

96
and practice among Asian American women’s mental health. The implications in each
of these areas will be discussed in the following sections.
Theoretical and Research Implications of Analyses
In support of existing theory, the current study found a significant relationship
between sex-role orientation and psychological well-being. Specifically, masculine
sex-role orientation was able to predict high self-esteem in Asian American women.
Of all the sex-role types, only masculine sex-type was able to predict at least one
domain of psychological well-being. It was further discovered that for both Asian
American and European American women, masculine sex-role orientation was
associated with less depression symptoms and higher self-esteem. These findings
lend support to the masculinity model where psychological well-being is a function of
the extent to which one has a masculine sex-role orientation. While most of the
literature (Bassoff & Glass, 1982; Taylor and Hall, 1982; Whitley, 1984) on sex-role
orientation and mental health has focused on the European American population, the
current study by examining Asian American women has offered cross cultural
validation of the masculinity model.
The findings from this study also hold important theoretical implications
regarding gender role socialization. According to Gender Schema Theory (Bem,
1974), the importance and distinction of gender roles is heavily dependent on culture.
Thus, an individual raised in a more egalitarian culture is hypothesized to have more
exposure to androgynous gender roles. He or she would then develop a weaker gender

97
schema, resulting in less sex-typing. Asian American women tend to be raised in a
more rigid gender distinct culture resulting in well developed gender schemas.
According to Gender Schema Theory, Asian American women should espouse less
egalitarian gender role attitudes and less masculine qualities reflecting their strong
gender schema. Findings from this study support Bem’s theory, demonstrating a
significant difference between European American women in their gender role
identity. European American women in comparison to Asian women held more
liberal egalitarian gender role attitudes as well as greater endorsement of masculine
traits. In addition, Asian American participants who have resided in the United States
longer reported more liberal egalitarian attitudes toward women’s rights and roles,
lower levels of behavioral acculturation to one’s own culture of origin and less
traditional Asian values. This finding conveys how exposure to a culture with more
egalitarian gender roles is associated with a weaker gender schema and less sex-
typing.
Another implication of this study stemmed from examining acculturation in an
orthogonal approach. Based upon this model, acculturation was assessed on three
different dimensions: values acculturation to Asian culture, behavioral acculturation
to Asian culture, and behavioral acculturation to European American culture. While
values acculturation was able to predict one domain of psychological well-being
(depression), behavioral acculturation was able to predict both domains of
psychological well-being (depression and self-esteem). This finding demonstrates that

98
behavioral adaptation and values adaptation are two separate constructs that are both
essential in measuring acculturation. The findings support the saliency of assessing
acculturation in a multi-dimensional way.
The findings of the study further highlight the particular relevance of
behavioral acculturation to European American culture in understanding mental
health. Among the three measurements of acculturation, behavioral acculturation to
European American culture was able to best predict psychological well-being in Asian
American women. More significant than either behavioral acculturation to culture of
origin or Asian values acculturation, behavioral acculturation to European American
culture demonstrated the greatest influence on levels of depression and self-esteem. In
recent literature however, the focus has been more on the importance of values
acculturation. Researchers posit that behavioral adaptation does not reflect a deeper
values change while values acculturation captures the emotional struggles that
accompany a more slowing changing value system. Behavioral acculturation is
viewed as a more rapid and noticeable process than values acculturation due to the
need for economic survival in a new culture (Kim et al., 1999; LaFromboise et al.,
1993; Sodowsky et al., 1995). The findings from this study emphasize the importance
of behavioral adaptation and its larger influence on the mental health of Asian
American women. Although behavioral acculturation may not tap into value changes,
it is reflective of deeper and personal constructs such as one’s sense of competency,
feelings of positive self-worth, and general mood.

99
This study went one step further by exploring the mechanism through which
acculturation influences psychological well-being. With no prior literature having
examined this relationship, this study hypothesized that masculine sex-role orientation
would mediate the relationship between acculturation and psychological well-being.
Results supported the hypothesis in that masculine sex-role orientation partially
mediated the relationship between behavioral acculturation to European culture and
self-esteem. This finding suggests that although masculine sex-role orientation helps
explain the relationship between behavioral acculturation to European American
culture, masculine sex-role orientation alone does not account for the psychological
health of Asian American women. This result further provides a useful direction for
future theory-driven research on Asian American women’s psychological well-being,
and also warrants an examination of other relevant variables pertaining to mental
health for racial and ethnic minority groups.
Clinical Implications of Analyses
In addition to theory and research, the findings of this study are relevant when
considering clinical practice with Asian American women. One important clinical
implication from this study involves the significant relationship between acculturation
and psychological well-being. In this study, behavioral acculturation to European
American culture was able to predict both the level of depression and self esteem,
while Asian values acculturation was able to predict the level of depression. This
finding suggests that the acculturation experience of Asian American women is salient

100
in relation to how they view themselves and their level of depression. Thus, it would
be essential for clinicians to be knowledgeable regarding cultural differences and to
incorporate both a behavioral and values acculturation assessment as a way to
understand and aid Asian American women in their issues of self-esteem and
depression.
Similarly, this study showed support for a significant relationship between
masculinity and self-esteem. It was the masculine sex-type that was able to predict the
level of self esteem among Asian American women. This finding sheds light on sex-
role orientation, a variable that is often ignored in counseling with Asian American
women. By addressing the topic of sex-role orientation, a clinician may garner more
understanding regarding an Asian American woman’s self-esteem. Specifically, it
would be important to explain the contrasting values of Asian and American cultures
toward gender roles. With Asian culture emphasizing and promoting feminine
qualities and American culture promoting masculine qualities, a conflict may very
well exist in the client’s self concept. The clinician by discussing sex-role orientation
and its’ significant relationship to mental health could better assist the client in
negotiating and understanding the conflicting gender traits and values that impact the
client’s self-concept.
Another clinical implication of this study stems from the similar prevalence
rate of depression and self-esteem that was found between Asian American women
and European American women. This finding has several implications. First, the lack

101
of difference in their mental health suggests that both groups of women share more
experiences and problems as a gender than they share as a race or ethnicity. Gender
than is just as salient or even more important in understanding the psychological
health of Asian American women. Thus, clinicians need to be cognizant and sensitive
to gender issues along with cultural concerns in treating depression and self-esteem.
Secondly, the similar prevalence rates of depression and self-esteem present evidence
that Asian American women may not be as unique in their psychological needs as
previously considered. Consequently, the way in which depression and self-esteem
are assessed and treated for European American women may be as effective for Asian
American women. Clinicians may be able to successfully treat Asian American
clients utilizing modalities that have been proven effective for White European
women. Lastly, the lack of disparity in the psychological health of Asian American
and European American women demonstrates the resiliency and strength of Asian
American women. This finding challenges the notion that Asian American women
suffer from greater mental health issues and suggests that their coping skills and
resources are perhaps better than was previously thought. Thus, clinicians need to re-
examine their biases and the way in which they work with Asian American women.
Increased attention to Asian American women’s strengths and attributes could
improve their treatment and outcome.

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Limitations of Study
Several limitations must be taken into consideration when discussing the
findings of this study, such as those concerning internal validity, external validity, and
measurement issues. First, this study utilized a self-report questionnaire that could be
accessed via the internet. Self-report questionnaires are susceptible to biased
responses from individuals who prefer to endorse socially desirable answers (Tanaka
et al., 1998). Although the study was anonymous and confidential, respondents may
be uncomfortable with rating their true feelings regarding their sex-role orientation
and psychological functioning. Furthermore, web-based research may be more
vulnerable to those who intentionally respond with incorrect data (Schmidt, 1997). To
address the potential problem of inaccurate and/or biased response, this study
employed strategies to maintain participants’ confidentiality as well as anonymity in
order to encourage honesty among the participants. For example, the instruments for
this study were posted on a secure website and responses were protected by a
dedicated server. In addition, individuals were not required to take part in the study or
even to complete the survey if they felt uncomfortable with answering any of the
questions. A correlational design was utilized in this study given the non-
experimental nature of the variables that were included. While providing information
regarding the degree of relationship between variable, correlational studies do not
imply causal relationships. This study is limited by the inability to identify cause-and-
effect relationships.

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Results of this study may not be generalizable to other Asian American women
due to limitations in the sampling procedure. By conducting a web-based survey,
individuals needed to have computer access, familiarity with the computer as well as
the internet. These variables may have biased the sample by including participants
with specific demographic characteristics. Individuals who utilize computers tend to
be more highly educated, have greater financial means, and are generationally younger
due to the need for computer access and familiarity with computer technology.
Moreover, this survey was presented in English, which may have biased the sample to
include more acculturated individuals. Thus, the results of this study are not
generalizable to all Asian American women, particularly those of different
generational levels and those with limited English proficiency.
The study is further limited by the diversity that exists with the Asian
American population. With the extensive heterogeneity of this population, this study
examined experiences of Asian American women in general without focusing on one
specific ethnic group. For this study, there were enough commonalities within this
group to investigate as one whole group, but unique differences may exist. Previous
studies for instance have supported the view that there may be ethnic group
differences in anxiety among Asian American ethnic groups. Further, the imbalance
in the number of participants from different Asian American ethnic groups in this
study, such that some Asian American ethnic groups were represented in larger

104
numbers than others, may have influenced the study’s analyses and affected the
generalizability of this study’s findings.
Measurement issues may also be one of the limitations of this study. While all
of the measures demonstrated adequate to strong reliability and validity, the results
suggest that some of the measures warrant further examination to see whether they are
applicable and appropriate for Asian Americans. Specifically, Bem’s Sex Role
Inventory deserves further examination to determine if it strongly predicts sex role
type for Asian American women. Although it was found that the reliabilities of the
scales were consistently high across samples and cultures, the validity examined by
factor analyses and criterion tests were not as acceptable. Zhang et al. (2001) contend
that the differentiation in the current validity of the BSRI instrument from that of
Bem’s 25 years ago may be due to changes in the roles of men and women in
American society since the 1970s (Ballard-Reisch and Elton, 1992). It may also be
that the western definition of masculine and feminine sex-role orientation is different
from Asian standards. Consistent with this thought, Zhang et al. (2001) found that a
majority of BSRI scores are generally lower for the Chinese sample than for the
American sample.
In addition, the conclusions regarding the constructs of psychological well-
being and gender roles are restricted to the variables that were used to operationalize
these constructs in this study. For example, Bassoff and Glass (1982) suggest that
measures of mental health emphasize affective, anxiety, and somatoform disorders,

105
which may possibly be associated with femininity rather than disorders of impulse
control, which may be related to masculinity. Consequently, the finding that
masculinity rather than femininity is connected to mental health may be misleading
due to measurement biases. Lastly, none of the instruments used in the study have
been validated using a web-based method. Thus, additional studies using these
instruments in a web-based method may serve to bolster support for the validity of
these measures.
Future Directions
The findings from this current study has significant implications for future
direction. Foremost, this study’s support of the masculinity model encourages
continued examination of this paradigm. Although recent literature (Bassoff & Glass,
1982; Whitley, 1983; Kleinplatz, McCarrey, Kateb, 1992; Ying, 1992) and this current
study support the notion that masculinity is the sex role orientation primarily
responsible for psychological well-being, a majority of these studies have focused
mainly on European American population within the United States. Future studies
should continue to investigate this model cross-culturally, particularly in other
countries where gender roles are not as egalitarian as the United States. It would be
valuable to determine whether the masculinity model holds true in different cultures or
whether it is primarily a Western phenomenon.
Along similar lines, future studies should continue to focus on constructs
examined in this study in a more ethnic specific manner. Most of the studies

106
investigating sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, acculturation, and
psychological well-being among Asian Americans examine them as a whole without
considering within group differences. With Asian American women originating from
a myriad of different countries and diverse migration histories, it would be salient for
future studies to compare different Asian ethnic groups with similar variables in aiding
researchers and clinicians in their understanding of these constructs. This
understanding can ultimately lead to more culturally sensitive interventions and
treatment for Asian American women.
The inconsistencies in the literature regarding Asian American women’s
psychological health also highlights the need for future research that focuses on
identifying other salient variables that influence Asian American women’s mental
health. Specifically, future research should concentrate on identifying other mediating
variables. Tests of different mediating variables may provide a more solid theoretical
foundation for explaining the relationship between sex role orientation, acculturation,
and psychological well-being. Although masculine sex-role orientation was found to
be a partial mediator in the relationship between behavioral acculturation to European
culture and self-esteem, the mediation was not complete suggesting other variables
may further explain this relationship. This finding also points to the need for greater
insight into how one’s sex-role orientation is affected by the acculturation process
after immigration to the US. One way in which to identify and explore these salient
variables may be through qualitative research. Future studies by utilizing qualitative

107
methods may uncover nuances in experiences and values that provide researchers and
clinicians with relevant information in working with Asian American women.
In addition, future studies that include other domains of psychological well-
being (e.g. life satisfaction, anxiety, gender role conflict) may benefit researchers and
clinicians in capturing a deeper understanding of Asian American women’s
psychological well-being. The literature suggests that psychological well-being is a
construct that may be measured in numerous ways. The current study only examined
depression and self-esteem demonstrating similar prevalence rates for both domains
among Asian American women and White European women. However, there may
exist other domains of mental health where differences may exist. Additionally, future
studies should focus on how psychological well-being is measured. For instance, in
Asian culture psychological distress is often manifested though somatic complaints.
Thus, future studies should incorporate measures that are more culturally sensitive.
Finally, with the conflicting literature regarding the mental health of Asian American
women, it is important to continue investigating the psychological well-being of Asian
American women utilizing different measures and constructs.
Conclusion
This study examined the intersection of sex-role orientation, gender role
attitudes, acculturation and psychological well-being among Asian American women.
Findings from this study supported both the Masculinity model and Bem’s Gender
Schema theory. Consistent with the Masculinity model, masculine sex-role orientation

108
was the only sex type that was able to predict self-esteem. This finding confirmed
previous research suggesting that masculinity is the sex type that is mainly responsible
for psychological well-being. In addition, this study revealed that Asian American
women reported less liberal egalitarian gender role attitudes and less identification
with masculine sex-role orientation than European American women. This finding
endorsed Bem’s Gender Schema theory illustrating how culture is the key component
in gender role socialization.
The study also revealed the significant importance of acculturation in research
with Asian American population. Among all of the variables, acculturation was the
only construct that was able to predict both domains (depression and self-esteem) of
psychological well-being. By examining acculturation in a multi-dimensional manner,
the distinction and significance of both behavior and values acculturation was
demonstrated. While values acculturation was able to predict self-esteem, behavioral
acculturation was able to predict both depression and self-esteem.
Additionally, the study presented some support for the hypothesized mediator
models. Sex-role orientation was able to function as a mediator between behavioral
acculturation to European American culture and self-esteem. The study however
failed to support racial group differences in psychological well-being. A similar
prevalence rate of depression and self-esteem were found for Asian American women
and White European women.

109
Overall, the current study added to the limited research on Asian American
women and their psychological well-being. This study highlighted the importance of
investigating gender and acculturation variables when predicting the overall
psychological well-being of Asian American women. These findings further
strengthen the argument within the current psychological literature that these
constructs are relevant and useful in creating culturally appropriate methods of
assessment and intervention. Lastly, this study provides a useful direction for future
research on Asian American women’s psychological well-being, and also warrants a
continued examination of gender and acculturation influences in the mental health of
racial and ethnic minority groups.

110
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APPENDIX A
INFORMED CONSENT

You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Anne D. Kim and Ruth
H. Gim Chung, Ph.D., from the Division of Counseling Psychology in the Rossier
School of Education at the University of Southern California. The data collected in
this study will be used for Anne D. Kim’s dissertation. You were selected as a
possible participant in this study because you are 18 years of age or older. This
study’s primary focus is on the perspectives of Asian American and Caucasian
women. A total of 500 subjects will be selected from those respondents who are 18
years of age or older to participate. Your participation is voluntary.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
We are asking you to take part in a research study because we are trying to learn more
about how womens’ gender roles and attitudes influence their psychological well-
being.

Completion and return of the questionnaire or response to the interview questions will
constitute consent to participate in this research project.

PROCEDURES
You will be asked to complete a web-based survey that includes questions about your
demographic background and your perspectives on gender roles, attitudes, and your
psychological well-being. In addition, you will be asked to complete questions
regarding your cultural values. The entire survey should take approximately 30
minutes to complete.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
Your participation in filling out this online survey is completely voluntary, and you
may omit any questions which make you uncomfortable. In addition, you may
withdraw from the study at anytime by closing the window. If you need further
assistance, you may contact Anne D. Kim at (909) 953-2324.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
The potential benefits of this study include an increased awareness of one’s own
gender roles, cultural values, and psychological health. Benefits to society include a
better understanding of how cultural and racial/ethnic differences impact individuals’
perspectives regarding gender roles and psychological health. In addition, this study
hopes to promote the mental health needs of women. You will not directly benefit
from participating in this study.

121
CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your
permission or as required by law.

After completion of the final questionnaire page, your responses will be automatically
and anonymously entered into a secured database housed with
www.surveymonkey.com. Your answers will not be connected with you in this
database, and this database will only be password-accessible to Anne D. Kim, who
will create and hold the password. When all the data has been collected, it will be
emailed to Anne D. Kim whose email and computer are password-protected.
Following analysis of the data, it will be destroyed in approximately the summer of
2008. When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no
information will be included that would reveal your identity.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study,
you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may also
refuse to answer any questions you don’t want to answer and still remain in the study.
The investigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise which
warrant doing so.

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact:

Anne D. Kim, Doctoral Candidate
Division of Counseling Psychology
University of Southern California
WPH 1003
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4031
(909) 953-2325
limnelso@hotmail.com

Ruth H. Gim Chung, Ph.D., Dissertation Chair
Division of Counseling Psychology
University of Southern California
WPH 1003C
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4031
(213) 740-3255
rchung@usc.edu

122
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a
research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research, Grace Ford Salvatori Building, Room 306, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1695,
(213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

EXPERIMENTAL SUBJECT’S BILL OF RIGHTS FOR PSYCHOSOCIAL
STUDIES
Any person who is requested to consent to participate as a subject in a research study
involving a psychosocial study, or who is requested to consent on behalf of another,
has the right to:

1. Be informed of the nature and purpose of the study.
2. Be given an explanation of the procedures to be followed in the study.
3. Be given a description of any attendant discomforts and risks reasonably to be
expected from your/your child’s participation in the study.
4. Be given an explanation of any benefits reasonably to be expected from
your/your child’s participation in the study.
5. Be given a disclosure of any appropriate alternatives that might be
advantageous to you/your child, and their relative risks and benefits.
6. Be informed of avenues of resources, if any, available to you/your child after
the study procedure if complications should arise.
7. Be given an opportunity to ask any questions concerning the study or the
procedures involved.
8. Be instructed that consent to participate in the study may be withdrawn at any
time, and that you/your child may discontinue participation in the study
without prejudice.
9. Be given a copy of this form and the signed and dated written study consent
form.
10. Be given the opportunity to decide to consent or not to consent to participate in
the study without the intervention of any element of force, fraud, deceit,
duress, coercion, or undue influence on your decision.

123
APPENDIX B

DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION
DIRECTIONS: Please check the items that describe who you are or fill in the requested
information.

1. Age _____ 2. Gender: ____Male ____Female

3. Marital status: ____Single ____Married ____Divorced/Separated

4. How many years of education do you have after high school? ____________

5. In what country were you born?____________________________________

6. In what country are you currently living?_____________________________

7. In what state/province do you currently live?__________________________

8. If you live in the United States, how long have you lived there? __________years

7. What generation are you?
__________ 1
st
generation (if you are NOT born in the U.S.)
__________ 2
nd
generation (if you are born in the U.S. but your parent(s) are not)
__________ 3
rd
generation (if at least one parent is born in the U.S.)
__________ 4
th
generation (if at least one grandparent is born in the U.S.)
__________ above 4
th
generation

8. What is your racial/ethnic identification?

_____ Asian Indian _____ Cambodian _____ Chinese _____ Filipino
_____ Hmong _____ Japanese _____ Korean _____ Laotian _____ Taiwanese
_____ Vietnamese _____ Pacific Islander
_____ Other Asian (specify) _______________________________________
_____ African American (specify) __________________________________
_____Chicano/Latino/Hispanic (specify) _____________________________
_____ European American (specify) _________________________________
_____ Middle Eastern/Arabic (specify) _______________________________
_____ Native American (specify) ____________________________________

124
9. How would you describe the socioeconomic class background of your family?
_____ Working class _____ Middle class _____ Upper class
_____ Lower middle class _____ Upper middle class

10. What is your annual family income?
_____ less than $20,000 _____ $60,001-70,000
_____ $20,001-30,000 _____ $70,001-80,000
_____ $30,001-40,000 _____ $80,001-90,000
_____ $40,001-50,000 _____ $90,001-100,000
_____ $50,001-60,000 _____ over $100,000

125
APPENDIX C

The Bem Sex Role Inventory Test

DIRECTIONS: Use the scale below to indicate the extent to which you agree with the
value expressed in each statement

Never or Usually not Sometimes but Occasionally Often true Usually Always or
Almost Never true infrequently true true true almost always
true

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

____1. Self-Reliant ____21. Reliable
____2. Yielding ____22. Analytical
____3. Helpful ____23. Sympathetic
____4. Defends Own Beliefs ____24. Jealous
____5. Cheerful ____25. Leadership Ability
____6. Moody ____26. Sensitive to Others’ needs
____7. Independent ____27. Truthful
____8. Shy ____28. Willing to take risks
____9. Inefficient ____29. Understanding
____10. Athletic ____30. Secretive
____11. Affectionate
____12. Theatrical
____13. Assertive
____14. Soft-Spoken
____15. Happy
____16. Strong Personality
____17. Loyal
____18. Unpredictable
____19. Forceful
____20. Gentle

126
APPENDIX D

Attitudes Toward Women Scale

Instructions: The statements listed below describe attitudes toward the roles of
women in society which different people have. There are no right or wrong answers,
only opinions. Use the scale below to indicate the extent to which you agree with the
value expressed in each statement.

1 2 3 4
Agree strongly Agree mildly Disagree mildly Disagree strongly

____1. Swearing and obscenity are more repulsive in the speech of a woman than a man.
____2. Under modern economic conditions with women being active outside the home,
men should share in household tasks such as washing dished and doing laundry.
____3. It is insulting to women to have the “obey” clause remain in the marriage service.
____4. A woman should be free as a man to propose marriage.
____5. Women should worry less about their rights and more about becoming good
wives and mothers.
____6. Women should assume their rightful place in business and all the professions
along with men.
____7. A woman should not expect to go to exactly the same places or to have quite the
same freedom of action as a man.
____8. It is ridiculous for a woman to run a locomotive and for a man to darn socks.
____9. The intellectual leadership of a community should be largely in the hands of men.
____10.Women should be given equal opportunity with men for apprenticeship in the
various trades.
____11. Women earning as much as their dates should bear equally the expense when
they go out together.
____12. Sons in a family should be given more encouragement to go to college than
daughters.
____13. In general, the father should have greater authority than the mother in the
bringing up of the children.
____14. Economic and social freedom is worth far more to women than acceptance of the
ideal of femininity which has been set up by men.
____15. There are many jobs in which men should be given preference over women in
being hired or promoted.

127
Appendix E

128

129

130

131
APPENDIX G

Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D)

Tell us how often you felt this way in the past week.
0 1 2 3
Never Some Often Almost Always
0 days 1-2 days 3-5 days 5-7 days

1. I was bothered by things that don't
usually bother me. 1.____
2. I did not feel like eating;
my appetite was poor. 2.____
3. I felt I could not shake off the blues,
even with help from my friends. 3.____
4. I felt I was just as good as other people. 4.____
5. I had trouble keeping my mind on what
I was doing. 5.____
6. I felt depressed. 6.____
7. I felt that everything I did was an effort. 7.____
8. I felt hopeful about the future. 8.____
9. I thought my life had been a failure. 9.____
10. I felt fearful. 10.____
11. My sleep was restless 11.____
12. I was happy. 12.____
13. I talked less than usual. 13.____
14. I felt lonely. 14.____
15. People were unfriendly. 15.____
16. I enjoyed life. 16.____
17. I had crying spells. 17.____
18. I felt sad. 18.____
19. I felt people disliked me. 19.____
20. I could not get "going". 20.____

132
Appendix H

Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE)

DIRECTIONS: Use the scale below to indicate the extent to which you agree with the
value expressed in each statement

1 2 3 4
Strongly Disagree Uncertain Agree
Agree

____1. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself.
____2. At times I think I am no good at all.
____3. I feel that I have a number of good qualities.
____4. I am able to do things as well as most other people.
____5. I feel I do not have much to be proud of.
____6. I certainly feel useless at times.
____7. I feel that I’m a person of worth, at least on an equal plane with others.
____8. I wish I could have more respect for myself.
____9. All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure.
___ 10. I take a positive attitude toward myself.

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