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The possible selves of Latino males participating in the Upward Bound Program

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THE POSSIBLE SELVES OF LATINO MALES PARTICIPATING IN THE
UPWARD BOUND PROGRAM

by

Jonathan Massie

___________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirement for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2009

Copyright 2009 Jonathan Massie
ii
DEDICATION
To my family for all of the support and patience that you have shown during
this process, I could not have completed this long and difficult project without you.
To my wife Tammy, for believing, supporting, and listening to me during the highs
and lows, I love you and thank you. To my children, Karli, Stefan and Caroline,
thank you for the patience and support while I was away working on my dissertation.
To my assistant Char, thank you for reading and rereading my work. To my chair,
Dr. Alexander Jun, thank you for the guidance, expertise and friendship. Last, thank
you Mom and Dad for instilling in me a belief that I can do anything with the right
amount of diligence and elbow grease.
iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ……………………………………………………………….. ii
Abstract ………………………………………………………………….. iv
Chapter I. Introduction ………………………………………………….. 1
Chapter II. Literature Review ………………………………………….. 16
Chapter III. Methodology ……………………………………………… 47
Table 1: Characteristics of Target Schools ………………...…….……. 54

Chapter IV. Results ………………………………...…………….……. 69

Chapter V. Discussion …………………………………………………. 95

References ……………………………………………………………... 130

Appendices ……………………………………………………………. 138
iv

ABSTRACT
The purpose of this ethnography was to investigate the content and structure
and the factors that contributed to the development of the possible selves of Latino
male students participating in Upward Bound, which is a federally funded program
whose primary purpose is to prepare low-income and/or first-generation high school
students for higher education. This qualitative study utilized a total of 19
participants of the Upward Bound Program being conducted at the University of
Southern California campus.
Since the methodology of this study is qualitative, no causal conclusions
were made. However, despite the limitations of this study, the findings are important
to increase our collective understanding of the content and structure of the possible
selves of Latinos. The description of the possible selves of the participants offers a
rich and detailed description of future-oriented self representations that value
academic success, personal and physical development and a clear desire to
matriculate on to a university. The influence of the participants’ families were
substantial and the participants’ involvement in Upward Bound resulted in the
development and sharpening of their academic aspirations.

1
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Researchers have investigated the achievement gap between students of color
and their White peers for the past several decades. Efforts to investigate and explain
the components of this gap and the ways to limit or close it have proved to be
difficult and elusive (Anderson, Medrich, & Fowler, 2007). Groups that are not part
of the majority dominant class within contemporary pluralistic societies are faced
with a substantial problem of achieving academic parity with the dominant group
(Ogbu, 1990).
Despite emerging as the nation’s largest ethnic minority group within the
United States, Latinos encounter significant disparities in academic performance
than their White peers in several significant areas (Gibson, Gandara, & Koyama,
2004). For example, the high school dropout rate for Latino youth is particularly
problematic. In 2000, about 530,000 Hispanic 16-to-19 year-olds were high school
drop outs, yielding a drop-out rate of 21.1 percent for all Hispanic 16-19 year-olds
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). Additionally, the Latino dropout rate is 2.5 times that of
African American students and 3.5 times that of White non-Latino students, and
although the dropout rates for African American and White non-Latino students has
been slowly decreasing, the dropout rates for Latino students has been consistent for
the past 25 years (Yowell, 2000).
Given the latter findings, it is important to identify variables that may assist
in explaining the gap in Latinos’ academic performance as well as assisting in the
2
formulation of solutions to overcome this gap. One theory that has emerged is the
theory of possible selves as first developed by Markus and Nurius (1986). Markus
and Nurius defined possible selves as what we would like to become, what we could
become, and what we are afraid of becoming. A student’s possible selves are linked
to identity goals as those goals relate to who S/he may become. Additionally,
possible selves consist of representations of long-term goals, since those long term
goals are the cognitive manifestation of enduring goals and aspirations (Markus &
Nurius, 1986). The possible selves lens is particularly useful and relevant for
making sense of how low-income students of color such as Latinos are able to
overcome the academic achievement gap (Pizzolato, 2006).
Therefore, in this study, in an effort to identify the variables that are
contributing to this gap, I explored the content and structure of the academic possible
selves of Latino males who participate in the Upward Bound program at the
University of Southern California. I also identify the factors that contribute to the
possible selves as described by the participants. As discussed in greater detail in
chapter three of this study, Upward Bound is an academic program that motivates,
assists, and attempts to prepare low-income, first-generation high school students for
higher education by providing academic advisement, tutoring and workshops at no
cost to the student. This program serves both Thomas Jefferson High School and Los
Angeles High School which are located within the Los Angeles Unified School
District (LAUSD).
3
In the remaining portions of this chapter one, I provide a brief overview of
the problem to be researched, the purpose of the research, and a summary of relevant
literature relating to the theory of possible selves as first developed by Markus and
Nurius (1986). I also include a brief discussion of the design of the research, how the
data obtained will be analyzed, and lastly, include a listing of important definitions.
Statement of Problem
Student’s aspirations for success have consistently been shown to be one of
the strongest predictors of academic achievement and persistence (Dweck, 1991).
Goal theorists argue that the positive relationship between a student’s academic
success and his or her aspirations are closely connected to the behaviors in which
that student chooses to engage to achieve the aspiration (McGregor & Elliot, 2002).
Unfortunately, most research on the relation between the aspirations of low-income
students of color demonstrates that there is a large discrepancy between the student’s
aspirations and actual accomplishment of the educational goal than their higher
income White peers (Yowell, 2000).
This discrepancy is particularly true for Latino students. Latino students
typically have high educational and occupational aspirations (Day, Borkowski,
Punzo, & Howsepian, 1994; Hurtado & Gauvian, 1997). However, despite exhibiting
high aspirations, the overall educational attainment of Latino students is quite low.
For example, Williams (2003) reports that only 6 percent of Latinos who enter
kindergarten in the United States earn a bachelor’s degree, compared to 16 percent of
African Americans, 30 percent of Caucasians, and 49 percent of Asian Americans.
4
Further, although drop-out rates for African-Americans and White non-Latino
students has been slowly decreasing over the past 25 years, the dropout rate for
Latinos has held steady for this period (Yowell, 2000).
The low educational attainment of Latinos appears to have a gender
component. The dropout rate among Latino students impacts males in a greater
proportion than female Latina students. As Fry (2003) found, the Latino dropout
population is significantly more male than female, even when compared to African
American and White non-Latino populations.
Furthermore, Latino males do not attend college at the same rates as Latinas
(Hernandez & Lopez, 2004). For example, from 1985 to 1991, the number of
bachelor degrees earned by Latinas grew faster than the numbers that were awarded
to Latino males (O’Brien, 1993). This pattern suggests that there are gender
differences in the college attendance and completion rates among Latino males and
Latinas (Haro, Rodriguez, & Gonzales, 1994).
As Yowell (2000) notes, the reasons for the disparity in the strength of
associations between academic achievements and stated aspirations is not clearly
understood. Most research in which this disparity is examined has focused on
African-American and White students (Alexander, Entwistle, & Bedinger, 1994;
Cook, Church, Ajanaku, Shadish, Kim & Cohen, 1996) and has not focused on
Latino students or more specifically, Latino males. Thus, considering the growing
Latino population and the limited academic success of this population, there is a
5
need for understanding the mechanisms through which these variables may be
related in the Latino population.
Given these findings, it is important to understand and identify variables that
may help explain why a gap exists between aspirations and academic achievement
for Latino males. As will be discussed in the following section, the purpose of this
study was to investigate these variables as viewed through the lens of Markus and
Nurius’ (1986) possible selves theory.
Statement of Purpose
In general, most college preparatory programs attempt to increase a student’s
chances for enrollment by providing structures and strategies that assist the student
to prepare for the academic rigors of a college or university. College preparation
programs usually take the form of academic advisement, tutoring and academic
workshops. According to Gandara (2000), students who participate in these
programs enroll in college nearly twice as often as those students who are not
enrolled in the college preparatory programs. Thus, college preparatory programs
are successful for some students.
Unfortunately, with regard to college preparatory programs, there is limited
empirical data on how a student’s aspirations impact their academic performance and
engagement or if those aspirations may hinder the transition from high school to
college. This is regrettable since as previously discussed, understanding the
aspirations and motivations of at-risk groups such as Latino males is particularly
6
useful for making sense of how low income students of color, such as Latinos, are
able to overcome the academic achievement gap (Pizzolato, 2006).
Therefore, the purpose of this ethnography was to fill the void in the research
and investigate the content and structure of the possible selves of the Latino male
students participating in Upward Bound, which is a federally funded program whose
primary purpose is to prepare low-income and/or first-generation high school
students for higher education. As will be more thoroughly discussed in chapter two,
the theory of possible selves provides a unique lens with which to investigate and
evaluate the motivational power of a student’s view of themselves in the future.
According to the theory of possible selves, balance in a student’s achievement
related possible selves results in a positive impact on school persistence (Oyserman
& Markus, 1990). Further, increasing the understanding of the content and structure
of Latino males’ possible selves and the factors that influence the development of
possible selves may be used to stimulate academic retention and achievement in this
group.
In this study, I investigated the following two research questions:
1. What is the content and structure of the academic possible selves of Latino
males participating in Upward Bound?
2. What are the factors that contribute to the possible selves as described by the
participants of this study?
7
Review of Literature
In chapter two, I present a review of research pertaining to the decisions of
Latino males who participate in Upward Bound to remain in school and pursue
college entry with an expanded view of Markus and Nurius’ (1986) theory of
possible selves. Utilizing this lens, I examine the variables that help explain the
content and structure of the possible selves of the Latino males in Upward Bound
and whether and how possible selves theory explains forces or factors that facilitate
or constrain academic performance.
Possible selves represents an individual’s ideas of what that person may
become, what S/he would like to become, and what the individual fears becoming.
Markus and Nurius (1986) are credited with developing the concept and theorized
three essential forms of possible selves: (1) the hoped for selves; (2) the expected
self; and (3), the feared self. The theory of possible selves has been applied in both a
research capacity and in practice to such diverse and complex issues including, but
not limited to, adolescents evaluation and exploration of potential career paths
(Packard & Nguyen 2003); evaluation of adults in transition (Ibarra 1999);
interventions to enhance school involvement (Oyserman, Terry, & Bybee 2002); and
elderly adults envisioning life in the “third age” (Waid & Frazier, 2003).
I begin the review of literature in chapter two with a discussion of the
theoretical background of this theory, provide a current definition of possible selves,
follow with a review of research that explores and explains the development of
possible selves, and present research that evaluates the relationship between possible
8
selves and adolescence. I continue with a discussion of the influence of social
context on possible selves and what role culture plays in the development of possible
selves and review relevant research regarding the relationship of possible selves and
motivation, the importance of academic motivation and the role of possible selves in
academic motivation and achievement. I then provide a review of literature
concerning the relation of possible selves to motivation and research concerning the
importance of academic motivation. Finally, I present a review of research
concerning academic interventions based upon the possible selves theory and
conclude chapter two with a discussion of the lack of research related to the possible
selves of Latino males.
Research Design
Over the course of this study, I gathered information relevant to the two
research questions through open-ended questionnaires, in-depth interviews, focus
groups, observations and examination of documents and records. I began my
investigation during the summer residential portion of Upward Bound which begins
in Late June and ends August 1. I continued my investigation through the fall
semester beginning in early September and ending in January of the following year.
All research was conducted on the University of Southern California campus.
Contact with the participants of this study occurred either during the lunch hour of
each day or during the evening hours from approximately 8:30 p.m. until 10:00 p.m.
All of the participants in this study attend Upward Bound at USC which
targets the Central section of the City of Los Angeles, geographically centered near
9
the USC campus. Upward Bound serves Thomas Jefferson High School and Los
Angeles High School. According to the Los Angeles Unified School District (2006),
the total enrollment for both schools is 7,658 with an average of 80% eligibility for
the Federal Free Lunch Program. The participants in this study consisted of 19 of the
20 Latino male students who participate in Upward Bound. Upward Bound contains
20 Hispanic Male participants who range in age from 14 to 17 years of age. Each of
the Latino male participants in Upward Bound is a first generation potential college
student.
Data Analysis
I utilized Creswell’s (2003) recommendations to ensure validity and
reliability of data collected through the following process: First, data relevant to the
two research questions was gathered through questionnaires, in-depth interviews,
focus groups, observations and examination of documents and records. All in-depth
interviews and focus group meetings were audio-taped. I also took hand-written
notes of all observations and the review of documents. Then, I read and examined
the data and made an overall general sense of the many diverse pieces of information
by establishing general themes and sub themes within the data. The data was then
aggregated into logically related thematic units or conceptual categories. I examined
the thematic units in terms of identifying the content and structure of the possible
selves of the Latino Male participants of Upward Bound. Other data in the form of
existing documents such as student files and any student work product contributed to
the richness of the summary narrative.
10
Importance of the Study
There are two primary reasons that underscore the importance of this study.
First, much of the educational literature and a majority of research studies that
address the academic achievement gap focuses on the gap between African-
American and White students and do not include Latinos. This leaves a gap in the
research regarding Latinos, and in particularly Latino males. The results of this
study add to the knowledge of factors that impact the academic possible selves of
Latino males who are a growing population within our schools but who are not
graduating from high school or entering college at acceptable rates.
Second, a shortage of workers with appropriate skills to succeed in the
workplaces has serious economic costs. Employers who are determining where to
locate their businesses often balance the existing quality and skills of potential
employees with those possessed by potential employees in other countries. If an
employer finds that work related abilities are not sufficient to meet the ever
increasing demands of businesses, those employers will relocate their businesses in
other areas outside of California and even outside of the United States. As a result,
the disparity between those with and those without college credentials is likely to
lead to the increasing earning and income inequities (Kazis, Vargas, & Hoffman,
2004).
If schools are to be successful in helping students develop the motivation to
expend sustained and persistent energy on learning tasks that prepare them to enter
college and graduate, educators must develop approaches that will increase
11
motivation in this regard. Possible selves theory and its related research base
(Markus & Nurius, 1986) provide a potentially powerful framework to obtain this
goal. Therefore, the information gained from this study can be used to assist
educators in developing methods to motivate students to expend sustained and
persistent energy on the difficult tasks of not only successfully completing high
school courses, but also entering and succeeding in college to better prepare them to
meet the needs of an ever more complex and demanding work force.
Organization of the Remainder of the Study
In chapter two, I present a review of salient literature regarding the theory of
possible selves, its development, impact upon motivation and discussion of research
regarding the impact this theory has in regards to academic achievement. In chapter
three, I provide the theoretical foundation for the study’s methodology and research
design. The study’s sample, conceptual model, instrumentation used, data collection
processes and methods utilized to analyze the data obtained are also presented in
chapter three.
In chapter four, I present the findings of this study which provide a rich and
thick description of the participants’ academic aspirations. The themes that were
identified included the participants’ development of a separate and distinct culture of
academic success that was separate and distinct from their respective high school
experiences. The content and structure of the participants possible selves was
complex and multi faceted, consisting of hopes and expectation of an academic self
focused on achieving the goal of entry to a university, a self that aspires to improve
12
physically, a self to become more of a gentleman and a feared self focused on
avoiding those activities or forces that may derail their goal of academic
achievement. The content and structure of the participants’ possible selves were
primarily influenced by the values and norms of the participants’ families as well as
their experiences within Upward Bound.
Finally, in chapter five, I summarize the findings, make conclusions and
discuss the implications of the study for future research. As more fully discussed in
chapter five, since the methodology of this study is qualitative, no causal conclusions
were made. However, despite the limitations of this study, the findings are important
to a deepening collective understanding of the content and structure of the possible
selves of the Latino males who participated in this study. The data revealed that the
participants have formed a culture of academic success while living within a culture
that in many respects either ignores the importance of academics or focuses on
pursuits that may lead to distraction or failure. The description of the possible selves
of the participants offers a rich and detailed description of future-oriented self
representations that value academic success, personal and physical development and
a clear desire to matriculate on to a university. The influence of the participants’
family was substantial and the participants’ involvement in Upward Bound resulted
in the development and sharpening of their academic aspirations.
The theoretical implications outlined in this study help to establish a
framework for policy recommendations that address ways to better support student’s
academic aspirations. I argue that Upward Bound enhances academic aspirations
13
through real world engagement and experience, maintains the culture within a
culture through social bonding activities, and provides professional development
opportunities for Upward Bound staff members. The existing pipeline between high
school and college is one that requires educational stakeholders to teach students the
necessary declarative knowledge to achieve success but also requires the
stakeholders to support, nurture and develop the student’s motivation to persist in
this long and arduous task.
Definitions and Terminology
I refer to and frequently use the following definitions in this study:
Educational Opportunity Programs Center – The Educational Opportunity
Program Center (EOPC) provides students with counseling and relevant information
concerning admissions to college to qualified adults who intend to enter a program of
postsecondary education. A primary role of EOPC is counseling their participants
regarding financial aid and also to assist the participants in the college application
process. Upward Bound at USC obtains its funding through a grant process
administered by EOPC, which is an umbrella organization for the four primary
programs within TRIO.
Low-income – The term “low-income” refers to a student that comes from a
family whose taxable income from the preceding year did not exceed 150 percent of
an amount equal to the poverty level determined by using criteria of poverty as
established by the Bureau of the Census.
14
High-poverty school – The term “high-poverty school” refers to schools
where more than 50 percent of the students are eligible for free or reduced price
lunch.
TRIO – The Federal TRIO Programs are educational opportunity outreach
programs whose main objective is to motivate and support students who come from
disadvantaged backgrounds. The programs provided by TRIO include six outreach
and support programs that primarily provide services to low-income, first generation
students, and students with disability with the overall goal of assisting those students
in progressing through the academic pipeline from middle-school to post-
baccalaureate programs.
Upward Bound - The primary goal of Upward Bound, which is one of the
original TRIO programs, is to prepare high school students for success in
postsecondary education. Upward Bound focuses on the needs of high school
students from grades 9 through 12 and offers participating students academic
tutoring, counseling, career advisement, visits to various colleges and universities,
and instruction in core subjects such as math, English, science and foreign languages.
The specific Upward Bound program that will be discussed in this study is
the Central Upward Bound Program and has been active on the USC campus for
more than three decades. Upward Bound at USC serves Thomas Jefferson High
School and Los Angeles High School which are both located within the Los Angeles
Unified School District (LAUSD). Each of the eligible participants in this program
are provided with programs intended to prepare the students in overcoming the
15
hurdles of making a successful transition from high school to a four-year college or
university.
16
CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
As discussed in chapter one, recent educational statistics indicated that Latino
students are currently facing difficult obstacles to academic success. While the
Latino population is younger and growing at a faster rate than any other ethnic group
in the United States, the dropout rate of this population is more than three times
greater than the 2000 non-Hispanic “white alone” drop out rate of 6.9 percent
(National Center for Educational Statistics, 2001). Given the increasing Latino
population and the alarming trends of school dropout rates, inaction is not an option.
What are the forces that shape Latino males’ decisions to either dropout or stay in
school and pursue academic goals?
In the following review of literature, I begin with a review of research
pertaining to the decisions of Latino males who participate in Upward Bound at the
University of Southern California to remain in school and pursue college entry with
an expanded view of Markus and Nurius’ (1986) theory of possible selves. Utilizing
this lens, I examine the variables that help explain the content and structure of the
possible selves of the Latino males in Upward Bound and whether and how the
possible selves theory explains forces or factors that facilitate or constrain their
academic performance.
I begin this review of literature with a discussion of the theoretical
background of this theory and provide a current definition of possible selves. I
17
follow with a review of research that explores and explains the development of
possible selves and research that evaluates the relationship between possible selves
and adolescence. I continue with a discussion of the influence of social context on
possible selves and what role culture plays in the development of possible selves and
review relevant research regarding the relationship of possible selves and motivation,
the importance of academic motivation and the role of possible selves in academic
motivation and achievement. I then provide a review of literature concerning the
relation of possible selves to motivation and research concerning the importance of
academic motivation. Finally, I present a review of research concerning academic
interventions based upon the possible selves theory. I will conclude with a
discussion of the lack of research related to the possible selves of Latino males.
Theoretical Framework
Genesis of Possible Selves Theory

In their seminal article introducing the concept of possible selves, Markus
and Nurius (1986), reviewed prior research conducted in the related area of self-
concept and its impact on both past and present behavior. The authors noted that the
notion of a self-concept appeared in the literature in diverse forms beginning with
James’ (1910) use of the term “potential social me” which he distinguished from the
“immediate present me” and the “me of the past.” Subsequently, Freud (1925)
identified in his writings the “ego ideal,” which represented the child’s conception of
what their parents considered to be morally good. Later, Rodgers (1951) claimed
18
that the individual’s self regard depended on the tension between actual self and the
ideal self.
However, Markus and Nurius noted that existing reviews of the research on
self concept from both the psychological and sociological perspectives (e.g., Epstein,
1984; Gecas, 1982), found that other than limited attention to the “ideal self,” the
content of conceptions of self, other than those of the current self, had not been
emphasized. There were efforts to investigate a person’s understanding of his or her
future (e.g., Davids & Sidman, 1962; De Volder & Lens, 1982); however, the focus
of this research was rarely concerned with how the future is represented in the
individual’s self-concept.
Traditionally, self concept was defined as a collection of self-representations
or self knowledge that is derived primarily from an individual’s past experience
(Wylie, 1979). Within this traditional view, there typically was a focus on the
evaluative aspects of these self-representations such that the self-concept construct
was often equated with the concept of self-esteem (Harter, 1985). Self-concept
disclosed the vast intricacy and complexity of self representations and their
importance in regulating behavior (Markus & Nurius, 1986).
Since the self concept puts into perspective and frames experience and
motivates action, the self concept has been described by researchers as a “theory”
about oneself that represents and organizes existing self knowledge and assists the
person in how new self knowledge is perceived (Epstein, 1973). As a theory, the self
concept consists of the existing state of knowledge about oneself and assists a person
19
in organizing an experience, focusing motivation, regulating emotion, and guiding
social interaction. More than just a theory about the self, some researchers assert
that self concept is the seat of primary competency drives and reflects an inherent
need to improve and become more effective over time (Maslow, 1954).
Coopersmith and Feldman (1974) described the self concept as being comprised of
an individual’s beliefs, hypothesis and assumptions about oneself. Self concept is the
individual’s view of him or herself as conceived and organized from that person’s
own vantage point, including the person’s idea of the kind of person S/he is, and the
characteristics that are the most valuable traits.
However, for Markus and Nurius, there was one critical area of self-
knowledge that begged investigation. It was the connection between self concept,
motivation and future behavior. Markus and Nurius (1986) argued that the traditional
static view of self-concept did not provide a connection between self-concept and
future action. Consistent with a trend in the research indicating that a static view of
self was beginning to be replaced with a more dynamic and multidimensional
concept, in 1986, Markus and Nurius introduced the concept of possible selves to
compliment existing conceptions of self-concept and provide a nexus between self-
concept and motivation.
Possible selves theory is an extension of self-concept theory. Similar to other
approaches in the self concept tradition, possible selves theory emphasizes the
impact that a student’s self definition has on school behavior. The unique
20
contribution of possible selves theory is its focus on the motivational power of
student’s views of themselves in the future.
The concept of possible selves concerns how an individual evaluates his or
her potential and future. Our possible selves include the persons we hope to become
and the persons we fear becoming. As a result, the possible selves we hope to
become in the future can be characterized as the successful self, the creative self and
the rich or wealthy self. Alternatively, the dreaded possible selves can be described
as the unaided self, the depressed self, the incompetent self, the alcoholic self, and
the unemployed self. A person’s account of their possible selves can be described as
a cognitive expression of enduring goals, motive fears and threats (Markus & Nurius,
1986). Possible selves provides definitive form, significance, organization, and
direction to these elements of self-concept. Accordingly, Markus and Nurius (1986)
asserted that possible selves provides a connection between self-concept and
motivation.
Possible Selves: A Definition
Possible selves represents an individuals ideas of what that person may
become, what he or she would like to become, and what the individual fears
becoming. Markus and Nurius (1986) are credited with developing the concept and
theorized three essential forms of possible selves: (1) the hoped for selves; (2) the
expected self; and (3), the feared self.
The theory of possible selves has been applied in both a research capacity and
in practice to such diverse and complex issues including, but not limited to,
21
adolescents evaluation and exploration of potential career paths (Packard & Nguyen
2003); evaluation of adults in transition (Ibarra 1999); interventions to enhance
school involvement (Oyserman, Terry, & Bybee 2002); and elderly adults
envisioning life in the “third age” (Waid & Frazier, 2003).
As Cross and Markus (1991) noted, possible selves “have been defined as
personalized representations of one’s self in future states” (p.230). These
representations are not only cognitive but also include affect and contain
expectations, hopes, and fears of who we will become in various life domains such
as family, work and health and are believed to have motivational qualities so that
people work to achieve what they expect and hope for and work to avoid what they
fear. Markus, Cross and Wurf (1990) maintain that possible selves can be viewed as
transmitters of competence without which an individual’s skills and abilities cannot
be efficiently and successfully utilized.
The family of possible selves represents “what we would like to become,”
(i.e. hoped for selves) and “what we are afraid of becoming” (i.e., feared selves)
(Markus & Nurius, 1986, p. 954). The possible selves that represents hoped-for
selves (i.e., “what we would like to become”) includes the hopes and aspirations of
the person and includes images and visions of that person in an aspired to resulting
state. Hoped-for selves are domain specific and are an essential component of
behavior because hoped-for selves contain both declarative knowledge in the form of
the concept of what S/he would like to become and procedural knowledge in the
form of schemas and scripts to actualize the goal. Markus and Nurius (1986) assert
22
that the nexus between declarative knowledge and procedural knowledge promotes
the change from a hoped-for self into organized and purposive behavior.
Feared selves are the possible selves that a person intends to avoid or does
not want to become in the future. Rather than influence a person’s pursuit of or
movement towards a goal, a feared self typically motivates the individual to avoid
the potential feared self (Yowell, 2000). Even though hoped-for selves serve to
organize and energize behavior, the impact of feared selves is to eliminate energy
and reduce organization (Oyseerman & Markus, 1990).
Pursuant to the theory of possible selves, the balance between hoped-for
selves and feared selves facilitates motivation and assists to control the direction of
behavior. Oyserman and Markus (1990) theorized that balance in the achievement –
related possible selves of adolescents has a positive impact on school persistence and
that a given possible self will have the greatest impact when it is offset by a
countervailing possible self in the same domain. Therefore, it is theorized that a
feared possible self is most effective as a motivational component when it is
balanced with a countervailing expected possible self that provides the guidelines of
what someone can do to avoid the feared state.
In summary, the possible selves theory provides a threefold framework for
investigating and understanding the mechanisms through which future orientation
influences, compels, or motivates behavior. First, possible selves supply a context
for the meaning an individual may make of his or her own behavior. The hopes and
fears that an individual has for his or her future can become the benchmark or
23
standard by which that person evaluates or measures their behavior or information.
Second, possible selves offer incentives for means-ends behavior. An individual will
seek to achieve their hopes and dreams and to avoid their fears. Finally, the
procedural knowledge of the possible selves assists in the regulation or modulation
of the individual behavior in a personally meaningful way. I will next discuss the
process in which possible selves are developed and identify factors that impact this
process of development.
Development of Possible Selves
The development of possible selves is a two part process: (a) the initial
construction of possible selves and (b), the successful achievement or avoidance of
constructed possible selves (Dunkel, 2000; Wurf & Markus, 1991). During the
initial phase of this process, Markus and Nurius, and others (Cross & Markus, 1991;
Dunkel, 2000; Yowell, 2000, 2002), claim that students will construct possible selves
based on past experience and on ideas about the future. The construction or
development of hoped for, expected, and feared possible selves in this stage is
critical to the process, since it points out how the student’s aspirations and
expectancies are separated within the construct of possible selves (Pizzalato, 2006).
In general, a student’s aspirations are represented in hoped-for selves, while
their expected possible selves represent what the student thinks that S/he is likely to
become. Pizzalato (2006) argues that recognition of this split is critical to
understanding the construction and development of possible selves as it may assist in
the understanding and explanation of any aspiration-achievement discrepancy. The
24
relation between what students want to become and what students actually become
may be mediated by what students feel they are to become or the expected possible
selves.
Possible Selves and Adolescence
Beginning in early adolescence, the future is an important element of self
concept (McGuire & Padawe-Singer, 1976), and doing well in school is a consistent
component of an adolescent’s future oriented self (Oyserman, Bybee & Terry, 2006).
Consistent with Erickson’s model of development, identity development is a
hallmark established during the adolescent years. Erikson theorized that adolescence
is a phase in which a young person will experiment with, and usually without
commitment, various roles. When a possible self has been tried, the adolescent
achieves a sense of identity, selecting a smaller sample of possible selves to commit
to become. Possible selves are created within social contexts and take into
consideration the values, norms and background of others who are participating
within the adolescent’s social environment (Oyserman, 2001).
Research demonstrates that social contexts encourage and assist in the
development of some selves while suppressing and dismantling others. Thus, the
social construction of the self is dependant upon not only the adolescent’s immediate
relationships and the dynamics of the current experiences but also on larger socio-
cultural and historical factors (Oyserman, 2001).
The literature on adolescents suggests that they regulate their behaviors to fit
in with peers, rather than regulating their behavior to consistently work toward a
25
particular internally defined goal (e.g. Brown, Eicher, & Petrie, 1986; Rubin,
Burkowski, & Parker, 1998). Since low-income students and students of color are
more likely than their peers to participate in groups in which college attendance is
not recognized, academic achievement may not be valued (Gutman & McLoyd,
2000; Milner, 2002). Therefore, these students may have a difficult time achieving
their hoped for selves.
Without models, adolescents lack resources on how to become a college
student and they may either feel compelled to fit in with their peers who do not have
college aspirations, or feel that given their peers community they do not have a
chance of attaining their hoped-for selves, and so they settle for their expected selves
(Mickelson, 1990; Ogbu, 1991). Thus, the second phase of possible-self
development, actual realizations of aspirations, may be affected by environmental
factors that separated hoped-for and expected possible selves. In the following
section, I will discuss how possible selves are shaped by the social contexts in which
the adolescents engage.
Influence of Social Context on Possible Selves
Adolescents learn about their potential in terms of what is valued and what is
possible through engagement and experimentation within their social context
(Oyserman & Markus, 1993). When social contexts are devoid of images of possible
selves for the individuals within a given ethnic community or particular domain, the
possible selves in this domain are likely to be missing entirely or will be so global as
to be useless as a self regulatory mechanism (Oyserman, Johnson, & Bybee, 2006).
26
Adolescent self-concepts are open to social feedback from their immediate peers or
from their significant others. Adolescents will actively seek evidence of who they
may become through their social interactions, the evaluation and feedback of
responses of others to their behavior, and from the observation of role models and
institutionalized standards (Oyserman, Bybee, Terry, & Hart-Johnson, 2004).
Social contexts also provide significant impact to adolescents and young
adults about whether a particular possible self is positively or negatively valued. As
a result, the same possible self may be negatively or positively valued depending
upon the social context. For example, graduating medical students who selected a
primary care specialty were more likely to consider becoming a primary care
physician as a positive possible self if that graduating medical student had a mentor
whose professional and personal life disproved the negative stereotype about doctors
in that specialty (Burack, Irby, Carline, Ambrozy, Ellsbury, & Stritter, 1997).
Social contexts provide important feedback to adolescents that can change
the perceived likelihood that an expected or feared self is probable. Thus, not
unexpectedly, teenagers whose parents have divorced are more likely to have feared
possible selves focused on difficulties and problems in marriage (Carson, Madison &
Santrock, 1987). Additionally, teenagers are more likely to develop feared possible
selves that focus on developing mental health problems when during their lifetime
the mother has separated from the father due to mental health problems (Oyserman,
Bybee, & Mowbray, 2005). Furthermore, the nexus between possible selves and
consistent or congruent behavior has been shown in a study of college students who
27
were primed to think of “success after hard effort” possible selves were more
persistent in their studies than those undergraduate students who were primed to
think of success as a factor of luck (Ruvolo & Markus, 1992).
In summary, possible selves are selves we imagine becoming in the future,
what we hope to become, the selves we are afraid of becoming, and the selves we
fully expect to become. The concept of possible selves is an extension of self-
concept theory which provides a connection between self-concept and motivation.
Development of possible selves is impacted by past experiences and on ideas about
the future and is impacted by peer interactions especially during adolescence. In the
following sections, I will discuss the influence that culture has on the development of
possible selves, the relationship between possible selves and motivation and in
particular, academic motivation, and provide a review of the literature related to
possible selves and academic achievement.
Influence of Culture on the Development of Possible Selves
Within the social context of culture, various cultures differ in the way youths
within those cultures construct possible selves (Kerpelman, Shoffner, & Griffen,
2002). The idea of “what I may become” is a vision tailored by stage of life, and also
by historical and socio-cultural context (Cross & Markus, 1991: Markus &
Oyserman, 1989). The values and prescriptions intrinsic in cultural artifacts, from
bedtime stories to history lessons to television commercials, send subtle and not so
restrained messages about how to be, both now and in the future. These cultural-
specific metaphors and ideas about the nature and process of personal development
28
are likely to become threads of self-concepts that the individuals weave for
themselves (e.g. Markus & Kitayama, 1991).
The impact that culture plays in the development of possible selves of
European-American, Chilean, Japanese and Japanese-Americans was investigated in
a study conducted by Unemori, Omoregie, and Markus (2004). In this study, the
researchers examined the similarities and differences in possible selves developed by
students participating in different cultural contexts. One hundred and fifty-four
college students aged 18 to 26 participated in the study. Fifty-six of the 154 students
were recruited from Stanford University and the University of California Berkley, 28
of them being European American and 28 Japanese American. The remaining
participants were forty-nine Chilean students from the Universidad de Chile and
Universidad La Catolica, as well as 49 Japanese students from Tokyo University.
All participants were asked to fill out an open ended questionnaire designed
to elicit information about their possible selves. Each participant was also asked to
list at least three expected and at least three feared selves for the next year. Each
expected and feared self was then coded into one of the following six thematic
content categories: (1) Intrapersonal; (2) Interpersonal; (3) Career/Educational; (4)
Extracurricular; (5) Attainment of material goods; and (6) Health-related.
The results of the study demonstrated significant differences in how the
subjects within each culture developed their respective possible selves. For example,
the Japanese subjects generated nearly twice as many career/education expected
selves and more than twice as many career/education feared selves than the
29
European Americans. The authors of the study concluded that the fact that Japanese
conceptualize their future in terms of their academic accomplishments may reflect
the extreme cultural significance accorded to education in the development of an
individual within Asian cultural contexts. Additionally, the researchers found that
European Americans possible self focus was on intrapersonal themes such as “fear of
being dependant” reflecting a cultural emphasis on uniqueness and independent
development.
The Relationship between Possible Selves and Motivation
Throughout the literature, there are numerous efforts to link self behavior to
motivation. From a social cognitive viewpoint, several researchers (Bandura, 1989;
Bandura & Cervone, 1986; Schunk, 1990) have theorized that individuals regulate
their own behavior and direct their accomplishments by setting challenging goals for
them and by applying appropriate strategies to obtain their goals. McCombs and
Marzano (1990) assert that an individual’s metacognitive skills are an essential
component of the link between self-concept and motivation. They state that the
individual’s understanding and awareness of their self as an agent is an essential
factor in motivating behavior. Similarly, Jennings (1993) argues that a child’s
motivation to engage in a particular task is influenced by their concept of him or
herself at different ages. Jennings (1993) emphasizes that a child’s self evaluation of
outcomes varies too, often depending on the child’s conceptualization of themselves.
The theory of possible selves as first postulated by Markus and Nurius (1986)
represents another effort to join self-concept and behavior. Markus and Wurf (1987)
30
theorized that the self regulates behavior, establishes goals and expectations,
motivates performance to meet these goals, monitors performance of various
activities and evaluates whether a particular performance has achieved the
established goal. Motivation, within the boundaries of possible selves theory, is seen
not as a generalized disposition or a set of specific goals, rather, motivation is a
reflection of what individuals hope to accomplish in their life and the kind of person
they wish to become (Markus & Nurius, 1986).
Accordingly, the framework of possible selves may be particularly useful in
studying the motivation of economically disadvantaged adolescents who are
attempting to successfully complete high school and who are contemplating moving
on to a four year college or university. The possible selves concept can capture the
dynamic, oriented aspects of the personality, focuses on domains of greatest value to
the individual, and is sensitive to significant life transitions and events (Hooker,
1999). The possible selves concept extends self-concept research to included not
only current self-knowledge, but also forward thinking ideas about what an
individual would like to become or fears becoming (Markus & Nurius, 1986). Given
the complexities of the urban school experience and limited resources available to
students in most urban schools, possible selves theory can provide a window into the
motivational factors that will potentially influence the student’s decision to not only
pursue a college education but to persist until successful attainment of a degree is
achieved.
31
The possible selves concept suggests that possible selves perform both
evaluative and motivational functions. First, possible selves serve as a motivational
incentive by defining what is to be approached (hoped-for selves) and what is to be
avoided (feared selves; Cross & Markus, 1991; Markus & Nurius, 1986).
Specifically, possessing an image of what is possible in the future permits the
individual to mentally simulate future scenarios that facilitate decisions for or against
specific actions and provide clues about when to persist and when to withdraw or
back away from a course of behavior. Representations of hoped-for selves involve
goals as well as scenarios about the means and strategies to achieve them and
thereby organize and energize the adoption of behaviors (Cross & Markus, 1994;
Whaley, 2003).
Possible selves refer only to that subset of goals, outcomes, or expectancies
that are personalized or individualized and given self-relevant form or meaning. The
most important element or component of a goal or threat is an image of the
individual in the end-state. From this perspective, motivation is not viewed as an
instinctual, impersonal, or unconscious process (Nuttin, 1984). On the contrary, it
depends on the nature and configuration of the self relevant structures that give
specific and direct personal meaning to more general needs and motives.
Possible selves thus provides a nexus between the self-concept and
motivation (Oyserman & Markus, 1990). Possible selves are formulated and
hypothesized to serve as incentives for future behavior. They are selves to approach
or to be avoided. Markus and Nurius (1986), in their formulation of this theory,
32
argued that the motivation to carry out all but the most routine and habitual actions
depend on the creation of possible selves. It is the sense of one’s self in a desired end
state, whether in a desired end state of academic or financial success that assists in
the organization and energizing of actions to obtain the desired end state. The sense
of oneself in a feared state, such as avoiding prison, can also play a significant
motivational force in one’s life. An individual’s image of one self in such a feared
state can produce inaction or stymie ongoing efforts (Oyserman & Markus, 1990).
Possible Selves and the Importance of Academic Motivation
Success in school is an essential and central life task of adolescence, and
school failure can seriously limit the future possibilities for an adolescent (Orfield,
2004). From early adolescence, doing well in school is a common and important
component of an adolescent’s future-oriented self (Oyserman, Johnson, & Bybee,
2006). These future possible selves can be made up of both positive and negative
images of the self already in a future state – the “clever” self who passed the
geometry examination or the “fast” self who fell in with the wrong group (Oyserman
& Markus, 1990).
Researchers have consistently found a positive relationship between
academic motivation and tangible measures of academic success such as grade point
average (Linebrink & Pintrick, 2002; Wentzel, 1997). Studies of academic
achievement consistently demonstrate that children’s aspiration for academic success
are among the strongest predictor of school achievement and more important, school
persistence (Dweck, 1991; Gamoran, 1987). Thus, an academically motivated
33
student will obtain better grades and persist with greater vigor during the arduous
educational transitions from grade to grade and also from one level of education to
the next.
Possible Selves and Academic Motivation
A school-focused possible self is comprised of expectations and concerns
regarding the individual’s own school success and academic accomplishments,
including images of the adolescent of passing a course or avoiding the failing of an
examination, as well as more global images of “being smart”. Possessing school-
focused possible selves is positively correlated with endorsement of academic goals
among European Americans (Anderman, Anderman, & Griesinger, 1999) and
African American youth (Oyserman, Gant, & Ager, 1995). African American
adolescents who have concrete, detailed and specific school focused possible selves
and strategies to attain the possible selves are more likely to perform well
academically than those who do not (Oyserman, Bybee, Terry, & Hart-Johnson,
2004). Further, for African American and European high school students, those who
have school-focused possible selves demonstrate a lower risk of involvement in
delinquent activities (Oyserman & Markus, 1990).
The opposite of positive possible selves is a feared off-track possible self.
Feared off-track possible selves are those possible selves that focus on avoiding an
outcome such as becoming pregnant, becoming involved with crime that will have a
debilitating impact on school success or other similar possibilities. Possessing feared
off-track possible selves is associated with reduced truancy among European, Latino
34
and African American Students (Oyserman, Bybee, & Terry 2006), and with a lower
risk of dropout among Latino students (Yowell, 2000).
Possible Selves and Academic Achievement
Several studies have documented the relationship between a student’s
possible self and their academic achievement and school related behavior. For
example, Leondari, Syngollitou, and Kisseoglou (1998), examined the relationship
between high school students’ possible selves and school behavior and performance.
The authors of this study hypothesized that those students who were able to produce
well elaborated, vivid pictures of future selves would perform better academically.
The study consisted of 289 students who were14 through 15 years of age. Each
subject was provided with a booklet containing questionnaires and instructions for
responding to them. The questionnaire included information on demographic and
family background, self esteem, achievement motivation and possible selves. The
researchers coded student’s open-ended possible selves essays on a range of
dimensions and correlated those different dimensions with both self-reported school
behavior and achievement measures such as grade point average.
The results of the study indicated that those students who endorsed specific,
elaborated positive selves outperformed the other groups in academic achievement.
Leondari, et al. (1998), also found evidence that the students who did endorse
specific possible selves also demonstrated greater persistence on task. Interestingly,
the study found that there were no significant gender differences in relation to
35
motivation, but boys and girls did differ significantly in relation to all other
variables.
A different component of the impact of possible selves and academic
achievement was investigated by Oyserman and Markus (1990) who explored the
relationship between possible selves and delinquency. The study consisted of 238
youths between the ages of 13 through 16 and who varied in the degree of their
respective delinquency. The students were asked to respond to open-ended
questionnaires that probed for descriptions of hoped for, expected and feared
possible selves.
Oyserman and Markus found that non-delinquent youth demonstrated a better
balance between their expected selves and feared possible selves. Balance occurred
when aspects of the expected self (e.g. graduating from college) would be expected
to prevent the occurrence of a feared self (e.g., being poor and unemployed). When
delinquent youth described their expected possible selves, they often failed to
include features that mitigate against the possibility of their feared selves occurring.
For example, the researchers found that the feared self of delinquent students
frequently entailed being unemployed; and at the same time, few of the students
described an expected possible self that included doing well in school.
Similarly, Oyserman, Gant, and Ager (1995) studied the relationship between
the balance of the positive possible self and the negative possible self in African
American middle school students and also examined the relationship of that balance
with school performance. The research demonstrated that a greater balance of the
36
positive possible self and the negative possible self were predictive of both enhanced
effort and persistence in school.
As a result, taken as a whole, this research suggests that a vivid and concrete
positive self that includes academic success can motivate current school behavior
and result in increased achievement. Furthermore, this research demonstrates that
while students may be motivated by both positive and negative aspects of their
possible selves, the optimum motivational circumstances occur when students’
expected possible selves include desired features (e.g. academic success) that
mitigate and moderate against the occurrence of the feared possible selves features
(e.g. criminality and unemployment).
Last, Yowell (2000), in a study that directly involved Latino boys and girls,
investigated the structure and function of the aspirations of the students through the
collective lenses of future orientation and possible selves. The study involved 38
early adolescent children ages 13 through 14 who attended schools in a low income
ethnic minority community.
To better understand the role of aspirations in students’ academic
achievement engagement, Yowell (2000) explored the threefold functioning of
possible selves among the Latino students. First, the researcher studied the content
and structure of the Latino students’ hoped for and feared possible selves. Second,
the balance between hoped-for and feared selves was examined. Finally, the role of
possible selves in the regulation of the students’ academic efforts was investigated.
37
For this group of early adolescent students, this study revealed that the
students showed high educational and occupational aspirations and high rates of
optimism. For the male students, the occupational domain was a greater priority in
comparison to the female students. The girls who participated in this study reported a
more constrained view of their future as opposed to the male participants.
In a troubling finding, the authors in this study found that the students
demonstrated a relative absence of educational and occupational fears to balance the
hoped-for selves. Based on this finding, Yowell (2000) argues that this lack of
balance between possible selves might serve to put the student at a greater risk for
school dropout and compromise or diminish their translation of their hoped-for
selves into motivated school engagement. Further, the results of this study found
that the students indicated a limited declarative and procedural knowledge
concerning their educational and occupational hoped for selves which the researcher
argues is particularly significant for Latino youth since a majority of those who will
drop out will do so before their tenth grade. Specifically, the results demonstrated
that the participants had limited understanding of the plans and strategies that is
required for the fulfillment of their hoped-for selves.
Unfortunately, due to the exploratory nature of Yowell’s (2000) study and the
relatively small sample size, the author noted that no causal or definitive conclusions
were possible. However, Yowell (2000) argued that to understand the reasons why
some groups such as Latino males and females are less successful in actualizing their
hopes or aspirations, a richer more in depth understanding of their aspirations and
38
possible selves is warranted. Additionally, Yowell (2000) noted that her study did
not investigate the actual services provided by the respective educational institutions
that were attended by the participants. Yowell (2000) urged that future research is
warranted to examine the relationship between students’ possible selves and the
contexts of their educational institutions. Yowell (2000) argues that additional
analysis and investigation of the structure and balance of possible selves may lead to
a more in depth understanding of the way in which a student accesses opportunities,
resources, and experiences within the respective educational institution has an impact
upon the relationship between their stated aspirations and their actual achievement.
Research on Possible Selves Academic Interventions
To date, there have been minimal attempts to develop and evaluate academic
interventions based upon possible selves theory and related research. Using the
Psychinfo database, I found three relevant studies that specifically focused on
academic interventions rooted in the possible selves theory. The following three
studies as described below, demonstrate the potential of possible selves based
interventions to promote effective school behavior and improve future academic
performance.
Day, Borokowski, Punzo, and Howsepian (1994), developed and evaluated
eight lesson plans that provided group based interventions designed to increase the
balance of the positive and negative possible academic self descriptions of Mexican-
American elementary students. This intervention taught three specific metacognitive
strategies that the researchers hypothesized could be used by students to attain a
39
positive possible self or avoid a negative possible self. These strategies included
thinking ahead about school work that needs to be done, thinking about the process
of actually doing the school work that needs to be done, and thinking about what the
students had learned.
Children who participated in the intervention groups showed an increase in
their understanding of the importance of education and their understanding of the
relationship between education and later occupational success and financial security.
The intervention group also provided more complete descriptions of the behavior of
good students and reported thinking more about the connection between present
schooling and future occupational success.
Oyserman, Terry, and Bybee (2002) evaluated the impact of a nine-week
after-school, small group, activities based intervention designed to increase the
student’s ability to imagine themselves as successful adults and also connecting
those future images to current school involvement. To emphasize the connection
between current action and future goals, the researchers labeled the intervention
program “School-to-Jobs.” The study consisted of a total of 208 African American
middle school students with 62 students in the experimental group and 146 students
in the control group, controlling for sex and previous school involvement. The
researchers hypothesized that by developing a sequence of activities and tasks that
would provide students with the experience of creating and detailing more academic
selves and providing them with the opportunity to practice the skills needed to
40
engage in and put effort into this process, would improve their academic selves and
subsequently influence effort over time, producing a positive cycle of change.
The results of the study demonstrated that by the end of the school year, the
students receiving the intervention reported more bonding to school, reported being
concerned about doing well in school and also evidenced plausible strategies to
attain these possible selves. Additionally, the control group reported better
attendance and for the boys in this group, less trouble in school.
In a later study, Oyserman, Bybee, and Terry (2006) developed and evaluated
an 11 week, middle school classroom based intervention called School-to-Jobs
(STJ). STJ was specifically designed to address the hypothesized connections
between aspects of urban African-American students’ possible selves and their
behavior in school and also their academic performance.
The study consisted of a total of 264 students, with 141 students in the
experimental group and 123 in the control group. The intervention was designed to
assist students to develop descriptions of their possible selves; identify concrete
plausible strategies for attaining positive and avoiding negative possible selves,
reducing potential conflict between their possible selves and their social identity;
and, finally, persisting in the use of strategies through metacognitive routines that
were designed to assist the students in avoiding the tendency to abandon the
strategies used when experiencing a setback or failure. STJ was provided to the
students in consecutive biweekly sessions conducted in the student’s homeroom and
41
the students were randomly assigned to the experimental or intervention group and
the control group.
The researchers found that following the intervention, the experimental group
reported more balance between positive and negative selves and also more plausible
strategies for developing positive and avoiding negative possible selves. The results
of the study also showed that the students who received the intervention
demonstrated increased attendance rates, reduced retention rates, higher grade point
average and also higher standardize test scores. Also, the results of the study showed
that absences and in school misbehavior for the experimental group declined. The
authors also found that effects of the intervention were sustained over a two year
follow up and were mediated by a change in possible selves. The above findings
suggest that the possible selves theory and related research can provide a useful and
effective means for interventions that increase and enhance a student’s motivation,
and promote achievement and improvement in school behavior. Further, well
designed interventions based upon the possible selves theory are likely to promote
academic achievement.
Limitations of Possible Selves Research
There are several gaps in the research in regards to the study of possible
selves. First, Yowell (2000) notes that one deficit is the lack of studies examining the
actual services provided to the students by their respective institutions such as their
schools. Additional research is required to evaluate the relationship between the
student’s possible selves and his or her institutional contexts. Studying the structure
42
and balance of a student’s possible self within their institutional or school context
may lead to a more complete understanding of the manner in which a student’s
access to opportunities, resources, and experiences within the institutional settings
influences the relationship between a student’s aspirations and the resulting pattern
of achievement (Yowell, 2000).
Second, Yowell (2000) asserts that the aspirations that form the basis of the
possible selves of Latino youths have not been actively investigated. Although
studies of academic achievement have routinely and consistently shown that a child’s
aspirations for academic success are among the strongest predictors of school
achievement and persistence (Dweck, 1991; Gamoran, 1987), the majority of
research in this regard has examined the aspirations of African American students
and White students, but has not included Latino students (Yowell, 2000). Yowell
(2000) asserts that overall, little is known about the aspirations of Latino students
and the role those aspirations may play in terms of academic achievement and the
ultimate decision to stay in school.
Third, even though possible selves has been described as having a direct
impact upon motivation and behavior (e.g., Markus & Nurius, 1986; Oyserman,
Bybee, Terry & Hart-Johnson, 2004), there has been limited progress in terms of
identifying the process by which possible selves impact an individuals motivation
and behavior (Hoyle & Sherrill, 2006). In general, research has focused more
exclusively on the content of the possible selves to the exclusion of possible selves
as a potential mechanism that has a direct impact on motivation and behavior.
43
Finally, there are two methodological limitations of note. First, although used
across a range of domains, a limitation of the possible selves theory is that the choice
of methodology varies substantially across the reported studies. Generally, three
formats are used to measure possible selves including a close-ended format which
yields sum scores of positive and negative selves across domains, a closed-format
which focuses on specific types of possible selves (i.e. academic possible selves),
and an open-ended format which is content coded for domains (Oyserman &
Fryberg, 2006). Due to the difference in methodological choices, researchers must
take into consideration that the information obtained may be influenced by the
format selected. Close-ended formats, for example, do not encourage input from a
study’s participants and limit the participant’s choices to numerical scales or
categories generated by the researcher. However, open-ended formats allow for
substantially greater range of input from the participant and the potential for dialogue
(Erickson, 2007). Thus, caution must be exercised in assuming similarity in construct
measurement when drawing from the varied body of literature concerning possible
selves.
A second methodological limitation to using possible selves as a theoretical
framework involves each study’s description of the future. While some studies
investigating the possible selves of the participants will refer to “the future” with no
additional specification, other measures will include a reference period in terms of
chronological (“next year”) or developmental (“as an adult”) time. Given that the
definition of the “future” may vary from researcher to researcher unless anchored to
44
a particular period in time, a researcher who employs the former approach is
restricted in that each participant’s version of what the future means may differ.
In summary, there exists a gap in the research in regards to how the content
and structure of Latino students’ aspirations shape their possible selves and how a
more thorough investigation of Latino students’ possible selves may lead to a more
complete understanding of the manner in which access to opportunities, resources,
and experiences within a school setting influences the relationship between a
student’s aspirations and their resulting pattern of achievement. Additionally, there
has been limited progress in terms of identifying the process by which possible
selves impact an individual’s motivation and behavior. In terms of methodology, the
literature pertaining to the possible selves theory is limited due to the variances in
methodological choices and is also limited by each researcher’s description of the
future. These limitations will be addressed in the following chapter three of this
dissertation which will set forth the methodology of my study of the possible selves
of Latino males participating in Upward Bound at the University of Southern
California.
Conclusion
Possible selves is a relatively new theory that offers researchers a view of
how a student’s own self definitions impact his or her academic behavior. Research
shows that possible selves are the selves we imagine becoming in the future, the
selves we hope to become, the selves we are afraid of becoming, and the selves we
expect to become (Markus & Nurius, 1986). There are many and varied sources of
45
possible selves and possible selves may be rooted in an individual’s past experience,
behavior and/or accomplishments. As a result, high performing students may be
much more capable of imagining positive academic possible selves than low
performing students (Leondari, Syngollitou, & Kiosseoglou, 1998). The theory of
possible selves has been applied to investigating the components and complexities of
adolescents who are exploring their career choices (Kerpelman, Shoffner, & Ross-
Griffen, 2002), and academic persistence (Oyserman, Gant, & Ager, 1995).
The Latino population is younger and growing at a faster rate than any other
ethnic group in the United States, the dropout rate of this population is more than
three times greater than the 2000 non-Hispanic “white alone” drop out rate of 6.9
percent (National Center for Educational Statistics, 2001). Unfortunately, despite the
obvious need for research concerning Latino students’ possible selves, the majority
of research concerning the possible selves of students involves African Americans
(Yowell, 2000). Given the substantial value of using the theory of possible selves as
a tool to assist in the exploration of ways in which students understand their future
and how that understanding impacts future academic pursuits, and given the
unacceptable drop-out rates of Latino male students, focusing on possible selves of
Latino males is warranted. For students who are not part of the dominant culture,
communal ideas about who that student is, where S/he belongs, what is potentially
possible for that student and what is not, are generally reflected in images, stories
and symbols that are unique to that specific culture (Oyserman & Harrison, 1998).
These communal images, stories and symbols are impacted and shaped by direct
46
contact with the dominant society in which the student lives (Oyserman,
Kemmelmeier, Fryberg, Brosh, & Hart-Johnson, 2003) and carry with them socially
molded messages concerning what the focus of those messages can or cannot do or
become. As a result, what it means to be a Latino student participating in Upward
Bound in Los Angeles is particularized by the student’s culture of origin and the
interaction with not only the mainstream American culture within the immediate area
but also the predominant mainstream view of that culture within the overall
American society. Investigating the content and structure of the Latino male
students’ possible selves who participate in Upward Bound provides a window in the
academic motivational world of these students.
47
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
As noted in chapter two, researchers have repeatedly demonstrated a
significant association between a student’s academic aspirations and subsequent
success as adults (Yowell, 2000). However, the research is limited at best in
providing an understanding and explanation of the academic aspirations of Latino
youths and how those academic aspirations or views of their future academic selves
promote or diminish academic achievement and the decision to stay in school. As
the Latino population grows faster than any other ethnic group in the United States,
the dropout rate of this fast growing population is more than three times greater than
the 2000 non-Latino “white alone” drop out rate of 6.9 percent (National Center for
Educational Statistics, 2001). Therefore, given the lack of research and this
unacceptable dropout rate, a full and complete understanding of the factors that
influence Latino students’ academic decisions is crucial.
The theory of possible selves as articulated by Markus and Nurius (1986)
provides a unique lens with which to investigate and evaluate the motivational power
of a student’s view of themselves in the future. According to the theory of possible
selves, balance in the achievement related possible selves of adolescents has a
positive impact on school persistence (Oyserman & Markus, 1990). Thus, by
understanding the content and structure of students’ possible selves as well as factors
that influence the development of possible selves, the information gained can be used
to stimulate academic retention and achievement.
48
Accordingly, the purpose of this dissertation was to gain a better and more
complete understanding of the possible selves of Latino males participating in the
TRIO Upward Bound Central program at the University of Southern California
(“Upward Bound“). Specifically, this dissertation investigated two research
questions.
1. What is the content and structure of the academic possible selves of Latino
males participating in Upward Bound?
2. What are the factors that contribute to the possible selves as described by the
participants of this study?
An Ethnographic Case Study
A qualitative methodology based upon in-depth interviews, open ended
questionnaires, observations and review of documents was used to investigate the
content and structure of the Latino males’ possible selves and examine the factors
that contribute to the possible selves that the students have described. Through use
of qualitative methods, I sought to gain a rich and deep insight into the content,
priority, optimism, and specificity of the academic possible selves of the Hispanic
males participating in Upward Bound. As Patton (2002) has noted, a formative
evaluation generally serves the purpose of improving a specific program or policy
and relies heavily on case studies.
In this study, I utilized an ethnographic case study model. The primary
purpose and function of the interviews and written questioning used was to
determine what happened, why did it happen, and finally, ask questions of what the
49
answers to the prior questions mean in the broader context. Ethnography is
essentially a description of an overall setting which offers to describe principal
norms, rules, symbols, values and traditions of a particular culture within that setting
and to determine how it all fits together (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). By combining these
two components of the ethnographic case study model, this study describes the
overall cultural setting and determines what happened, why it happened and what it
means in relation to the possible selves of Latino males participating in Upward
Bound.
Purposeful Sampling Approach
All types of sampling in qualitative research may be encompassed under the
more general description of purposeful sampling (Sandelowski, 1995). Purposeful
sampling has often been called purposeful or judgment sampling since the researcher
will decide what purpose the participants will serve and then will go out and locate
informants that meet this purpose (Patton, 2002). Purposeful sampling that focuses
on a particular manifestation of a theory within a given population has been
described as “Theory Based” purposive sampling. Theoretical based sampling
appears to have been initially used by sociologists Glasser and Strauss (1967), as a
rigorous method of analyzing qualitative data concerning their development of the
grounded theory. Using theoretical sampling, the informant’s experiences, whether
typical or atypical, are sought out so that the entire range of experiences and the
breadth of the concept or phenomena may be better analyzed and understood (Morse,
1991). Theory based purposive sampling is a form of “Criterion Sampling” which
50
seeks to review and evaluate some predetermined criteria of importance (Patton,
2002).
I focused on the theoretical concept of possible selves. This study is
considered “theory based” sampling as defined by Patton (2002) since the research
focused on the various manifestations of possible selves within the Latino male
population participating in Upward Bound. As previously discussed in this chapter,
this study evaluated the content and structure of the participants’ possible selves and
what factors contribute to the possible selves as described.
Site Selection
In 1965, the federal government created a series of programs to help
American citizens to overcome class and social barriers to higher education. Initially
called Special Programs for Students from Disadvantaged Backgrounds, these
services focused on low-income and first generation students. Today, these
programs are known as the Federal TRIO programs and are funded under Title IV of
the Higher Education Act of 1965. Although student financial aid programs assist
students in overcoming financial barriers to entering higher education, TRIO
programs assist students in overcoming class, social and cultural barriers to entering
higher education.
Pursuant to regulations established by Congress, two-thirds of TRIO
participants are low-income and future first-generation college students. The
participants of TRIO programs come from families with incomes under $29,025 and
neither parent has graduated from a four year college or university. The majority of
51
TRIO participants range from 6
th
grade to those in graduate school, who are working
to break the cycle of poverty in their respective families. More than 2,700 TRIO
Programs currently serve nearly 866,000 low income students across the nation
(Council for Opportunity in Education COE, 2005).
TRIO provides services to a diverse population. The Council for Opportunity
in Education report that 37 percent of the students are White, 35 percent are African-
American, 19 percent are Hispanic-American, 4 percent are Native American, 4
percent are Asian American and 1 percent are described as “Other” – including those
with multiracial status. Of those who have participated in TRIO, the Council for
Opportunity in Education estimates that two million students have graduated from
college.
The four primary programs within TRIO include Talent Search, Upward
Bound, Student Support Services and Educational Opportunity Centers. I chose to
limit the scope of my study to Upward Bound at USC due to the high levels of
Latino first generation students who come from a low income background.
The primary goal of Upward Bound, which is one of the original TRIO
programs, is to prepare high school students for success in postsecondary education.
Upward Bound focuses on the needs of high school students from grades 9 through
12 and offers participating students academic tutoring, counseling, career
advisement, visits to various colleges and universities, and instruction in core
subjects such as math, English, science and foreign languages.
52
Upward Bound has been active on the USC campus for more than three
decades. Upward Bound at USC serves Thomas Jefferson High School and Los
Angeles High School which are both located within the Los Angeles Unified School
District (LAUSD). Each of the eligible participants in this program are provided with
programs intended to prepare the students in overcoming the hurdles of making a
successful transition from high school to a four-year college or university.
The Educational Opportunity Programs Center (EOPC), which is an umbrella
organization for the four primary programs within TRIO, provides the funding for
Upward Bound through a grant process administered by EOPC. These programs
include Talent Search, Upward Bound/Upward Bound Math and Science, Student
Support Services and Educational Opportunity Centers. Through the Federal
Department of Education competitive grant award process, the EOPC at USC
obtained six individual grants that include three grants to Upward Bound, one to
Upward Bound Math and Science and two to Educational Talent Search Programs.
These six grants total $8 million dollars and apply to the 2003-2008 time periods.
Upward Bound has two primary components. The first component consists
of regular attendance at all day classes held on the USC campus every Saturday
during the fall and spring semesters for thirty weeks. The second component lasts
five weeks and consists of a summer residential component where the students arrive
on campus each week on Sunday evening and stay until Friday afternoon. This study
focused on the summer residential semester of Upward Bound which provides the
following services:
53
1) needs assessment;
2) academic instruction in math, sciences, English and foreign languages;
3) college guidance and assistance in applying to college;
4) career guidance;
5) personal development;
6) cultural enrichment;
7) personal and financial counseling; and
8) recreational programs.

The research was conducted at the USC campus during primarily the summer
residential components of Upward Bound. During the fall semester, research was
limited to review of documents and records. The summer residential component
begins in late June and ends five weeks later. The fall component begins in
September and ends in January. Direct contact with study participants for the
purposes of in-depth interviews or completion of questionnaires during the summer
component occurred either during the lunch hour of each day or during the evening
hours from approximately 8:30 p.m. until 10:00 p.m. I observed five full days of
instruction during the summer period and reviewed relevant documents and artifacts
at the Central Los Angeles Upward Bound Program administrative office located
adjacent to the USC campus during the fall period.
Participant Selection
Upward Bound at USC targets high schools located in the central section of
the City of Los Angeles. This area of Los Angeles which is geographically centered
near the USC campus, is home to 167, 957 family households and serves Thomas
Jefferson High School and Los Angeles High School. According to Los Angeles
Unified School District (2006), the total enrollment for both schools is 7,658 with an
54
average of 80% eligibility for the Federal Free Lunch Program. Since both schools
are located in close proximity to the USC campus, Upward Bound participants have
access to classrooms, science and computer laboratories and also the tutoring center.
The demographic and academic breakdown of the students at the two target
high schools of Thomas Jefferson High School and Los Angeles High School is
listed in Table 1.

Table 1: Characteristics of Target Schools

Topic Jefferson High
School
Los Angeles High
School
Los Angeles Unified
School District
Student Enrollment 2,997 4,661 741,367
% / # of Students Eligible for
Federal Free & Reduced Lunch
Program
90% 80% 75.4%
STUDENT DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION
African-American/Black 7.5% 12.1% 11.6%
Hispanic/Latino 92% 76.6% 72.8%
Asian-American 0.3% 8.6% 3.8%
Pacific Islander 0 0.1% 0.3%
Filipino 0.1% 1.4% 2.2%
Native-American 0.1% 0.2% 0.3%
Multi-Racial 0 0 0
White 0.1% 0.9% 9%
No Child Left Behind-National
Accountability Report
For the second consecutive year, each of the target schools has not met
NCLB criteria. Therefore, each school is designated a Program
Improvement (PI) School
Is this school making Adequate
Yearly Progress?
No. No. -
Academic Performance Index
(API)
State Accountability Report
Scores based on state assessments and graduation rates. *Indicate a
decrease in 2006 growth scores from 2005 base scores.
API Score 457* 523* 720
Proficient levels on State
Standardized Assessments
Assessment – California Standardized Testing & Reporting (STAR)
Program
Math Proficiency 22% 41% 48.1%
English language Arts 26% 45% 44.8%
2006 Los Angeles Unified School District www.lausd.k12.ca.us/schoolprofile
55
The data set forth in Table 1 demonstrates that a high number of low-income
families, economically disadvantaged youth and potential first-generation college
students attend the two high schools served by Upward Bound. The data in Table 1
also demonstrates that Thomas Jefferson High School and Los Angeles High School
are predominately attended by Latino students and are low performing on state
assessments.
All Latino male students who participate in Upward Bound were asked to
participate. Upward Bound contains 20 Hispanic Male participants. Nineteen of the
20 male students asked agreed to participate. Their ages ranged from 14 to 17. The
students’ parents are not graduates of either four-year colleges or universities. Each
of the Latino male participants in Upward Bound are first generation potential
college students. In addition, Upward Bound Program participants are considered
low-income as determined by eligibility standards for this federally funded program,
which is defined as 150 percent of the poverty level. The students attend one of the
two Los Angeles Unified School District High Schools that are served by Upward
Bound, including Jefferson High School and Los Angeles High School.
I chose to study Latino males for several reasons. First, high school dropout
rates are problematic for Latino youth, and in particular, Latino males. In 2000,
about 530,000 Hispanic 16-to-19 year-olds were high school drop outs, yielding a
drop-out rate of 21.1 percent for all Hispanic 16-19 year-olds (U.S. Census Bureau,
2003). The Latino dropout rate is 2.5 times that of African American students and
3.5 times that of White non-Latino students and although the dropout rates for
56
African American and White non-Latino students has been slowly decreasing, the
dropout rates for Latino students has been consistent for the past 25 years (Yowell,
2000).
The problematic dropout rate impacts males in a greater proportion than
female Latina students. As Fry (2003) found, the Latino dropout population is
significantly more male than female, even when compared to African American
males and White non-Latino populations. Thus, Latino males are dropping out of
high school at a greater rate than their fellow White-non-Latino and African
American and even at a greater rate than their fellow Latina students.
Second, Latino males do not attend college at the same rates as Latinas
(Hernandez & Lopez, 2004). For example, from 1985 to 1991, the number of
bachelor degrees earned by Latinas grew faster than the numbers that were awarded
to Latino males (O’Brien, 1993). This pattern suggests that there are gender
differences in the college attendance and completion rates among Latino males and
Latinas (Haro, Rodriguez, & Gonzales, 1994).
Third, the research concerning the content and structure of academic possible
selves generally is limited regarding Latino males. Studies of academic achievement
have consistently demonstrated that a student’s aspiration for academic success is a
strong predictor of school achievement and persistence (Dweck, 1991). However, as
Yowell (2000) notes, the majority of research that explores the strength of the nexus
between academic aspirations and school achievement and persistence has focused
on evaluating African-American and White non-Hispanic students. Thus, focusing
57
on Latino males provides valuable insight on the development of possible selves in a
group that has a high dropout rate, is underrepresented in our colleges, and that
heretofore has not been the subject of extensive research in this regard.
Data Collection Procedures
Patton (2002) argues that a case study approach is fitting where individuals or
groups of individuals are the primary unit of analysis. Additionally, Creswell (1998)
suggests that the use of a case study is appropriate and well suited to examine a case
that is bounded by place and time. Therefore, it is appropriate to utilize a case study
approach to investigate the possible selves of Latino males participating in Upward
Bound considering that these students participate in a specific college preparatory
program and given the specific timelines for data collection which will occur during
the summer and fall components of the program.
Understanding the content and structure of the possible selves of the Latino
males participating in this study is a process best understood from the perspective of
a single individual student as well as by groups of individuals. A primary strategy in
this study was to obtain the direct testimony of the students through open-ended
questionnaires, in-depth interviews and focus groups. It has been found that
qualitative interviewing is productive in describing social processes as well as
assisting the researcher in evaluating and understanding experiences in which the
researcher did not participate (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). Additionally, I conducted
research observations of Upward Bound and reviewed documents and artifacts in
58
order to gain additional understanding of the possible selves of the Latino males
participating in Upward Bound and to triangulate data.
Open Ended Questionnaire
I assessed the possible selves of the students who are participating in this
study using the open-ended self-concept measure attached as Appendix A. The
students were asked to list three hoped-for selves, three expected selves, and three
feared selves for the following year. Additionally, the students were requested to
mark the questionnaire consistent with whether or not they are doing anything to
accomplish or to avoid their possible selves. A yes response in this regard required
that the student explain how and why they are either acting to accomplish or avoid
their possible selves.
The open-ended questionnaire set forth in Appendix A was selected for two
reasons. First, an open ended format will allow the individual respondent to explain
in their own terms the content and structure of the student’s possible selves based
upon their own interpretation of their environment and experiences. As Vygotsky
(1987) notes, each of the words a participant speaks will reflect his or her own
consciousness. The strength of the open-ended questioning process arises from the
opportunities it provides for spontaneity, flexibility and responsiveness to individual
differences and situational changes (Patton, 2002). Second, the open-ended
questionnaire has been reliably used on numerous occasions in studies designed to
investigate the content and structure of an individual’s possible selves (Oyserman &
59
Markus, 1990; Oyserman, Gant, & Ager, 1995; Oyserman, Terry & Bybee, 2002;
Oyserman, Bybee, Terry, & Hart-Johnson, 2004).
In-Depth Interviews
Rossman and Rallis (1998) describe in-depth interviewing as the benchmark
or hallmark of qualitative research. If the goal of the researcher is to evaluate and
understand the meaning of how students involved in education make sense of their
experiences within this setting, in depth interviewing provides a necessary and
sufficient means of inquiry (Seidman, 2006). As Patton (2002) notes, the best way to
really understand what another person experiences, is to experience the phenomenon
as directly as possible, thus, the importance of in-depth interviewing is paramount.
I employed an open–ended interview approach that utilized a protocol that I
developed based upon the possible selves theory as first articulated by Markus and
Nurius (1986). The interview protocol is attached as Appendix C. The duration of
the interviews was no more than 45 minutes. Consistent with the recommendations
of Patton (2002), the primary component of open-ended interviewing was that the
respondents answer the same questions. This allowed for better comparison of
responses, the interviewer was more focused, the interviewee’s time was more
efficiently utilized, and analysis of the responses was facilitated by making the
responses easy to identify and compare.
I began each interview by asking the students to list three hoped-for, three
expected, and three feared selves for the academic pursuits following a brief
60
explanation of the questions. I utilized the following description of each possible
self as articulated by Oyserman and Markus (1990):
1) Hoped for selves: many people have in mind some things they want to be like
in the future regardless of how likely it is that they will actually be that way
or do those things. These are the kinds of selves that you would hope to be
like. Please list three possible selves that you most hope to describe you in
the next year.
2) Expected selves: Please list below three possible selves that are most likely to
be true of you in the next year.
3) Feared selves: Please list below three possible selves that you most fear or
worry about being in the next year.
These open ended self-concept probes have been found to yield measures of
the content of expected, hoped-for, and feared selves (Oyserman & Markus, 1990).
To evaluate the factors that contribute to the development and/or modification of the
reported possible selves, I then asked each student to list the factors that contribute to
the possible selves as self-described. Each of the interviews were audio-taped and a
transcription, interpretation of notes, analysis and coding occurred shortly after the
interview.
Focus Groups
I conducted two focus group interviews, one in the beginning of the summer
session and one in the end of the summer session, in order to further explore the
content of the possible selves of the participants as well as what factors are
61
contributing to the possible selves as described. In contrast to individual interviews,
focus group participants had the ability to listen to other participants responses and
formulate their comments in regard to what they have heard (Patton, 2002). As
asserted by Patton, the focus group environment allows for and promotes high-
quality data in a social context where the participants have the opportunity to
consider their own view through the lens of other’s views.
As a method for qualitative inquiry, focus groups have several distinct
advantages. First, during the focus group process, the interaction between the
participants will improve the quality of responses due to the inherent checks and
balances among the participants which will act as a filter to eliminate extreme views
(Patton, 2002). Second, through the open sharing process of the focus group,
common and divergent views can be quickly identified and assessed.
Document Analysis
Patton (2002) observes that, the records, documents, artifacts and archives of
an organization are especially rich sources of information. Client files offer another
rich and descriptive source of case data to supplement field observations and
interviews. Therefore, I reviewed all available documents, including student files
maintained by Upward Bound, correspondence from and to Upward Bound Program
staff, organizational rules, regulations, memorandums and charts, grant proposals,
and student writings, with a particular focus on statements of self-evaluation and/or
academic goals and student applications to Upward Bound as each document relates
to the content and structure of the possible selves of the participants.
62
Observations
I conducted systematic observations of Upward Bound to become better
informed on how the program works as well as to evaluate the participants in the
context of their day-to-day experience and how the students make sense of Upward
Bound itself. I observed classroom meetings as well as formal and informal events
within the program. Observations were scheduled through the director of Upward
Bound to avoid any interruption of ongoing instruction and I observed five full days
of instruction during the summer session. This data obtained through observations
provided a rich, thick and detailed description of student to student, student to
teacher and student to administrator relating to the content and structure of the
possible selves of the Latino males participating in Upward Bound. The advantage of
using direct observations is that the researcher is better able to understand the
environment and context within which the participants of the study interact (Patton,
2002). Additionally, direct observations do not rely on prior conceptualizations of
the environment and context investigated. Patton notes that through direct
observations, the researcher has the invaluable opportunity to focus on and discover
information that no one else has paid attention to and discover insights that the
participant may be unwilling to divulge during a direct interview.
Data Analysis
Validity is a measure of whether the results of the study are consistent and
accurate from the perspective of the participant, the researcher and future researchers
(Creswell, 2003). Validity measures the degree to which a particular study correctly
63
reflects the concept being investigated. In order to ensure the validity of the data that
is to be obtained, I utilized Creswell’s (2003) procedural recommendations to
enhance the accuracy of the results.
Using Creswell’s recommendations, data relevant to the two research
questions was gathered through questionnaires, in-depth interviews, focus groups,
observations and examination of documents and records. I audio tape recorded all
in-depth interviews and focus groups meetings and took hand-written notes of all
observations and review of documents. Next, after gathering the data in the initial
stage, I read and examine the data and attempted to make an overall general sense of
the many diverse pieces of information.
To improve the validity and reliability of the coding of responses of the
questionnaires, I utilized a second rater to code results. I provided the other rater
with the participants’ responses to the questionnaires and the responses were
reviewed independently by each rater and coded. Then, the raters met to discuss the
coding and to discuss any differences. Any differences of coding were discussed and
a consensus by both raters was obtained as to 100% of the responses.
To further ensure reliability and validity of responses during the interviews
and focus groups, I shared the results with each of the participants and allowed them
the opportunity to edit their responses as necessary for accuracy purposes. This
occurred primarily during the interview and focus group process where I asked the
participants to review their responses and to modify if necessary. I also discussed my
64
findings with Upward Bound administrators to allow for additional validation of my
findings and further review.
Finally, other data in the form of existing documents such as student files and
any student work product contributed to the richness of the summary narrative. The
information gleaned from existing documents was compared to the results of
questionnaires, focus groups and interviews for additional review of my findings.
Then, the data was aggregated into logically related thematic units or
conceptual categories. The themes that were identified included the development of
a separate and distinct culture of academic success that was separate and distinct
from the participants’ respective high school experiences. The content and structure
of the participants possible selves was complex and multi faceted, consisting of
hopes and expectation of an academic self focused on achieving the goal of entry to a
university, a self that aspires to improve physically, a self to become more of a
gentleman and a feared self focused on avoiding those activities or forces that may
derail their goal of academic achievement. The content and structure of the
participants’ possible selves were primarily influenced by the values and norms of
the participants’ families as well as their experiences within Upward Bound.
Triangulation
Creswell (2003) recommends the use of triangulation of data sources to allow
the researcher to assess the accuracy of his or her research findings. According to
Creswell, triangulation consists of utilizing multiple data sources to corroborate the
evidence that has been obtained. Patton (2002) also has found that use of multiple
65
sources and resources allow the observer to build on the strengths of each type of
data collection while minimizing the weakness of any single approach. The use of
multiple data and information resources including in-depth interviews, open-ended
questionnaires, observations and review of documents will allow me to confirm the
content and structure of the academic possible selves and the factors that contribute
to the possible selves of the participants, thus increasing the accuracy of this study.
Limitations
Several limitations existed in the methods that I used to conduct this research.
First, use of open-ended questionnaires did not allow for the interviewer to follow
topics or issues that were not anticipated when the questionnaire was written (Patton,
2002). Similarly, qualitative investigation utilizing focus groups to collect data does
have its shortcomings as well. As Patton (2002) notes, the number of questions that
can be posed is limited in the group setting. Additionally, the amount of time that
each participant has to respond to the question posed is restrained to allow for
everyone to have an opportunity to participate and respond. Furthermore, the
participants that understood that their respective viewpoint was a minority
perspective may not have been willing to risk negative reactions and thus remain
quiet and not respond with appropriate candor.
Review of documents and records also had distinct limitations since the
documents maintained in the Upward Bound files were generally incomplete and
contained sparse information. The files did include some writings authored by the
participants that provided a glimpse into their motivations in entering Upward
66
Bound. However, the contents of the files varied from individual to individual with
some files containing limited information. As Patton (2002) notes, the files and
records maintained by organizations are notoriously variable in quality with some
offering considerable detail and others completely lacking any meaningful content.
However, documents and records did offer a view of the subjects that was not be
readily observable and without which the observer may not have asked appropriate
follow up questions based on leads gleaned from review of the documents and
records.
Finally, there were limitations to direct observations. Specifically, Patton
(2002) identifies the limitation of this method in that the observer may impact or
influence the situation observed in ways that are not readily apparent and this may
distort the findings. Furthermore, by focusing on external behaviors, the observer
may be missing what is transpiring internally within the participant. Patton argues
that the data obtained from direct observations is limited due to the narrow range of
activities observed.
I noted that the participants changed their behavior when I, who am White
and fifty years of age, would enter the room. During the initial observations, the
participants did become more quiet and reserved. However, once a sense of trust
was gained through informal interactions, it was observed that the participants
became more relaxed and my presence did not appear to disturb them or result in a
modification of their behavior.
67
Given the above set forth limitations, I incorporated Creswell’s (2003)
recommendations that the qualitative researcher must use a variety of strategies of
inquiry to guide the research and utilized multiple interactive and humanistic
methods. Thus, data from each source of inquiry was compared with the results of
others sources with specific consideration of the shortcomings of each method and in
consideration that triangulation of the data, regardless of source, would increase the
reliability of any conclusion made.
Timeline
Each participant of this study was provided with an overview of the study,
including a description of the boundaries or parameters and the expectations of the
research. Consent was obtained from each of the participant’s parents (Appendix D).
Parental consent forms were distributed to each parent who attended the orientation
that precedes the summer intervention program. All interviews and focus groups
were conducted in a private, confidential classroom located on the USC campus.
The duration of the interviews ranged between 30 minutes and one hour. Each focus
group lasted one hour.
The data was collected during both the summer residential portions of the
program which begins in late June and ends five weeks later and during the fall
semester which begins in September and ends in January. Following each session
with a student, the data was reviewed, transcribed, coded and then analyzed. The
data analysis took place during the Fall 2008 and Spring 2009 semesters.
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Chapter four presents data regarding the themes derived from the data
collection, including data that illuminates the general themes of a culture within a
culture, the content and structure of the possible selves of the Latino males
participating in Upward Bound summer intervention and fall programs as well as the
students’ responses as to reasons for their respective descriptions of their possible
selves which was primarily influenced. In chapter five, I provide a discussion of the
nexus between the data and the possible selves theory. Additionally, I make
recommendations regarding strategies to assist Upward Bound in the analysis and
development of Latino males’ possible selves as these young men transition from
high school to college. I also offer suggestions for future research in this critical area
of interest.
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CHAPTER IV
RESULTS
“The journey in between what you are and who you are
now becoming is where the dance of life really takes place.”
Barbara De Angelis
The role that one’s aspirations play in the academic performance of Latino
male students is both a personal and professional concern. Current educational
statistics reveal that Latino male students face significant educational challenges.
Although the drop-out rates for African-American and White non-Latino students are
deceasing, the drop-out rates of Latinos have held steady for the past 25 years.
Educational research consistently identifies a nexus between a student’s academic
aspirations and success as adults. However, little is known about the academic
aspirations of Latino males, a group that is particularly at risk for failure within our
school systems.
As discussed in chapter one, the purpose of this study is to describe the
content and structure of the academic aspirations of Latino males participating in the
Upward Bound program at USC. The theoretical lens that I used to evaluate the data
presented is the future oriented components of the self, originally referred to as
possible selves by Markus and Nurius (1986), which focus on future goals and
desires and serves as the link between aspirations and academic behavior. I will also
seek to identify the factors that contribute to the possible selves as described by the
young Latino males who participated in this study.
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In an effort to obtain meaningful, credible, and empirically supported
findings that recreate and accurately represent the possible selves of the participants,
this chapter presents data utilizing the individual words of the participants and the
observations of the author. Specifically, this chapter has been divided into four
sections representing the major themes or conceptual categories, which emerged
throughout data collection. The conceptual categories are:
1. Culture within a culture.
2. Hopes, expectations, and fears
3. Importance of family in the development of possible selves
4. Impact of Upward Bound in the development of possible selves.
In the first section, the data illuminate the development of a separate and
distinct culture of academic success of the participants who come from economic
circumstances and environmental conditions which do not place great emphasis on
those goals. Next, the second section will present data describing the content and
structure of the hoped for, expected, and feared academic possible selves of the
participants. The content and structure of the hoped for, expected and feared selves
is defined in distinct subcategories or sub themes which I describe as the academic
self, physical self, gentleman self, and explorer self. The third section will provide
data demonstrating the importance of the family in the development of academic
possible selves, with particular focus on developing as an academic role model for
other family members. Finally, the last section will provide evidence demonstrating
the impact that participation in the Upward Bound program has in developing,
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shaping and refining the possible selves of each participant. To protect the identity
of the participants, pseudonyms will be used to identify the individual providing the
data.
Culture within a Culture
The high school experience is a defining moment in the lives of many
students. The experiences, friendships, successes and failures shape the future of the
students as they get ready for life after high school. The experience can be positive
or negative given the immediate environment. The choice to drop-out of high
school, whether made due to necessity or due to other factors, is being made by
Latino males at an unacceptable rate.
When asked to describe the academic culture within their respective high
schools, participants rarely described positive experiences and often stated that for
the most part, their fellow students were just putting in time. Their culture is one
that does not place a high emphasis on academic success and is more focused on
diversions such as wisecracking, girls, drugs and alcohol or gangs. The following
are typical descriptions from three participants of the academic culture within their
respective high schools.
I noticed that too because in my class, in my school, I have some classes I
don’t know why they put up with some people that don’t get good grades and
I know they’re like me, but just try and be funny and I get annoyed by that.

Most people say, oh, I can’t wait to get in this class. I heard it’s easy. To me,
I think that is a waste of time and a waste of the teacher’s time, because if
you are not planning on teaching a lesson to students to think, then you are
not doing your job. You know.

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Upward Bound gives us a good opportunity to better succeed because in the
other schools, they don’t give us a chance. It’s not that good. Where here it
helps us get credits and helps us towards college.

In response to the negative environment in their respective schools, the
participants consistently expressed an inclination to avoid non-academic pursuits and
change the immediate culture within which they interacted. The participants often
explained that they no longer associate with the same friends and tend to socialize
more often with their fellow Upward Bound participants in an effort to achieve better
grades and avoid the existing culture of dropping out, drugs and gangs. Randy, a
barrel chest football player explains his change of academic focus as follows:
Yeah, because sometimes they could be like your friends and then you don’t
even know if they’re like that and so one day, something comes up, like my
friend, he found out he wasn’t going to graduate and then he really didn’t
care about things anymore and he was trying to say all that to me. I was
thinking like you already chose to drop out, you had your chance, so I just
take may chances and going to stay.

When asked how he has changed his academic perspective. Max, a garrulous
young man with a wide smile stated:
I just try to keep focused on schoolwork, try not to hang out with people that
are like, you know, troublemakers and stuff. Like all of my friends are like –
I hang out with like baseball and football players, like the smart ones or just
like regular school people like, you know like 3.3 GPA.

The change in culture consisted in part with changing who the participants
socialized with as well as a change in their inner vision of who their friends and
confidant would be in the future. Formerly, friends may have been chosen due to
their athletic ability or whether they were humorous or physically tough. Now,
friends are sought out who are introspective and who can offer a good sounding
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board for ideas and thoughts and help the participants in their journey toward
academic success. Consistent with his changed academic perspective, Max noted
that a strategy he utilizes to help him achieve his academic goals is to purposively
avoid those persons who do not share the same academic perspective.
They are not like focused you know. They are always talking and like
messing around and not messing around like every time, but like in the dorms
and I’m trying to read sometimes they’ll be playing like loud music or just
like messing.

Finally, Alex, a slight, introspective young man with long black hair
eloquently explained his cultural transformation:
Well people that I know are trouble and people that I just don’t know because
I mean to be honest, you can never know someone. I know you are not
supposed to judge a book by its cover that’s why I say never open it, right?
So I just keep away. I keep to myself and to the people that I know or unless
someone approaches me and I say, okay, this person seems pretty interesting,
than I can form some type of friendship.

The participants of this study did not reject their fellow high school
classmates or their cultural roots. Rather, they created a new culture for themselves
rooted in their experiences in Upward Bound and focused on attaining academic
success. The participants have developed a culture of academic success while living
within a culture that in many respects either ignores the importance of academics or
focuses on pursuits that may lead to distraction or failure.
Characteristics of Academic Culture
The participants were observed in many settings, including their classrooms,
meal times, free time, and on individual basis. Like many high school students, they
were boisterous and full of frivolity and at times, distracted by the many nuances,
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joys and pains of growing up. There was plenty of joking and teasing and acting silly
and the numerous efforts to impress the young women who participate in Upward
Bound. However, the youthful antics were balanced by a culture that was structured
towards academic pursuits. This culture was characterized by collaboration and a
spirit of equality among the participants.
Although the class rooms observed were traditional with the instructor
providing lectures and the students taking notes, I noticed that the participants
deviated from the passive role of individually receiving information to a more active
role of forming groups to analyze and encode information, and more important, to
interact with the instructor during the classes. As an example, in a statistics course,
the participants, without prompting from their instructor, would regularly pair off in
small groups to work through problems and to discuss solutions. The conversation
was lively with each participant adding their thoughts. Once a final solution was
obtained, a spokesperson was selected who articulated the group’s response and
queried the instructor for additional information.
Typically, one student would take the initiative to assist in the collaborative
effort. At times, the initiative to assist a fellow student would come from an unlikely
source. For example, Miguel, who is a slight and somewhat quiet individual,
initially appeared reticent to speak in classroom settings. He would generally sit in
the rear of the class and would rarely raise his hand to volunteer an answer.
However, when Miguel became aware that a fellow student required assistance, he
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was surprisingly assertive in providing aid. Miguel described his initiative to provide
assistance to his fellow classmates as follows:
Yeah, there you go. I actually hear while I’m doing my work so when they
don’t understand something, I get up and help them and that’s how I try to
build confidence around people and once I get up there during class, during
study hours, during our class, I have confidence in myself that I can go up
there and do the problem without having to worry.

The second characteristic observed of the academic culture formed by the
participants was their collective sense of equality and openness to various groups
within this culture. For example, the participants who participated in athletics freely
mixed with those participants who had no interest in sports. Max, a large football
player engaged Alex, a small and diminutive participant who openly admitted that he
knew little about football and had no interest in the subject, in spirited and animated
conversations about politics and their respective wish lists for future colleges or
universities. Neither Max nor Alex evidenced any concern regarding their lack of
commonality in terms of interest in sports and found new areas of mutual interest in
such issues as politics and academic pursuits.
The participants’ common bond was their collective pursuit of entry to a
university. Sharing this common goal fostered acceptance and elimination of group
identification. Justin, a quiet ninth grader who was new to the Upward Bound
program expressed his appreciation for this new culture as follows:
Yeah because I don’t feel any different from the person next to me because
they’re saying no matter what goes on. But yeah, I feel like it does help that
they want the same dream that we do in school then in careers. It helps them
move forward along in the world and that does make me feel more
comfortable.
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The primary purpose of the culture created within the Upward Bound
program was improvement of academic skills and eventual admission into a
university. The culture is collaborative and egalitarian allowing for individual
participants to freely express themselves in an atmosphere of openness and
acceptance. In the next section, I will discuss the content and structure of the
possible selves of the participants who have formed and influence their newfound
academic culture.
Hopes, Expectations, and Fears: Content and Structure of Participants’ Possible
Selves
As more fully discussed in chapter two, possible selves represents an
individuals ideas of what that person may become, what S/he would like to become,
and what the individual fears becoming. The family of possible selves represents
“what we would like to become,” (i.e. hoped for selves) and “what we are afraid of
becoming” (i.e., feared selves) (Markus & Nurius, 1986, p. 954). The possible selves
that represents hoped-for selves (i.e., “what we would like to become”) includes the
hopes and aspirations of the person and includes images and visions of that person in
an aspired to resulting state. Feared selves are the possible selves that a person
intends to avoid or does not want to become in the future. Rather than influence a
person’s pursuit of or movement towards a goal, a feared self typically motivates the
individual to avoid the potential feared self (Yowell, 2000).
The Latino males who participated in this study face numerous obstacles in
their daily lives. It is not enough to get up in the morning and just get yourself
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through the school day. The participants must navigate on a day to day basis a
minefield of poverty, violence, drugs, gangs and limited academic resources in their
respective high schools. Each factor can independently distract any student from
their goal of academic achievement. Yet, despite these limitations and obstacles, the
participants exhibited a clear and unequivocal belief in their academic abilities and
possibilities.
As previously discussed, the participants of this study have developed and
formed an academic culture that is distinct and removed from their current
surroundings. This culture is rich with academic aspirations that take the shape and
form of many distinct categories. The content and structure of the participants’
academic aspirations or possible selves reflect their collective focus on academic
achievement and attainment of personal goals while attempting to avoid the pitfalls
of their environment. Based upon the responses to questionnaires, interviews and
observations, the content and structure of the participants possible selves were
divided into the following categories: academic self; physical self, gentleman self
and explorer self. I will discuss the content and structure of each possible self
separately.
Academic Self
My first contact with the participant in this study was made during a focus
group discussion conducted within a room located in the dorms where the
participants stayed during the summer program at USC. The room was somewhat
small for the five young men and the researcher and ventilation was limited.
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However, the discussion was lively and colorful. What initially struck me about
these young men was their optimism about their future. Positive results were not
only anticipated but expected. Second, unlike many high school males who
demonstrate a cavalier or dismissive attitude towards school, these young high
school males evidenced no hesitancy in articulating that their aspiration and
expectations of academic success took precedent over girls, sports and socializing.
When asked about their academic aspirations, each participant expressed a
firm belief that they would perform well academically in two respects. First, it was
observed that the participants hoped and expected to do well academically in high
school and second, the participants hoped and expected to eventually matriculate to a
university.
Max, a barrel chested young man with wide and gracious smile described his
academic aspirations in high school as follows:
Um, my main goal in high school right now, now that I am going to be a
senior, I want to do my best to become the valedictorian of my class, uh. cuz
my scholar in community rep said that I have a pretty good shot, so I am
going to try and give it a shot.

Andrew, a fidgety young man with an incessant smile stated: “I want to do
good and like I want to get straight A’s, and now that I am almost a junior, I learned
that that is one of the most important years in high school.” Miguel had no tolerance
for anything but obtaining A’s in his courses. Miguel hoped and expected to obtain
top scores stating: “Like they say, straight A’s. Try to avoid C’s and C students and
like outside stuff. A’s was better than C’s. I would like to major in the engineering
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field, like civil engineering, aerospace.” Felix expressed a similar expectation: “In
high school, I would like to get straight A’s even though I have pure B’s like this
semester; I want to get straight A’s.”
As demonstrated by these statements, the participants not only expect to do
well in high school, but also expressed a hope and expectation to excel in life.
Randy, who excels on the football field as well as in the classroom stated: “Next
year I hope to be a student with straight A’s. Next year, my goal is to go to college
and be somebody in life.” Whether the participant intends to become the
valedictorian or obtain straight A’s, it was observed that their academic expectations
and desires were the product in part of understanding the importance of obtaining
high grades to enable them to proceed to a university to obtain a degree.
A strong component of the academic self was the common hope and
expectation of entering a university or college after high school. When asked if he
intends to attend a university after high school, Roger, a quiet and introspective
young man responded:
I think it is. I got pretty decent grades. I got a 4.0 my whole 10
th
grade year.
Ninth grades was not that great, but my junior year, I challenged myself in
my junior year with my schedule so hopefully I will be in like Berkeley or
probably Stanford, I’m trying to go to Stanford because it’s a good
engineering [school] with the math engineering program.

The participants identified elite academic institutions as the targets of their
academic goals. When asked what college or university he would attend, Manuel
responded:
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Here [USC], UCLA, Stanford, and for the schools like for sure I know I’m
getting into like Santa Barbara or like I don’t know. I’m not sure yet what.
This is my number one choice and then it’s UCLA and then Stanford or some
other school.

Similarly, Juan, who was not hesitant or shy to offer his academic goals,
offered the following summary of his aspirations:
Graduating from a four year-college, a big university – well known. That way
when I go to a company and see my record and see I graduated from a good
college, get a good job, probably in the future I would like to start my own
business from the start and hopefully in the future will be successful.

The participants evidenced a clear aspiration and expectation of academic
success. The aspirations where characterized by achieving substantial success in
their high schools and matriculating on to often elite level academic institutions.
However, their aspirations for academic success were tempered with a realistic fear
of potential failure.
Fear of Academic Failure
Consistent with the participants’ expectations to do well academically, the
participants balanced their optimism with a fear of performing poorly in school in
large part due the negative impact poor grades played in diminishing their chances to
attend college. When asked what they fear concerning their academic futures, a
common response was: “Bad grades,” “Don’t want to be a C student,” or “getting
D’s and F’s in school.” Thus, balanced with hope and expectation of doing well
academically, the participants articulated a fear of academic failure. The academic
fear of the participants was in part rooted in their immediate environment.
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The high schools that the participants attend are located in the surrounding
neighborhoods of south central Los Angeles. There are many gang territories
depending where the participants live and they are required to cross different gang
areas to get to school. The participants who attend Upward Bound are often torn
between continuing with their academic pursuits and giving up life long friends who
may be affiliated with a gang.
The participants’ parents were keenly aware of the dangers of the
community. Often, a parent would ask the participant to cease a relationship with a
friend based upon the friend’s appearance and the potential that the friend may be
gang affiliated and lead their child away from their goal of academic achievement.
One participant discussed his frustration and emotional turmoil when having to make
the choice between a friend and his pursuit of academic success as follows:
My parents, they see me waking around [with] a kid who might look like a
gangster, but he’s not. He’s actually a great guy. Once you get to know him,
you really like him, but they don’t like that. Why are you hanging out with a
person like that? I don’t want you to hang out with him. But there’s nothing I
can do. They’re usually like, but when you know a person for more than a
year or two years, then you can’t really just give it up like that.

A subcategory of the participants’ fear of academic failure was their distrust
in the quality of education they were receiving in their high schools. The
participants often voiced disappointment in the quality of instruction in their high
schools as well as the lack of interest in academics displayed by fellow students. The
following statements by Raul and Ellis who will soon be applying to college are
consistent with this belief:
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Well, primarily, my biggest fear is having a teacher, or having a class that is
like a breeze. To me, I think that is a waste of my time and a waste of the
teacher’s time, because if you are not planning on teaching a lesson to get
students to think, they are not doing your job. You know. You have to go
beyond it and help explain the concepts, and all that.

Um, kind of what he said, what I fear is that the teacher has to teach and be
able to give him what he needs to know by the time he gets to college and
that is something I fear because, um, a lot of our teachers are not very good
so they might not teach you what you need to know to get to college.

Thus, although the participants expected to do well in high school and
matriculate on to a university of elite status, the participants balanced their optimism
with a fear of failure. This fear of academic failure was compounded by their distrust
in the quality of education being received in their respective high schools.
Physical Self
In conjunction with aspiring to improve academically, the participants
expressed a desire to improve themselves physically, in an effort to be a well-
rounded, fulfilled individual as well as improving their ability to focus in class and to
endure the heavy academic loads that they anticipated to carry while in college. As
expected, participants currently engaged in a sport wanted to improve their abilities.
Max stated, “I want to be starting in football. I want to be physically stronger.”
Alex, a soccer player added: “I want to be a good athlete, in better shape and
healthier.”
Participants who were not engaged in athletics also aspired to improve
themselves physically. Rubin, who did not participate in organized sports, expressed
a desire to be more active and to be “healthier and stronger than I am today.” Alex,
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who was slight and smallish just wanted to be in “better shape” and “physically
stronger.”
For the participants of this study, improving physically was not unrelated to
improvement in the classroom. Better eating habits, getting more sleep and
improving overall physical condition was noted by the participants as a means of
enhancing performance in the classroom. Max noted that as he improved physically,
he avoided “falling asleep” in class. Rubin indicated that eating healthily helped him
focus in class.
However, the participants also expressed fears regarding their future physical
selves. Consistently, participants expressed a fear of gaining weight as a result of the
poor eating habits. Eugene stated that he wanted to avoid “eating unhealthily,” while
Maurice echoed a similar sentiment by stating that he wanted to avoid “junk food,
fast food, and eating too much.”
Alex expressed a more ominous concern when asked what he wanted to
avoid in the coming year in terms of his physical condition. When presented with
this question, Alex answered very directly but quietly that he feared being injured
due to “gun shots” and “fighting” or involvement with gangs. Rubin stated that he
feared that he would not be able to continue with his studies if he was hurt as a result
of the “gang banging” that was so common in his immediate neighborhood.
Jose, a shy young man who had difficulty maintaining eye contact with others
in the room described his fear of his environment as follows:
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Well my worries are basically like living in my neighborhood because like
everybody’s banging everybody and then there’s drug dealing like houses
away and there’s like gangs right across from the street and there’s people
fighting all the time, like our neighbors screaming and yelling and what
worries me is some of us gets involved and something ends up happening
with one of us and have to go to the hospital or something and not being able
to pay it and having to drop out of school and start working to help my mom,
everything.

Although the participants aspired to become more physically fit to improve
themselves not only on the athletic field but also to enhance their ability to focus in
the classroom, their aspiration for physical improvement was tempered with the
frustration and fear of environmental factors that may inhibit such aspirations. The
participants were frustrated that, unlike controlling their eating habits or increasing
the amount of exercise which they could readily accomplish on their own, they had
no control over external threats to their physical well being due to the violence
within their neighborhood.
Thus, the participants’ aspirations to improve physically and to become more
active were balanced with their understanding of the dangerous conditions that
surrounded them in their neighborhoods. Improving physically would not be a
remedy for all of the day to day issues that confront them. These young men
understood that no matter how physically fit and alert that they could become, their
aspirations for academic success could be unfairly and prematurely interfered with
by an errant bullet from a gang banger.
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Gentleman Self
The high school experience of the Latino males who participated in this study
is often filled with violence and confrontations not only with fellow classmates but
also with outsiders who may object to the colors of their clothing or their skin. Fist
fights and shootings are not uncommon in both the neighborhoods where the
participants live or at the high schools they attend. To survive, you have to be tough
and not exude any form of weakness.
In contrast to their immediate environment, the young men who participated
in this study openly aspired to be more compassionate and considerate of their family
members, their fellow students and the faculty. This interesting and unexpected
component of the possible selves as articulated by the participants was a self that
aspired to greater maturity and gentility, which I have labeled as the gentleman self.
During a focus group surrounded by four other participants, Mario openly
discussed his desire to be more respectful of those around him. Of particular
importance was treating his parents and his brothers and sisters with greater respect
and dignity. While Mario made his comments, his fellow participants nodded in
approval. In a room full of young men whose immediate culture is premised upon
physical toughness, not one of the participants chided or chastised Mario for his open
discussion of his aspiration to become more compassionate and considerate of those
around him.
William, a tall and good looking young man noted how he aspired to be a
“good son” and to treat his parents with greater respect and courtesy. William
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explained that he did not always appreciate how hard his mother and father worked
to provide him and his brothers and sisters with what little they had and by doing so,
he was not acting as a good role model for his younger brother. William aspired to
being “a good role model” and a “good son.” Mario added that he wanted to be a
“better child for my parents” and “a better friend” to his classmates.
The gentleman self was also characterized by an aspiration to be more
respectful to the young women in their family, community and schools. Marcello, a
short and thick young man with close cropped hair noted that, “next year, I hope to
be a gentleman to all girls.” Timothy noted that he aspired to improve his use of
language within his home and with the young women in his school by being “less
vulgar” and more “mature.” A common statement.
The content and structure of the gentleman self also manifested several facets
that related directly to academic aspirations. William expressed a desire to work on
“concentrating on being a college bound person.” For William, a college bound
person was “more outgoing” and “able to make better decisions.” In this regard,
William expected that next year, when he began his studies at a university or college,
he would be more “responsible” and “have less behavior problems and study more.”
Similarly, Manuel described the college bound person as one who is “not an
ignorant person” and “ignores noises and playing around.” For Manuel, being a
more mature and more capable student meant that he would avoid the teenage
tendencies to tease of fellow students and to act out in the classroom. A college
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bound student was focused and “a more dedicated student” which included being
“more studious, punctual and more respectful.”
The participants’ gentleman self represents their aspirations to be more
respectful of family members and their fellow students. Additionally, the gentleman
self can be described as aspiring to be more mature, less vulgar and more aware of
their respective social environments. Further, the gentleman self aspires to be a
college bound student who is dedicated to their studies and possesses qualities that
are in line with what the participants foresee as qualities that will enable them to
succeed in a college or university. In the next section, I will discuss the final
possible self observed, which I have described as the explorer self.
Explorer Self
A consistent theme expressed by the participants was their desire, either
individually or collectively, to engage in new experiences and tackle new challenges.
Consistent with the initial theme discussed in this chapter regarding creating a new
culture of academics, the participants were not afraid to break free from their
surrounding environmental constraints and to change their attitudes and lifestyles to
better enable them to meet their goals of obtaining admission into a university.
A common characteristic of the explorer self was the propensity to aspire to
challenges that were outside of the participant’s sphere of comfort. Jesus articulated
his aspirations in the following way:
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There is only one reason for me to go explore, experience, and express
colleges and my reason is my life. I had many bad things happen to me. I’d
been in one hard knot life in my past. I’ve changed and all what I see in my
future is me and a university diploma with a career in life.

Rafael, a young man who was full of energy and quick with a joke readily
embraced the concept of change by stating:
There are many people who don’t like change and don’t take any chances,
and I’m not one of them. I took a chance by going to six flags and that
something I won’t soon forget. I have taken chances and no matter my
decision, my family is always by my side.

Finally, taking a chance and exploring options was clearly related to the
participants’ aspirations to improve academic abilities and improve their chances to
obtain entry into a university of choice. The participants viewed taking a chance in
entering into the Upward Bound Program as a key to unlock the doors to their
dreams. When asked what advice he would give others thinking about attending
Upward Bound, Max, who was initially reluctant to participate in the program stated:
I’d tell them to take a chance to come here because it’s a good experience and
that they might not enjoy it because like the strict rules, but it’s a better
chance for them to get into college. It’s a better chance for them to know
what college is like and like they’re learning more things instead of just
staying home, not learning anything, forgetting the things that they’ve
learned at school. So I’d tell them to take the chance and come and pay more
attention to their work instead of just goofing off.

Thus, the explorer self aspired to accept and meet future academic
challenges. The explorer self was not hesitant to change or to become someone
different than who they were in the past or different from those in their high schools.
The participants’ explorer selves represent an attitude that manifested in the form of
trying new roles both socially and academically. These roles were different from
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their parents, who for the most part did not attend a college or university and many
of whom did not graduate from high school.
In summary, the description of the possible selves of the participants offers a
rich and detailed description of future-oriented self representations that value
academic success, personal and physical development and a clear desire to
matriculate on to a university. The academic self is characterized by an aspiration
and optimism for future academic success and eventual matriculation into a
university. The physical self aspires to overall improvement of the physical being
while the gentleman self aspires to becoming more responsive to the needs of others
and more adult in their perspectives. The explorer self is characterized with a deep
aspiration to attempt new challenges and seek out new experiences. The following
sections will discuss the role that participants’ family and their involvement in
Upward Bound played in the development and sharpening of their academic
aspirations.
Impact of Family
The role of the family is central in the Latino community. Parents, siblings
and extended family played a central role in developing the attitudes and beliefs of
the participants. For the participants of this study, the importance of family was
central to all aspects of their life, whether in school, socially, in the arts or in
athletics. Most important, family was central to the development of aspirations for
future academic success.
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Hector described the impact of his family on his aspirations in great depth
and clarity by stating:
My role models, they have to be my parents and my oldest brother first of all,
he actually finished a career, something that my mom was very proud of and
he was the first one out of all us that actually tried to do something in his life
and I really look up to him and he’s my inspiration and my parents they came
from Mexico about 30, 20 years ago and they’ve been working really hard to
give us something that they never had and I really don’t want to let that go to
waste.

Sibling rivalry was observed as a component of the familial influence in the
development of academic aspirations. William, who was initially reluctant to discuss
the impact of his family on the development of his academic aspirations, relaxed and
offered that in part, competition with his sister formed the basis for his academic
aspirations. William stated the following regarding the impact of his sister:
Yeah, like it has been my goal probably trying to beat my sister’s goals, it’s a
high standard. But like my sister, she’s the one that got me into trying to go
to Brown because she’s going to apply this year and she was the one that
made me go for AP Bio for next year so I took it.

However, the impact of the family was not always expressed in terms of a
positive outcome. For some participants, familial experiences manifested in the
development of a feared self, one that feared dropping out and failing to attain
academic goals. Manuel described his fear in the following way:
I think about like how like my sister ended up or my dad. I don’t want to be
like them. I want to be better, you know. I want to push myself so I won’t be
living like them. Like my sister, she dropped out and now she’s like living in
Watts or something. I don’t even know. Andy my other families, they
dropped out and they’re like getting bad grades in school, I just don’t want to
be like them. I want to be better, you know . . . succeed.

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Further, participants voiced a need to avoid academic failure in order to
please their parents and family members and also to fulfill family expectations.
Armand, a sophomore who freely expressed his opinions on all matters articulated
the impact of his family as follows:
I fear, um, not being able to reach a certain place that I need to be. Because
my family, they expect you to do good, because, like almost everybody, not
almost, but like the generation before me, they, almost everyone graduated
from high school at least. And um, I want to be like, part of a graduating, and
then, it comes from our family too, like my mom, I want to make her proud.
Cuz, I’m like her only son and my sister too.

For the participants of this study, the family played a significant role in the
development of their academic aspirations. The impact of the family in the
development of academic aspirations manifested itself in many forms. For some,
observing their parents struggle to make ends meet and making untold sacrifices to
give them a better life was a definitive factor in shaping their academic aspirations.
For others, it was a sibling rivalry and yet for others, it simply meant wanting to
make their parents or siblings proud to be the first in their family to be accepted into
a university and eventually graduate.
Finally, whether it was the father or mother, or a sibling, the family played an
instrumental role in encouraging the participants’ entry into the Upward Bound
Program. In the following section, I will discuss the impact that participation in
Upward Bound had in the development of the participants’ possible selves.
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Impact of Upward Bound
For the participants, the experience gained from Upward Bound was
transformative. The impact of the experience helped to sharpen and intensify goals
and increased the level of personal confidence. What began as modest academic
goals became more developed and impressive. Alex, an intense and articulate young
man who was entering his senior year in high school summed up the impact of
Upward Bound as follows:
Well, I think the only way after three years, it just increased them. First, they
were like oh they’re okay goals, but now they’re like okay, now you’re
shooting for the moon, I guess you can say because when I think, like I said,
before in the first interview and my first year, I didn’t even think of applying
to college. I mean, I was, didn’t even know what college is because they took
us to college tours and stuff like that and okay, now I know what college is
and I had an idea of a few colleges that I want to go like Cal State and UCs
most and then as like this third year, like my, like I’ve heard all of these good
colleges and okay now that I’m going to be applying to Stanford, MIT, I’m
going to try to apply to Harvard, maybe Yale, so its just like pushing me to
greater heights.

The summer program of Upward Bound created strong and indelible
impression on the participants by enabling the participants to experience university
life in many facets. The participants reside in the dorms at USC and eat all of their
meals on campus. Their week began on Sunday night and ended Friday evening. The
experience was eye opening, challenging, and for the most part, an emboldening
experience that assisted in the transformation and solidification of academic goals.
During the summer program, the participants live in close proximity with
each other and the vast majority of their day is devoted to academics and absorption
of the college experience. Their days are tightly scheduled and start early in the
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morning with classes and end late at night with a study session. For the participants,
living at USC and interacting with other students on campus helped to remove
doubts about their ability to succeed in the vigorous and demanding academic
atmosphere of a university such as USC. Marcos offered the following regarding his
experience:
Yeah it actually encouraged me to come to college more and more because I
see all these college students, they are always around. They are never in one
spot. They’re not lazy. You’re always active. So I know, I’ve seen that
college life is going to either pretty active and from what I hear like I kind of
eavesdrop on the little college conversations at that time and they are all
talking about buying books and this is hectic and I’m basically looking
forward to it because I want that experience.

The summer program also encouraged the participants to be more organized
and to provide assistance to others, even if doing so was uncomfortable. When
asked how the summer program influenced him, Alex, stated:
Well pretty much first off it’s then like in keeping me in like helping me
manage time from the moment I wake up until the moment I go to sleep,
everything that I do is pretty much planned out. I mean regardless of the
times the RAs put and that of we have to get up at 6:45, I pull up my own
schedule besides that. I’m usually; the time I have to be downstairs every
morning is 6:45. I’m usually down there by 6:30 and basically it’s another
thing besides the time management is it’s taught me to rely on myself a bit
more because I know that if someone weren’t, if I were there alone, I’d
probably have to say okay, no one’s here to help me right now, so I will have
to do this on my own and that’s how I’m seeing it right now, but also I’m not
seeing it as just looking out for myself, but looking out after my fellow peers
and fellow classmates because I also help them out a lot and that’s another
thing that is helping me develop my tutoring skills. For example, our
accounting class, it’s pretty challenging course and a lot of my classmates are
having trouble understanding the concepts and I either offer my help or they
ask for help. So those are about the biggest things that I think the summer
program has brought out in me.

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Alex’s statement provides a clear affirmation of the substantial impact of the
Upward Bound Program not only on his academic skills, but also restates prior
themes discussed in this chapter regarding the content and structure of the academic
culture of the participants. Alex openly discussed his new found propensity to seek
out others who may be in need of assistance in working through difficult problems
and that he also does the same when needed. Within this academic culture of
Upward Bound, collegiality and equality were central to their aspirations of what
will be needed in the future to succeed academically as well as personally.
In chapter five, I provide a discussion of the nexus between the data and the
possible selves theory. Additionally, I make recommendations regarding strategies
to assist Upward Bound in the analysis and development of Latino males’ possible
selves as these young men transition from high school to college. I also offer
suggestions for future research in this critical area of interest.
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CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION
“Any transition serious enough to alter your definition of self will require not
just small adjustments in your way of living and thinking but a full-on
metamorphosis.”
Martha Beck, 2004
Overview of Study
Student’s aspirations for success have consistently been shown to be one of
the strongest predictors of academic achievement and persistence (Dweck, 1991).
Goal theorists argue that the positive relationship between a student’s academic
success and his or her aspirations are closely connected to behaviors which that
student chooses to engage to achieve the aspiration (McGregor & Elliot, 2002).
However, the majority of research examining the aspirations of low-income students
of color reveals a large discrepancy between a student of color’s stated aspirations
and the actual accomplishment of the educational goal to those of their higher
income White peers (Yowell, 2000).
The discrepancy between stated aspirations and actual achievement of the
educational goals is most pronounced in the Latino community. Latino students
consistently articulate high educational and occupational aspirations, yet overall
academic achievement is low (Day, Borkowski, Punzo, & Howsepian, 1994;
Hurtado & Gauvian, 1997). Evidence of this disparity between aspirations and
performance is found in the research of Williams (2003), who found that only six
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percent of Latinos who enter kindergarten in the United States earn a bachelor’s
degree, compared to sixteen percent of African Americans, thirty percent of
Caucasians, and forty-nine percent of Asian Americans. Further, although drop-out
rates for African-Americans and White non-Latino students has been slowly
decreasing over the past twenty-five years, the dropout rate for Latinos has held
steady for this period (Yowell, 2000).
A closer analysis of the limited educational attainment within the Latino
community reveals a significant gender component; Latino males’ dropout from
school in significantly greater numbers than female Latina students. As Fry (2003)
found, the Latino dropout population is significantly more male than female, even
when compared to African American and White non-Latino populations.
College admissions statistics provide additional evidence of a growing
decline in academic achievement of Latino males in comparison to their Latina
counterparts. Latino males do not attend college at the same rates as Latinas
(Hernandez & Lopez, 2004). For example, from 1985 to 1991, the number of
bachelor degrees earned by Latinas grew faster than the numbers that were awarded
to Latino males (O’Brien, 1993). Latinas are entering college in greater number and
are obtaining degrees in greater numbers than their male counterparts. Thus,
admission and degree completion statistics demonstrate that there are gender
differences in college attendance and completion rates among Latino males and
Latinas (Haro, Rodriguez, & Gonzales, 1994).
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Thus, in consideration of the burgeoning Latino male population and the
overall dismal academic progress of this segment of our society, it is imperative that
we examine the nature and context of academic aspirations of Latino males.
However, as Yowell (2000) notes the reasons for the disparity in the strength of
associations between academic achievements and stated aspirations of Latino males
is not clearly understood and also appears to have been ignored. The vast majority
of research in which this disparity is examined has focused on African-American and
White students (Alexander, Entwistle, & Bedinger, 1994; Cook, Church, Ajanaku,
Shadish, Kim & Cohen, 1996) and has not focused on Latino students or more
specifically, Latino males.
Accordingly, given the lack of academic achievement of an ever growing
segment of our society, it is imperative that the variables which assist in explaining
why a gap exists between aspirations and academic achievement be investigated,
identified and more fully understood. To assist in this analysis of variables, the
purpose of this ethnographic study was to investigate the aspirations of Latino males
participating in Upward Bound viewed through the lens of Markus and Nurius’
(1986) possible selves theory.
The primary function of this ethnography was to fill the void in the research
related to the aspirations of Latino males. In this study, I investigated the content
and structure of the academic possible selves of Latino males participating in
Upward Bound and the factors that contributed to the possible selves as described by
the participants. The Latino male students who participated in this study were all
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enrolled in Upward Bound, a federally funded program whose primary purpose is to
prepare low-income and/or first-generation high school students for higher
education. The following section will present a brief review of relevant literature
regarding the theory of possible selves.
Reviewing the Literature
In chapter two, I provided a review of literature on the theoretical background
of the theory of possible selves and provided a current definition of possible selves.
The research presented provides a framework to address the research questions
which asked: (1) what is the nature and content of the possible selves of Latino males
participating in Upward Bound and, (2) what are the factors that contribute to the
possible selves as described by the participants.
The theory of possible selves derives from representations of the self in the
past and they also include representations of the self in the future. Although they are
distinct and separate from the current or now selves, they are also intimately
connected to them. In their initial presentation of this construct, Markus and Nurius
(1986) defined possible selves as “self-knowledge that pertains to how individuals
think about their potential and future”; that is, “selves that we would very much like
to become,” “selves we could become,” and “selves we are afraid of becoming” (p.
954).
Research shows that the development of possible selves is a two part process:
(a) the initial construction of possible selves and (b), the successful achievement or
avoidance of constructed possible selves (Dunkel, 2000; Wurf & Markus, 1991).
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During the initial phase of this process, Markus and Nurius, and others (Cross &
Markus, 1991; Dunkel, 2000; Yowell, 2000, 2002), claim that students will construct
possible selves based on past experience and on ideas about the future. The various
factors that influence the development of our possible selves are numerous and
complex.
A significant factor in the development of possible selves is the impact that
social contexts have in this ongoing process. Social contexts encourage and assist in
the development of some selves while suppressing and dismantling others. Thus, the
social construction of the self is dependant upon not only the adolescent’s immediate
relationships and the dynamics of the current experiences but also on larger socio-
cultural and historical factors (Oyserman, 2001).
Culture plays a significant role in the development of possible selves.
Research demonstrates that various cultures differ in the way youths within those
cultures construct possible selves (Kerpelman, Shoffner, & Griffen, 2002). The idea
of “what I may become” is a vision tailored by stage of life, and also by historical
and socio-cultural context (Cross & Markus, 1991: Markus & Oyserman, 1989).
The theory of possible selves provides a nexus between self-concept and
motivation (Oyserman & Markus, 1990). The possible selves concept extends self-
concept research to include not only current self-knowledge, but also forward
thinking ideas about what an individual would like to become or fears becoming
(Markus & Nurius, 1986). Given the complexities of the urban school experience
and limited resources available to students in most urban schools, possible selves
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theory can provide a window into the motivational factors that will potentially
influence the student’s decision to not only pursue a college education but to persist
until successful attainment of a degree is achieved.
Researchers have consistently found a positive relationship between
academic motivation and tangible measures of academic success such as grade point
average (Linebrink & Pintrick, 2002; Wentzel, 1997). Studies of academic
achievement consistently demonstrate that children’s aspirations for academic
success are among the strongest predictor of school achievement and more
important, school persistence (Dweck, 1991; Gamoran, 1987). An academically
motivated student will obtain better grades and persist with greater vigor during the
arduous educational transitions from grade to grade and also from one level of
education to the next.
Several studies have documented the relationship between a student’s
possible self and their academic achievement and school related behavior. Leondari,
Syngollitou, and Kisseoglou (1998), found that those students who endorsed specific,
elaborated positive selves outperformed the other groups in academic achievement.
Leondari, et al. (1998), also found evidence that students who endorsed specific
possible selves demonstrated greater persistence on task. Oyserman and Markus
(1990) explored the relationship between possible selves and delinquency and found
that non-delinquent youth demonstrated a better balance between their expected
selves and feared possible selves.
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Taken as a whole, this research suggests that a vivid and concrete positive
self that includes academic success can motivate current school behavior and results
in increased achievement. Furthermore, this research demonstrates that while
students may be motivated by both positive and negative aspects of their possible
selves, the optimum motivational circumstances occur when students’ expected
possible selves include desired features (e.g. academic success) that mitigate and
moderate against the occurrence of the feared possible selves features (e.g.
criminality and unemployment).
Research supports the potential of possible selves based academic
interventions to promote effective school behavior and improve future academic
performance. Day, Borokowski, Punzo, and Howsepian (1994), found that lesson
plans which provided group based interventions designed to increase the balance of
the positive and negative possible academic self descriptions of Mexican-American
elementary students resulted in an increased understanding of the importance of
education and the relationship between education and later occupational success and
financial security. Oyserman, Terry, and Bybee (2002) evaluated the impact of a 9
week after-school, small group, activities based intervention designed to increase the
student’s ability to imagine themselves as successful adults and also connecting
those future images to current school involvement and found that by the end of the
school year, the students receiving the intervention reported more bonding to school,
reported being concerned about doing well in school and also evidenced plausible
strategies to attain these possible selves. Finally, Oyserman, Bybee, and Terry
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(2006) developed and evaluated an 11 week, middle school classroom based
intervention called School-to-Jobs (STJ) which was designed to address the
hypothesized connections between aspects of urban African-American students’
possible selves and their behavior in school and also their academic performance.
The results of the study also showed that the students who received the intervention
demonstrated increased attendance rates, reduced retention rates, higher grade point
averages and also higher standardize test scores.
In consideration of the demonstrated value of utilizing the theory of possible
selves as a means to explore ways in which students understand their future and how
that understanding impacts future academic pursuits, and given the unacceptable
drop-out rates of Latino male students, focusing on possible selves of Latino males is
warranted. Investigating the content and structure of the Latino male students’
possible selves who participate in Upward Bound provides a window into the
academic motivational world of these students and also a means to explore
interventions that may enhance academic performance.
Future Additions to Literature Review
In examining the literature presented in chapter two, there are other theories
that should be examined in future research to further enhance the investigation of the
academic aspirations of not only Latino males, but all students who aspire to attend a
college or university. To better understand how an individual constructs their
aspirations and expectations that form their possible selves, in a future review of
research, I would focus on literature that evaluates how the lack of achievement of a
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goal inhibits the development or attainment of future goals if a student lacks an
understanding of how to achieve their possible self goals (Cross & Markus, 1994;
Norman & Aron, 2003). A fuller understanding of procedural schemas that may
assist in the attainment of academic aspirations would provide an additional lens to
evaluate the content and structure of a student’s possible selves.
Similarly, an additional area of literature that I would explore to assist in
understanding the factors that influence the development of the content and structure
of a student’s possible selves is the literature on attribution theory. Attribution
theory holds that individuals use various sources of information as data to make
attribution or inferences about the causal determinations of behavior. How students
cope with threats to their developed possible selves may also be related to the
student’s causal interpretations of failure experience (Dweck, 1986). Understanding
how a student interprets and copes with their academic failure as evaluated through
the lens of attribution theory would provide a better description of how future
possible selves will be constructed since all students experience some form of
academic failure at one time or another during their high school and college
experiences. In the following discussion, I will review the research design that was
employed and the methods utilized to collect data.
Reviewing Design and Methods
In this study I employed an ethnographic case study model. Ethnography is
essentially a description of an overall setting which offers to describe principal
norms, rules, symbols, values and traditions of a particular culture within that setting
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and to determine how it all fits together (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). By combining these
two components of the ethnographic case study model, this study describes the
overall cultural setting and determined what happened, why it happened and what it
means in relation to the possible selves of the Latino males participating in Upward
Bound.
I chose to study Latino males because of the lack of academic performance
by this ever growing segment of our society. For example, high school dropout rates
are problematic for Latino youth, and in particular, Latino males. In 2000, about
530,000 Hispanic 16-to-19 year-olds were high school drop-outs, yielding a drop-out
rate of 21.1 percent for all Hispanic 16-19 year-olds (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003).
The Latino dropout rate is 2.5 times that of African American students and 3.5 times
that of White non-Latino students and although the dropout rates for African
American and White non-Latino students has been slowly decreasing, the dropout
rates for Latino students has been consistent for the past 25 years (Yowell, 2000).
Since the focus of this study was Latino males, I chose the Upward Bound
Program at USC which targets the Central section of the City of Los Angeles. This
area of Los Angeles which is geographically centered near the USC campus is home
to 167, 957 family households and serves Thomas Jefferson High School and Los
Angeles High School. According to Los Angeles Unified School District (2006), the
total enrollment for both schools is 7,658 with an average of 80% eligibility for the
Federal Free Lunch Program. Both schools have predominant Latino populations.
Since both schools are located in close proximity to the USC campus, the
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participants of Upward Bound have access to classrooms, science and computer
laboratories and also the tutoring center.
A total of 20 Latino males participate in the Upward Bound Program at USC
which targets the Central section of Los Angeles. Of those 20 Latino males, 19
participants returned consent forms to participate in this study. Initial contact with
the staff of Upward Bound and the participants was made during the initial
orientation conducted in June of 2008, and the vast majority of research was
conducted during the summer session of 2008, with follow up research during the
fall semester of 2008.
Patton (2002) argues that a case study approach is fitting where individuals or
groups of individuals are the primary unit of analysis. Additionally, Creswell (1998)
suggests that the use of a case study is appropriate and well suited to examine a case
that is bounded by place and time. Therefore, the methods that were utilized to
collect data for this study included administration of open-ended questionnaires, in-
depth interviews, observations, focus groups and reviewing documents.
I assessed the possible selves of the students who participated in this study
using the open-ended self-concept measure attached as Appendix A. Nineteen of the
participants were provided with questionnaires that asked them to list three hoped-for
selves, three expected selves, and three feared selves for the following year.
Additionally, the students were asked to mark the questionnaire consistent with
whether or not they are doing anything to accomplish or to avoid their possible
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selves. A yes response in this regard required that the student explain how and why
they are either acting to accomplish or avoid their possible selves.
To improve the validity and reliability of the coding of responses of the
questionnaires, I utilized a second rater to code results. I provided the other rater
with the participants’ responses to the questionnaires and the responses were
reviewed independently by each rater and coded. Then, the raters met to discuss the
coding and to discuss any differences. Any differences of coding were discussed and
a consensus by both raters was obtained as to 100% of the responses.
Following administration of the open-ended questionnaires, I then conducted
19 in-depth interviews. Rossman and Rallis (1998) describe in-depth interviewing as
the benchmark or hallmark of qualitative research. All interviews were conducted on
the USC campus in a vacant classroom. The students were given as much time as
needed to fully answer each question and their responses were taped. However, the
duration of the interviews were no more than forty-five minutes. Following taping of
the interviews, the tapes were transcribed.
I conducted two focus group interviews, one in the beginning of the summer
session and one in the end, in order to further explore the content of the possible
selves of the participants as well as what factors are contributing to the possible
selves as described. The focus groups consisted of five participants and each lasted
one hour. The focus groups were conducted on the USC campus in the group study
areas within the dormitories. In contrast to individual interviews, focus group
participants had the ability to listen to other participants responses and formulate
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their comments in regard to what they have heard (Patton, 2002). As argued by
Patton, the focus group environment allows for and promotes high-quality data in a
social context where the participants have the opportunity to consider their own view
through the lens of other’s views.
During the summer session, I conducted systematic observations of Upward
Bound to become better informed on how the program works as well as to evaluate
the participants in the context of their day-to-day experience and how the students
make sense of Upward Bound itself. I observed five full days of classroom meetings
as well as formal and informal events within the program. I observed the participants
during their study hours, meal times, and during hours when they were allowed free
time to study or socialize. Observations were scheduled through the director of
Upward Bound to avoid any interruption of ongoing instruction.
Finally, I reviewed all available documents, including student files
maintained by Upward Bound and student writings, with a particular focus on
statements of self-evaluation and/or academic goals and student applications to
Upward Bound as each document relates to the content and structure of the possible
selves of the participants. Patton (2002) observes that, the records, documents,
artifacts and archives of an organization are especially rich sources of information.
Client files offer another rich and descriptive source of case data to supplement field
observations and interviews.
Individual interviews and focus groups which required direct contact with the
participants were the most effective in obtaining rich, thick descriptions of the
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participants possible selves. These methods allowed me to follow up on their
answers and fully probe the depths of the participants understanding of their
individual circumstances. Questionnaires were less effective as some participants
devoted limited time to preparing their responses. However, to overcome this
limitation, I conducted follow up questioning of their responses during the individual
interviews.
To ensure validity of the data, I utilized Creswell’s (2003) procedural
recommendations to enhance the accuracy of the results. Using Creswell’s
recommendations, data relevant to the two research questions was gathered through
questionnaires, in-depth interviews, focus groups, observations and examination of
documents and records. I audio tape recorded all in-depth interviews and focus
groups meetings and took hand-written notes of all observations and review of
documents. Next, after gathering the data in the initial stage, I read and examined
the data and attempted to make an overall general sense of the many diverse pieces
of information. Then, the data was aggregated into logically related thematic units or
conceptual categories. Once the thematic units were identified and organized, I then
examined the thematic units in terms of identifying the content and structure of the
possible selves of the Latino Male participants of Upward Bound. Other data in the
form of existing documents such as student files and any student work product
contributed to the richness of the summary narrative.
Finally, I shared the results with the participants and allowed them the
opportunity to edit their responses as necessary for accuracy purposes. This occurred
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primarily during the interview and focus group process where I asked the
participants to review their responses and to modify them if necessary. I also
discussed my findings with Upward Bound administrators to allow for additional
validation of my findings and further review.
Triangulation was achieved through use of multiple data sources. Creswell
(2003) recommends the use of triangulation of data sources to allow the researcher to
assess the accuracy of his or her research findings. According to Creswell,
triangulation consists of utilizing multiple data sources to corroborate the evidence
that has been obtained. Patton (2002) also has found that use of multiple sources and
resources allows the observer to build on the strengths of each type of data collection
while minimizing the weakness of any single approach. As more fully discussed
above, use of multiple data and information resources including in-depth interviews,
open-ended questionnaires, observations and review of documents will allow me to
confirm the content and structure of the academic possible selves and the factors that
contribute to the possible selves of the participants, thus increasing the accuracy of
this study.
Limitations of Research Methods
Several limitations existed in the methods that I used to conduct this research.
First, use of open-ended questionnaires did not allow for me to follow up on topics
or issues that were not anticipated when the questionnaire was written (Patton,
2002). Similarly, utilizing focus groups to collect data does have its shortcomings as
well. The number of questions that could be posed was limited in the group setting
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and the amount of time that each participant has to respond to the question posed was
restrained to allow for each participant to have an opportunity to participate and
respond. Furthermore, the participants that understood that their respective
viewpoint was a minority perspective may not have been willing to risk negative
reactions and thus remain quiet and not respond with appropriate candor.
Review of documents and records had limitations since the documents
maintained in the Upward Bound files contained sparse information. The files did
include some writings authored by the participants that provided a glimpse into their
motivations in entering Upward Bound. However, the contents of the files varied
from individual to individual with some files containing limited information. The
documents and records did offer a view of the subjects that was not readily
observable and without which the observer may not have asked appropriate follow
up questions based on leads gleaned from review of the documents and records.
Finally, there were limitations to direct observations. I noted that during my
initial contact with the participants, the participants changed their behavior when I,
who am white and fifty years of age, would enter the room. However, once a sense
of trust was gained through informal interactions, it was observed that the
participants became more relaxed and my presence did not appear to disturb them or
result in a modification of their behavior.
Given the above set forth limitations, I incorporated Creswell’s (2003)
recommendations that the qualitative researcher must use a variety of strategies of
inquiry to guide the research and utilized multiple interactive and humanistic
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methods. Thus, data from each source of inquiry was compared with the results of
others sources with specific consideration of the shortcomings of each method and in
consideration that triangulation of the data, regardless of source, would increase the
reliability of any conclusion made.
Theoretical Implications
Grounded in the findings of research focused on the possible selves theory as
first articulated by Markus and Nurius (1986), I investigated the content of the
participants’ hoped for selves to provide insight into the motivational and cognitive
contexts for the participants meaning making and organization of their activities as
they pursue entry into a university. Further, I investigated the content of feared
selves to potentially provide insight into the participants’ understanding of activities
that placed their hoped-for selves at risk. Finally, I explored the participants’ stated
reasons for their descriptions of the content and structure of their possible selves to
provide insight into the context of their responses. Consistent with these focuses, the
following section highlights the theoretical implications of the study’s findings by
interpreting data in accordance to the order of its presentation in chapter four.
Culture within a Culture
The participants expressed strong opinions that revealed a deep connection to
their fellow participants and a shared goal to achieve academic success in high
school with the ultimate goal of attending a prestigious university. The data
illuminated the development of a separate and distinct culture of academic success of
the participants who come from economic circumstances and environmental
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conditions which do not place great emphasis on those goals. The participants’
academic culture is collaborative, egalitarian and encourages an atmosphere of
intellectual curiosity and acceptance of differences of opinion.
Observations in and outside of the classroom illustrated that students
academic culture within their respective high schools was rarely described as
positive. Participants rarely described positive experiences within their schools and
in general stated that for the most part, their fellow students were just putting in time.
The described culture outside of Upward Bound is one that places high emphasis on
non-academic and destructive practices such as alcohol and drug consumption and
the always ubiquitous presence of gang involvement.
Yet, despite the prevalence of negative influences within their lives, these
participants have formed a different culture. The data demonstrated that the
participants expressed an inclination to avoid activities that could detract from their
academic goals and an inclination to change the immediate culture within which they
interacted. The participants explained that they no longer associated with the same
friends and socialized more frequently with their fellow Upward Bound participants
in an effort to achieve better grades and avoid the existing culture of dropping out,
drugs and gangs. The participants formed a new and different culture based upon a
shared interest and value in improving their academic performance and future
attainment of a college degree.
These findings of a culture within a culture is consistent with prior research
demonstrating that adolescents learn about their potential in terms of what is valued
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and what is possible through the engagement and experimentation with their various
social contexts (Oyserman & Marcus, 1993). Research shows that the same possible
self may be negatively or positively valued depending upon the current social
context (Burack, Irby, Carline, Mabrozy, Ellsbury, & Stritter, 1997). Based upon
their experiences within Upward Bound which places a high emphasis on improving
current academic performance in preparation for attending a university, the
participants have adopted a shared value of academic achievement and developed a
culture that is defined and configured to promote achievement of this goal.
Content and Structure of Participants’ Possible Selves
As more fully discussed in chapter two, a person’s possible selves represents
their concept of what they may become, what S/he would like to become, and what
they fear becoming. The family of possible selves represents “what we would like to
become,” (i.e. hoped for selves) and “what we are afraid of becoming” (i.e., feared
selves) (Markus & Nurius, 1986, p. 954). The possible selves that represents hoped-
for selves (i.e., “what we would like to become”) includes the hopes and aspirations
of the person and includes images and visions of that person in an aspired to
resulting state. Feared selves are the selves that one intends to avoid or does not
want to become in the future. Rather than influence a person’s pursuit of or
movement towards a goal, a feared self motivates the person to avoid the potential
feared self (Yowell, 2000).
For the participants of this study, the content and structure of the participants’
academic aspirations or possible selves reflects their collective focus on academic
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achievement and attainment of personal goals while attempting to avoid the pitfalls
of their environment. The data presented revealed five distinct subcategories or sub
themes which I describe as the academic self, physical self, gentleman self, and
explorer self.
The academic self of the participants is characterized by an aspiration and
optimism for future academic success. Participants freely discussed their belief that
they would successfully complete high school and enter a prestigious university.
However, their aspirations for academic success were tempered with a realistic fear
of potential failure. When asked what they fear concerning their academic futures, a
common response was: “Bad grades,” “Don’t want to be a C student,” or “getting
D’s and F’s in school.” Thus, balanced with hope and expectation of doing well
academically, the participants articulated a fear of academic failure.
An interesting finding of this study was the stated aspiration to improve
physically. The data that emerged demonstrated a consistent aspiration to become
physically fit and with the belief that improving their fitness level would improve
their ability to focus in class and to endure the heavy academic loads that they
anticipated to carry while in college. The data also showed that the participants
expressed fears regarding their future physical selves.
Although the participants aspired to become more physically fit to improve
themselves not only on the athletic field but also to enhance their ability to focus in
the classroom, their aspiration for physical improvement was tempered with their
frustration and fear of environmental factors that may inhibit such aspirations. The
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participants were frustrated that, unlike controlling their eating habits or increasing
the amount of exercise which they could readily accomplish on their own, they had
no control over external threats to their physical well being due to the violence
within their neighborhood.
The data from this study illuminated an interesting self that I described as the
gentleman self. In contrast to their perception of their immediate environment, the
Latino males who participated in this study openly aspired to be more compassionate
and considerate of their family members, their fellow students and the faculty. This
interesting and unexpected component of the possible selves as articulated by the
participants was a self that aspired to greater maturity and gentility.
Finally, a consistent theme expressed by the participants was their desire,
either individually or collectively, to engage in new experiences and attempt to
overcome new challenges. Consistent with the initial theme discussed in this chapter
regarding creating a new culture of academics, the participants were unafraid to
break free from their perceived surrounding environmental constraints and change
their attitudes and lifestyles to better enable them to meet their goals of obtaining
admission into a university. The status quo of graduating from high school was not
enough for these participants. The participants needed to explore how options within
their life was related to their aspirations to improve academic abilities and improve
their chances to obtain entry into a university of choice.
The Latino population is growing faster than any ethnic group in the United
States and their drop-out rate is 2.5 times that of African-American and 3.5 times
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that of white non-Latino students. Yet, although research consistently has identified
a strong association between a student’s academic aspiration and their success as
adults, little is known about the aspirations of Latino youth, and particularly, Latino
males, and the function those aspirations might serve in regard to academic
achievement and their decision to stay in school.
The findings of this study provide a window into the aspirations of Latino
males in an attempt to fill the void in understanding the possible selves of Latino
males. The data illuminates not only the academic possible selves of the participants
but also more fully describes their interpersonal aspirations of the participants in a
rich and thick manner. The data supports a general description of the participants
that is academically focused, inclined to personal development, and one that aspires
to avoid activities or influences that will detract from their collective goal of
academic achievement.
These findings are consistent with previous research that indicates the
domain of greatest significance to Latino students is education (Yowell, 2000). The
consistency of these priorities has been generally attributed to the influence of the
social and life course norms contained within the social institutions that the
adolescent interacts with in his or her daily life. For the participants of this study,
the consistency and strength of reporting that education is a paramount aspiration can
be attributed to the influence of two social institutions which, as reported, have
played a significant role in their development of possible selves: their families, as
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well as the influence of Upward Bound, each of which will be discussed more fully
below.
Impact of Family
Data revealed that for the participants of this study, the importance of family
was central to all aspects of their life, whether in school, socially, in the arts or in
athletics. Further, and most important, family was central to the development of
aspirations for future academic success. The impact of the family in the
development of academic aspirations took many forms.
For some of the participants, sibling rivalry was observed as a component of
the familial influence in the development of academic aspirations. The data showed
that some participants were influenced by the competition between a brother, sister
or cousin for the top grades in the family. For others, their academic aspirations
were shaped as the result of observing other family members achieve academic
success not only in high school but later at a university.
However, the impact of the family was not always expressed in terms of a
positive outcome. For some participants, familial experiences manifested in the
development of a feared self, one that feared dropping out and failing to attain
academic goals. Further, participants voiced a need to avoid academic failure in
order to please their parents and family members and also to fulfill family
expectations.
The findings of this study regarding the impact of the family on the
development of the participants’ academic aspirations is consistent with previous
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research which explored how possible selves are developed in adolescence.
Consistent with Erikson’s model of development, identity development is a hallmark
established during the adolescent years. Erickson theorized that adolescence is a
phase in which a young person will experiment with, and usually without
commitment, various roles. When a possible self has been tried, the adolescent
achieves a sense of identity, selecting a smaller sample of possible selves to commit
to become. Possible selves are created within social contexts and take into
consideration the values, norms and backgrounds of others who are participating
within the adolescent’s social environment (Oyserman, 2001). The participants’
development of academic possible selves is the product of their taking into
consideration their family's values, norms and backgrounds and shaping their
aspirations to be consistent with these norms and to address their own unique sense
of academic possibilities.
Impact of Upward Bound
The primary purpose of a college preparatory program it to provide the
student with the requisite knowledge that is needed to help the student gain
admission to a university or college and to ensure that S/he is successful as a college
student. Researchers have long recognized that high academic expectations coupled
with caring relationships and positive social bonds can provide students with the
necessary skills to achieve academic success. The data obtained in this study
confirmed that the residential and academic component of the Upward Bound
119
program played a significant role in the shaping and development of academic
possible selves of the participants.
For the participants, the experience gained from Upward Bound was
transformative. The impact of the experience helped to sharpen and intensify goals
and increased the level of personal confidence. What began for most participants as
modest academic goals became more developed and impressive. The summer
program of Upward Bound created a strong and indelible impression on the
participants by enabling the participants to experience university life in many facets.
The data revealed that their experience was eye opening, challenging, and for the
most part, an emboldening experience that assisted in the transformation and
solidification of academic goals.
There is limited research that focuses specifically on the impact that a college
preparatory program such as Upward Bound can have on the development of
academic possible selves. Since the methodology of this study was qualitative, no
causal or definitive conclusions are possible. However, the data obtained provides a
rich and thick description of the positive impact that Upward Bound has in the
development of the possible selves of the participants and provides solid directions
for educational improvement and future research that focuses directly on the
development of possible selves within the confines of college preparatory programs
such as Upward Bound.
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Policy Implications and Recommendations
College preparatory programs provide much needed academic guidance and
knowledge for low-income urban youth who are in need of social and academic
support as they aspire to fulfill their college dreams. Unfortunately, despite being
one of the fastest growing minority groups in our country and the significant gap in
academic success, limited efforts have been made by researchers to understand the
origins of the academic achievement gap of Latino males. This study was an attempt
to fill this gap through a rich and thick description of the academic aspirations of
Latino males who participate in Upward Bound as viewed through the lens of the
possible selves theory.
In light of the critical impact on low-income urban youth and the need for
these services, programs like Upward Bound can benefit from the theoretical
implications of this study’s findings. The theory-based insights taken from this
research can provide practical recommendations for educators, administrators and
policy makers who strive to engage in a continuing process of evaluation and
reflection to meet the needs of all of the students that they serve regardless of the
locale or circumstances from which the students come. The theoretical implications
outlined in this study help to establish a framework for policy recommendations that
address ways to better support students’ academic aspirations. The policy
recommendations are as follows: 1) enhance academic aspirations through real world
engagement and experience; 2) maintain the culture within a culture through social
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bonding activities; and 3) provide professional development opportunities for
Upward Bound staff members.
Enhance Academic Aspirations through Real World Engagement
A significant finding of this study was the impact that the summer residential
program had upon the academic aspirations of the participants. The findings of this
study found that academic aspirations of the participants were developed, solidified
and enhanced as a direct result of their attendance in the summer program conducted
on the USC campus. Of particular importance to the participants was the impact that
living on the USC campus and participating in ongoing courses had on them. It
broke down or diminished the previous fears or inhibitions that the participants had,
believing they did not possess the requisite abilities to compete at a major academic
institution such as USC.
Although time is limited during the summer residential program, it is
recommended that student’s be allowed to observe ongoing classes that focus on
their current choice of major once they matriculate to a university. Possible selves
are created within social contexts and take into consideration the values, norms and
background of others who are participating with the adolescent’s social environment
(Oyserman, 2001). For example, students who intend to pursue a degree in
engineering should observe classes in the engineering department and be allowed to
interact with the university students at the end of class. Rather than observing from
afar, it is suggested that a more direct interaction with college age students will
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further cement their developing beliefs in their academic abilities and their beliefs
that they can participate in such a setting.
Maintaining the Culture of Academic Success
Students learn about their potential in terms of what is valued and what is
possible through engagement and experimentation within their social context
(Oyserman & Markus, 1993). Adolescent self-concepts are open to social feedback
from their immediate peers or from their significant others. Adolescents will
actively seek evidence of who they become through social interactions, the
evaluation and feedback of responses of others to their behavior, and from the
observation of role models and institutionalized standards (Oyserman, Bybee, Terry,
& Hart-Johnson, 2004).
The results of this study demonstrate that the participants have developed an
academic culture that is separate and distinct from their immediate culture and social
context in their high schools. The academic culture is collaborative and egalitarian,
fostering an atmosphere of intellectual curiosity and acceptance of differences of
opinion. This academic culture should be encouraged and developed through
additional social activities that occur, not only during the summer semester, but
during the school year to enhance the collective feeling of support and common
mission in striving towards admission to a university. Further, in addition to
traditional classroom instruction, additional emphasis should be placed on small
group instruction that allows the students to achieve solutions through collective
input. Finally, it is suggested that upper classmen and women who have experienced
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Upward Bound act as mentors to incoming freshmen and women to provide for the
newcomers their experiences and their own sense of the academic culture that exists
within Upward Bound.
Invest in Professional Development
As noted in chapter two, research supports the potential of utilizing possible
selves based interventions to improve school behavior and future academic
performance. For example, lesson plans that focus on increasing the balance of the
positive and negative possible academic self descriptions resulted in an increased
understanding of the importance of education and the relationship between education
and later occupational success and financial security (Day, Borokowski, Punzo, &
Howsepian, 1994). Furthermore, a nine week after-school, small group, activities
based intervention designed to increase the ability to imagine oneself as a successful
adult and connecting future images to current school involvement resulted in
students receiving the intervention reporting more bonding to school, being
concerned about doing well in school and also evidencing plausible strategies to
attain these possible selves (Oyserman, Terry, & Bybee, 2002). Finally, Oyserman,
Bybee, and Terry (2006) developed and evaluated an eleven-week, middle school
classroom based intervention called School-to-Jobs (STJ) which was designed to
address the hypothesized connections between aspects of urban African-American
students’ possible selves and their behavior in school and also their academic
performance. The results of the study also showed that the students who received the
124
intervention demonstrated increased attendance rates, reduced retention rates, higher
grade point average and also higher standardize test scores.
The findings of this study and the reported research on possible selves based
academic interventions support the need for ongoing reflection and professional
development opportunities focused on training in methods that utilizes the possible
selves theory to improve current academic performance as well as the aspired
transition to a university. First, it is recommended that instructors and administrators
be provided with training and education in the theory of possible selves as well as its
application to academic motivation and achievement. Second, consistent with
findings of Oyserman, Bybee, and Terry (2006), it is recommended that the
instructors and administrators be provided with professional development in methods
designed to enhance the participants understanding of the connection between a
chosen major and potential job opportunities once they have obtained a degree from
a university. Finally, instructors and administrators should be provided with
training that will assist them in focusing on developing the ability of the participants
to envision themselves as successful adults not only professionally but also
personally and to anticipate what behavioral changes may be necessary to reach
those goals.
Based upon current research and theory, it is recommended that Upward
Bound keep the following principles in mind when developing effective possible
selves based interventions:
125
• Interventions that enable students to develop vivid, compelling visions of
their hoped for, feared and expected possible selves can be expected to
promote achievement by enhancing a student’s motivation.
• Students are more likely to translate enhanced motivation into actual
achievement if the intervention is designed to assist them to: (a) see the
connection between their current behavior and the attainment of a desired
future self and/or the avoidance of an undesired feared self; (b) establish
goals that regulate and direct needed learning; and (c) identify specific
skills and strategies that they have or need to achieve the goal.
• Students will benefit form interventions that expand their range of hoped
for possible selves, especially when factors such as poverty,
discrimination, media, and the absence of role models may have
artificially constricted possible futures.
Recommendations for Future Research
This study provides a snap shot of the content and structure of the possible
selves of the participants. The research conducted was limited to observations of the
participants primarily during the summer session of their Upward Bound experience.
It was not possible to examine long-term developmental implications for the
participants’ possible selves. Thus, future longitudinal research might explore the
development of the participants’ possible selves from the time the participants enter
the program in their freshman year to the time they graduate as seniors.
126
Additionally, future longitudinal research might explore the content and structure of
the participants’ possible selves during their university experiences.
In future studies, the relation between feared selves and behavioral
adaptations should be investigated in greater depth. Oyserman and Markus (1990)
argue that the ability to cognitively counter worries, fears or future failures with
detailed images of oneself obtaining a desired result leads to increased motivation.
Essential to the effectiveness of these future images which can counter the fears or
actual failures is a detailed procedural knowledge to overcome the fear or failure.
Every student experiences failure at some point in their lives. For some
students, failure may come in the form of a failed test or course. For others, failure
may come in the form of a denial for admission to a valued institution. Future
research should be conducted that explores the plans and strategies the students from
such programs as Upward Bound employ to overcome their fears or failures.
Although policy recommendations were posited in regards to Upward Bound,
the actual services provided by Upward Bound were not investigated. Future
research is needed to investigate the potential relationship between a student’s
possible selves and their institutional contexts. The analysis of the structure and
balance of possible selves may provide guidance as to better and more effective ways
in which a student’s access to the opportunities, resources and experiences with the
given college preparatory program setting influences the relationship and pattern of
aspirations and achievement.
127
This study focused on participants of Upward Bound who by their
participation in this program evidence a strong motivation to excel academically and
advance on to a university. However, I did not investigate the causal factors or the
mechanisms that created the initial motivation to participate in this program.
Understanding the mechanisms or factors which created their motivation to
participate in Upward Bound could provide valuable information to allow educators
to motivate those students who are not similarly motivated and are at risk of
dropping out of the educational process.
Conclusion
Closing the academic achievement gap of Latino males is a daunting task that
requires careful analysis. Despite emerging as the nation’s largest ethnic minority
group within the United States, Latinos encounter significant disparities in academic
performance than their White peers in several significant areas. For example, the
high school dropout rate for Latino youth is particularly problematic. In 2000, about
530,000 Hispanic 16-to-19 year-olds were high school drop-outs, yielding a drop-out
rate of 21.1 percent for all Hispanic 16-19 year-olds. Additionally, the Latino
dropout rate is 2.5 times that of African American students and 3.5 times that of
White non-Latino students, and although the dropout rates for African American and
White non-Latino students has been slowly decreasing, the dropout rates for Latino
students has been consistent for the past 25 years (Yowell, 2000).
Whether as a result of immigration patterns or immersion in the information
age, our country is rapidly changing. In the past, graduating from high school could
128
open doors to relatively good paying jobs and potential long-term careers. However,
in the current work place, in order to function and succeed, our youth must not only
graduate from high school, but also must obtain a degree from a four-year institution.
Those who do not obtain four year degrees have limited opportunities and must
choose from less attractive and lower paying options.
If we are to be a just and open society, we must eliminate existing barriers to
academic success and eliminate disparities in performance. Latino students, and in
particular Latino males, are not succeeding at an acceptable level. In order to
achieve greater academic success, we must identify all barriers to success and find
alternative and innovative methods to educate our students and to motivate those
who may believe that academic success is unattainable due to economic or societal
roadblocks that have been placed in their path. Since research has consistently
demonstrated that a student’s aspiration for academic success are among the
strongest predictor for school achievement and persistence, investigating the role of
academic aspirations that facilitate or constrain academic success has important
implications for closing the academic achievement gap of Latino males.
The possible selves theory provides a valuable tool to investigate the
academic aspirations and motivations of these students. Since the methodology of
this study is qualitative, no causal conclusions can be made. However, despite the
limitations of this study, the findings are important to increase our collective
understanding of the content and structure of the possible selves of Latinos. The
description of the possible selves of the participants offers a rich and detailed
129
description of future-oriented self representations that value academic success,
personal and physical development and a clear desire to matriculate on to a
university. The influence of the participants’ family was substantial and the
participants’ involvement in Upward Bound resulted in the development and
sharpening of their academic aspirations.
The theoretical implications outlined in this study help to establish a
framework for policy recommendations that address ways to better support student’s
academic aspirations. I argue that Upward Bound enhance academic aspirations
through real world engagement and experience, maintain the culture within a culture
through social bonding activities, and provide professional development
opportunities for Upward Bound staff members. The existing pipeline between high
school and college is one that requires educational stakeholders to teach students the
necessary declarative knowledge to achieve success but also requires the
stakeholders to support, nurture and develop the student’s motivation to persist in
this long and arduous task. I hope the findings and recommendations provided in
this study stimulate research on the role of possible selves in this process and
eventually lead to a closing of the academic achievement gap.
130
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138
APPENDIX A
POSSIBLE SELVES QUESTIONNAIRE
Who will you be next year? Each of us has some image or picture of what we will be
like and what we want to avoid being like in the future. Think about next year --
imagine what you’ll be like, and what you’ll be doing next year.

• In the lines below, write what you expect you will be like and what you
expect to be doing next year.
• In the space next to each expected goal, mark NO (X) if you are not currently
working on that goal or doing something about that expectation and mark
YES (X) if you are currently doing something to get to that expectation or
goal.
• For each expected goal that you marked YES, use the space to the right to
write what you are doing this year to attain that goal. Use the first space for
the first expected goal, the second space for the second expected goal and so
on.

Expected Selves
Next year, I expect to
be
Am I am doing something
to be that way
If yes,
What I am doing now to
be that way next year
NO YES
(P1) ___________ (s1)____________
(P2) ___________ (s2)____________
(P3) ___________ (s3)____________
(P4) ___________ (s4)____________
139
Many people have in mind some things they want to be like in the future regardless
of how likely it is that they will actually be that way or do those things. These are the
kinds of selves that you would hope to be like.

• In the lines below, write what you expect you hope to be like in the next year.
• In the space next to each expected goal, mark NO (X) if you are not currently
working on that goal or doing something about that hope and mark YES (X)
if you are currently doing something to get to that hope or goal.
• For each hoped-for goal that you marked YES, use the space to the right to
write what you are doing this year to attain that goal. Use the first space for
the first hoped-for goal, the second space for the second hoped-for goal and
so on.

Hoped-for Selves
Next year, I hope to be
Am I am doing
something to be that
way
If yes,
What I am doing now to
be that way next year
NO YES
(P1) ___________ (s1) ____________
(P2) ___________ (s2) ____________
(P3) ___________ (s3) ____________
(P4) ___________ (s4) ____________

140
In addition to expectations and expected goals, we all have images or pictures of
what we don’t want to be like; what we don’t want to do or want to avoid being.
First, think a minute about ways you would not like to be next year -- things you are
concerned about or want to avoid being like.

• Write those concerns or selves to-be-avoided in the lines on the back of this
paper.
• In the space next to each concern or to-be-avoided self, mark NO (X) if you
are not currently working on avoiding that concern or to-be-avoided self and
mark YES (X) if you are currently doing something so this will not happen
next year.
• For each concern or to-be-avoided self that you marked YES, use the space at
the end of each line to write what you are doing this year to reduce the
chances that this will describe you next year. Use the first space for the first
concern, the second space for the second concern and so on.

Feared Selves
Next year, I want to avoid
Am I doing
something to
avoid this
If yes,
What I am doing now to
avoid being that way next
year
NO YES
(P5) ___________ (s5) ___________
(P6) ___________ (s6) ___________
(P7) ___________ (s7) ___________
(P8) ___________ (s8) ___________
141
APPENDIX B
PRE-INTERVIEW STUDENT PROTOCOL
Student Information:

Name: Nicknames:

Place of Birth: Date of Birth:

Parent(s) or guardian(s) names:

Travels (where have you lived?):

Place Date:

Place Date:

Place Date:

What is your self-described ethnicity?

Religious background?

Marital Status?

How are you doing in high school?

Mostly As

Mostly Bs

Mostly Cs

Family Information:

How many siblings do you have?

Where do you fall in the birth order?

How many step-brothers/sisters do you have?

How many siblings did your mother have?

How many siblings did your father have?

Family’s overall annual income (check one):

less than $20,000 $40,000 - $50,000

$20,000 - $30,000 $50,000 - $60,000

$30,000 - $40,000 over $60,000
142
APPENDIX C
IN-DEPTH INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
I. General Questions:

1. What words or phrases best describe you as a student?

2. Do you consider yourself a good student, bad student, how do you think of
yourself as a student?

3. What is your favorite subject in school?
a. Why is this your favorite subject?
b. Is this also the subject that you feel strongest in, that is, your best
subject?

4. How important is it for you that you do well in school?

5. What are you doing that helps you do well in school?

6. Is it your goal to go to college?
a. Why?

7. What do you hope to achieve as a student?

8. What do you expect to achieve as a student?

9. What do you fear as a student?

10. What do you expect to achieve outside of high school?

11. Have you ever written down your goals as a student?
a. What were those goals?

12. What type of grades do you get in high school?
a. Do you think it is important to get good grades? Why?
143
II. Follow-up Questions regarding Questionnaire Responses:

A. Expected Self:

1. On the Questionnaire, you wrote you expect to become a ________ in the
next year.
i. Why?
ii. What are you doing to become that person?
iii. Why is it important that you become that person?
iv. Do you see anything or anybody preventing you from your
expectation?

B. Hoped for Self:

1. On the Questionnaire, you wrote you hope to become a _________ in the
next year.
i. Why?
ii. What are you doing to become that person?
iii. Why is it important that you become that person?
iv. Do you see anything or anybody preventing you from achieving your
hope?
2. On the Questionnaire, you wrote you hope to expect to become a _________
in the next year. Why?
i. Is there is a difference between what you hope to become and what
you expect? Why?

C. Feared Self:

1. On the Questionnaire, you wrote you feared _________________.
i. Why?
ii. What are you doing to avoid that fear?
iii. Does that fear prevent you from pursuing your goals? How?
iv. What is something that scares or worries you about your academic
future (1) next year and/or (2) after high school?
v. What do you want to avoid in high school and/or after high school?

D. Questions pertaining to student's goals:

1. What job/occupation would you like to have when you get older?
2. What do think you need to do to accomplish your goal? (i.e. education)
3. When did you decide that this is what you would like to do when you get
older?
4. Why have you chosen this particular field?
144
5. Who or what has inspired you to choose this job/occupation?
6. What does your family think about your desire to become a [insert
occupation]?
7. Do you know anybody who is a [insert occupation]? If so, explain.
8. Do you know anybody Hispanic who is a [insert occupation]? If so, explain.

E. Questions pertaining to Upward Bound:

1. When did you begin participating in Upward Bound?
2. I'm not very familiar with the program. Can you explain to what Upward
Bound program is?
3. What are some of the things you do in the program?
4. Why did you choose to participate in the program?
5. What does your family think about you participating in Upward Bound?
6. How are the classes in Upward Bound different from the classes you would
take at your "home" high school?
7. How are the teachers in Upward Bound different from the teachers at your
"home" school?
8. Is there anything else you would like to tell me about the program?

F. Questions pertaining to the summer residential component of Upward Bound:

1. Why did you make the choice to participate in this summer program?
2. What do you hope to get out of this summer program?
3. What do you think will be the best part about participating in this summer
program?
4. What do you think will be the worst part about participating in this summer
program?
5. Is there anything that worries you about participating in this summer
program?
6. You are going to be staying on the USC campus for five weeks in the dorms.
Have you ever been away from your family for an extended period of time?
7. What does your family think about you participating in this five week
summer program?
8. What provisions have you made to see/talk to your family over the next five
weeks?
9. Is there anything else you would like to tell me about this summer program?

Questions pertaining to student's goals:

1. During our first interview, you told me that you would like to become a
[insert occupation]. Is this still your goal or has it changed?

145
If the goal has changed...

1. What do think you need to do to accomplish your new goal? (i.e. education)
2. What/who has impacted your decision to become a [insert occupation]?
3. What do you think your family will think about your desire to become a
[insert occupation]?

G. Questions pertaining to the student's ethnicity:

1. How do you identify yourself as an individual? (If they don't answer by
ethnicity, then ask…what is your ethnicity?)
2. When you describe yourself as [insert ethnic group], what does that mean to
you?
3. What are some of the traditions or customs associated with being [insert
ethnic group]?
4. How have you learned to be a part of your ethnic group?
5. Would you say that you have a strong attachment to your ethnic group? If
yes, what does this look like to you? If no, can you explain why not?
6. Are you active in organizations or social groups that include members of
other ethnic groups? Explain.
7. How do you show that you are proud to be [insert ethnic group]?
8. How you think your life is affected by being [insert ethnic group]?
9. What are some of the benefits of being [insert ethnic group]?
10. What are some disadvantages of being [insert ethnic group]?
11. What are some of the stereotypes you encounter being [insert ethnic group]?
12. How does it make you feel that people say [insert stereotype]?
146
APPENDIX D
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Jonathan Massie, an
Ed.D student in the Educational Leadership Doctorate program at the University of
Southern California. You were selected as a possible participant in this study
because you are currently participating in the Central Upward Bound Summer
Residential program and are a Hispanic Male student in this program.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This study is designed to investigate the theory of possible selves which provides a
unique lens in which to investigate and evaluate the motivational power of a
student’s view of themselves in the future. According to the theory of possible
selves, balance in the achievement related possible selves of adolescents has a
positive impact on school persistence (Oyserman & Markus, 1990). By
understanding the content and structure of the students’ possible selves as well as
what factors influence the development of possible selves, the information gained
can be used to stimulate academic retention and identify characteristics and
experiences important to the development of academic success and transition from
high school to a college or university.

PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will do the following things:
1. Answer a questionnaire about the content and structure of your possible
selves.
2. Participate in an individual interview to discuss your questionnaire answers.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
This study does not pose any risk and the level of discomfort to you will be minimal.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
This study has potential to help students develop positive expectations of their future
academic possible selves which in turn helps to motivate the students and assist them
in the transition between high school and college.

PAYMENT FOR PARTICIPATION

There is no monetary payment for participation.
147
CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your
permission or as required by law.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this
study, you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may
also refuse to answer any questions you don't want to answer and still remain in the
study. The investigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances occur
which in the opinion of the researcher warrant doing so.

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Jonathan Massie (jmassie@usc.edu) or Dr. Alex Jun (ajun@usc.edu).

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study.

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT (AND) OR LEGAL
REPRESENTATIVE

I have read this form and the research study has been explained to me. I have been
given the opportunity to ask questions and they have been answered to my
satisfaction. If I have additional questions, I have been told who to contact. I
understand the procedures and conditions of my participation described above. I
agree to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of this form.

________________________________________
Name of Subject
________________________________________
Name of Legal Representative (if applicable)
________________________________________ ______________
Signature of Subject or Legal Representative Date
148
APPENDIX E
PERMISO PARA PARTICIPAR
Se le pide que participe en un estudio de investigación realizado por Jonathan
Massie, un estudiante en el programa Educativo del Doctorado del Liderazgo en la
Universidad del Sur de California (USC). Fuiste selecionado para este estudio como
un participante en este estudio porque tu eres uno alumno hispano masculino
tomando parte en el programa residencial de Verano del Programa “Upward Bound.”

El PROPOSITO DEL ESTUDIO
Este estudio es diseñado para investigar la teoría de seres posibles que proporciona
un lente extraordinario en el que investigar y evaluar el poder motivador de la vista
de un estudiante de sí mismos en el futuro. Según la teoría de seres posibles, el
equilibrio en el logro relacionado a seres posibles de adolescentes tienen un impacto
positivo en la persistencia de la escuela (Oyserman & Markus, 1990).
Comprendiendo el contenido y la estructura de los estudiantes' seres posibles así
como los factores que influyen el desarrollo de seres posibles, la información ganada
puede ser utilizada para estimular la retención académica e identificar
características y experiencias importante al desarrollo de éxito y transición
académicos del la preparatorio a un colegio o la universidad.

PROCEDIMIENTOS
Si usted se ofrece a tomar parte en este estudio, usted hará las siguientes cosas:
1. Conteste un cuestionario acerca del contenido y la estructura de sus seres
posibles.
2. Tome parte en una serie de tres entrevistas individuales para hablar sobre sus
respuestas del cuestionario.

POSBILE RIESGOS Y MOLESTIAS
Este estudio no coloca ningún riesgo y el nivel de la molestia a usted será mínimo.

POSIBLE BENEFICIOS A SUJETOS Y/O A LA SOCIEDAD
Este estudio tiene la posibilidad de ayudar a estudiantes desarrollan las esperanzas
positivas de sus futuros seres posibles académicos que en vuelta ayuda a motivar a
los estudiantes y ayudarlos en la transición entre la preparatoria y el colegio.

149
PAGO PARA la PARTICIPACION
No hay pago monetario para la participación.

CONFIDENCIALIDAD
Cualquier información que sea obtenida con respecto a este estudio y que pueda ser

identificado/relacionado con usted se quedará confidencial y será revelado sólo con
su permiso o según exige la ley.

PARTICIPACION Y ELEJIR A NO PARTICIPAR
Usted puede elegir si quiere participar en este estudio o no. Si usted se ofrece
participar en este estudio, usted puede retirar en tiempo sin consecuencias de
cualquier tipo. Usted también puede negarse a contestar ninguna pregunta que usted
no quiere contestar y todavía quedarse en el estudio. El investigador puede retirarlo
de esta investigación si las circunstancias ocurren que en la opinión de la
autorización de investigador se lleve acabo.

IDENTIFICACION DE INVESTIGADORES
Si usted tiene cualquier pregunta o preocupacion acerca de este estudio, por favor
comuniquese con Jonathan Massie (jmassie@massieberman.com) o el Dr. Alex Jun
(ajun@usc.edu).

LOS DERECHOS DE LOS SUJETOS DE INVESTIGACION
Usted puede retirar su consentimiento en tiempo y discontinuar la participación sin
pena. Usted no renuncia ningún reclamo legal, los derechos ni los remedios a causa
de su participación en este estudio.

FIRMA DE EL SUJETO DE INVESTIGACION (Y) O REPRESENTANTE
LEGAL

Yo he leído esta forma y el estudio de investigación ha sido explicado a mí. Me han
dado la oportunidad de hacer preguntas y han sido contestadas a mi satisfacción. Si
tengo preguntas adicionales, me han dicho con quién comunicarme. Comprendo los
procedimientos y las condiciones de mi participación descrita arriba. Concuerdo en
tomar parte en este estudio. He recebido una copia de esta forma.
150

________________________________________
Nombre de Sujeto

________________________________________
Nombre del Representante Legal (si aplicable)

_________________________________________ ______________
Firme de Sujeto o Representante Legal Fecha
151
APPENDIX F
OBSERVATION TOOLS
Trigger Words: Academic Fear
Aspirations Future
Career Goals Goal
College Possible Selves
Educational Achievements Self
Expected University

Possible Selves: Possible Selves are the selves we imagine ourselves becoming
in the future, the selves we hope to become, the selves we fear
becoming, and the selves we expect to become (Markus &
Nurius, 1986).

What is Happening? What do I think is Happening?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The purpose of this ethnography was to investigate the content and structure and the factors that contributed to the development of the possible selves of Latino male students participating in Upward Bound, which is a federally funded program whose primary purpose is to prepare low-income and/or first-generation high school students for higher education. This qualitative study utilized a total of 19 participants of the Upward Bound Program being conducted at the University of Southern California campus.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Massie, Jonathan (author)

Core Title The possible selves of Latino males participating in the Upward Bound Program

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Psychology)

Publication Date 04/01/2009

Defense Date 03/05/2009

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Latino males,Motivation,OAI-PMH Harvest,possible selves,Upward bound

Place Name University of Southern California (geographic subject)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Jun, Alexander (committee chair), Schiro, Paolina (committee member), Seli, Helena (committee member)

Creator Email jmassie@massieberman.com,jmassie@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2046

Unique identifier UC1199577

Identifier etd-Massie-2718 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-207536 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2046 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Massie-2718.pdf

Dmrecord 207536

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Massie, Jonathan

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu