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Experiences of African American males accessing the pipeline of higher education through the Neighborhood Academic Initiative

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EXPERIENCES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES ACCESSING THE PIPELINE
OF HIGHER EDUCATION THROUGH THE NEIGHBORHOOD ACADEMIC
INITIATIVE

by

Jame‘l R. Hodges

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2011

Copyright 2011 Jame‘l R. Hodges
ii
Acknowledgements
This dissertation is dedicated to my deceased Grandparents and Aunt Belinda,
who were not able to live long enough to see me obtain my terminal degree. To my Aunt
Deborah and Uncle George, my son, Jaelon R. Hodges, my parents, Patrice and Harold
Hodges, my sister, Shakira I. Hodges, and to all of the youth who march onward and
upward to the light in the name of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. I want to take time to
thank the Copiague School District and all of the teachers I have ever had from
Kindergarten to 12th grade. The Venettes Cultural Workshop under the leadership of
Mrs. Mairy A. Baird and Vanessa Baird Streeter for encouraging, instilling and
supporting my college education and assisting me financially to attend college. Thank
you to the administration and faculty at Virginia State University, Florida State
University, University of Georgia, and the University of Southern California for all that
you have taught me. To my mentors, Dr. Robert Schwartz, Dr. Dianne Cooper, Dr. Jason
Desousa, Sunny Lee, Dr. Walter Kimbrough, Dr. Terrell Strayhorn, Dr. Kevin Rome, and
Dr. Shaun Harper, thank you for modeling the way and for sticking by my side and
pushing me when I doubted myself. Special thanks to my cohort as U.S.C.‘s Rossier
School of Education, Dr. Dora Lee, Dr. Dyrell Foster, Dr. Carol Wilson, Dr. Sylvia
Roussieau, Nadine Singh, and Dr. Linda Fischer, and to my rock, the person who I could
not have done this without, Dr. Ramina Benjamin, thank you for providing me with
motivation, support and being one of the best friends I have ever had. You have never
given up on me and are one of the driving forces behind my resilience through this
process. Thank you to Dr. Alex Jun, Dr. Judi Garbuio, and Dr. Darnell Cole for your
iii
expertise and guidance through this dissertation process in your role as my dissertation
committee. Thank you to my fraternity brother and friend, Angelo Lee for all of your
support, mentally and financially throughout this process, especially toward the end!

iv
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ii
List of Figures v
Abstract vi
Chapter One: Overview of Study 1
Table 1: Outreach Program Services 20

Chapter Two: Literature Review 25
Chapter Three: Research and Design Methods 82
Chapter Four: Presentation of Data 106
Chapter Five: Discussion 133
References 148
Appendixes
Appendix A: Student Interview Questions 154
Appendix B: Alumni Interview Questions 155
Appendix C: Parent‘s Interview 156
Appendix D: NAI Staff Interview 157
Appendix E: Teacher Interview 158
Appendix F: Demographic Data Form 159

v
List of Figures
Figure 1: Sanford‘s Challenge and Support Theory 73

Figure 2: Tinto‘s Interactionalist Theory 77
vi
Abstract
In an effort to prepare African American males for success, it is imperative to
cultivate a culture of high academic rigor and to have high expectations for these
students. Precollege Outreach Programs, despite having an overall impact on college
preparation, each has its unique program components, yet none of them combines
financial assistance, parental involvement, and academic support within their overall
framework. This study aims to identify the specific components of the University of
Southern California's Neighborhood Academic Initiative (precollege outreach program),
which trains African American males for success in their quest for higher education.

1
Chapter One
Overview of the Study
Every five seconds during the school day, a Black public school student is
suspended. Every 46 seconds during the school day, a Black high school student drops
out. Every minute, a Black child is arrested and a Black baby is born to an unmarried
mother. Every three minutes, a Black child is born into poverty. Every hour, a Black baby
dies. Every four hours, a Black child or youth under 20 dies from an accident, and every
five hours, a Black youth is a homicide victim. Every day, a Black young person under
25 dies from HIV infection and a Black child or youth under 20 commits suicide
(National Center for Education Statistics, 2001). National statistics such as these suggest
a future for African Americans that is both troubling and in jeopardy (Mincy, 1994).
Higher education trends are no less encouraging. For example, recent data
published by the National Center for Education Statistics suggest that over 18 million
students are enrolled in the 42,00 colleges and universities that comprise the American
system of higher education. Still, of these, only about 12% are African Americans with
African American men representing approximately 4% of total student enrollment in the
United States. Most studies show that African American collegians, on average, enroll in
college at lower rates, earn lower grades, and persist at lower rates than their White and
Asian counterparts (U.S. Department of Education, 2006).
In 1997, the African American Data Education Book, the first broad national
survey of the educational status, performance, progress, and financial support of African
Americans in higher education and adult education reported over one-half of African
2
Americans enrolled in bachelor‘s degree programs were in the lowest quarter of
American socioeconomic status (compared to less than one-quarter of Whites) and
African Americans were almost three times as likely to have family incomes below
twenty-thousand dollars as their White counterparts (Nettles & Perna, 1997). Over a
decade later, still today the Black unemployment rate is more than two times that of
White Americans and Black families earn only 58% as much income as White families
(Strayhorn, 2008). Not only are there persistent and sizeable financial and college
attainment gaps between Blacks and their racial/ethnic counterparts, but recently scholars
have turned attention to within group heterogeneity and the differences between Black
men and women in college (Cuyjet, 2006; Fleming, 1984; Hood, 1992; Strayhorn, 2008).

Background of the Problem

In an 2006 review of the factors that promote a climate of academic success for
African American males, experts found the retention rates of African American men in
college to be among the lowest of both sexes and all ethnic groups nationally (Cuyjet,
2006); two-thirds of all Black men who start college do not graduate within six years of
initial enrollment (Mortenson, 2001). Black males are often described using disparaging
terms that reinforce negative stereotypes (e.g., dysfunctional, uneducable, dangerous,
lazy) that often shape the perceptions and expectations of principals and teachers
(Strayhorn, 2008).
According to the Manhattan Institute's Education Research Office (2004), less
than one in five students of color have graduated from high school; have a set of college-
3
prep courses on their high school transcripts and "demonstrate basic literacy" the
necessities for being "college ready." While college enrollment rates have increased
dramatically over the last 30 years for students of color, only about 12% of Black
students enroll in some form of postsecondary education immediately following
graduation with Black males representing just 4%. The aforementioned may converge
and compromise the success of African American men, who according to research, face
additional challenges in educational settings, especially predominantly White contexts.
For instance, African American men are often described with words that have pejorative
meanings such as endangered species (hooks, 2004; Parham, 1987), dangerous (Gibbs,
1988; Majors, 1992), at-risk (Winfield, 2001), lazy (Cuyjet, 2006), dysfunctional (Gibbs,
1988), insubordinate (Ferguson, 2000), and irremediable (Ferguson, 2000), which
generally reinforce negative stereotypes held by some White peers and faculty members.
Social psychologists have found that some African American men internalize these
negative beliefs about themselves, which become self-threatening and self-fulfilling
(Steele, 1997). College student success, however, is influenced by what students believe
about themselves and what students do.
A significant, and growing, line of inquiry examines students‘ engagement in
educationally purposeful activities (Kuh, 2000, 2005; Nelson Laird, 2007; Strayhorn,
2008), and, more recently, even Black male students‘ engagement (Bonner, 2006; Harper,
2003, 2007; Strayhorn, 2008). Studies suggests that African American males take fewer
notes in class, spend less time studying and writing papers (Cuyjet, 1997; Strayhorn,
2008), participate less in campus activities, hold fewer leadership positions (Harper,
4
2003), and report lower grades than their same-race female counterparts (Flowers, 2007).
Engagement, or the lack thereof, among African American men is important as student
engagement has been linked to robust learning outcomes such as adjustment to college
(Cabrera, 1999), critical thinking (Cruce, 2006; Kuh, 1995), and personal and social
learning gains (Strayhorn, 2008), to name but a few. Furthermore, African American
male engagement enables them to acquire the social capital needed to navigate collegiate
settings, access important resources such as campus administrators and information
networks, and overcome educational deficiencies that may result from a lack of
preparation for college (Harper, 2006; Palmer, 2008; Strayhorn, 2008). Indeed, a number
of support programs and services are required to overcome the challenges that African
American men face in higher education.
One segment of the literature about support programs for African American men
in college focuses almost exclusively on the roles that individuals play in assisting
African American male youth to and through college (Cheatham, 1991; Cuyjet, 1997;
Fleming, 1984; Pascarella, 1991; Strayhorn, 2007, 2008). Though the current research is
relevant and useful, a few of the studies fail to disaggregate by sex and race/ ethnicity
which presents a gap in the literature with regard to identifying the success rate of these
programs with regard to assisting African American males specifically. This body of
literature provides compelling evidence to support the importance of collaborative peer
interactions (Astin, 1996; Strayhorn, 2008), family involvement and encouragement
(Allen, 1992; Jun, 2002; Stage, 1989;), and positive faculty-student mentoring
5
relationships (Astin, 1993; Cuyjet, 1997), especially among African Americans in general
and Black men in particular (Strayhorn, 2007, 2008, 2009).
Another aspect of the literature on providing support to students who face serious
challenges in the educational pipeline, such as African American males, concerns
precollege outreach programs (PCOPs) that, according to research, provide opportunities
for enhancing students‘ preparation for the academic and social life of college
(Villalpando, 2005). To date, most of what is known about PCOPs focuses on the
program‘s primary purpose (Swail, 2002), elements that constitute effective programs
(Villalpando, 2005), and the important role that parents play in students ―getting ready‖
for and ―getting into‖ college (Gandara, 2002; Swail, 2002). Generally speaking, PCOPs
operate under a sort of compensatory assumption; that is, that students who participate in
such programs are afforded opportunities to enhance their college readiness or offset
deficiencies in critical skills such as math and science reasoning, writing, and time
management, to name but a few.
In order to identify and understand the role that precollege outreach programs
(PCOPs) play in enhancing the college readiness of students, first it was necessary to
examine the literature on pre-college or early intervention programs in American higher
education. Two groups of studies emerged in this review: (a) descriptive studies that
accent the general nature of precollege programs, and (b) studies that outline various
program components that, according to research, proven effective in promoting student
success. In the following section, I will provide an overview of PCOPs as well as a
6
review of four specific programs identified by the 2001 National Center for Education
Statistics.
Overview of Precollege Programs
In 1999, the National Survey of Outreach Programs (NSOP) researched
information on 1,110 outreach programs across the nation, 465 of which were federal
programs (Swail & Perna, 2002). Prior to this survey, a minimal amount of information
was known about the number, types, and variety of outreach programs, although early
intervention programs have existed since the mid-1960s (Swail & Perna, 2002). The
results of the survey suggested that while PCOPS share common strategies services and
concepts, they all do not necessarily follow or adhere to the same type of model. Over
85% of the participating outreach programs indicated that their primary goal was to
increase college enrollment rates, awareness of college and to promote exposure to
potential college students. Other common goals included building self-esteem, providing
role models, and improving academic skills. Regrettably, promoting rigorous course
taking was amongst the least common goal (Swail & Perna, 2002). In an effort to prepare
African American males for success, it is imperative to cultivate a culture of high
academic rigor and to have high expectations for the students. Swail and Perna (2002)
found that awareness though campus visits, meeting with faculty and students, and
developing academic skills to prepare students for college including; critical thinking,
mathematics and writing instruction were common themes amongst the participating
programs.
7
The Nature of Precollege Outreach Programs
While research has consistently shown that academic preparation is key in
predicting enrollment and success in college (Adelman, 1999; Cabrera & La Nasa, 2000;
Hossler, Schmit, & Vesper, 1999; Perna & Titus, 2005; Stampen & Fenske, 1988),
studies continue to show that high schools serving low socioeconomic, minority students
are less likely to focus on rigorous, standards-based education (McDonough & Fann,
2007). As a result, these economically disadvantaged students of color as a whole lack
preparation for college and often times have a lower self-efficacy with regard to their
academics. To respond to these trends, institutions of higher education have begun to
invest a considerable amount of time and funding in developing precollege, or pipeline
programs that provide students with an opportunity to prepare for the academic and social
life experiences of college (Villalpando & Solorzano, 2005). Though services provided
by precollege outreach programs vary, nearly all programs include services that
correspond to one or more general components.
The following are examples of four precollege outreach programs as identified by
the 2001 National Center for Education Statistics (NCES): (a) Upward Bound; (b)
Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Programs (GEAR UP); (c)
Daniels College Prep and Scholarship Program (DCPSP); and (d) Advancement Via
Individual Determination (AVID). They are reviewed here because each program targets
underrepresented minority students in education and serves as a vehicle for promoting
access to and smoothing the transition to higher education. Outreach efforts differ greatly
by program characteristics such as program goals, target population, specific services and
8
modes and times of delivery. These factors make up part of a model, developed by the
Center for Higher Education Policy Analysis at the University of Southern California, for
comparing and evaluating outreach programs (Tierney & Hagedorn, 2002). By
identifying and prioritizing the factors that meet the specific needs of their students,
schools and families, practitioners can better tailor program referrals and target specific
programs for partnerships (The College Board 2001).
Upward Bound
The general consensus among researchers, policymakers, and practitioners is that
the current wave of precollege outreach programs working with K-12 students is directly
attributable to the emergence of Upward Bound, the first of a group of federally funded
programs known collectively as TRIO as part of the Economic Opportunity Act (EOP) of
1964 (Fields, 2001). Federal TRIO Programs are educational opportunity outreach
programs designed to motivate and support students from disadvantaged backgrounds
(U.S. Department of Education 2010.). Upward Bound provides after-school and summer
instruction to low-income high school students on college campuses. The program
focuses on academic support and provides services such as advising and counseling,
application assistance for college, leadership and educational workshops, campus visits
and test preparation classes (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). The University of
Southern California, home of the NAI program, has housed the Upward Bound program
since 1977 comprising of three components:
(a) The Saturday Academy, an academic support program that meets at USC‘s
University Park campus on Saturday‘s from September to May, providing
9
tutoring, academic advisement, college tours, enrichment courses and SAT
preparation;
(b) A summer residential program that gives students a real college experience
by allowing them to live and take classes on the University Park campus; and
(c) Ongoing assessment by an academic advisor who makes weekly visits to
partner schools, meeting with students, teachers and counselors to make sure
that students are on track academically.
These programmatic focuses are similar to some of the Neighborhood Academic
Initiative (NAI) program‘s initiatives, however the Upward Bound program does not
provide the parental involvement or the mentorship that NAI provides, nor does it
provide a scholarship to cover the costs of college such as NAI. Studies centered on the
Upward Bound program found that the programs participants are four times more likely
to earn an undergraduate degree than those with similar backgrounds not in TRIO (Fields,
2001).
In 2004, researchers at Mathematica Policy research, on behalf of the U.S.
Department of Education, released an evaluation of Upward Bound. Researchers used
data from a sample group of 2,800 students who were randomly assigned to one of 67
Upward Bound projects hosted by two- and four-year colleges or to the control group
(Meyers, 2004). After conducting a comparative evaluation to estimate the impact of the
program on participants, it was revealed that Upward Bound participants experienced the
following outcomes: (a) earned more nonremedial high school credits in math; (b) were
more likely to remain in school; (c) were more likely to receive financial aid for
10
postsecondary education; and (d) earned more nonremedial credits at postsecondary
institutions (Gullatt & Jan, 2003). These findings speak to the credibility and high impact
that the Upward Bound program have provided to students as well as in its ability to
serve as a framework or model for other precollege outreach programs to build upon.
GEAR UP
Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Programs (GEAR
UP) is a federal government funded precollege outreach program (PCOP) that focuses on
first-generation, low-income students (Fields, 2001). Launched in 1999, it is a partnership
between low-performing, high poverty middle schools, universities, businesses and
community based agencies that provide secondary school systems with exposure for
every child to a precollege curriculum (Swail & Perna, 2001). Similar to Upward Bound,
GEAR UP addresses the financial aid barrier to college by providing scholarships to
students and to date, serves more than 700,000 students nationwide (Fields, 2001).
Unlike Upward Bound however, but similar to the parent component of NAI, this
program focuses on a nine-week program for parents entitled, the Parent Institute for
Quality Education. GEAR UP provides orientation activities, volunteer opportunities,
awareness programs and educational workshops for parents (California State Gear Up,
n.d.). From its inception to the present, 259 schools have participated in the California
GEAR UP program. Since the new grant cycle began in September 2005, California
GEAR UP was selected to participate in the Continuing Sustainability Project (CSP) for
2005-06. CSP develops and implements long-term strategies to maintain the active
participation of middle schools within the program. GEAR UP schools are located in 91
11
districts in 27 counties throughout California: 33.4% of the schools are in the North,
16.1% are in the central part of the state and, 52.5% of the schools are in the South. The
schools that have participated, or are currently participating, in this program enroll a total
of nearly 222,000 students in grades six through nine: 38% of these students are English
Learners; 72% of the students qualify for free- or reduce-priced meals; and, 17% of the
students qualify for California Work Opportunities and Responsibilities to Kids
(CalWORKS), a temporary financial assistance and employment focused service to
families with minor children who have income and property below state maximum limits
for their family size. Included in the total of 259 middle schools that have participated in
the GEAR UP program are 42 that have been receiving school-based services since
January 2006 (California State GEAR UP, 2009).
In a 2003 study conducted on the success of the GEAR UP program, data was
analyzed on a cohort of students from 20 GEAR UP partnership schools as well as a
control group of students who did not participate in GEAR UP. In the initial analysis,
researchers found that the program had an extremely high attrition rate (Gullatt & Jan,
2003). Schools with high percentages of low-income students often have less stable
student populations; some schools in the study had attrition rates as high as 50% (Westat
Inc, 2003).
The most common and most widely attended GEAR UP activities were
characterized as low-intensity activities, such as college fairs. Only one-third of the
program sites offered more extensive support, such as individual counseling sessions for
students. Finally, GEAR UP administration reported difficulty in attracting students to
12
their summer programs (Westat Inc., 2003). The GEAR UP evaluation is useful however
in highlighting some potential issues in PCOPs implementation. Administrators and
policy makers can use this information to improve this program as well as programs with
similar components.
Daniels College Prep and Scholarship Program (DCPSP)

Founded in 2000 by Bill Daniels, who developed the vision statement ―A world
where every individual has an equal opportunity to live a healthy, productive life,‖ the
DCPSP program provides scholarships, preparatory workshops and summer programs to
low-income students (The Daniels Fund, 2005). Similar to the NAI, some of the services
provided include advising and counseling, workshops, scholarship application assistance
and scholarships and grants. The main focus of this program is to provide college
scholarships and to assist students in applying for and securing money for college (The
Daniels Fund, 2005). DCPSP‘s mission is to partner with individuals, organizations and
communities to recognize inherent value, develop abilities, and provide opportunities in
order to fulfill its collective potential (The Daniels Fund, 2005.)
This program is unique, however, in that in order to expand access to the Daniels
Scholarship high schools across the four-state region are invited to serve as Referral
Agencies for the program. Interested high schools in Colorado, New Mexico, Utah, and
Wyoming must complete an online application to express their interest in the program
(The Daniels Fund, 2005). The DCPSP is also different from the NAI program with
regard to its scholarship allocation. Daniels scholarships are not full ride, instead, they
pay toward the unmet educational need of the students cost of attendance at college. The
13
scholarship amount is determined after all other financial aid sources and an Expected
Family Contribution (EFC) have been applied. The financial assistance amount may vary
from student to student as a result of the EFC. Unlike the above mentioned and longer
standing programs, having been founded in 2000, little research was available to discuss
the impacts this program has however on African American males or students as a whole.
Advancement Via Individual Determination (AVID)

AVID was created at Claremont High School in 1980 in response to San Diego
Unified School District's court-ordered integration of the city‘s schools (American Youth
Policy Forum, 1999). The program has evolved into a 5
th
through 12
th
-grade system that
places academically average students in advanced classes and provides them with an
elective class that prepares them to succeed in rigorous curricula, enter mainstream
activities in school, and increase their opportunities to enroll in a four-year colleges
(California Department of Education, 2010). Beginning with one high school and 32
students, the AVID system is now on the march toward nearly 4,400 schools in 48 states
and 15 foreign countries in 2010.
At the high school and middle level, AVID students are enrolled in their school's
toughest classes, such as Advanced Placement, and receive support in an academic
elective class – called AVID– taught within the school day by a trained AVID teacher
(California Department of Education, 2010). In the accelerated elective class, AVID
students receive support through a rigorous curriculum and ongoing, structured tutorials.
AVID elective teachers support AVID students by providing academic training,
managing their tutorials, working with faculty and parents, visiting colleges, and by
14
helping students develop long-range academic and personal plans (American Youth
Policy Forum, 1999).
In San Diego, AVID students from low-income and underrepresented ethnic
backgrounds (i.e., African American and Latino students) have exceeded the overall local
and national averages for college enrollment (Mehan, Villanueva, Hubbard, & Lintz,
1996). Despite the benefits of the instructional program itself, the researchers attributed
much of its success to a changed school culture that provides additional academic
support, teacher advocacy, and connection to networks that link high schools and
colleges. AVID is unique in that it encourages African American and Latino students to
internalize the program‘s message about the importance of going to college for success in
life and developing strategies for coping with the discrimination they acknowledge and
experience (Mehan et al., 1996). ―They affirm their cultural identities but at the same
time recognize the need to develop certain cultural practices that are acceptable to the
mainstream, notably achieving academically‖ (Mehan et al., 1996, p. 145). The
researchers credit the following strategies to assisting Black and Latino student success:
separating promising students in daily special classes, fostering the development of
academically oriented peer groups, providing public markers of group identity, and
providing parental support.
These programs all have as a goal the desire to provide students with high
academic potential— students who often have limited resources with which to prepare for
college on their own. The continued existence and success of these programs suggests
that educationally disadvantaged students, specifically African American males, continue
15
to drop out of the college preparation pipeline in disproportionate numbers despite the
prevalence of school reform efforts and PCOPS (Gandara, 1998). Next, I will introduce
the Neighborhood Academic Initiative, the PCOP that is the center of this study.
Neighborhood Academic Initiative (NAI)
PCOP‘s while having the overall impact on college preparation, each have their
own unique program components, yet none of them combine financial assistance,
parental involvement and academic support within their overall framework. Upward
Bound and GEAR up represent two ends of the spectrum with Upward Bound serving as
a conceptual framework for pre-collegiate outreach programs. Whereas they may vary in
how they provide services and what components they emphasize, they each have in
common a focus on the individual student and his/her preparation for attending college.
NAI, however, provides a host of services to low-income first-generation students
including financial assistance, parent involvement, and academic support.
Tierney and Jun (2001) conducted a three-year qualitative study on the NAI
program in an effort to review college preparation programs and the ways in which they
prepare low-income first generation students for college. Using data from over 50
students, counselors, teachers, and administrators, they found NAI successful in ―un-
tracking‖ students and enabling them to attend college. For example, over 60% attended
four-year research universities, and over 90% went on to some other form of higher
education. Though it is apparent that NAI was successful in retaining and graduating
underrepresented students, research has not been conducted on the specific parts of the
16
NAI program that provide success for the most underrepresented population of all
minority students.

Statement of the Problem
According to a 2004 review of Black male college enrollment reported by
MSNBC U.S News on Race and Ethnicity, there is an ever-widening gap between Black
male college enrollees and their female and White counterparts. Twenty years ago,
according to the Washington D.C.-based American Council on Education‘s (A.C.E.)
―Annual Status Report on Minorities in Higher Education," 30% of African American
male high school graduates (ages 18 to 24) were enrolled in college, compared to 28% of
same-age black females, and 41% of White males. Now, some 37% of Black men are
enrolled, compared to 42 % of African American women and 44.5 percent of White
males. The graduation rate of black men is lower than that of any group. Only 35% of
Black male enrollees graduated within six years from N.C.A.A. Division I colleges in
1996, compared with 59% of White males, 46% of Hispanic men, 41% of American
Indian males, and 45% of the Black women who entered the same year (Alexander,
2004). With these alarming statistics, it is imperative to determine which components of
PCOP‘s provide access to college for African American males. This is what the present
student attempts to discover.
Research has consistently shown that academic preparation is an important
predictor of college enrollment and success (Perna & Titus, 2005); however, studies
continue to show that high schools serving economically disadvantaged racial/ethnic
17
minorities are less likely to focus on rigorous, standards-based instruction (McDonough
& Fann, 2007). Consequently, this population of students lack sufficient preparation for
college; feel less confident in their ability to earn a college degree; and perform less well
on academic tasks (Strayhorn, 2009). With such a disparity between what economically
disadvantaged students are receiving and what they actually need to be successful, this
section will highlight three of the ways PCOPs prepare students for college. PCOPs assist
students in preparing for college in at least three ways, offering (a) rigorous college
preparatory classes; (b) counseling and mentoring assistance; and (c) financial support
and obtaining information concerning financial assistance.
First, PCOPs offer students rigorous college preparatory classes, matched with
adequate support services (Hagedorn, 2002). For instance, in some programs, students
engage in educationally purposeful activities such as academic tutoring, note taking, field
trips, and guest lectures about preparing for college life (Fashola, 1997; Gandara, 2001;
Swanson, 1993). This intentional balance of rigor and support is a direct correlation to
Sanfords (1966) notion of challenge and support, which will be introduced later in
Chapter Two.
Second, many PCOPs include counseling and mentoring assistance (Gandara,
2002; Hagedorn, 2002; Nora, 2002); such support may be provided through peer or adult
mentors. Typically, the role of the mentor is to offer advice based on the experience of
having successfully navigated the collegiate environment, or some part thereof. The NAI
program is unique in that it provides this type of mentorship for students. Additionally,
the students who serve as mentors are those who have participated in NAI as well.
18
Thirdly, providing much-needed education on how to access financial support
and obtain information about financial aid is another goal of many PCOPs (Swail, 2002).
Whereas programs are certainly useful and believed to be effective (Villalpando, 2005),
very little empirical evidence exists to guide programs in the adoption of specific
components that prove helpful to students. Thus the purpose of my research is to
determine which components of the NAI program provide success for African American
males in their preparation for college.
Although we know a good deal about the character and nature of early
intervention or PCOPs in general (Swail, 2002; Tierney, 2002), we know relatively little
about the efficacy of PCOPs (Coles, 1999; Gandara, 1998; Perna, 2002). Most programs
are designed to expose students to college level work, to promote retention rates for first-
year students, bridge gap high school and college, raise academic achievement level,
these characteristics vary with regard to the nature of each program (Perna, 2002). And
though the existing literature is valuable, several limitations exist. First, as Corwin,
Colyar, and Tierney (2005) have pointed out, ―college preparation programs cannot be all
things to all people. All activities are not equal and some activities will be more effective
than others‖ (p. 2). Yet, there is very little evaluative data on what really works in college
preparation programs. Second, scholars have justifiably emphasized the experiences of
racially/ethnically diverse students or students from low-income families who participate
in PCOPs, whereas little attention has been given to the PCOP experiences of those who
live at the intersection of both of these worlds such as low-income, first-generation
African American males, who, on average, face multiple disadvantages that affect their
19
preparation for college (Strayhorn, 2006; Walpole, 2007). Thus, more information is
needed about (a) whether and how PCOPs facilitate college readiness for participants and
(b) the specific role that PCOPs play in enabling African American males to prepare for
college. This is the gap that the present study attempts to fill.
Perna, (2002) conducted a survey to identify the characteristics of pre-college
outreach programs. Of the 1,100 programs included in her analysis, 77% (851 programs)
targeted students from low-socioeconomic backgrounds, but only 8.7% of these programs
participants were in elementary school when they began the program. Although 74.4% of
programs had a component designed for parents, only 23.5% of these programs mandated
parent participation. Indeed, coordinating with parents was the most frequently cited
problem for those programs targeting low-socioeconomic students. Almost 30% of
respondents to Perna‘s (2002) survey identified this as a challenge.
In aligning the purpose of this study with the findings of Perna (2002), The NAI
program is unique in that it provides outreach to elementary aged youth in an effort to
recruit them for involvement upon entering their 7
th
-grade year of middle school as well
as requiring and focusing on a parental involvement and educational component, and is
therefore different than most programs of its kind. Table 1, below, illustrates the services
provided by outreach program components and provides an overview of what most
PCOPs provide with regard to their programmatic components and overall educational
targets.

20
Table 1
Outreach Program Services
Program Component Typical Services Provided Example
Counseling/awareness:
Disseminates information;
provides advising and
counseling
Advising and counseling,
application assistance,
workshops, campus visits,
test preparation classes
College Access Centers: Helps
Center walk-ins to identify,
apply for and select a college
and secure financial assistance

Academic Support: Prepares
students to take and succeed in
college –level course work

Academic courses, test
preparation, summer
programs, academic
advising, tutoring,
workshops

Upward Bound: Provides after-
school and summer instruction
to low-income high school
students on a college campus

Personal and social enrichment:
Helps students‘ to build
confidence, motivation, and
awareness of strengths and
weaknesses

Leadership, social and
professional skills
development seminars,
field trips, peer groups,
cultural activities

Puente: Provides a 2-year
college prep English class,
college counselor, and mentor
to mostly Latino high school
students

Parental involvement: Assists
parents with learning about
college and supporting
students‘ goals and activities

Orientation activities,
volunteer opportunities,
awareness programs and
workshops for parents

GEAR UP (CSU San Marcos
Project): Offers nine-week
program for parents at the
Parent Institute for Quality
Education

Mentoring: Provides one-on-
one personalized guidance and
role models

Mentoring, tutoring,
workshops, cultural
programming, field trips,
peer learning groups

I Have a Dream (IHAD):
Provides a long-term program
of mentoring, tutoring and
enrichment for low-income
students

Career-based outreach: Links
academic preparation to college
majors, career goals, and long-
term career planning

College preparatory
courses, career planning
and counseling, tutoring,
field trips

Mathematics, Engineering,
Science Achievement
(MESA): Prepares students in
grades 7-12 for math-based
majors

Financial assistance: Provides
college scholarships and/or
helps students apply for and
secure money for college

Advising and counseling,
workshops, scholarship
application assistance, and
scholarships and grants

Daniels College Prep and
Scholarship Program: Provides
scholarships, preparatory
workshops and summer
programs to low-income
students
Source: Cunningham, Redmond and Merisotis 2003, Gullatt and Jan 2002, and The College Board 2001
21
Colleges and universities have invested substantial amounts of time and resources
in establishing ―pipeline programs‖ or precollege support programs that provide
opportunities for enhancing students‘ preparation for the academic and social life of
college. Specifically, I researched and identified which components of the Neighborhood
Academic Initiative (NAI) facilitate college preparedness for low-income, first generation
African American males. In 2001, the National Center for Educational Statistics
published a study of outreach programs around the United States that identified programs
and practices (or components) that demonstrated an increase in the college-going rates of
underserved students. Academic support, parental involvement, and financial assistance
were deemed some of the critical areas that enhanced college going amongst this
population, and are components of the NAI program that I will research through
interviews of parents, students and administrators of the NAI.

Purpose of the Study
Drawing on Sanford‘s (1962) notions of challenge and support, the purpose of
this qualitative study was to discover and understand whether and how the Neighborhood
Academic Initiative (NAI), at the University of Southern California, helped low-income,
first-generation African American men prepare for college. At this stage in the research,
the terms ―college preparedness‖ and ―college readiness,‖ often used interchangeably in
the literature (Tierney, 2005), will be generally defined as having the requisite skills and
knowledge that are necessary for success in college across five areas: ―(a) academic
preparation, (b) access to college planning information and navigational strategies, (c)
22
development of self-efficacy and college-going aspirations, (d) strategies for socialization
and acculturation, and (e) financial aid and financial planning skills‖ (Corwin, 2005, p.
4). Consistent with the rhetoric of qualitative research, this definition is not rigid and set,
but tentative and evolving throughout the study based on information from participants.
A single research question guided this study:
What components of the Neighborhood Academic Initiative (NAI) facilitate
college preparedness for low-income, first-generation African American males?

Significance of the Study
This study is likely to be significant for several campus constituencies. One group
that might benefit from the results of this study includes those who work in precollege or
early intervention programs that are comparable to NAI (e.g., GEAR UP, Upward
Bound). The results of this study may provide program officers with data about various
program components that prove effective in enabling African American men to prepare
for college. Program staff might use the results to examine the effect of the types of
activities they offer to students.
The present study also has significance for future research. For example, this
study explores the role of PCOPs, specifically the NAI, in preparing African American
male youths for college. Future studies, one of which is currently underway (Benjamin,
2010), might examine how parental involvement in NAI or mentoring affects students‘
college readiness. Such studies would expand on the information available about pre-
college outreach programs.
23
There are other implications for future research. For example, Tierney and Jun
(2001) used ethnographic interviews, focus groups, observations, document analysis, and
life histories of students to study the NAI, however they focused specifically on the
effectiveness of the program for a general sample of students. The present study, on the
other hand, focuses exclusively on the benefits that accrue to African American males as
a result of participating in the program. In this way, the current analysis breaks new
ground on the role that PCOPs play in preparing African American males for college.
Finally, this study has significance for future policy decisions. The results may
provide policymakers with information about the quality of PCOPs and specific program
elements that effectively increase students‘ preparedness for postsecondary education.
Policymakers might use this information when making decisions about which programs
to fund, expand, or reduce.

Delimitations
As with all research, the present study has several initial delimitations. The first
delimitation revolves around the sample. All participants in this study attended the same
PCOP—namely, the University of Southern California‘s Neighborhood Academic
Initiative (NAI). It is possible that the students in this program differ in some important
ways from students in other PCOPs, such as Upward Bound or Gear Up. If so, this might
influence the results in some unforeseen manner and also limit the generalizability of
findings. Since generalizability is rarely the goal of qualitative research study, the latter
should be interpreted with that understanding. Despite these initial delimitations, the
24
study is worthwhile as it represents the first attempt to identify individual program
elements that promote students‘ success and how each contributes to the college
preparedness of low-income, first-generation African American males.

Organization of the Study
The present study is organized around five chapters. Chapter One introduced the
topic of the study, the research questions, and the significance of the study. The second
chapter reviews the literature relevant to the study. Chapter Three describes the
methodology of the study, including the sampling techniques and the procedures used to
collect and analyze the data. The fourth chapter describes the results of the study while
the final chapter discusses those results and their implications for future practice,
research, and policy.
25
Chapter Two
Literature Review
The purpose of this qualitative study was to discover and understand whether and
how the Neighborhood Academic Initiative (NAI), at the University of Southern
California, helped low-income, first-generation African American men prepare for
college. Additionally, the terms ―college preparedness‖ and ―college readiness‖ (Tierney,
2005) will be defined generally as having the skills and knowledge identified in five areas
as introduced in the previous chapter: academic preparation; access to college planning
information and navigational strategies; development of self efficacy and college going
aspirations; strategies for socialization and acculturation and financial planning skills
(Tierney et al., 2005). Academic preparation is key to student success. With regard to
college preparation, this effort includes providing students with rigorous college
preparatory curriculum. According to Perna (2002) the pursuit of a rigorous college
preparatory curriculum, along with family engagement (involvement), may well be the
most important factor in preparing student to move successfully from high school to
postsecondary education. The researchers go on to discuss how engaging families,
especially parents, in encouragement (precollege outreach programs) so that they can be
sources of information and encouragement for their students has a strong positive effect.
Providing students with access to college planning information and navigational
strategies has been another way of assisting students in achieving through college
(Tierney et al., 2005). Additionally, advising students about getting into college track
courses, and negotiating the college choice process for students so that they are familiar
26
with navigating the strategies and connecting with resources to assist them through
college is yet another key factor in achieving success for college students (Tierney et al.,
2005).
According to Tierney et al. (2005), counselors can have an important positive
impact on students self efficacy, if they are available and are knowledgeable sources of
information about fostering college aspirations. Having knowledge of the factors that
contribute toward students success is critical in that in assists in providing a useful
roadmap for parents, educators, policy makers, mentors and all others involved in
establishing and sustaining strong precollege outreach programs. While the information
provided by Tierney et al. (2005) is beneficial in creating a formula for success for
students, there were some gaps in their literature as it relates to my study in determining
what components of pre-college programs provide success for African American males.
For example, whereas a great deal of the literature described the importance of
underrepresented students taking part in college preparatory courses to prepare them for
college, much of the research states that this same population of students are less likely to
be successful in more demanding courses, such as college preparation courses (Tierney &
Hagedorn, n.d.). This finding sends a very mixed message in stating that these programs
are instrumental in providing success, yet underrepresented students struggle in these
courses. Additionally, there was no mention of how low-income first generation students
perform in precollege programs that provide free access to college or strong financial
support verses those that provide partial or no financial assistance. In researching the NAI
program at USC, which provides full tuition for up to five years for those who complete
27
the program, this would have been interesting to see the differences in student persistence
if any. As noted in Chapter One, the following research question guided this study:
What components of the Neighborhood Academic Initiative (NAI) facilitate
college preparedness for low-income, first-generation African American males?
To conduct this study, I found it essential to examine literature on precollege
outreach programs (PCOPs), with particular emphasis on the nature of PCOPs and
examples of effective PCOP programs, as identified in Chapter One. The purpose of this
literature review is to explore the experiences (e.g., challenge and support systems) of
African American men navigating through the pipeline of Higher Education. Throughout
this review of literature I will provide an overview of African American males in higher
education. Next, I will present an overview of program effectiveness and what others had
to say concerning the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) PCOPs. In the
third section, I will discuss the effects of parent involvement, particularly within
academic achievement and college preparation as well as the role of the administrator. I
will then introduce the theoretical construct of Sanford‘s Challenge and Support (1966)
and Tinto‘s (1993) interactionalist‘s theory of student departure in an effort to identify
the relationship between the theoretical frameworks and the major components of the
NAI.

African American Males in Higher Education
Studies show there are more African American males in prison than there are in
America‘s colleges and universities making up an alarming 40% of the prison population
28
(Kunjufu, 1993). Nationally, African American male youth score lower than any other
group on standardized tests and are three times more likely than their Caucasian
counterparts to be misplaced in special education; tracked into less demanding classes;
and are less likely to be promoted to the next grade particularly in elementary school
(Jackson, 1975). The dropout rate for African American young males is
disproportionately higher than that of other ethnic groups, and they are suspended and or
expelled from school at a higher rate than any other ethnic group. Only 3 out of 100 black
males who enter kindergarten will graduate from college as this population of students
remains underrepresented at all levels in higher education holding one of the lowest
overall educational attainment rates of any major ethnic group in the United States
(Hoffman et al., 2003).
With such shockingly alarming statistics, it is no secret that amongst urban and
poor African American males, a crisis is upon us— referred to in the literature as the
African American Male Crisis (Reglin, 1994). Although many institutions of higher
education seek to recruit and retain African American men, there is an evident barrier
between this population of students and the educational pipeline. Though a plethora of
research exists that examines various aspects of academic success, engagement and
retention of students in general (Strayhorn, 2008), few studies focus solely on these
intended outcomes with regard to African American males. It is important to note that
having an understanding of what this population of students traditionally faces on college
campuses gives an opportunity for PCOPs to meet their needs. This study attempts to
29
identify ways in which the NAI program is successful or not in preparing these students
for college.
The scarcity of Black collegians warrants an assumption that there were no co-
curricular activities for these men, especially with persons of the same race (Bowles &
DeCosta, 1971). Fraternities were some of the first organizations that allowed for African
American males to find comfort in institutions of higher education. After an examination
of the fraternity system, a group of Black college men established Alpha Phi Alpha
Fraternity, Incorporated in December, 1906 to provide Black students with fraternal
support and educational enrichment (Wesley, 1961) thus creating the Black fraternal
movement. Focusing primarily on scholarship and achievement, these organizations
served to expose Black students to fuller collegiate experiences. With the hard work,
diligence and sacrifice exuded by Historically Black Greek Lettered Organizations
(HBGLOs) and educators, one may contemplate how over a century later, African
American males continue to face difficulty in successfully accessing their position in the
educational pipeline. Today, Black men represent the exact same proportion of all
students enrolled in American colleges as they did in 1976 (U.S. Department of
Education, 2006). Of approximately 15 million undergraduate students in the United
States, less than 5% are Black men (U.S. Department of Education, 2006). These
statistics raise the question of why the disproportionate numbers of African American
males still exist in higher education, despite the successes of HBGLOs in assisting this
population through college since the early 1900s with the Black Fraternal Movement.
While HBGLOs have been found to contribute to the positive experience African
30
American students have on predominantly White campuses (PWIs), African American
male fraternity members‘ cumulative grade point averages frequently contradict their
espoused commitments to academic achievement as members somehow fail to connect
active participation to quantifiable evidence of success in the college classroom (Harper,
2008).
Harper (2000) found that HBGLOs typically fell in the bottom tier of all sororities
and fraternities listed on official academic standings reports retrieved from multiple
PWI‘s in different parts of the country. Upon analyzing data from 24 institutions and 119
HBGLO undergraduate chapters, he discovered that nearly 92% of all the chapters had
grade point averages well below the all-Greek averages on their campuses, including all
social fraternities and sororities (traditionally White chapters) on the campuses. In his
review, Harper (2000) suggested that excessive programming, chapter commitments,
extreme involvement in other organizations, and poor advising from Greek Life offices
on their campuses were causes of their dismal academic performance. Though these
organizations offer a great sense of support for African American men and provide them
with a sense of engagement and networking, these organizations have not assisted in
filling the gap for students with regard to providing African American males with success
academically through their college experiences at PWIs.
In an effort to investigate the determinants of student attrition in institutions of
higher education, Bean (1980) developed a causal model that synthesized research
findings on turnover in work organizations and on student attrition. Questionnaires were
distributed to university freshmen (n = 1,171). The data was analyzed using multiple
31
regression and path analysis. Findings indicated that three surrogate measures for pay
were significantly related to intent to leave for both sexes and that the theories and
determinants developed in research on turnover are useful in studies of student attrition.
Bean (1980) asserts that students come to college with certain attitudes and expectations,
which are validated or disproved through their college experiences and interactions with
others. Though Bean (1980) did not define what those attitudes and expectations were,
he did discuss the notion that as students interact with the institution, they begin to
perceive objective measures such as grade point average or belonging to a campus
organization as well as subjective measures such as the practical value of education and
the quality of the institution (p. 160).
In an effort to extend Bean‘s (1980) work, Strayhorn (2008) sought to add a
missing component to the student success literature base by applying quantitative
methods to a relatively large sample (n = 231) of African American men to test the
importance of supportive relationships with peers, faculty and staff on academic success
and overall satisfaction with college as it relates to retention. Three research questions
guided the study:
(a) What is the relationship between supportive relationships and academic
achievement in college for Black men?
(b) What is the relationship between supportive relationships and satisfaction with
college for Black men?
(c) What is the relationship between supportive relationships and satisfaction with
college for Black men, controlling for differences in background (i.e., age,
marital status, classification, parents education, and aspirations) and college
grades? (Strayhorn, 2008).

Nearly 52% of the sample was 19 years or younger, with 35% of the sample
between the age 20-23. A total of 93% of the participants were single, with 51%
32
representing first-year students, 13% sophomores, 20% juniors, and 15% seniors. Using
the College Student Experiences Questionnaire (CSEQ) (Pace, 1984), the data analysis
proceeded in three stages. First, descriptive statistics were used to calculate the means
and standard deviations for all independent and dependent variables included in the
analysis. Second, ordinary least squares regression tests were employed to measure the
simultaneous relationship between supportive relationships, academic achievement, and
satisfaction with college among African American men, finally, hierarchical linear
regression tests were conducted to test whether statistically significant linkages between
supportive relationships and satisfaction with college persist in the face of statistical
controls (Strayhorn, 2008). Strayhorn adjusted the estimates of the effects downward,
thereby increasing his ability to isolate the true, net effect. His findings concluded that
having a strong support person(s) was positively related with satisfaction in college for
Black men, despite differences in age, marital status, year in college and grades.
Some older studies similar to that of Strayhorn (2008) in allowing students to self
report their level of satisfaction on college campuses, include work by both Pascarella
(2001) and Kuh (2001). Though not focusing specifically on African American males,
the intent of the studies were relative to that of Strayhorn‘s (2008) study. Pascarella‘s
(2001) study discusses how student self reported gains or growth during college have
become prominent dependent variables in much of the college impact research. Kuh‘s
(2001) work on the National Survey of Student Engagement (NSEE) provides
benchmarks for first-year and senior students for various types of institutions. The benefit
is that it allows schools to readily identify areas where their students are performing
33
above or below the baseline typical of schools like them (Kuh, 2001). Each of these
programs provides students with the opportunity to assess or report their own feelings
and experiences with satisfaction on their campuses.
In conclusion, with all things being equal (age, marital status, and parents‘
educational level), an African American male who reports frequent, positive relationships
with individuals on campus has a higher level of satisfaction with college, on average
(Strayhorn, 2008). One may deduce that when students perceive their educational
environment to be inclusive, supportive of their academic and social development, and
transparent with regard to their performance expectations they are more likely to succeed
(Kuh 2001; Pascarella, 2001).
The literature suggests that African American students seek active out of class
learning experiences, and gain as much, if not more, than White students engaged in
similar types of activities. DeSousa and Kuh (1996) conducted a comparative study
amongst 1,200 students attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs)
and Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) in an effort to assess whether or not racial
composition on the college campuses made a difference or impact in what African
American students gained from their collegiate experience. Involvement in academic
activities had a greater impact on the overall experience of students attending the HBCU,
while social engagement was more important for the African American students
attending the PWI. It is important to note, that these out-of-class and peer interactions
have a positive effect on Black student learning and personal development. Pascarella
and Terenzini (1991) synthesized empirical data in reviewing over 2,600 studies in order
34
to determine how students change and benefit as a consequence of attending college. The
researchers did not, however, take into consideration racial and ethnic identities.
Involvement in African American student organizations provides students an important
means with which to connect with Black faculty outside the classroom, which has been
found to be important to academic achievement and persistence (Pascarella & Terenzini,
1991); similar results have been reported for Black men in college (Cuyjet, 2006; Harper,
2003; Palmer, 2008).
One of the most recent studies conducted by Harper and Quaye (2007) identified
ways in which membership in student organizations, predominantly Black and
mainstream, provided space for Black identity expression and development amongst
African American college men. The researchers conducted individual interviews with 32
African American students attending six PWIs in the Midwest. These institutions
included University of Illinois, Indiana University, University of Michigan, Michigan
State University, The Ohio State University, and Purdue University. The six schools
were similar in terms of size, age, reputation, and selectivity, collectively enrolled more
than 189,000 undergraduates, and were all classified as Doctoral/Research Universities-
Extensive by the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching (2000). The
researchers contacted key administrators on the six campuses (i.e., deans, vice presidents,
and directors of campus programs) to identify high-achieving African American male
students leaders who had earned a cumulative grade point average above a 3.0 on a 4.0
scale; established lengthy records of leadership and involvement in multiple campus
organizations; earned the admiration of their peers (as determined by peer elections to
35
campus positions); developed meaningful relationships with faculty and high-ranking
campus administrators; participated in enriching educational experiences (e.g., study
abroad programs, internships, learning communities and summer research programs); and
earned numerous awards and honors for their college achievements (p. 32). Using these
criteria, the 32 men identified and selected for participation in this study included 4
sophomores, 12 juniors and 16 seniors, all between the ages of 18 and 22, with a mean
GPA of 3.2, and all identified as single with no dependents. The backgrounds of the
students ranged from single-family homes to two-parent homes where 13 of the men
reported neither of their parents attended college.
Based on the interviews conducted with these students, the findings revealed a
nexus between Black identity status, the selection of venues for out-of-class engagement,
and the use of student organizations as platforms for racial uplift and the advocacy of
racial/ethnic minority student interests. Moreover, the acquisition of cross-cultural
communication skills, the development of care for other disenfranchised groups, and the
pursuit of social justice via leadership and student organization membership were
reported by the participants. Though many of the students found opportunities for this
type of cultural identity development in the mainstream and majority White student
organizations, the predominantly Black groups offered them an ―alternative platform
through which to address Black issues, connect with other African American students and
initiate dialogue and programming without the feeling of tokenism‖ (Harper & Quaye,
2007, p. 142). Aspects of this study compare to Bean‘s (1980) notion of students coming
to college with certain attitudes and expectations based on their interactions with others.
36
For example, Quay and Harper (2007) contend that the onus is typically placed on
African American males to make classroom environments culturally engaging and the
material they learn culturally relevant. These men come into the college environment
with attitudes and expectations such as having to prove themselves in the classroom and
working harder than their white counterparts.
Harper and Quaye (2007) are the only researchers to compare the experiences of
African American males at similar PWIs in an effort to study Black identity expression
and development amongst African American college men. Having an understanding of
the ways in which African American males are able to address issues that face only them
on college campuses, and providing opportunities to connect with other African
American students without the socialized pressure of feeling like a token— or, the only
African American to represent the entire community— is key in enhancing the
experiences of this already underrepresented and disenfranchised student population.
Using real-life examples, Tatem (2003) discusses the development of racial
identity through the stories of those she has interviewed and her own experiences. In an
effort to extend the discussion of race beyond African Americans and Whites, she
discusses the unique circumstances of Latinos, American Indians, Asians, and biracial
youth. She points out that for people of color, the development of a constructive racial
identity requires being able to recognize and reject the bombardments of negative
stereotypes and to embrace a history of resistance and empowerment rather than passive
victimization. For Whites, the challenge is to engage in a process of racial identity
development which leads to an awareness of White privilege and a determination to
37
actively work against injustice. Dominant groups, by definition, set the parameters within
which the subordinates operate. The dominant group holds the power and authority in
society relative to the subordinates and determines how that power and authority may be
acceptably used (Tatem, 2003). This dominant/subordinate dynamic many times causes
students of color to feel less important on college campuses whereas their self efficacy
and ability to feel connected are impacted (Tatem, 2003). In thinking about ways in
which African American males are able to succeed in college, it is important to note that
the socialized discomfort and pressure of constantly representing their culture while
balancing trying to fit in on college campuses has a great impact on their social and
academic development (Harper, 2007).
Watson and Kuh (1996), in a study of African American students attending
predominantly African American and predominantly White liberal arts institutions,
assessed student involvement and educational gains. The authors found that African
American students, regardless of institutional environment, spent more time than White
students at predominantly White institutions utilizing campus facilities and participating
in clubs and organizations. The rationale offered is that for White students, off-campus
options are more readily available than for Black students. In environments such as these,
there were very few outlets for Black culture beyond the campus clubs and organizations.
Therefore, what is offered or not offered on college campuses is critical in providing a
sense of belonging and decreasing the feeling of being a token representative of the Black
community. Watson and Kuh‘s (1996) findings are in direct relation to that of Tatem
(2003), Desousa and Kuh (1996) and Harper and Quaye (2007) in that African American
38
students seek opportunities to develop socially on majority White campuses. Identity
expression, feeling valued and not tokenized, having opportunities to interact with faculty
and staff of color and being involved in culturally based organizations are some of the
ways African American males find their way on campuses where they are
underrepresented.
In a study by Sutton and Kimbrough (2001) designed to examine trends in
African American student involvement within traditional campus organizations at PWIs,
the researchers used the Student Involvement and Leadership Scale (Kimbrough, 1995),
which measures student involvement in numerous types of organizations both on and off
campus. The Likert-type scale for the Student Involvement and Leadership Scale
produced a reliability measurement of .77 (Kimbrough, 1995). The instrument also
provided general demographic data on the population studied, including (a) gender, (b),
academic classification, (c) age, and (d) grade point average. The data were drawn from a
study of Black student involvement and leadership development, with an emphasis on
Greek membership. The facilitators were provided 100 surveys, each to be distributed to
50 Black students who were members of Greek lettered organizations and 50 Black
students who were non-Greek. A total of 989 instruments were actually distributed to
Black students (restricted to at least sophomore standing) at both HBCUs and PWIs in
seven southern states. Of the 405 completed and returned instruments (41% return rate),
96% was usable. Results of the study showed that 85% perceived themselves as leaders.
The results of the study further indicate that minority student organizations
remain the primary venue for involvement among Black students, although the
39
participation of minority students within traditional campus organizations has increased
at PWIs. ―The results also indicated that Black students at PWI‘s who are Greek
maintained a higher grade point average than non-Greek‖ (Sutton & Kimbrough, p. 35).
On the whole Black institutions were found to promote student development, both
intellectually and interpersonally (Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). Establishing a link to
minority students‘ organizations is essential to helping high school students meet the
challenges they will face in the university setting; therefore, a significant factor to look
for would be exposure to groups they could join on campus.
Administrators, scholars, faculty, and students continue to actively discuss the
socioeconomic and educational plight of African American males and their declining
enrollment and retention in and graduation from higher education (Roach, 2001).
Evidence suggests that the decision of traditional-age African American males to drop
out of college may be caused by several factors including: lack of financial aid
(Strayhorn, 2008; Walpole, 2007); sociocultural challenges (Polite, 1999), and
institutional incompatibility (Wilson, 1996). Energy that students normally would expend
on their academics goes into dealing with negative stereotypes of the Black race (Steele,
1997, 2000). The social-psychological threat that arises when one is in a situation for
which a negative stereotype about one‘s group applies. These individuals many times are
placed in predicaments where they are being judged or stereotyped based on their group
and often times conform to that actual stereotype. The stereotype threat is a situational
threat, a threat in the air that in general form can affect the members of any group about
whom a negative stereotype exists (Steele, 1997). For African American males, who have
40
been stereotyped as underperformers in the classroom, the stereotype profoundly relevant
to their academic success and many times manifests as a self-fulfilling prophecy. With
African American males having the lowest retention rate of all ethnicities, it is imperative
to understand ways in which to engage them and break these stereotypes. Initial
recommendations to address the plight of traditional age African American male college
students include paying increased attention to mentoring, as mentors have the potential of
assisting Black males in negotiating the enormous intricacies of the higher education
pipeline (Wilson, 2000). These healthy and intentional mentorship relationships can aid
in negating the stereotypes placed on African American males thus contributing to the
success rate of this population in the pipeline of higher education.
According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2001), the number of African American
males who are age 25 and over enrolled in college has increased from 143,000 in 1990 to
335,000 in 2000. With such an increase in population over the last decade it is imperative
for institutions of higher learning to research and develop opportunities for support of
these students. Institutions must continue to assess the campus environment for
opportunities to expand the traditions and activities on the campus toward greater
inclusiveness (Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pedersen, & Allen, 1999). Three main strategies
help to support this population: (a) peer support in classes as an incentive for their
learning; (b) faculty-student relationships; and (c) extra-curricular activities (Bean &
Metzner, 1985). Implementing these strategies into the fabric of today‘s college
campuses can assist African American males through their collegiate experiences and
enhance the overall performance of this underrepresented population. These strategies are
41
critical to the purpose of my study in determining what components of PCOPs provide
success for African American males.
Nettles, Theony, and Gosman (1986) compared college student performance of
African American and White students and came to the conclusion that the most important
aspect for students were related to the student-environment fit as measured by the
student‘s feelings: nondiscriminatory, academic integration, student satisfaction, peer
group relations and interfering problems‖ (p. 306). In this study, the quality of the college
experience was measured by the abovementioned institutional factors. One may deduce
from the study that the observed interactions between student satisfaction and race, peer
relations, and interfering problems make obvious the need for greater sensitivity on the
part of colleges and universities to the unique needs of African American students
(Nettles et al., 1986). Nettles et al.‘s (1986) findings are important, as this present study
attempts to highlight specifically what components of a PCOP meets the unique needs of
African American males as they navigate the pipeline of higher education.
After a methodical review of the literature regarding the factors that impact the
educational success of African American males, this researcher noted a repetitious body
of emergent themes. African American males, though savvy in developing and
identifying coping strategies within the classroom such as connecting with peers,
reaching out to faculty, and participating in extracurricular activities, as introduced by
(Bean & Metzner, 1985), have been found resistant in utilizing these strategies for fear
that they may not appear masculine.
42
Holland (1991) developed a program, ―Project 2000,‖ as a means for African
American adult males to provide mentorship to elementary-aged African American males
to end violence, and to increase the high school and college-going rate of African
American males. In an article designed to outline the scope and vision of the Project 2000
program, Holland (1991) asserts that a main reason for the alienation and poor academic
performance of some African American males is that they perceive most schooling
activities as irrelevant to their masculine identity and development. Institutions of higher
education must challenge their multicultural competency, as well as their ability to create
learning environments for all types of students to develop. Holland‘s study is a prime
example of the importance of African American males being exposed to African
American male mentors who can lead by example that being academically focused is not
a feminine trait.
According to the summer 2008 NASPA Leadership Exchange Magazine (Harper
& Gary, 2008), in the largest ever empirical research study of Black undergraduate men,
data were collected from close to 225 students at 42 colleges and universities in 20 states
across the country. Six different institutional types were represented in the study: private
liberal arts colleges, public research universities, highly selective private research
universities, comprehensive state universities as well as both public and private
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). Student leaders and professionals
assisted Harper in locating African American male undergraduates who had earned over a
3.0 cumulative average, established extraordinary leadership in multiple student
organizations, and developed meaningful relationships with campus administrators. As a
43
result of this research, Harper found that students who had spent up to four or more years
on campus had many times not been asked about the qualitative realities of their
experiences and were denied opportunities to reflect on what they learned and the ways
that programs, interventions and people added value to their lives as college students.
One may deduce that having a lack of African American males on their college campuses
to serve as mentors may have contributed to this dynamic.
Not having the opportunity to reflect on personal development may have provided
the students with a disservice. These young men, had to create for themselves other
opportunities for satisfying their desire of reflecting on their qualitative realities. Having
knowledge of the specific components of PCOPs that assist this population of collegiate
men in achieving success in college can assist the various partners on college campuses
including but not limited to fraternities, clubs and organizations, recreational sports, and
within academics. Implementing these components will in turn assist in developing a
more positive experience and attitude toward their overall collegiate experience. The
aforementioned review of literature exposed key components that have been proven
critical in providing African American males with success in their collegiate experiences
regardless of institution type. Those components include:
(a) providing a safe space for African American males to discuss their experiences
(Harper and Quaye, 2007);
(b) creating an environment sensitive to the unique needs of African American
males where they are encouraged to reflect on the experiences, resources and
44
individuals who impacted and enhanced their collegiate experience (DeSousa and
Kuh, 1996);
(c) having professional staff to cultivate leadership in this demographic of
students to grow mentors who are then able to serve as peer mentors to African
American males who follow them (Strayhorn, 2008); and
(d) being culturally competent in challenging African American males about the
importance of expression both in and out of the classroom and breaking down the
notion that these traits are non-masculine (Holland, 1991). The next section will
provide an overview of effective programs geared toward assisting and supporting
African American collegiate males.

Program Effectiveness
Although scholars have studied precollege outreach programs (PCOP) (Gandara,
2002; Swail, 2001; Tierney, 2005) and the experiences of Black men in higher education
(Bonner, 2001; Cuyjet, 2006; Fries-Britt, 1998; Harper, 2003; Strayhorn, 2008), no
studies were readily uncovered that examined the role of PCOPs in enhancing the college
readiness of African American males. It is important to have adequate data about what
programs work, and if they work, how they can be replicated (Tierney & Jun, 1999). In
this section, I will provide examples of what researchers consider effective programs.
Next, I will discuss the components that have been found effective in serving urban
minority youth. Finally, I will point out the PCOP‘s that researchers have deemed
45
successful for underrepresented students, highlighting specific effective components of
the Neighborhood Academic Initiative.
According to Tierney and Hagedorn (2002), in 1999, the College Board in
association with The Education Resources Institute (TERI) and the Council for
Opportunity in Education (COE), designed and administered the National Survey of
Outreach Programs. Yielding usable responses from 1,110 programs nationwide, with
programs ranging from all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, Guam, and
Micronesia, 57% of the responding programs were based at a college or university, 16%
at school, and 13% were housed within the community. The survey was designed to (a)
provide detailed information about all types of early intervention programs, and to help
practitioners, researchers, policymakers; (b) provide backbone for a web-based
searchable database system for public use; and (c) create a network to be used to develop
and strengthen partnerships between programs. In addition to the survey, a series of
focus groups were held around the country with program administrators to provide a
more focused discussion with program directors and other personnel about the issues and
challenges facing education and early intervention programs.
Tierney and Hagedorn (2002) point out that in the half dozen focus groups,
involving over 100 program directors across the nation, the following themes emerged
when talking about essential elements of successful outreach endeavors:
a. Clear, focused mission and vision. Early intervention programs need to be
clear about the desired outcomes of student participation and must be tightly
46
focused and operate in a systematic, efficient manner to maximize their effect
on student learning and preparation.
b. Start early. Programs need to start early, well before high school, if possible.
c. Motivate students. Students must be motivated and committed to work hard.
Perhaps the most critical intervention a program can make is to orient youth to
long-term goals and the importance of a strong work ethic.
d. Involve Parents. Parent involvement sends a clear message to the student.
Unfortunately, the most at-risk populations appear to have the least support at
home however. The participants consistently described the challenges
associated with their parental programs, particularly with regard to keeping
parents interested and involved.
e. Collaborative. The best run programs are those that work closely with school
and district administrators to link the programs with school curricula and
schedules.
f. Sustain Funding. Whereas funders are interested in providing enough funding
for programs to become stable and self sufficient, program administrators are
interested in extending their external funding.
g. Practice professionalism and personal development. Program staffing is
critical to successful practice. Programs must have effective hiring strategies
to support the mission and goals of the organization. Ongoing professional
development is key in retaining the staff thus lessening high turnover rates.
47
h. Use proven practices. While research continues to provide updated
information on ―best practices‖ in precollege outreach, experience is the
primary source of information on what works. A higher level of services is
offered to students when programs collaborate or learn from one another.
Programs should not try to reinvent the wheel, but adapt proven strategies that
fit the mission and goals of their program.
i. Rely on standardized processes. Stable programs rely on standardized
processes and content, such as standardized curricula. Programs should be
developed based on the identified needs of the students, school and
community.
j. Incorporate technology. Mirroring the growing importance of technology
within society, the knowledge and use of computers and other modern
technologies is an emerging issue for many programs. Programs must build
strategic plans for purchasing, upgrading, and effectively utilizing technology.
Although most outreach programs focus on developing academic skills, more
attention must be given to developing the technological capacity that
complements knowledge acquisition.

These themes are present in the overall programmatic structure of the NAI program and
align nicely with the overall structure of the NAI program. These themes and their
alignment with the components of the NAI program are critical to this study in that it
provides support regarding the integrity and character of the NAI program. Similar to the
48
aforementioned themes, the NAI program incorporates a clear and focused mission and
vision that drives the focus and integrity of the overall program. Specifically, the NAI‘s
mission is to (a) increase the enrollment of underrepresented, qualified neighborhood
applicants at USC; (b) help ensure the success of neighborhood students in college via
rigorous academic preparation; (c) acclimation to the college environment, and special
scholarship and financial aid support; and (d) positively affect the home schools of NAI
scholars through raised awareness of collegiate opportunities and improved student
achievement (U.S.C. College Bound, 2010). Students start early by beginning their NAI
process in their middle school years; the program motivates students by providing them
with ongoing initiatives, programs as well as providing them with a peer mentor.
Additionally, the NAI program has a parent component which is mandatory, collaborates
with specific schools in the Los Angeles area, and makes a very generous donation to the
overall program as well as to the individual participants upon their enrollment to the
University by making a five-year commitment to assisting students through the USC
collegiate experience upon admittance. Finally, the NAI program practices
professionalism and personal development by having high expectations of their staff as
well as teachers who are selected for the program all while using proven practices to meet
the needs of underrepresented students and adjusting the curriculum to meet the needs of
the differing learning styles of boys and girls. It is important to point out these similarities
between the NAI program and the essential elements of successful outreach endeavors as
presented by Tierney and Hagedorn (2002) as this present study seeks to identify the
49
program components of the NAI program that helped prepare African American males
for college.
Some may argue that PCOPs are becoming too expensive (Tierney and Hagedorn,
2002), serve too few students and are too inefficient with respect to program dropout rate.
Tierney and Hagedorn (2002) suggest that because PCOPs appear to have the
components that the literature suggests are important to promote college access and
degree attainment, they are optimistic of the role of such programs. At a minimum, these
programs provide a lifeline to those students who have the potential but aren‘t getting
served as serious contenders (Tierney &Hagedorn, p. 32). The results of this study
support the notion that more systematic evidence of the positive impact that occurs from
participation in PCOPs is needed. Though informative, the current research focuses on
the notion that PCOPs assist students who have potential to attend college to do so, but is
lacking in information regarding the impact on student success that occurs from
participating in such programs. Knowing that PCOPs provide a positive impact for
students without identifying the specific characteristics and components that assist
students presents a gap in the literature which this present study attempts to fill.
According to Hyman (2004) researchers at Mathematica Policy Research, on
behalf of the U.S. Department of Education, released an evaluation of Upward Bound.
Researchers used data from a sample group of 2,800 students who were randomly
assigned to one of 67 Upward Bound projects hosted by two- and four-year colleges or to
the control group. The researchers conducted a comparative evaluation that would
estimate the impact of the program on participants. Hyman (2004) reported that, in
50
general, Upward Bound participants experienced the following positive outcomes: (a)
earned more non-remedial high school credits in math; (b) were more likely to remain in
school; (c) were more likely to receive financial aid for postsecondary education; and (d)
earned more nonremedial credits at postsecondary institutions. The report concluded that
the Upward Bound program had no overall effect on high school success (as measured by
credits earned, participation in honors or Advanced Placement courses, grade point
averages or high school graduation rates), students with lower baseline expectations did
experience some tangible gains in terms of access to four-year, rather than two-year,
institutions (Hyman, 2004). The Upward Bound program provided students with positive
outcomes in terms of what they were ―more likely‖ to accomplish but did not have data
or findings on the specific components of the program that provide success for students.
Similar to the research on PCOP‘s the findings in this study are lacking in presenting
systematic evidence of positive impacts for the students as a result of participation in the
program.
Each year the State Higher Education Executive Officers (SHEEO) provides an
annual report providing best practices for institutions of higher education and
policymakers across the nation. In a report published by Pathways (2004), the best
PCOPs offer systemic rather than programmatic services. Systematic services are
incorporated directly into the educational offerings of the public school system, whereas
programmatic responses do not reach all students and are not designed to be long term. A
programmatic intervention might offer students some after school tutoring, while a
systematic intervention develops regular tutoring sessions with teachers before and after
51
school that correspond with class and classroom curricula (Pathways, 2004).
Understanding the differences between systematic and programmatic interventions and
services helps to illustrate the importance of intentionally developing systematic
intervention to provide long term learning and consistency for students. The NAI
program falls under the systematic services approach in that it provides long term and
consistent education and support for students from middle school throughout their college
years.
These findings are in direct alignment to the literature presented earlier by
Tierney and Hagedorn (2002) in terms of developing stable programs that rely on
standardized processes and content, such as standardized curricula as highlighted in
theme 9 (Incorporate Technology) listed above. Overall, the literature reviewed in this
section highlighted the importance of infusing standardized curricula (Tierney &
Hagedorn, 2002), as well as developing a systematic intervention plan (Pathway, 2004)
that corresponds to the curricula. The NAI program uses these strategies in providing
precollegiate outreach to under-represented, low-income students. The NAI program has
five outreach strategies that seek to prepare the students they serve for college and
provide outreach to under-represented, low-income students: (a) creating a college-bound
culture; (b) implementing rigorous academic curriculum; (c) cultivating a high-quality
teaching staff; (d) providing intensive academic support; and (e) generating
parent/community involvement (U.S.C. College Bound, 2010)
Tierney and Jun (1999) conducted a study on how PCOPs impact college going
amongst underrepresented populations, noting that the components that have been
52
demonstrably effective and successful in serving urban minority youth are (a) based on
the knowledge that they hold potential for improving both academic and non-academic
skills; (b) able to create greater opportunities for historically underrepresented minority
youth to not only enroll in but graduate from college; (c) typically directed to only those
students who would not have gone to college without these services; and (d) adaptable
enough so that they can be applicable across diverse racial, ethnic, and regional
communities. In addition, they should be implemented in collaboration with other school
programs and professional activities as part of a continuum of services available, and
parental involvement and accountability must also be incorporated whenever possible.
Of the National Center for Educational Statistics (NCES) programs, such as
Upward Bound, GEAR Up, D.C.P.S.P. (Daniels College Prep and Scholarship Program),
and AVID, Tierney and Jun (1999) concluded that AVID most closely met the standards
of an effective program. The AVID programs‘ focus on the importance of college and
how students could navigate the system; training teachers to prepare the classroom with
college-going materials and motivational signs and slogans about college, while taking an
individual interest in each student and working to encourage them to attend college were
some of the noted aspects that contributed to the success of the program. The AVID
program also worked to teach students basic academic survival skills such as notetaking
and critical thinking while training students on how to navigate the college application
process.
In her qualitative review of the characteristics of programs serving historically
underrepresented groups of students, Perna (2002) surveyed over 1,100 PCOPs. In her
53
assessment of the influence that these programs had on minority, first generation, and
low-income students, Perna (2002) found that only about 8.5% of the programs actually
targeted low-income and minority elementary school students. First-generation
elementary school students were targeted in only 6% of the total programs. Only about
one third of the surveyed programs began their outreach to middle school students. As a
result of these findings, Perna (2002) identified five critical components for programs
targeting low-income, minority students to facilitate educational advancement: (a) the
goal of college attendance to raise expectations; (b) college tours, visits, or fairs to help
students plan better college; (c) promote rigorous course-taking and academic excellence;
(d) parental involvement as a goal; and (e) early outreach, beginning by 8
th
grade to
facilitate curricular planning. Unfortunately, she found that only one-fourth of outreach
programs nationally offered all of these program components.
Similar to Tierney and Hagedorn‘s (2002), Perna‘s (2002) five critical
components are also all components of the NAI program. Providing college tours, visits
and/or fairs to better assist students in preparing for college is the only critical component
identified by Perna (2002) that is not listed in the themes presented by Tierney and
Hagedorn (2002). Each of the critical components presented by Perna (2002), however, is
a component of the NAI program. A gap in the research exists, however, in the
relationship between PCOP programs and the ways in which they assist low income,
African American males in achieving success in college. Perna (2005), Hyman (2004)
and Tierney and Jun (1999) have all suggested that this type of research is important to
add to the field of literature.
54
Rigorous evaluation of programs to improve college enrollment and success of
African American males is limited. Shultz and Mueller (2006), in their review of research
examining the effectiveness of precollege outreach programs, addressed the following
limitations in the current research: (a) few studies include control groups, so it is difficult
to attribute the impact to the program; (b) selection criteria for program participation is
usually not reported, so little is known about which students are most likely to benefit; (c)
little is known about the cost-effectiveness of most programs, and it is often unclear
which program features are most effective; and (d) studies often lack clear or consistent
measurable outcomes. As a result of becoming more familiar with this literature, I
learned the importance of having data to drive the effectiveness of programs and having
the proven assessment results to support the validity of such programs. Continuing to
promote PCOPs as a way to assist underrepresented, low-income, minority students
through their college transitions without being informed of the aforementioned
limitations as presented by Shultz and Mueller (2006) leaves little room for effectively
evaluating and enhancing these programs to better serve our students. Though literature
on PCOPs makes mention of the types of programs that provide success for students,
researchers (Perna, 2002; Shultz &Mueller, 2006; Tierney & Hagedorn, 2002)
consistently cite the need for high quality data collection and rigorous evaluations of
these programs to better identify elements of effectiveness for students, especially
students from underrepresented populations.
Highlighting the components of the NAI that provide academic success for
African American males is my attempt in filling this gap of research. For example the
55
NAI program was identified by Tierney and Jun (1999) as a successful program for
underrepresented students. Specifically, the NAI program was noted as being successful
in that it maintains a culturally responsive approach to education that encompasses both
family involvement and the affirmation of the community (Tierney & Jun, 1999). The
NAI program also focuses on targeting students at an early age, as well as on normative
school transitions, such as moving from middle school to high school, and from high
school to college. Finally, NAI is a university-based program that involves teachers,
counselors, and other staff members in assuring that students are able to transition
successfully from middle school, to high school and through college while educating
families on how to assist their students in being successful college students.
It is critical for underrepresented populations to obtain early information about
preparing for and being successful in college. Specifically African American males
already face challenges in accessing the pipeline of higher education. Understanding the
ways in which these PCOPs are successful can inform educators on ways to implement
these same strategies in schools, extracurricular activities and precollege programs. In my
review of literature I learned that there is a gap in the research in identifying components
of PCOPs that have been proven successful in preparing African American males for
college. The themes representing essential elements of effective programs (Tierney &
Hagedorn, 2002) were in direct alignment with NAI‘s five outreach strategies, as well as
with the results of the Pathways (2004) study, which highlighted the importance of
standardized curricula while using a systematic service approach to assure long term
learning and consistency for students. Shultz and Mueller (2006) further supported the
56
literature in providing the limitations of what they found in reviewing PCOPs in an effort
to review the effectiveness of the programs.
Such a lack of rigorous evaluations and research on the effectiveness of PCOPs
on African American males, further emphasizes the value and need in having new and
innovative research on the very focus of this study. Identifying the components of PCOPs
that provide success for underrepresented students will contribute to the educational
literature used to assist practitioners and educators in assisting African American males
through the pipeline of higher education. In addition to program effectiveness, parental
support and the role of the administrator also have an impact on the success of African
American males.

Parent Support and Role of Administrators
In this section I will introduce the impact of parental support followed by the role
of the administrator with regard to how they relate to precollege outreach programs.
Parental involvement used interchangeably as family support and the role of
administrators has each been deemed critical factors of PCOPs. Research has shown the
importance of family support and mentorship for all students (Hossler et al., 1999). With
such a disproportionate number of African American males attending colleges and
universities and the obstacles that this population of students face as first-generation
college students, providing a support system that aids in educating parents about the
educational pipeline and ways to access resources as well as to hold administrators
accountable for understanding the ways in which to educate and communicate with
57
African American males is key (Harper, 2010). Services provided by PCOPs aim to
counter negative school or community influences such as lack of rigorous curriculum,
poorly trained teachers, and lack of role models, by providing the missing elements that
help students aspire to, prepare for, and obtain college enrollment (Gullatt & Jan, 2003).
Parental Support
Programs attempt to provide students with the social capital necessary to achieve
college enrollment, and generally provide a series of interventions that emphasize
academic preparation as well as the development of attitudes and beliefs about college
that will result in a positive outcome (Gullatt & Jan, 2003). Levine and Nidiffer‘s (1996)
study concluded, support and encouragement from a mentor, whether a parent, relative,
or empathetic member of the community, can play a critical role in college enrollment for
students from low-income families. Family involvement has become an important issue
in American education today (Tierney & Jun, 1999). Statements about the need for
parents to be involved in their children‘s education appear regularly in popular magazines
and periodicals (Tierney & Jun, 1999). These popular sentiments are echoed by academic
literature, and increased family involvement has become mandated through federal
programs (Tierney & Jun, 1999). In this section I will provide a historical perspective of
parent support as well as identify the impact that support from families has on African
American male success.
According to Cutler (2000), social and economic issues have affected the
relationship between the school and the home since the beginning of public schooling.
Though the relationship between parents and schools has changed dramatically over time,
58
with the balance of power transferring from the home to the school during the nineteenth
century most Americans today would agree that the association between parents and
teachers is critical (Cutler, 2000). Between 1800 and 1850, middle-class women were
able to focus on nurturing their children in the home, while the urban mothers had less
time to do so due to their demanding work schedule (Cutler, 2000). As a result, schools
began to take on more responsibility in providing students with a combination of moral
and cognitive instruction. Educators held the status of professionals and were backed up
by their degrees, and the parent‘s views and opinions were not considered or welcomed
(Cutler, 2000). A major disconnect formed between the parents and the schools.
Educators argued that getting parents more involved would help improve education
(Cutler, 2000).
The relationship between parents and schools began to take a political turn as
schooling expanded in the nineteenth century. Teachers were increasingly gaining power
and children were learning to cope with the two sets of authority figures in their lives
(Cutler, 2000). Similarly, parents began to experience the hardships of dealing with this
balancing act between the teacher in the classroom and their parenting at home. Cutler
(2000) states: ―facing each other across an increasingly clear-cut boundary, adults
maneuvered for advantage, often casting the relationship between the home and the
school as a struggle for the hearts and minds of the next generation‖ (p. 3). Considering
the struggle identified by Cutler (2000) for parents with regard to balancing between their
home parenting and the education of the teacher, one may deduce the greater impact this
59
balancing act had on African American families who often times did not have the
knowledge of their white counterparts as a result of not attending college.
During the second half of the nineteenth century, educators began to reassess the
relationship between the home and the school and reevaluate the ways in which parents‘
involvement in schools could benefit the educational system, rather than disrupt it.
Educators were beginning to believe that as long as parental involvement was ―properly
sorted and arranged, mothers and fathers could be an integral and valuable part of the
American educational system‖ (Cutler, 2000, p. 3). Additionally, during this time
Margaretta Willis Baldwin establishment of the first parent-teacher association (PTA) in
Moorestown, New Jersey at the young age of 22 (Cutler, 2000) led to the development of
these type of (mother‘s clubs) associations forming in rural America and spreading out to
the cities and suburbs. While the presence of these organizations in the schools was
limited, parental empowerment began to grow. Most importantly, this new sense of
involvement drew parents as allies of the teachers and supporters of the education system
(Cutler 2000). Educators and school board members directed the PTA away from policy
development and toward recreational activities. A clearly defined role of identifying both
the role of the parents and of the teachers became the role of the PTA (Cutler, 2000).
Though expected to make their views known, parents had to avoid challenging or
upstaging school authorities Expanding the schools mission challenged the accepted
meaning of the idea that the home and the school were separate, if interdependent
institutions, leading to role conflict and confusion (Cutler, 2000).
60
Moving forward toward the twentieth century, teachers and parents began to
understand the importance of working together and secondary schooling became more
common. As a result, more Americans were staying in school past the 8
th
grade (Cutler,
2000). The new century also brought new sets of challenges to parents and educators.
Following World War I, educators began to face limited budgets due to inflation. Schools
needed parental loyalty more than ever and working class parents relied heavily on the
education system to assist in developing their children‘s psychological and social
development (Cutler, 2000). By 1919, as a result of new child labor laws, schools were
held accountable for providing youth the common learning, basic skills and values
needed in order for them to be successful in the work force. This marked the end of the
power struggles between the home and school mentioned earlier. Just a few years later,
by 1925, most Americans truly bought into schools as partners (Cutler, 2000). During this
timeframe, researchers began to base their definition of family as consisting of a mother,
father, and two to three children (Tierney & Auerbach, 2004).
In the exploration of the college preparation experience for African American
males, it was important to follow the work of William Julius Wilson (1996) who
introduced the notion that within urban settings, a dramatic change in the traditional
family structure had developed over the last few decades. Wilson (1996) diversified the
body of research in highlighting the importance of understanding the various family
structures with regard to geographic locations and socioeconomic status. Giving value to
the nontraditional family‘s experiences and encouraging scholars to take into
consideration this new family structure is important to note in this present study in an
61
attempt to determine the components of the NAI that provide success for African
American males.
Researchers began to take a look at nontraditional families and underrepresented
families as well. In an effort to examine the beliefs, goals and practices of 16 working-
class African and Latino parents, Auerbach (2007) conducted a qualitative case study to
answer the following questions over the course of three years:
a. How do marginalized parents construct their role in promoting their children‘s
access to educational opportunity?
b. What lessons might their experience have for our understanding of parent
involvement beyond the parameters of traditional models?
Auerbach‘s study offers an alternative typology of parents roles, which reflects parents‘
contrasting social and cultural locations, biographies, and perceptions of (and relations
with) their children and the school. The findings pointed out that the parents‘ educational
histories powerfully shaped their aspirations and personal beliefs about their role.
Divided by the researcher into categorized types, including; Supporters, Advocates, and
Companions, most spoke bitterly of their lack of educational opportunity, in part due to
parents who were obstacles or absent parties in their education (Auerbach, 2007). Rather
than reproduce their own parent‘s practices, these parents were trying to break with
family tradition to forge new roles in their involvement as parents within the educational
system for their children. Across the sample, parents took their cue from their children‘s
invitations for involvement.
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Auerbach (2007) highlights the impact that a parent‘s perspective and attitude on
education can have on their children, especially with regard to underrepresented
populations who tend to view the educational system as non supportive. The Supporters
pointed the way, cleared the path, and did no harm to the college-going efforts of
efficacious students. The Advocates, seeing a need and believing in a hands-on role, used
social networks to try to make college pathways more manageable for borderline
students. And the Companions both cheered their children‘s ambitions and discouraged
their leaving home, with an ambivalence that may have exacerbated students‘ doubts and
misgivings in preparing for college (Auerbach, 2007). The findings of this study
emphasized the impact that the view of the families had on the overall experiences of the
students and further supports the work of Wilson (1996) in taking all types of families
into consideration when evaluating the experiences of families overall. Each family has a
unique story to tell which in turn shapes the experiences of their students.
Smrekar and Cohen-Vogel (2001) conducted a qualitative study where they
randomly sampled families that were representative of the school population to explore
the attitudes of low-income minority parents about education. The data were coded and
summarized according to descriptive categories. Although the researchers noted attitudes
of school staff were that low-income minority parents had little interest in parent
involvement in the school, 90% of the families contacted willingly participated in the
study. Parent involvement was discussed as ―a broad framework of experiences and
activities located in both the home and school‖ (p. 76). The researchers described their
reactions to the findings of the data as ―stunning‖ after concluding that families found
63
relationships between the school and community to be cordial and were able to describe a
broad range of experiences with their children‘s academic success. These diverse groups
of parents‘ own experiences in schooling were reflected in their attitudes and
expectations for their children and described attendance at meetings and help with
homework as their role in the school. Smrekar and Cohen-Vogel labeled these findings as
a provider-receiver model of family-school relations which limits communication to a
formal process and suggests a social order that school personnel have specific expertise
and knowledge. This institutionalized learned response had an impact on how parents
perceive their role in their child‘s education and that the way the schools treated these
families as well as their family make-up and social class may very well affect the quality
of family-school relationships. Smreker and Cohen-Vogel (2001) concluded that, ―it
seemed clear that the patterns of family-school interactions were controlled by highly
defined, socially constructed scripts‖ (p. 75), and that further research should look more
specifically at factors of class and family-school relationships. The next study takes this
into consideration.
In an effort to examine the three factors that influence parent involvement, (a)
behavior-parent teacher conferences and participation in school wide events; (b)
cognitive-intellectual-providing intellectually stimulating experiences such as discussing
current events or visiting museums; and (c) personal-the parents ability to keep up with
their child‘s school activities, Grolnick, Benjet, Kurowski, and Apostoleris (1997)
conducted a study where they took an ecological perspective and postulated a hierarchical
model with three levels of factors: individual contextual and institutional that may predict
64
parent involvement in education. They defined individual as child and parent
characteristics that may have contributed to or influenced involvement; contextual was
defined as the specifics of the family setting that effect parental involvement such as
social supports and stressful life events; and institutional factors referred to attitudes and
practices of school personnel. The participants included 209 mothers of both 3
rd
and 5
th

graders, 111 girls and 89 boys, in four urban schools, and their 38 teachers. The
researchers collected data about ethnicity, socioeconomic status, parental education, and
single to two-parent households. They used individual parent interviews, questionnaires
completed by parents, children and teachers that rated types and frequencies of
involvement and perceptions of involvement. Additionally, using rating scales that
measured moderating variables, the researchers used multiple regression analysis to
assess correlations among variables, displaying the data with tables and significance
levels.
Grolnick et al. (1997) concluded that multiple factors influenced parent
involvement for various types of reasons. As suggested in the aforementioned study,
controlling for socio-economic status (class), the parents‘ attitudes were associated with
all three types of involvement. The higher the socioeconomic status and those with two
parent homes tended to be move involved. From this study, the authors hypothesized that
involvement for single parent mothers may be more difficult and that other types of
involvement should be considered other than day time activities. Positive teacher
attitudes toward involvement were associated with active parent attitudes, less difficult
contexts and more social support. Finally, the teacher effects were more moderated by
65
gender as the effect was more significant for mothers of girls than boys. The researchers
concluded that ―interventions beyond classroom activities are necessary to reach all
families‖ (1997, p. 546) and schools should consider social realities and cultural
differences when designing parent involvement programs. Although they looked at
Socio-economic Status (SES) variables, there were no data on the effects of ethnicity or
gender of the parents since fathers were not included in the interviews.
The literature reviews supports the notion that parent involvement means different
things to different people depending on personal experiences, education level of parents,
and the effort that the school put forth toward involving parents and communities and
meeting families where they are at with regard to recognizing the possible limitations that
each family brings to the table as a result of a myriad of factors. Parent involvement has
broadened from solely connecting with parents to involve the whole family as well as the
community. As student affairs practitioners, we must take the whole family into
consideration and move beyond the nineteenth century definitions of families being two
parents and two to three children if we truly seek to educate families and level the playing
field in providing access for students of color into the pipeline of higher education.
Similar to students, parent‘s come to schools with unequal resources, fears of the
unknown and past experiences that cause them to feel comfortable or jaded from the
college experience. Many of these feelings have a direct impact on the experiences that
their children will then have as they enter college. The above referenced studies each
highlighted the correlation between the personal experiences of African American
families and the attitudes and beliefs that their children as a result have about their own
66
education. Using the evidence presented above, one may deduce that families of African
American students will be highly involved if the educational program, school or PCOP
has a parental component as part of its structure. Families of underrepresented students
often times have a different definition of involvement than that of the school however and
can often times be viewed as insufficient by schools and teachers, especially if the
parent(s) did not attend college.
Role of the Administrator
In this section I will point out specific studies that point to the role of
administrators (and teachers) in providing access and cultural capital to African
American males. I will also point out research on culturally responsive teaching as well
as the notion that it is the responsibility of a community of educators to truly shape the
successful educational experience for students (Harper, 2008). As a growing population
in higher education, first-generation students represent a unique group with distinct goals,
motivations, and constraints (Ayala & Striplen, 2002). Having the ability to connect with
this population of students, specifically African American males, is important in the
context of this study.
Equitable access to social mobility and advancement through education were
among the intended outcomes of the Brown v. Board of Education case (Brown, 1954)
and related legislation (Harper, 2008). In an effort to identify the ways in which high
achieving African American male undergraduates gain, negotiate and benefit from access
to powerful social networks on a predominantly White campus, Harper, (2008) conducted
a qualitative study conducted among 32 high-achieving African American males at six
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large public research universities. Harper (2008) found a clear nexus amongst campus
leadership, active out of classroom engagement, and the acquisition of social capital. The
participants described the access they were afforded to key people and privileged
information about scholarships, internships, awards and various opportunities and felt
that relationships amongst their university administration, especially with their university
presidents were most treasured (Harper, 2008).
According to Harper (2008) the participants were afforded multiple opportunities
for engagement with key campus officials and in many cases considered them to be
mentors. When combined with their exceptional academic records and resumes,
recommendation letters from their university presidents, deans and other high-level
administrators usually made the participants‘ applications for scholarships and awards
noticeably more competitive and impressive than those submitted by other applicants,
they believed (Harper, 2008). The high achievers were well aware of the available
privileges and the networks into which they had tapped; they took full advantage of this
access and stated that their older student leaders introduced them to the top administrators
and taught them how to network. Harper (2008) states seeing upfront the value of such
access and how previous cohorts of African American male college achievers leveraged
their relationships with these significant others to get ahead compelled the participants to
do the same.
Pak, Bensimon, Malcolm, Marquez, and Park (2006) conducted a study on the life
histories of 10 students who had succeeded in crossing the invisible cultural and social
border between the most selective institutions of higher education and open-admissions
68
community colleges that serve as the entry point into higher education for the most
economically disadvantaged students (Pak et al., 2006). After asking students to describe
how they managed to transition from the community college to the highly selective
institutions, they each made mention of an individual, many times a teacher, counselor or
a dean who had given them confidence and affirmation as well as the academic, cultural,
and informational resources they needed to succeed.
The findings revealed that men of color found value in relationships built with
individual administrators who gave them confidence and self-affirmation. Furthermore,
these studies point to the importance of having support systems in institutions of higher
education to assist men of color through the pipeline of higher education. Oftentimes, this
mind-over-matter approach is cultivated by those who work in the educational
institutions. In ―Faculty Do Matter: The Role of College Faculty in Student Learning and
Engagement,‖ Umbach and Wawrzynski (2005) examined the relationship between
faculty practices and student engagement and learning and concluded that faculty
members may play the single most important role in student learning. The researchers
added that their study did not however include students of color. It is imperative for
faculty and staff to have the cultural responsiveness necessary in providing a healthy
learning environment for underrepresented students who are already facing obstacles
culturally and academically.
Gay (2000) defines culturally responsive teaching as using the cultural
knowledge, prior experiences, and performance styles of diverse students to make
learning more appropriate and effective for them; it teaches to and through the strengths
69
of these students. Gay describes culturally responsive teaching as having these
characteristics: (a) acknowledges the legitimacy of the cultural heritages of different
ethnic groups; (b) builds bridges of meaningfulness between home and school
experiences; (c) uses a wide variety of instructional strategies that are connected to
different learning styles, (d) teaches students to know and praise their own and each
others‘ cultural heritages; (e) incorporates multicultural information, resources, and
materials in all subjects and skills routinely taught in school.
Culturally responsive teaching is critical in the academic success of
underrepresented students. Developing a safe and welcoming environment for students to
express who they are in a supportive and nurturing environment is also important.
Ladson-Billings (1994) studied actual instruction in elementary classrooms and observed
some of the above mentioned values being demonstrated. Although she did not collect
data from students directly, she did observe that when students were part of a more
collective effort designed to encourage academic and cultural excellence, and when they
were expected to perform well, they met and often exceeded expectations.
Cultural capital or the ability to access resources and leadership opportunities on
college campuses were directly related to the relationships that students made with
administration on their college campuses and teachers in the classroom. Whereas some
students by way of their student involvement were able to access administration, others
were introduced by peers who served in leadership positions before them. Though the
role of the administrator in making a connection with and serving as a mentor for
students seemed to be an important connection for them to obtain cultural capital, there is
70
not a great deal of literature that specifically speaks to the role that the administrator
plays in assisting African American males to and through college. It is important to note
however that the higher the expectations set forth by professional educators
(administration and teachers) the better the chances of success are for African American
males.
Conclusions: Parents and Role of the Administrator
Underrepresented students come to college with outside distractions that their
majority counterparts often do not. While parents who attend college are typically better
prepared in providing a healthy transition from high school to college for their students, it
is imperative for PCOPs to have work with the families of students to assure that the
attitudes and perceptions of the parents are supportive of the needs of the students in
navigating through college. Once on the college campus, it is important for the family
support to be complimented by culturally responsive teachers and administrators who are
equipped with the skills necessary in providing students with support, thus motivating
them and contributing to their self efficacy through college. Parents and administrators
must work together in providing a healthy transition to college for African American
male students, especially in family environments where the student is a first generation
college student and may not have access to resources and knowledge that their
counterparts may have access to. PCOPs that provide a family component similar to the
NAI program have been referenced as effective programs in that they assist in bridging
this gap, thus leveling the playing field for African American males.

71
Theoretical Framework
This dissertation study draws upon two theoretical frameworks to explore whether
and how the Neighborhood Academic Initiative (NAI) at the University of Southern
California helped low-income African American men prepare for college. Specifically,
Sanford‘s (1966) notions of challenge and support are reviewed in the next section,
followed by an explication of Tinto‘s (1993) interactionalist theory of student departure
from college. Identifying the relationship between the theoretical frameworks and major
components of the NAI program is the goal of the final part of this section. Analyzing the
theoretical structure of both Sanford (1966) and Tinto (1993) was critical in providing a
framework for my study. Understanding the necessary balance in providing challenges
and support as well as understanding what experiences provide intellectual and social
integration for students of color helps to inform practitioners about what assists students
of color in being successful in their college journey as well as in their preparation for
college.
Sanford-Challenge and Support
Building upon early work that posited a central idea in human development that
all people need an appropriate balance of challenge and support in order to grow and
succeed in particular environments (Adler, 1963; Festinger, 1957), Sanford (1966)
explained that development occurs when challenges faced in the [college] environment
are balanced by appropriate supports. Challenges refer to encounters or experiences that
―upset the existing equilibrium, produce instability, and set in motion activity leading to
stabilization on higher levels‖ (Sanford, 1966, p. 37). Challenging a student too much he
72
felt, could cause students to give up and develop a negative outlook on the learning
process. Supports, on the other hand, refer to aspects of the human and material
environment that provide students with security, sense of belonging, and even
information needed to succeed. He felt that too much support of a college student could
result in an increased and unhealthy level of comfort which could result in a cocoon-like
environment that students may never leave from, thus stifling their growth. Taken
together, Sanford hypothesized that academic and social development, in college, are
functions of challenges faced in and supports provided by the college environment. A
third factor of this model that Sanford added in 1966 is the element of readiness.
Whereas an individual cannot grow until they are physically or psychologically ready to
grow. Figure 1, below, illustrates the essence of Sanford‘s model.

73

Figure 1

Sanford‘s Challenge and Support Theory

Challenge

Growth

Support

74
Figure 1 represents Sanford‘s (1967) notion that challenge and support when
balanced equally create an increased growth for students. While Sanford (967) did not
elaborate on his theory of challenge in support in the researched literature, some more
recent research on college students transition from high school to college does make
reference to Sanford‘s (1967) theory, some four decades later. For example, Dalton
(2008) states that finding the right balance of challenge and support has always been a
moving target in higher education institutions. Some colleges strive to emphasize the
aspect challenge in constructing the learning environments of their campus, whereas
others place great emphasis on providing a nurturing and supportive environment for
students in which comfort, convenience, community, and caring are major priorities.
Richard Light (2001) argues that it is important that educators get in students way
by creating learning conditions that challenge students to see new perspectives and open
themselves to new experiences. Despite the increasing racial, ethnic and cultural diversity
on most college campuses today, most students will avoid challenging encounters with
others who are different unless educators get in their way by structuring diversity
learning experiences. According to the 10-year annual report from the National Student
Engagement project (2007), the most important conditions for deep learning in college
must be intentionally structured and promoted in order for students to take advantage of
them. The annual report highlights that if left to themselves, most students will not push
themselves to increase their study hours, seek out a faculty member with whom to do
research, find ways to connect coursework with service and career, enroll in intensive
academic seminars, or take a demanding senior capstone course.
75
Though these researchers and studies are not direct critiques of Sanford (1966),
their findings point to my research in determining which components of the NAI program
provide success for African American males in that, if majority populations are not
equipped with the skills to challenge themselves out of their comfort zones, one can
imagine how challenging it must be to encourage African American males to step out of
their comfort zones on campuses and in environments where they are already feeling less
than, and uncomfortable. Finding the ways in which to effectively challenge while
providing the support needed for this population is critical in developing PCOPs geared
toward assisting African American males through college and providing them with
academic success.

Tinto‘s Interactionalist Theory of Student Departure
Other theoretical models attempt to explain the college environment and
outcomes associated with students‘ involvement in the college environment, one of which
is Tinto‘s (1993) interactionalist theory of student departure from college. Originally
developed in 1975, and updated in 1993, with the publication of his sociological model of
the college departure process, Tinto outlined that student departure from college is a
longitudinal process that is powerfully influenced by subsequent goal and institutional
commitments, as well as the extent to which individuals are integrated into the academic
and social life of college— what Tinto referred to as academic integration and social
integration. Integration into the academic and social spheres of college is influenced by
76
initial goal and institutional commitments (i.e., one‘s commitment to the goal of
completing college, commitment to current institution), which in turn, are influenced by a
host of background traits and pre-college experiences that students bring with them to
college (e.g., race, gender, predispositions) (Astin, 1993; Tinto, 1993). Figure 2, below,
illustrates the essence of Tinto‘s model.
77
Figure 2
Tinto‘s Interactionalist Theory

Cited in more than 700 studies, this model has earned the distinction of being the
most studied, tested, revised, and critiqued in the literature (Braxton & Hirschy, 2005).
78
Even though scholars may use different variables to measure the model‘s main
constructs, its core concept is widely accepted, that academic success is a process in
which the individual takes on the identity of student and becomes integrated into the
collegiate environment. Researchers and practitioners alike tend to view issues related to
the retention of minority students as similar, if not identical, to those of majority students.
What transpires is an almost universally entrenched view that Tinto‘s departure model,
with all of its assumptions is complete, appropriate and valid for all students regardless of
their varied ethnic, racial economic and social backgrounds (Rendon, Jalomo, & Nora,
2000). Though many researchers support Tinto‘s theory, others have critiqued his theory
due to the fact that it does not take non-White students into consideration. Much of the
most widely acclaimed research guiding theories of students‘ transitions to college,
departure, involvement and learning were often based on White male students (Tierney,
1992). This research produced a monolithic view of students devoid of issues of
race/ethnicity, culture, gender, politics, and identity (Hurtado, 1997). When Tinto‘s
theory was developed, only a few studies in the 1970s were focused on minority students.
In a more recent study, Tinto (1993) elaborates on the importance of supportive student
communities for students of color and adult students who may experience difficulties in
making the transition to college. Hurtado (1997) argues that linear models based on an
assimilation/acculturation framework, leaves many questions unanswered, especially
with regard to the ways in which minority populations develop through college. Having
this theoretical knowledge base is key in understanding the ways that African American
males develop in their transition from high school to college. With African American
79
males having the highest dropout rate from high school, educators and developers of
PCOPs who are working to reverse this trend for African American males must be aware
of the influences and experiences that impact one‘s commitment to the goal of
completing college. The intent of PCOPs is to decrease transition issues and increase the
level of comfort and connection to the campus and campus resources for low-income,
underrepresented, minority students. Tinto‘s (1993) theory connects to my study in that it
supports the notion that the socialization process that students undergo through their
PCOP experience is expected to ease in the transition process in assisting in the overall
success of this population. Tinto‘s (1993) theory supports the type of transition that
students are likely to make into college as they are more academically and socially
integrated they will in turn be more successful overall.
Summary of Sanford and Tinto
Examining the NAI through these two theoretical perspectives illuminates the five
major program components in new and distinctive ways. For instance, I used Sanford‘s
(1966) framework to call attention to the challenges that students face, particularly as
they prepare for college (e.g., lack of information about application/financial aid process,
insufficient academic skills, lack of parental support). All of these experiences are likely
to upset the existing equilibrium or produce instability in prematriculation college
students (Hossler & Gallagher, 1987). Similarly, Sanford‘s work allowed me to ―see‖
specific components of the NAI (e.g., Pre-College Enrichment Academy, Family
Development Institute), as ―appropriate supports‖ to counter the challenges low-income
African American men face in preparing for college. Similarly, I incorporated Tinto‘s
80
framework because it allowed me to examine the role of precollege experiences and
dispositions on student decisions and behaviors in college, particularly in terms of a long-
term consequence or outcome, namely student attrition.
Applying Tinto‘s theory to the NAI provided a lens to understand more clearly
how the program affects students‘ preparation for and subsequent success in college.
Having intentional strategies set in place for students to transition both socially and
academically is critical in providing them with a successful college experience.
Sanford‘s (1966) theory further illustrates the point that, in an effort to create a
successful college experience, the challenges students face in a collegiate environment
must be offset by a healthy balance of support. Tinto‘s (1993) theory further illustrates
the point that in providing success for students, they must have a connection and healthy
transition both socially and academically. While research has been sited informing the
benefits of PCOPs, no one to date has focused solely on the components of these
programs that assist African American males, hence the purpose of this study.
Overall, African American males face far more obstacles than their White, female
and other minority male counterparts in the realm of access to higher education and
graduating from high school. Whereas PCOPs have been referenced as effective in
providing college access to underrepresented, low-income, minority students, there is yet
to be research to identify the specific components of such programs in providing success
for African American males. Parent involvement and support from campus administrators
are critical components in assisting African American males in feeling more affirmed and
confident in college environments, especially on campuses where they are
81
underrepresented. Both Sanford‘s (1966) Challenge and Support theory and Tinto‘s
(1993) Interactionalist Theory of Student Departure provided an excellent framework for
this study in highlighting the importance of balancing the level of support and challenges
in preparing for and going through college, as well as an intentionally welcoming social
and academic environment in providing success for students. Though few studies exist
that explore how African American males navigate the transition from high school to
college, this study attempts to explore what program components of the NAI program
provide success for African American males.
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Chapter Three
Research and Design Methods
The purpose of this qualitative study was to discover and understand whether and
how the Neighborhood Academic Initiative (NAI), at the University of Southern
California, helped low-income, first-generation African American men prepare for
college. Few studies exist that explore African American male college students and their
ability to access the pipeline of higher education. Among the limited research available,
most studies explore the students‘ experiences in formal leadership roles at large, four-
year, predominantly White institutions through areas such as African American
fraternities, student government, residence life, and other types of out of classroom
leadership experiences.
Within this body of research, Harper (2003), explores students‘ perceptions of
leadership and their leadership experiences while holding formal positions within a
campus organization; although this research is helpful in understanding the experiences
of African American male college students at four-year institutions involved in leadership
activities, a gap in the research still exists about how these students were prepared for
college. Consequently, very little is known about the academic preparedness of African
American men who are seeking admittance to institutions of higher education.
For over 15 years, the University of Southern California‘s Neighborhood
Academic Initiative (NAI) has been dedicated to providing multiple educational
opportunities for students and their parents to gain an understanding of the power of
education and obtain limitless capacity for skills, enabling them to assume a measure of
83
control over their direction and quality of life. The primary focus of the NAI program is
to prepare students for entrance to USC. Students are eligible for a 4.5 year scholarship to
the university when they meet a competitive GPA and reach a competitive score on the
SAT. Thus, the purpose of this research is to identify the components of the NAI that
contribute to the success for first-generation, low-income African American males and
the impact that the program has on their high school graduation and preparation for
college.
The aim of this qualitative research study is to gain depth and insight into the
specific components of the NAI program that prepare African American men for high
school graduation and college enrollment. Though a body of literature exists on African
American males, Cuyjet (1997) focused on men‘s experiences in college, whereas Harper
(2003) tends to study engagement and out of classroom experiences, and Arminio et al.
(2000) focused on issues of alienation and racism, this study adds an important dimension
to the literature by focusing on the influence of a specific PCOP. In an effort to extend
the work of Cuyjet (1997), Harper (2003), and Arminio et al. (2000), the following
research question guided the inquiry of this dissertation: What components of the NAI
facilitate college preparedness for low-income, first-generation African American males?
The answers to this question will provide greater depth in identifying the specific
components of the NAI program that assist African American males in successfully
entering and finishing college; answers will also provide new information not present in
current literature that can be used to engage African American males in college
preparatory programs which allow them to be more successful. The purpose of this
84
chapter is to discuss the methodological approach and design of my study. First, I
provided a summary of the NAI program including the mission, goals, participants
(scholars) and the program staff. Secondly, I included a description of my participant
selection as well as a justification to the number of subjects I studied. Finally, I provided
the timeframe for my study as well as a thorough description of how I to ensured the
trustworthiness and validity of my research results and findings.

Site Selection
The University of Southern California is a prestigious, private university located
in the heart of Los Angeles California, a global center for arts, technology and
international trade. Founded in 1880, USC is one of the world‘s leading and the west
coast‘s oldest private research university. With a strong tradition of integrating liberal
and professional education, USC fosters a vibrant culture of public service and
encourages students to cross academic as well as geographic boundaries in their pursuit
of knowledge (U.S.C. at, 2009 n.d.).
I decided to use USC as my site due to the commitment that the Rossier School of
Education has made toward giving back to the inner city surrounding the University‘s
community. Specifically, the mission of the USC Rossier School of Education is to
strengthen urban education locally, nationally and globally (The Mission of the Rossier
School of Education, n.d.) Additionally, as a doctoral student enrolled in the Rossier
School of Education during its 100
th
anniversary, I wanted to learn more about the efforts
that my institution made toward urban education and community partnerships. Adopted
85
by the Board of Trustees in 1993, the central mission of the University of Southern
California is the development of human beings and society as a whole through the
cultivation and enrichment of the human mind and spirit. The principal means by which
the mission is accomplished is teaching, research, artistic creation, professional practice
and selected forms of public service (U.S.C at News, 2008).
The University of Southern California‘s Neighborhood Academic Initiative (NAI)
is a rigorous, six-year precollege enrichment program designed to prepare low-income
neighborhood students for admission to the university. Established in 1989, NAI enrolled
its first scholars in the 1991-92 academic year. The university made a bold promise to
the youth living in its campus communities the promise of a fully funded academic
scholarship to USC. The NAI program provides multiple educational opportunities for
―scholars‖ and their parents to gain an understanding of self, and obtain limitless capacity
for skills enabling them to assume a measure of control over the direction and quality of
life (Tierney & Jun, 2001).
The NAI staff interacts with participants— students, parents, guardians or
advocates and community representatives in a manner that conforms to the highest
standards of honesty, compassion, dignity and respect— the principles for which the
program espouses. The mission of the NAI is to reach out and serve the students and the
families in the nearby public schools, and prepare them for a tuition-free scholarship to
USC. In return, the students must meet the following conditions: (a) actively participate
in the program for at least four years; (b) have a competitive cumulative grade point
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average of at least a 2.75); and (c) score competitively on the SAT with a minimal score
of 1650, as mentioned by the program director, Keisha, during our one-on-one interview.
The NAI program has the following set of outreach strategies that seek to prepare
the students they serve for college:
a. Creating a college-bound culture. Parents and students are able to perceive
college as attainable and an achievable expectation.
b. Implementing rigorous academic curriculum. Honors and advance placement
(AP) courses, intercessions, and access to cultural learning is offered to
participants to meet and exceed the California State Standards and A-G
requirements.
c. Cultivating a high-quality teaching staff. Teachers are dedicated and capable
of engaging students at high levels of learning and are culturally competent.
d. Providing intensive academic support. Beyond just the classroom mentoring,
students and parents engage in various activities such as afterschool tutoring,
SAT preparation, the NAI Saturday Academy, college admissions, and
financial aid coaching; and
e. Generating parent/community involvement. Seminars are offered to prepare
parents on various aspects of college preparedness, healthy living, and
academic networking to allow parents to have a greater connection to the
college experience.
These strategies are important to the present study because they are directly linked
to the program components of NAI and served as a basis for the interview protocol for
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program participants, staff, parents, teachers and alumni. Additionally, these strategies
emphasize the importance of developing intentional learning outcomes/strategies for
PCOPs and how these outcomes influence the impact that the overall program has on
students, specifically in this case, African American males. Specifically, the program
participants and alumni were asked about their preparation for college before and during
the NAI program, how their parents support was changed as a result of NAI and how they
felt about the rigor of the NAI program. The questions directed towards the NAI staff and
teachers were framed to ask about rigorous course work, support for the African
American male participants and outreach to parents. Finally, the parents were asked
questions about the effect that the NAI program had on their overall involvement as well
as the overall impact that the NAI program had on their children‘s academics and
preparation for college. The specific protocol for the interviews conducted will be
presented in the instrumentation section.
In addition to these strategies, the NAI upholds their vision of increasing the
enrollment and graduation rates of lower socioeconomic and underrepresented students.
To accomplish its vision, NAI has five purposes:
a. To increase enrollment of underrepresented students to enter and successfully
complete a bachelor‘s degree at USC with special scholarship support;
b. To provide for the empowerment of parents as mentors and guides for
increased student achievement through the provision of multiple parent
educational opportunities;
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c. To positively affect neighborhood public secondary schools in their efforts to
raise college awareness and college-going rates as well as to improve
student‘s overall achievement;
d. To increase collaboration (hereby generating low-cost resources and
enhancing college experiences for all students) between and within University
divisions and departments to guide local, diverse students into success as USC
students; and
e. To support and guide NAI graduates to be aware of alternative educational
opportunities that will lead back to the USC scholarship (The Neighborhood
Academic Initiative, n.d.).
From its inception, NAI has worked to provide differentiated, accelerated
curriculum, to cultivate parental and community involvement, and to teach the whole
child. In this way, the NAI program aims to transform average students into outstanding
scholars (Neighborhood Academic Initiative Program, n.d). With such a huge
disproportion in the amount of African American male graduates nationally as well as
within the NAI program, it was my hope to determine what specific components of this
program made a difference in preparing this population of students for college. These
five purposes served as the criteria by which the impact of NAI was assessed in this
study, and as a preliminary framework for data analysis and thus relate to the final themes
presented in the next chapter.
Specifically, NAI is a precollegiate academic enrichment program which hosts a
full complement of educational and social services and programs to low-income, at-risk
89
minority students and their families living in the neighborhood adjacent to USC. Since
its inception in 1989, the program has been successful in admitting approximately 40 7
th
-
grade students who attend Foshay Learning Center High School and Manual Arts High
School. With the majority of the students being Latino and African American first
generation students, in a community where a disproportionate number go on to higher
education, the program admits students on their stated willingness to learn and a parent or
guardian‘s willingness to support their child (Neighborhood Academic Initiative
Program, n.d).
Having financial support and resources provided by public, private and corporate
contributors, these ―scholars‖ and their families are served by the following three
components of NAI (The Neighborhood Academic Initiative, n.d.):
a. The USC Pre-College Enrichment Academy known as the ―flagship‖ program of
the NAI provides enhanced educational services to middle and high school
students with the goal of providing services to help the ―scholars‖ acquire the
academic skills needed to flourish in a college or university. The Academy works
in collaboration with the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD),
specifically with the Foshay Learning Center (grades 7-12), Manual Arts High
School (grades 9-12), and, most recently, with Adams Middle School (grades 6-
8).
b. The Family Development Institute offers a variety of workshops designed to
enhance and develop parenting skills, educational awareness and overall human
potential of the parents. This institute developed in conjunction with the
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academy‘s counseling component, hosts mandatory seminars held on the USC
campus for 12 Saturday‘s from 8:00 a.m. until 12:00 p.m that are developed with
input and feedback from parents, staff and teachers. As per the NAI agreement,
parents must commit to attending 80% of all of the FDI seminars for the
―scholar‖ to be eligible for the NAI scholarship. Should parents not be able to
meet the required meetings, they may (with preapproval) send an advocate who is
involved with the child at some level such as a grandparent, aunt, uncle, sibling,
Godparent, or neighbor.
c. The Retention Program was designed to provide a smoother transition from high
school ―Scholar‖ to USC student. Working in close partnership with the USC
Office of Academic Support, the Retention Component staff acts as consultants
to the Undergraduate Success Program (Retention Program) dividing up the
―scholars‖ in a caseload approach and providing interventions based on midterm
grades and reported/documented problems and issues. These staff members are
also available to NAI ―Scholars‖ attending community colleges in the transfer
process as well as students attending other colleges and universities other than
USC (Neighborhood Academic Initiative, n.d).
Overall the strategies, vision and components related to the NAI program reflect a
well thought out and intentionally developed program designed to truly meet the needs of
underrepresented students. With the majority of NAI students representing a first
generation college going population it is imperative to provide these students with
support to assist them in their journey though the educational pipeline. Top-notch
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instruction, parental support and involvement, mentorship, and high expectations
regarding both academic and personal achievement are what the founders of NAI
implemented to address the nationwide and local issue of minority students from low
socioeconomic backgrounds dropping out of school. Tierney and Jun (2001) identified
three critical components of precollege outreach or access programs, which included:
academic enrichment, family involvement and retention strategies. These are directly
related to the NAI components listed above and were used to develop the questions that
are described below in the description of the participant questionnaires.

Sampling Procedures
In this study, the qualitative research approach of focus groups was my original
intent, however with such a low number of African American males in the NAI program,
I decided to conduct one on one interviews with each participant in an effort to maintain
an ethnographic approach. The NAI program served as my unit of analysis and their
experiences were ultimately the ethnography. Patton (2002) defines purposeful sampling
as ―selecting information-rich cases whose study will illuminate the questions under the
study‖ (p. 230). Students were selected based on the criteria of providing thick, rich
description of their experiences reflections. The sample for this dissertation study was
comprised of African American male students currently enrolled in the NAI program.
While my interest was to focus solely on the graduating seniors, the disproportionate
number of African American males did not allow for this method.
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To participate in the present study, participants needed to meet the following
criteria of being (a) low income, (b) underrepresented, first-generation college-bound
African American males. These served as the criteria by which the impact of NAI was
assessed in this study. Having information-rich cases provided me (the researcher) with
detailed information as to whether or not students were prepared for college as a result of
the NAI experience. Through these purposeful sampling methods, three student
participants were identified for this study, the total population of Black male youth in the
program.
The NAI Program Director (who has been given a pseudonym), Keisha, invited
me to a parent orientation meeting, where I was introduced to several new and returning
parents and given the opportunity to ask for parent participants. During a one-on-one
planning meeting for my research, Keisha suggested some of the more involved parents
as well as some of the most successful teachers from her perspective, in an effort to
provide me with an ideal group of professionals to interview based on parent, staff, and
student feedback that she received through the years. With only one of the current NAI
African American male alumni attending USC, I was able to quickly identify my alumni
participant. Keisha served as the gatekeeper by providing me with his email address and
personal cell phone number to assist me in setting up an initial meeting with him to
discuss my research plan. Overall the study included three African American male
students who were enrolled in the NAI program (one senior and two juniors), three
parents, four professional staff of the NAI (the program director, program manager,
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program specialist and one administrative assistant), three teachers from the NAI
program and, one Alumnus who currently attends USC.

Instrumentation
To understand the impact that the NAI programs‘ components had on African
American male participants, I adopted three methods from the ethnographic approach,
which included: (a) in-depth interviews, (b) observations, and (c) document analysis.
These methods allowed me to capture a holistic perspective of the realities of the student
participants (Yin, 2008).
In-Depth Interviews
I conducted two in-depth interviews with each of the African American high
school participants, parents and alumni due to the low number of male participants from
NAI. I utilized an open-ended interview approach and during the second round of
interviews, I engaged the participants to elaborate on the questions asked in the initial
interview. The three NAI teachers and four NAI staff members were interviewed once.
Each of the interviews lasted 45-90 minutes and was audio taped and transcribed.
According to Patton (2002) open-ended interview questions must remain similar so that
respondents are answering the same questions. This technique was useful in that it
allowed me to compare responses of the participants. Patton (2002) noted that ―what
people actually say and descriptions of events observed remain the essence of qualitative
inquiry‖ (p.457).
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In an effort to align the student questionnaires with the data that I researched, I
used Tierney and Jun‘s (2001) three critical components of precollege outreach
programs: (a) academic outreach, (b) family involvement, and (c) retention strategies to
serve as a model for which to develop the questionnaires for the student participants
(Appendix A), the alumni participant (Appendix B), the parents (Appendix C), the
administrators (Appendix D) and the teachers (Appendix E).
The student and alumni questionnaires consisted of questions that were broken up
into the following three categories: (a) demographic information, a series of questions
regarding their school population, relationships with the school administration and how
students became involved in the NAI program; (b) prior to NAI, which provided
participants with an opportunity to reflect on their experiences with regard to academics,
family and college preparation before attending the NAI program; (c) during NAI which
gave participants an opportunity to articulate how the NAI program assisted them
academically, changed their parents‘ involvement and how attending NAI assisted them
in preparing for college.
The parent questionnaire consisted of 14 questions divided into categories similar
to that of the student/alumni questionnaire, reflecting Tierney and Jun‘s (2001) family
involvement category. Demographic information asked parents to reflect on their
families overall views of education, as well as how they become aware of NAI and what
motivated them to participate in the program. The next section, prior to NAI, provided
parents with an opportunity to reflect on their involvement in their son‘s academic
progress prior to the NAI program. The final section, family involvement during NAI,
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asked a series of questions that exposed the impact that participation in the NAI had on
the overall relationship and academic achievement of their sons.
The teacher and staff questionnaires consisted of a series of 16 questions
reflecting Tierney and Jun‘s (2001) academic outreach category as well as Harper‘s
(2008) research on the importance of healthy administrator relationships in developing a
safe space and healthy environment for African American males. The teacher and staff
questionnaires were divided into three separate sections: (a) demographic, which allowed
the teachers to discuss their job roles and their length of employment; (b) family
interaction, including a series of questions to allow them to reflect and articulate ways in
which they reach out to families, as well as their goals for working with families and any
changes they experienced as parents become more involved with the NAI program; and
(c) student interaction, which consisted of questions addressing the ways in which
teachers connected with their African American male students, the ways in which they
feel they contribute to shaping the lives of this underrepresented population as well as
pointing out any changes they observed throughout the NAI experience of the student
participants. Each of the questionnaires ended with a series of closing questions that
provided me with answers to what components of the NAI program prepared the African
American male participants for college. Participants completed a demographic
biographical information sheet (Appendix F), which is described in the participant section
of my study.

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Participant Observations
I conducted an observation at the NAI Parent Leadership retreat as well as sitting
in on five of the Saturday Academy meetings and Family Development Institute meetings
(FDI). During these meetings I would observe how the parents, staff and students
interacted as well as how they each communicated outside of the meetings (in hall ways,
and in the lobby). This informal observation time gave me an opportunity to build
relationships and a sense of rapport with the staff of NAI, the parents and the students.
These observations helped me gain a better understanding and perspective on the
inner workings of the program and how the families and students interacted in these
settings. Patton (2002) states that observations help the observer gain a better
understanding of the context and the environment within which the participants interact.
Patton (2002) also notes the importance of using multiple data sources to truly gain a
broader understanding of the participants.
Document Analysis
To gain rich information, Patton (2002) notes the importance of reviewing
documents, artifacts and archives of an organization. The Director of NAI generously
provided me with materials about NAI, such as parent and student contracts, brochures
and the NAI website. Through analyzing these documents, I was able to grasp knowledge
of the types of students who attended NAI, as well as a more in-depth history of the
program that I may not have been able to ascertain through observation or interviews.
Through these documents, I also became more familiar with the program‘s mission and
goals and could actually see the faces of the participants as well as make note of what
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populations were underrepresented which confirmed my interest in researching the
impacts that the NAI program had on African American males.

Data Collection
Access to Site
The Director of NAI visited my dissertation group and introduced the NAI
program to us in January of 2008. She gave us the historical background of the founding
and purpose of NAI and also expressed challenges that she faced as the director. One of
the biggest challenges she mentioned was recruiting and retaining African American
participants and their families. I was immediately interested in learning more about NAI
and set up a meeting with her to express my interest in studying which of the components
of the NAI helped African American males succeed. She shared the same interest and we
remained in contact via email and phone (cellular and business phone). She was very
helpful in providing me with information, historical context, introducing me to parents as
well as inviting me to and introducing me to parents at many of the programs sponsored
by NAI.
Participants: Alumni/Students
In an effort to identify the components of NAI that have prepared students for
their college enrollment, I first interviewed the most recent (2007) graduate of the NAI
program, Chad (a pseudonym), who is now a student at the University of Southern
California as well as a mentor for the NAI program. I then conducted a series of one-on-
one interviews (Appendix A) with the three purposefully selected participants using an
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open ended interview approach that lasted approximately 45 minutes. Additionally
participants completed a demographic biographical information sheet (Appendix F) that
provided me with demographic data of the participants such as their age, hometown,
school enrollment status, year in school, living arrangements, intended major in college,
high school GPA and the highest level of education they expected to complete. The
information provided by students allowed me to identify them (with student numbers and
pseudonyms) as Student 1 (Drew), Student 2 (Mark), and Student 3 (Theo), as indicated
by the ―Pre-assigned ID#‖ on Appendix B.
Drew, a reserved, yet mature 17-year-old from Los Angeles, California, was a
full-time student who lives with his guardian. He felt very comfortable with the
curriculum and mentioned that he felt ―ok‖ in his relationship with his school counselor.
His goal was to obtain a professional degree (MD, JD) and found out about NAI from his
8
th
-grade teachers. Dealing with a major loss when his mom passed away during his NAI
experience he remained focused and resilient going through the NAI program.
While undecided about what his wanted his college major to be, Drew was very
resilient and proud of his strong academics. He felt that NAI truly impacted his ability to
prepare for college and stated ―It provided much more assistance, more push.‖ He further
elaborated on the impact that attending USC as a part of NAI assisted him in ―learning
more study habits and to start putting in work, reading more, things like that.‖ He felt his
parents truly were impacted from the NAI program and the specific parts of NAI that
helped him prepare for college were ―study habits and prioritizing‖.
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Mark is a spunky, energetic, and well-dressed 17-year-old student from Los
Angeles, California. As a full time student with a part-time work schedule, he had an
interest in majoring in business management. He ranked himself as a pretty strong
academic student and expected to go on to obtain a Master‘s Degree in his long term
educational goals. He felt that he and his school counselor had a very strong relationship
and identified him as a man of color. When asked the ethnicity of his counselor, Mark
replied ―I mean I don‘t want to say Chinese, but I know its like, Far East.‖ Mark became
involved with NAI as a result of his aunt being a teacher at one of the feeder schools of
NAI. ―My auntie has been teaching at Foshay for 25 years and my mom used to do the
taxes for a lot of the NAI teachers.‖ He stated that he disliked his previous magnet school
and was excited to be a part of NAI. Mark felt that his grades were already strong before
NAI and stated that college was always discussed in his household.
Mark was able to easily identify the fact that NAI was more rigorous than his
previous school and referred to how ―solid‖ or good his current grades were. When asked
how NAI enhanced him he stated
NAI is kind of like, I‘m walking on, like a snowfield trail and NAI has, kind of,
like shoved the snow out of my way so I can walk in, like, a clear path. And
they‘ve given me, like resources to use and tools that will benefit me in my-on my
pathway to college.

He felt that the components of NAI that helped prepare him best for college were having
the opportunity to take classes on the college campus and having a mentor. He stated that
he wants to come back once established and serve as a mentor as well.
The final student, Theo, a 16-year-old full-time student from Los Angeles,
California, lives with his parents as well and has an interest in majoring in business in
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college. He too felt that he was strong academically and his ultimate educational goal is
aspires to obtain a Master‘s degree Mild mannered and soft spoken; he articulated very
clearly his feelings of NAI. He reflected on how NAI assisted him in pulling up his
grades when they were ―horrible‖ by the high expectation the program held for him. He
stated that the fear of being placed on ―academic probation‖ really assisted him in
keeping his grades up. The NAI gives ―more assistance, more guidance, more push‖
according to him than his previous school. When asked what components of NAI assisted
him the most in preparing for college, he mentioned study habits and prioritizing. Out of
all of the male participants he was the least verbose, and kept his comments very
succinct. Having the ability to investigate and conduct information rich discussions was
key in getting to know these young men.
These information-rich cases helped to capture the individual‘s perception on the
college preparation experience gained from NAI. Using a semistructured interview
protocol, the interviews consisted of semi-structured open-ended questions. These
questions allowed me to ask follow-up questions in order to reach a clearer
understanding.
Next, in an effort to gain further insight from African American male students, I
conducted a second round of interviews of each of the three participants and the alumni
participant. Using the preliminary findings from the initial one-on-one interviews, I
encouraged the participants to elaborate on their responses from the initial interview. This
process of using the findings from the one-on-one interviews is a preliminary analysis of
the data. The follow up interviews not only allowed me to gain further insight into the
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phenomenon, but also gave me an opportunity to get to know each participant better, thus
giving them with a more comforting and trusting environment to share even more than
they did the first time. As with the one-on-one interviews, the follow up interviews were
also recorded and transcribed verbatim. Initially, I wanted to pay close attention to the
SAT/ACT scores of the students who have completed them as well as those who have
taken the Pre (SAT/ACT) tests, however due to time constraints I was unable to obtain
this additional information. I did however note that all three participants were actually
applying to college and that none of them were in remediation during their process, as it
was my intent to determine how many of the students were able to advance out of the
remediation process as well.
Participants: Parents
I used a similar interview format for the parent participants in this study. Each
parent was interviewed once for about an hour and participated in a follow-up interview
for me to ask further questions based on feedback and answers they provided me in the
initial interview. Each interview was recorded and transcribed, and shared with the
parents once I received the transcriptions in an effort to check for validity. The parents
were given pseudonyms and can be identified in this study as: Dee, a USC alumnus who
works as a minister in the local area and is highly involved in his son‘s academics as a
result of NAI; Cheree, a married woman, and mother of three young boys. Her sister, a
teacher at one of the NAI feeder schools, was very instrumental in connecting her to the
NAI program and Mr. Fullerton, a father of three, whose oldest son is an alumni of the
NAI program felt very passionate about NAI and raved about the impact that the program
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had on his current knowledge and participation level in the NAI. All three parents are
highly involved in the NAI program and serve as mentors for some of the newer NAI
families.
Participants: Teachers
I interviewed the teachers and staff of NAI once individually for about an hour
each. Each of the interviews was recorded and transcribed as the aforementioned process.
Access to the teachers became less convenient as we drew near the end of the summer
due to personal schedules, availability and summer work hours. The three teachers, (also
given pseudonyms) represented different teaching styles and personalities. Ms. B,, an
11
th
-grade language arts teacher, a woman of color, who was very familiar and
comfortable in working with students; Mr. Lee, a 9
th
and 10
th
-grade geometry and algebra
teacher, found it challenging to articulate the ways in which he provided specific outreach
to the Black males; and Ms. Kathy, a 9
th
-grade seasoned teacher who was very open and
frank about her passion for connecting with and providing resources for African
American males in her class all contributed to my study with their varied personalities,
work experiences and abilities and comfort in connecting with African American males
in their classes (participants in the NAI program).

Researcher Bias
To check the accuracy and trustworthiness of the findings from this study, two
strategies were employed. The verification strategies utilized were self-reflexivity,
(known as clarifying researcher biases) and member checks (Gibbs, 2007). These
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strategies provided my case study of the individual interviews with internal validity and
reliability. The first strategy utilized was clarifying researcher biases. As a current
African American male enrolled in higher education, and parent of an 11-year-old
African American male, I must disclose to the reader my position from the outset of this
study. Clarifying researcher biases will provide this study with internal validity and
reliability and will further identify the lens from which I viewed these students.
The second strategy utilized was member checks. Member checks help to
determine whether or not the findings from the study match reality (internal validity) and
that the participants agree to what they are quoted as saying (Patton, 2002). The member
checks for this study occurred in a two-step process. The first step of this member check
occurred during the one-on-one interviews. After each interview was transcribed and
reviewed, I emailed the participants a copy of the transcription and asked them for their
feedback. The member check at this point of the data collection process ensured that the
leadership experiences of these students have been adequately captured. This also gave
time for the participants to clarify any inaccuracies presented during the interviews.
The next step of the member check was conducted after the follow up interviews
had been transcribed and analyzed. A feedback session occurred and the collective
findings were presented to the participants. These findings were presented in such a way
that no participant was offended, as each participant was given the opportunity to clarify
my interpretations if necessary. During the feedback sessions, the participants were given
the opportunity to ask questions, provide clarification and or feedback, and correct any
inaccuracies.
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Data Analysis
Creswell‘s (2003) Six Step Plan for Analysis begins with organizing and
preparing the data and ends making sense of the data. To this end, I used the following
six steps in organizing, analyzing and categorizing the data to make meaning of my
research:
Step 1. Organize and Prepare. I transcribed each of the interviews that I
conducted, scanned the material, typed field notes, and organized the data according to
the source of information.
Step 2. Read. I read through the data in an effort to get an understanding of what
the general sense and overall meaning of the responses and comments were.
Step 3. Coding. I organized the data that I collected into ―chunks‖ by sorting text
data, pictures, paragraphs and images into categories. I then labeled the categories with
the terms that were based on the actual language of my participants.
Step 4. Generate description, categories, and themes. I used the coding process
that helped me generate a description of the people, setting, categories and themes. Once
I had generated the descriptions, I used the coding to generate a small number of themes.
I shared these themes with my chair and my thematic group in an effort to assure that my
themes connected with the descriptions and responses from my interviews.
Step 5. Identify representation. I used narrative passages to represent the findings
of the analysis and analyzed these discussions with interconnecting themes. I used tables
and mapping to help me in this process.
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Step 6. Make interpretation and meanings. Lastly, I made meaning of the data
representation including my personal interpretation combined with the individual
understanding. These meanings were also derived from comparing the findings to theory
and literature.
Using Creswell‘s (2002) six step framework makes qualitative data analysis more
manageable; enhances the credibility of the overall analytic process, and has been
recommended by other researchers in the field of qualitative research. This process
provided me with a framework by which to model my research and allowed me to make
meaning of my data.
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Chapter Four
Presentation of Data
As discussed in Chapter One, the purpose of this qualitative study was to discover
and understand whether and how the Neighborhood Academic Initiative (NAI), at the
University of Southern California, helped low-income, first-generation African American
men prepare for college. The results for this chapter have been divided into three sections
representing the major themes that emerged throughout the data collection, followed by a
summary of my results in determining which of the components of the NAI were most
effective.
The three major themes of this study include: (a) high expectations; (b) strong
black mothers, and (c) young, gifted, and black. These three themes emerged as a result
of the conversations that I had with the various individuals that I interviewed. After
reviewing the transcripts from the various groups of research participants (African
American male students, NAI staff, alumni, parents and teachers), I began to notice
commonalities amongst their responses and began to record some of the common words,
and phrases, thus grouping them into categories. I wanted to be sure that the themes
would be appealing yet familiar to the reader and decided to come up with the
aforementioned themes to accomplish that goal. Additionally, I intentionally reflected
upon the studies reviewed in Chapter Two that focused on PCOP‘s and their overall
effectiveness to determine if and how the responses of my research participants aligned
with the research. Tierney and Hagedorn (2002), Tierney and Jun (1999) and Perna
(2002), in their reviews of PCOPs discussed involving parents (Strong Black Mothers),
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rigorous course taking and academic excellence (High Expectations), and motivating and
supporting students to create greater opportunities for historically underrepresented youth
(Young, Gifted, and Black).
In this chapter, I will provide a reflection of my experience with the NAI program
followed by a description of the African American male participants and an overview of
the aforementioned themes that emerged through my research. I will end with a summary
of my results. It is important to note that as a result of the required parental involvement
in the NAI program, specifically through the FDI meetings, the parents and students
began to acquire the support, develop a sense of community, and gain the empowerment
necessary to support their children in their college endeavors. Additionally, each of the
male participants viewed themselves as high achieving with regard to their academics
before the NAI program.

My Reflection
―Pre-collegiate academic development programs currently provide the most
consistent means of providing educationally disadvantaged students with learning
opportunities that provide an alternative to the hidden curriculum of public schools‖
(Gullatt & Jam, 2002, p. 3.). Participating in the parent leadership retreat provided me
with a true understanding of the impact that the NAI program had on families and in the
ways they viewed college and their children‘s preparation for attending (or participating
in this program). I will describe my observation and experience while attending this event
sponsored by the NAI.
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On Saturday, February 14
th
in the winter of 2009 The Neighborhood Academic
Initiative (NAI) program held their annual Parent Leadership Retreat at the Founders
Club of the University of Southern California‘s Galen Center. The NAI families arrived
at approximately 7:45 am and upon their arrival, a few of the NAI staff, and NAI Parent
Leaders welcomed the families and asked them to sign their names on the attendance
sheets located in the breezeway of the meeting space. Students were not required to
attend, so the room was filled with parents— some eager, some tentative, yet all awaiting
the NAI presentation. After signing their names, the families began making their way
into the center of the room to the elaborately decorated tables topped with teddy bears
and Whitman‘s chocolate candy gift boxes to highlight Valentine‘s Day. Additionally, on
each chair was an agenda for the parents; both an English and a Spanish version. The
room was filled with close to 100 parents with a mere five representing the African
American community. Each table of parents was then called up one by one to stand in
line for the buffet, which consisted of breakfast foods, refreshments (beverages), and
fresh fruit.
As the family members sitting at each table began to prepare for their meals,
Keisha, Director of the Neighborhood Academic Initiative, welcomed each of the family
members. In unison the families were all asked to stand and read aloud the following
pledge of Allegiance of the NAI program:
As a family, we pledge our allegiance and support to the USC Neighborhood
Academic Initiative program and Family Development Institute. We fully commit
our energies and our time to make these programs a total success for our scholars,
our families and our communities. As part of this commitment, we consistently
encourage our children to be the most well behaved and productive scholars they
can be at school, at home and in the community. Likewise, we take advantage of
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every opportunity offered by the Family Development Institute to enhance our
abilities to attain and enjoy a better life for our scholars and our families. We
affectionately embrace and celebrate the colors, histories and cultures of all our
family members. (Neighborhood Academic Initiative Program, n.d)

At 8:08 am the program began with the team-building activity (including a
Spanish translator) and icebreaker facilitated by parent volunteers. The activity consisted
of each person in the room interviewing a person at their table that they did not know and
had never met before and presenting the information they learned about each other in
front of the room. What was initially a feeling of anxiety, fear and discomfort amongst
the participants soon within the hour developed into a comforting, personable, interactive
environment as each family member one by one introduced the person that they just
interviewed.
As the activity came to a close, Keisha facilitated a power point presentation
entitled, ―The Current State of Education and the Part We Play.‖ Shocked by the
disproportionate number of students of color completing high school, the below average
grades of this student population, and the number of college dropouts in the nation, the
families of the NAI Scholars listened to the presentation with looks of fear and disbelief.
As the Spanish translator repeated each of the statistics for the non-English speakers, the
room grew silent. I immediately thought to myself how impactful this shock value
education was for these families to grasp the importance of their participation in the NAI
program and their involvement in the education of the scholars.
As the presentation came to a close, Keisha introduced the ―Parent Leadership
Panel,‖ a group of four parents, (three fathers and one mother) representing the African
American and who were voted on by their peers to serve as mentors for the families. The
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smell of fresh bread and pasta filled the room as the caterers began to remove the
remnants of breakfast and set up lunch for the families in the back of the room.
One of the panelists, Mr. Dee, stated, ―We are like a cohort, we stick together, the
public is watching us and it is a sacrifice.‖ He asked each parent to look at the person
next to them and to make a promise to be a committed team player and to assure that all
parents complete the program requirements and use the panel as a support system. His
eloquent speaking style, connection to parents and overwhelming passion for the NAI
program resulted in my asking him to be a one of the parent participants of my study.
Parents were given the opportunity to respond and express their feelings,
concerns, anxiety and excitement of the program and the commitment they were pledging
to uphold. One parent, Mr. Fullerton, who also became one of my parent-participants,
gave his recollection of the NAI history and stated that the program began in 1989, was
comprised of the community of Los Angeles, the Board of Education and the University
of Southern California. These three branches came together to develop what is now called
NAI. ―As a parent, I was very concerned with how high the turnover was for the Director
position. Each year there would be a new Director.‖ Mr. Dee added to the conversation
that the NAI program ―empowers parents to be leaders for life,‖ In his effort to inspire
parents to stay involved, he gave the families the analogy of attending a funeral and
stated that, ―waiting around for someone else to step up to the plate and lead, or waiting
for someone else to do it isn‘t enough. He further exclaimed, ―What if that person were to
die?‖ Families were eagerly attentive to the panelists sharing their personal stories and
deeply engaged in discussion throughout the morning. As I sat and listened to the
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questions and the concerns that some of the parents had I was moved to share my own
personal story.
As Keisha thanked the panelists for sharing their stories and dedicating their time,
she introduced me as a doctoral candidate doing research on the impact that the NAI
program has on African American males. I shared with the parents how I was a first-
generation college student whose parents had no clue about the resources and
opportunities available to me as I entered college. I implored them to take advantage of
the NAI Family Development Institute (F.D.I.) as well as the opportunity that the
program affords their children. I was received with a standing ovation and several parents
came to me offering their assistance by way of interviewing with me for my dissertation.
I was overwhelmed with joy and was surprisingly emotional as parents rushed over to my
table. I wondered to myself if the parents were excited that someone was doing research
on the NAI, or if they were excited because I was a man of color who they could relate to
and somehow reminded them of what their children could possibly become. While
excited about assisting me, the parents were obviously tired from the six-hour day as the
program closed at 1:40 p.m. Witnessing their excitement and love for the NAI program
helped confirm to me the influence and impact the F.D.I. had not only on the parents but
also on their families. These parents were not only connected to my personal story, they
were excited to tell me about their experiences with the NAI program and wanted to
show their gratitude by giving back in participating in my research. The response of the
parents suggested to me that the parental involvement (F.D.I.) component of NAI was
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truly effective in assisting parents in connecting to the collegiate culture and empowering
them to want to give back to other families, the true essence of the F.D.I.
The theoretical lens that I will use to evaluate the data presented is Sanford‘s
(1966) notions of challenge and support grounded in Tinto‘s (1993) interactionalist
theory of college student departure. In an effort to capture credible, meaningful and
empirically supported findings that recreate and accurately represent the participants, I
will present data utilizing the individual words of the subjects and the observations of the
author.

High Expectations
Past research has shown that expectations have been consistently linked to student
achievement (Gay 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1994). Results from the present study suggest
the importance of high expectations for NAI participants. Specifically, participant‘s
expectations of themselves, their families and NAI staff and teachers were deemed
critical to their success. In this section I will present the participant‘s responses and
feelings concerning NAI‘s requirements as well as the expectations that their families,
staff, and teachers had of them using Sanford‘s (1966) Challenge and Support as a basis
for discussion. I will also discuss the expectations that the NAI program set forth for their
staff, teachers and families as well.

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Scholar Expectations
As discussed earlier, the NAI program maintains high expectations and specific
program requirements for both the scholars and their families. Student participants
engage in the following program requirements: Pre-College Enrichment Academy
(where they take part in enhanced classes at the University of Southern California on
weekday mornings before regular school); attend the Saturday Academy; after-school
tutoring, remedial and enrichment sessions; workshops on time management and study
skills; and PSAT and SAT1 preparation. Additionally, they are expected to fully
participate in cultural field trips and recreational activities.
Several participants alluded to the high expectations that NAI staff had of them
using words like ―rigor‖ which typically referred to the level of challenge in their
academic courses as well as the expectations of completing assignments both in the
classroom and at home. It was interesting and refreshing to observe that the descriptions
participants articulated concerning rigor were directly aligned with that of the NAI
program. When asked what her expectations were of the students, Keisha, Director of
NAI stated:
same as for the other students, that they follow their contract, that they are here 95
percent of the time, no excuses, doing their homework and, when I say you need
to go to tutoring, you to go tutoring, and don‘t give any excuses, trying to get
above a 2.75 every semester, trying to hit the 3.5 every semester and doing the
things you need to do to accomplish those goals.

During an interview the alumni, Chad (a current USC student) explained the rigor of the
NAI program:
Every summer I had intersession courses, encompassing extra math and English
guidance or a performance activity. The idea was to always keep me busy and to
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keep my brain functioning as opposed to sitting at home every hot summer day
watching TV and hanging out with friends. Not saying that anything is wrong
with that, but if one is willing to succeed some things just aren‘t necessary in the
process.

When asked how NAI differed from his regular school, Mark stated:

It‘s just so challenging. Like, here‘s me in my first week of my senior year and
I‘m like, been sleep deprived. I‘m like still trying to figure out what my bed looks
like. Man, it‘s like, so much work but you look upon it like, Okay, well this is
going to benefit me in the future, so it‘s something that you just get adjusted to.

While the rigor was apparent in many of the interviews, the amount of support
provided to the parents, students and staff was expressed as well. One NAI staff member,
Ms. Snema who oversees the recruitment and retention of the scholars said:
There‘s been times where, if the student is doing low academically, I would
counsel students, especially if they try to get out of the program, seeing if there‘s
any way that we can retain them in the program. And the experience has been
positive, since I‘ve been here for 10 years.

This is an important dynamic of the NAI program, as students are expected to perform
well; they are also given support from the staff. The balance of challenge and support will
be discussed in the next section.
Serendipitously, this same staff member was referenced as one of the Scholar‘s,
Drew, reflected during our follow up discussion on what an impact she had on him
remaining in the program even after his mother passed away. He talked about how she
continued to provide him with support and never let him give up, no matter how hard it
became for him. ―I did not want to be a part of the program and did not care about it. Ms.
Snema and the NAI staff kept calling me and making sure that I was able to attend
events.‖ Drew went on to talk about how his father really did not understand the college
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preparation process; ―he went to the meetings and all that, but I don‘t think he really
understood what was going on about college and all that.‖
In the interviews conducted with Chad, the alumni participant, it was apparent
that the high expectations and rigor of the NAI program helped shape their preparation
for college. Chad stated:
During the summer transition from 11
th
to 12
th
grade, I had mandatory SAT
preparatory courses, also at the University of Southern California, mind you this
is all for free; the Saturday sessions, SAT prep, and summer intercessions. One
thing that really worked to my advantage was having weekly tutoring sessions,
again in Math and English, by current USC students, many who were graduates of
the program.

When asked what made NAI so challenging, one student, Theo replied, ―Just the
expectation, basically. Like, you‘re expected to perform a certain way and, you know,
just high expectations, getting ready for college.‖ The NAI Director‘s comments also
supported this importance of high expectations. She stated:
I want them to try their hardest at everything that they‘re doing because every
moment counts here and I want every moment to count, and the only way that can
happen is if the teachers are making it happen, and I help them to make that
happen by my presence and by my suggestions and anything else I can do.

Grades were not the only expectation of these students. Many of the scholars felt
that because they were expected to succeed, they found the drive to meet and often time
exceed those expectations. Hearing the students give these responses confirmed Gay
(2000) and Ladson-Billings (1994) research. The more questions I asked concerning the
rigor of the program to the various groups of participants I interviewed, I began to see the
thematic thread of high expectations interwoven throughout each conversation as
referenced in the conversations and statements above.
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Challenge and Support
Similar to Sanford‘s (1966) notions of having a healthy balance between
challenge and support in providing growth for students, many of the African American
male students and alumni talked about this balance in their experience in the NAI
program. Having this theoretical framework provided me with a means to identify the
appropriate supports implemented by NAI to counter the challenges that low-income
African American men face in preparing for college. I will begin this section by
providing a reflection from Chad, the alumni participant, next I will highlight the
expectations that the NAI program sets for the staff and families to highlight the
importance of each constituent of the program being held accountable for the success of
the program. Chad recalled:
Internally, being on the USC campus basically everyday and having constant
conversations and tutoring sessions with people who looked just like me and came
from the same neighborhood, put my mind in the perspective that if they have
done it than I can do it. I knew that it would take hard work, but like mentioned
earlier I was willing to take that sacrifice. The program made me see that if one
seeks help, one will receive it. There were many times when my friends who were
not in the program would call me and ask for important college deadlines or
information about the SAT. That is exactly what the NAI program offered,
information and academic aid that definitely was not at any other school as
extensively.

Staff Expectations
Dedication and hard work are not just expected of the students. This is what sets
the NAI program aside from other PCOPs in that everyone is held accountable. When
asked to define her role as Director of the NAI, Keisha discussed the importance of
maintaining the ―integrity of the model‖ and ensuring that staff supported each strand of
the model and funding. She further explained:
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I am the keeper of the model, I should say, the NAI model developed in the late
1980‘s and not just a keeper of the integrity of the model, but also I develop
implementations of different pieces of a model. I ensure that each strand of the
model is supported fundamentally with staffing and with current strategies and
fund it, which is the biggest piece of what I do. I ensure that for a Monday
through Friday program specifically, where the kids are here on campus every day
with their teachers from public school that teachers are teaching and are not only
using strategies that are NAI strategies, but just good teaching. I am in those
classes daily. I have eight classes running every day, I try to get to all eight; it
doesn‘t always work because I wear heels and they‘re far apart.

Parental Expectations
As I continued to get to know the staff, students, alumni, and teachers, it became
evident that as a result of challenging students to be their best while also providing them
with the family, academic and social support necessary to succeed, a college-going
culture began to formulate amongst all involved. Not only were the students challenged
and supported and motivated, but also the families were as well. Quiet times were
instituted in the homes of the students as described in the Family Development Institute
(FDI) section of my study; parents were equipped with information on how to assist with
homework, preparing for SAT‘s and purposeful conversations with their children such as
asking if their children finished their homework each evening.
In response to what she expected from the families of the scholars, as the NAI
Director, Keisha was very confident in the success rate and value of the NAI curriculum.
She boldly compared it to other college pathway programs and made it very clear of what
her expectations of the families was in the following statement:
The same thing that I expect from all the families, and that is you adhere to the
contract, you‘re coming 85% of the time, you are supporting your child at home,
you‘re letting us know, and when I say ―us‖, I mean the staff of the program know
if there‘s anything that‘s stopping you or your child from adhering to the contract
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so that we can work something out for you that will work for you. And it may be
that the child goes to another program because there‘s just no way you can do
what we‘re asking you to do, which is fine. But there‘s other programs that we
can help your child get in here at USC that won‘t give you as much, but won‘t
require as much and the child is still in a college pathway program.

I was impressed in how the comments that the Director made in reference to the
integrity, expectations and purpose of NAI were echoed by all who participated. One
parent, Mr. Fullerton, reflected:
They tell you, don‘t let your kids take the easy class, take the hard class. So
college is going to be a challenge, and it‘s competitive, and once you‘re not lost, it
motivates you more, because a lot of these kids that‘s in NAI never thought they
could come to USC, and a lot of parents didn‘t know what to expect on college
and most of these kids coming to college now, is the first child to go to college.

As a result of participating in the mandatory F.D.I. meetings, the families of the
African American male students as well as the scholars received a plethora of support far
more extensive than that of their home schools. According to the parents, NAI was more
than just an academic college preparation program; it was a program that changed their
lives both in the classroom and in their homes. Parents appreciated the guest speakers and
the education on how to motivate their scholars. One parent, Cheree, stated:
But FDI you get so much information on other things. We get information on
disaster at home. We get information on assistance, on victims of crime. We get
assistance on so much information that you will never ever get unless you come to
them meetings, because a lot of people don‘t get to go to the internet. Well we
know it‘s all there on the Internet, but when you‘ve got it on PowerPoint
presentation; you‘ve got individual speakers coming out to speak to you.

Though researchers (Gay, 200; Ladson-Billings, 1994) highlight the importance
of setting high expectations for students, the NAI program takes the notion of high
expectations to a new level. Empowering families, teachers, and staff members to be their
best and holding them accountable for the success of the overall NAI program and each
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individual student has proven to be successful for the NAI program. Student participants
were able to articulate how important having high expectations set for them was in their
participation in the NAI program and in preparing for college. The next section will
describe the influence that the strong Black mother figures had on the participants in the
classroom and in their personal lives outside of the classroom.

Strong Black Mother Figure
Throughout the conversations with the participants, the involvement of their
mothers was mentioned consistently amongst all three. Teachers, NAI staff members and
alumni all made mention of the impact that the mothers made on the overall success of
the African American males. This section of my research will highlight the ways in
which the strong Black mother figure resonated both in the classroom and in the personal
lives of each of the participants.
In the Classroom
Though the majority of the families of the African American male scholars had
both parents in the home, the mother‘s influence on the African American males
continued to surface in discussion. In his book Beating the Odds, Dr. Freeman
Hrabowski (1998) and colleagues examine the perspectives, behaviors and attitudes that
affect African American males‘ academic performance in school. They collected data
from 38 mothers and 29 fathers using a questionnaire and mostly single-sex group
interviews. Telephone interviews were conducted with parents who could not make the
interview sessions. One of the major conclusions is that the family environment is
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powerfully influential, and the single most influential factor is the mother. In fact, authors
point out that, ―even in two parent homes, the mother assumes primary responsibility for
rearing and educating the son‖ (p. 6).
When asked how teachers thought the families of the Black male students helped
them in their college preparation, one teacher, Ms. Kathy immediately replied: ―Just the
expectations, getting them here, showing up, being here, giving them that it‘s an
expectation. Like, this is what I expect you to do so do it. Strong moms!‖
Teachers, NAI Staff, alumni and current students all mentioned the impact that
the maternal figure had on the students. While not always positive, nevertheless this was
consistent throughout my discussions and interviews. When asked to describe her
interaction with the families of African American male students, one teacher, Ms B,
reflected:
Really, let‘s see. What‘s the word I‘m looking for? Memorable, I think. I think
they stand out with mothers more than with fathers, is that true (thinking out loud
to herself)? Well, at least last year I remember—sisters, grandmothers, so the
maternal figure I think is a big part of the interaction that I remember with the
families. ..I feel like I‘ve had to think about relating to the families more because I
think they were characters in my mind. They weren‘t just like any other parent.

As these strong figures were described in each of the participants that I spoke
with, there was one situation where the mother being a strong figure almost crippled her
child in preventing him to be able to accept constructive criticism and feedback. Ms. B
felt torn between trying to assist the mother in ―letting go‖ and coaching the scholar into
accepting her educational feedback. She very openly shared the following:
So last year I had two African American students in a class of 60. And so, one
interaction was with a mother that was very involved, very involved. That
interaction I just remember being very delicate because I had to sort of work with
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her-I asked her, ―What are some weaknesses of your son?‖ She said, ―My son has
no weaknesses.‖ So in that particular moment I remember having a lot of anxiety
already because I felt like, okay, if I‘m going to be working with a parent who
doesn‘t think their child has any weaknesses then I‘m going to run into-like, how
am I going to communicate so that I don‘t alienate but I can still be critical and do
my job?

While this case presented a challenge for the teacher, overall, the strong Black
mother figure in the lives of these scholars truly prepared them for success and served as
a support system and sense of confidence for these young men. The next section will
describe the influence that the strong Black mother figures had on the personal lives of
the participants and on their feelings of attending college and being the best they could
possibly be.
Personal Lives
Parents being aware of the purpose of the NAI program and the roles in which the
teachers and families play in providing an opportunity for learning proved to be
instrumental in assisting these young men through the pipeline of education and key in
helping them to become comfortable in their personal lives outside of school.
One of the scholars that stood out most to me was Drew, a young man who had
lost his mom while he was in the 10
th
grade. He stated that the loss of his ―best friend‖
affected his grades and caused him to want to leave the NAI program. He reflected on
how much of an impact his mother had on him and how her sudden death caused his
grades to plummet. Remembering all that his mom impressed upon him, and with the
constant support of NAI he was able to remain in the program. He recalled: ―My grades
dropped just a bit because my mom passed away. So I had gone through, like a phase of
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depression. But I brought them back up, and they were back up to par.‖ He further
explained:
My mom, she went to college in Panama but I don‘t think they recognized her
degree over here. So it didn‘t count. My dad didn‘t get to go to college because he
had to work. He had to support the family, so he didn‘t talk about it. But my
mom was like, you should go to college. You need to. The way the world‘s going,
you should get an education. I was like Okay that sounds like a plan. I listen to
her because she‘s my inspiration for everything. So I was like college is a must.
So I keep my grades up and just wait to go to college.

Chad, the alumni of the NAI program, quoted his mother by saying ―If you
don‘t go to college you‘re definitely not staying here.‖ He further stated:
That means I have no choice. I took education very seriously. I still do, and I
demonstrate that to my younger brothers who are also taking their education very
seriously. It meant a lot to me, it just meant that I had to really discipline myself
and really focus on what‘s really important being a Black man, born and raised in
Los Angeles, California. They‘ve been the reinforcers. My parents, I want to say
primarily my mom, I don‘t live with my father but my mother she‘s always been
stressing education since day one I want to say.

As Ms. B and I began to discuss the goals that she as a teacher sets for the
families of African American male students, Ms. B responded in a very concerned tone
―Why are you focused on the families, although that‘s important for me, is that the gist of
the questions?‖ I informed her that since family interaction and involvement was a
component of the NAI program; I would like to have her perspective. She recalled the
following:
Let‘s take one mom, I love that woman, but—she volunteered at different things.
She went to buy a pink suit for her son for the Great Gatsby. ―I‘m on it‖ she said
to me. ―We‘re going to go to the Garment District, we‘re going to buy suits
because we need a pink suit for the Great Gatsby reception we had!‖ So in terms
of my expectations and desires, it has to do with being aware, and understanding
their child fully, in terms of where they‘re headed and where they are at.

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During my interviews with the African American male scholars, I began to see
their comfort level for me increase. In their eyes, I transformed from a doctoral student
interviewing them, into a Black educated male that they saw in themselves and aspired to
become. I purposely wore athletic, hip clothing to deter them from viewing me as a
teacher or figurehead. As our relationship grew stronger, one of the scholars, Mark,
whom I interviewed, began to text me quite often. In the text below, he expresses how his
mother was upset with him for arriving to my interview with him 15 minutes late and
feared that I would be upset with him. He went on to express how happy he was with the
experience and compared me to researchers whom he didn‘t connect well with. This is
yet another example of the impact that the mothers‘ expectation, specifically being on
time, had on Mark:
Hey ma mom waz mad kuz she said I told you to meet me at 7and we got there
like 7sumtn she said he mite not like you anymore I started dyin lol.
I was laffn so hard I told her itz not like dat….she probably thought u were like
dat white guy I told you about who interviewed me all dry.

I replied by telling him, ―I wasn‘t upset with you. I understand how rough it can
be to get up that early in the morning. Knowing how important his mother‘s opinion was
to him, I asked ―Well did you tell your mom about your experience with my interview?‖
He was so excited to tell me about his feelings about the interview, he quickly replied by
texting: ―Yeah I told her it was the bizness n she said kewl thatz great. She said u were a
great guy n she said she knew it when yall first talked .‖
I knew that I had an advantage of translating the language of the African
American male scholars and used it to my advantage in my informal communication with
them. Deep down inside, I felt excited and relieved that I gave a good impression of
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myself to the families and the male scholars. I even felt a connection with the alumni
participant. Chad jokingly reflected on a comment made by his mom in response to my
asking him how he and his family felt about college prior to his participation in NAI. He
replied: ―that was always the choice after high school; I‘ll quote my mom, ‗if you don‘t
go to college you‘re definitely not staying here‘, that just about says it all‖ he stated.
Hrabowski et al. (1998) present persuasive evidence to demonstrate how mothers
of academically successful Black males nurtured their son‘s potential. After splitting up
the mothers into one group and the fathers into one group, the researchers were able to
compare the responses to how each participated in and contributed to the development of
manhood and masculinity in their sons. Using hands-on child-rearing and expressing
parental concern about the child‘s future, these mothers engaged in activities that
conveyed the importance of education and hard work. Specifically, they tended to
monitor carefully their son‘s schoolwork, encourage their son‘s academic achievement,
promote involvement in extracurricular activities, and regulate the amount of time their
sons spent with friends and playing videogames, for example (Hrabowski et al., 1998).
Additionally, mothers spent considerable time talking with their sons about
situations they may encounter as a ―Black male,‖ and how to avoid negative race-related
incidents. All of these seemed to influence the son‘s ability to beat the odds. These same
types of life lessons as illustrated throughout this section were apparent in the lives of the
African male participants in this study. Going above and beyond to assure that their
students were on time, prepared for their classes and extracurricular activities and
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regulating the amount of time each participant put into their academics are some
examples aforementioned.

Young, Gifted, and Black
The final theme of this study, Young, Gifted, and Black, was developed as a result
of the common threads of having high self-esteem, resiliency, and fighting to advocate
for the African American male population of the NAI program. Participants across the
board all felt self-confident and resilient in overcoming obstacles academically, through
the loss of loved ones and interpersonally. In this section, I will discuss the ways the
participants felt they possessed self-esteem and resiliency as a result of their participation
in the NAI program. Next, I will point out how those I interviewed have worked to
advocate for the black male youth especially having significantly disproportionate
representation in the NAI program amongst all other underrepresented populations.
Self-Esteem
Chad, the NAI alumnus, stated:

So if the point has not been stated clear enough, externally this program has been
my academic buttress providing me with all tools possible to achieve my
educational dream. That dream was to attend the University of Southern
California academically or athletically.

Through my discussions with parents, families, staff and students it became
evident that the NAI program provided students with a greater level of self-confidence
and esteem about themselves academically. Similar to Chad‘s quote above, many of the
students viewed themselves as ―good students‖ and reflected on how the NAI program
has impacted them with regard to attending or preparing for college. Chad stated:
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This program put me in a place where I couldn‘t do anything but pursue the
necessary help to go to college. It presented me with the college experience at a
very early age and offered personal experience through the interactions of recent
graduates and understanding and accepting parents. Without the guidance and
development that the NAI program has offered, I really don‘t know where I would
be today.

One of the fathers, Mr. Dee, discussed how the NAI program provided his son
much more self-efficacy than he or his wife could have ever given him. He passionately
described the intentional strategies of the NAI program and how something as simple as
making copies of the syllabus for families, or reminding and educating parents that
McDonalds is not something children should always consume in trying to achieve their
best academically, balanced foods was something that should be provided for them daily.
When I asked Mr. Dee what components of the NAI program helped him and his son the
most, he eagerly replied:
Come on, all of it, I don‘t think there‘s anything that, I mean everything helped,
even the inter-session when we were in the Bill Cosby workshop, having the
home school teachers teach the classes and close relationships being a lot closer
because it makes the kids feel special. We are always calling them scholars and
whatever all else.

Mr. Dee felt that the variety of components of the NAI program were all contributors to
the overall success that he and his son had through the NAI process.
Resiliency
Prior to interviewing my participants, I was under the assumption that the NAI
program saved students from academic disaster and provided them with educational tools
to enhance their grades. To the contrary, the African American male participants despite
deaths in their families, outside distractions, and being the ―only one‖ in their class, were
highly motivated, self-efficacious and resilient. This is yet another example of the success
127
of the NAI program; building resiliency amongst underrepresented low-income students
who according to the statistics mentioned throughout my study, were unlikely to be
successful in attending college.
In this section, I will highlight the ways in which the NAI program has provided
resilience amongst this population of students. Next, I will describe the ways in which
NAI and its constituents have worked to increase the alarming statistics of Black male
college attendance specifically through their work in the NAI program. Finally, I will
close with a summary of my results.
They viewed themselves as high achieving academicians and were very
comfortable talking to me about their experiences both in the classroom and with the NAI
program. Despite the disproportionate number of African American male peers in the
NAI, these students remained focused and persevered. One of the NAI Alumni, Chad
who serves as a mentor for the scholars and is a highly involved junior at USC stated:
Everything you- everything a scholastic student whose perseverant to go into
college and even grad school, NAI has all the resources that you‘ll need to get
into college as far as the SAT prep goes, but throughout the program I saw a lot-
there was a lot of, I would say about 15 African-American males and when I
graduated, I was the only African-American male, so all but 14 left, all but one. I
was the last one and that goes to show you how difficult it is for an African
American male to succeed throughout-let alone high school.

Advocacy

This section will discuss the ways in which African American males are
advocated for in the classroom by teachers and NAI staff members using their own
personal reflections and comments. I will then highlight some strategies of the NAI
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Director, Keisha, in advocating for these students outside the classroom as well in an
effort to increase the population of African American men in the NAI program.
In the Classroom
The low number of African American male scholars is no secret within the NAI
program. While the numbers are shockingly disproportionate, the teachers of the NAI
program advocate for this population and work toward making them comfortable in and
out of the classroom. This section will discuss examples of how the teachers advocate for
the students in the classroom. Ms. B stated:
I had to learn to become a researcher in my own classroom and even stand apart
from myself and not become so personally involved in myself so that I would just
spiral to blaming myself or blaming the kids, or blaming the parents and having
some sort of distance. So I think what‘s really great about- well great and difficult
or interesting about NAI is they have a very expressed, explicit desire to recruit
and retain African American male students. So with one student, Theo, there was
definitely a stronger, whether or not I‘m right or wrong in this, but there was
definitely a ―He‘s an African American male, we really need to keep him.‖ There
was that extra desire to bringing him in. And because of that, that motivated me
too, I think. And I guess that‘s interesting for me to realize that once you have-
well, I guess that‘s‘ true for anyone right? If you know that there are advocates for
this student then you‘re going to feel pressure and then, because I definitely did
not know, within at he first couple of weeks, whether or not he was going to make
it in my classroom. I would make certain expectations for him…… there‘s just so
many parts to it. The part of it that is trying to feel like, trying to diffuse fear, I
feel like that‘s something I try to do with the families. Trying to be authentically
an advocate for your child but trying to maintain autonomy too.

The Director of NAI also mentioned some of her frustration in working as an
advocate for the Black male youth. She discussed how hard it was to get the schools to
send African American males due to the fact that they didn‘t necessarily understand the
point of NAI, which was to accept students who met the requirements and help level the
playing field by giving them an opportunity to prepare for college. She went on to say:
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Because of the changing demographic of this area, which is now largely Hispanic,
Spanish speaking families, we‘ve kind of had to chase African American
demographic south, and so we‘re with Muir Middle School not because they‘re
one of our family schools around USC, but because there‘s a larger population of
African American students at Muir…So its kind of a strategy, when I said I have
to maintain strategies that are current. The strategy before was, for recruitment,
you just go to the neighborhood schools. You can‘t do that anymore. If I‘m going
to have African American students as part of our population here, I have to be a
little bit more creative. Secondly, even when we go to Muir, we‘re recruiting at
Muir, largely the teachers will send us high performing Hispanic students. Happy
for that, and when I say ―high performing‖, I mean those are the kids that just sit
in class and are nice and do their homework. …But with African American
students, I was kind of at my wit‘s end because when we were talking to the
student body or talking to the staff or talking to whoever, they think ―Oh let me
send my best kids over there, and your best kids aren‘t necessarily who we say we
want. This program is looking for those students who are malleable, who thus far
have shown that they‘re capable of doing high quality work, but they‘re just not
doing it.

This quote represents Keisha‘s passion for wanting to assure that NAI teachers
and staff are able to truly meet the needs of the underrepresented male students, as well
as developing initiatives to successfully recruit and retain African American males. In
doing so, she is working on educating her colleagues of the importance of recruiting this
population as the demographic of the schools are becoming highly Latino. She continues
to work hard, to educate these colleagues, recognizing that African American males are
needed as this population is highly underrepresented and often overlooked when schools
send male students to the NAI program.
Outside of the Classroom
In an effort to find better ways to educate the African American males, the NAI
Director, Keisha, talked about developing the whole student. In doing so she strategically
researched the ways in which male adolescents learn in comparison to females and
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realized that it included classroom organization, extracurricular activities and mentorship.
After joyfully expressing her pride in having more African American males to enter the
program in the upcoming year, she became visibly emotional and while holding back
tears said:
I swear, my eyes teared up because it‘s been a long road. This is a very feminized
public school system. It does not speak to the way males learn and so we‘ve had
to really scour the research and do some things differently so that the boys in our
program, the youngest in our program, will look and say, ―Oh, I like this‖, not ―oh
heck, you mean I have to sit in class for five hours and do English and Math some
more, and I don‘t even like English or Math? Or, ―I‘m not even successful in
English and math, this is like a punishment, right? I have to come another day;
this is just like at school when they make me stay after school right?

Keisha recognized this was a perfect example of understanding a deficiency and
working to develop resources to meet the needs of the male scholars. She discussed how
innovative she and her staff were in creating a curriculum with physical education,
healthy eating, and mentorship. She went on to state:
So I put in a sports hour, an hour and 15 minutes of nutrition, and we‘re just as
serious about our sports program as we are about our academics. Where I have a
former NFL star and USC football star in charge of it, with coaches and assistant
coaches who teach the kids the skills of the sports. Not just, ―here‘s a ball, go
play‖, but I tell the kids, ―you‘re going to get better at basketball or football or
soccer or whatever, so if you‘re already playing outside with your little friends or
you‘re on the school team or your just laying out in the yard, you‘re going to be
better at what you do.‖ That speaks to boys. I‘ve divided the classes by gender, so
all the boys are together, all the girls are together.

Keisha was very proud of all of the work she and her staff did to assure that the NAI
program was aware of and catered to the unique needs that male students have in
providing them with a successful learning environment, which is much different than the
way their female counterparts learn.
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Advocacy for Male Learning
I was quite impressed with Kim‘s knowledge of the differences in how students
learn based on their gender and actually learned a great deal from my interview with her.
It made perfect sense to me, why so many African American males are disproportionately
diagnosed with Ritalin or labeled hyper active. The director having the skill base to fine-
tune an area to meet the needs of the male population was yet another example of the
advocacy and equity sought for the Black male scholars. Keisha explained how some of
her passion for educating male youth stemmed from her being a mother of African
American male youth herself.
As she continued to impress upon me the importance of understanding what type
of environments help male students learn, Keisha said:
We have two different ways of learning and teachers who only know how to teach
the girls really. They want the boys to be like the girls; they just want them to sit
there and do what they‘re told to do. And boys learn in a different manner. If they
want to make a connection with you first but you don‘t want to make that
connection, then they‘re not going to learn from you necessarily. So they have
male teachers and male tutors only so that they can make a connection more
readily, but those teachers are also trained in the ways boys learn. So the first
thing they‘re supposed to do is change the environment of the classroom
physically before the boys even get there, so they‘re moving the desks, no straight
rows, they can put them in a horseshoe shape or they can put them in small
groups, but no matter what they do, they‘re going to be moving because boys
have to wake up. They can‘t sit for two hours because the brain goes ―Oop.‖
This is yet another example of Keisha providing me with examples of the differences in
the ways in which males and females learn, and once again how imperative it is for the
NAI program to continue to be savvy in educating this population of students.
Self-Esteem and Resiliency were two examples of how the Black male
participants in my study showcased being young gifted and black. With the intentionality
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of the NAI program exposing them to the importance of attending college, having
teachers who are culturally competent and are equipped with the skills to truly view each
student as an individual and often times teach to the needs of each student and the vision
set forth by Keisha, the Director of NAI in changing the norm and developing strategies
and resources to increase the pool of African American male participants of NAI are all
examples of what contributes to these young men being successful, thus the theme,
―young, gifted, and Black.‖ This theme aligns nicely with my theoretical framework
regarding Tinto‘s (1993) theory in that it points out and supports the importance of
having intentional strategies set in place which then lead to this feeling of being ―young
gifted and black‖, in other words, having social and academic opportunities to develop
self-esteem and resiliency in order to guide this population of students through the NAI
program successfully. The themes presented in Chapter Four, high expectations, strong
black mother figure and young gifted and black, not only represent the aspects of the NAI
program that stood out amongst all interviewed, but also aligns nicely with what the
literature states about providing successful PCOP‘s and creating healthy academic
environments for African American males specifically.
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Chapter Five
Discussion
Through my research, I examined a challenge that postsecondary educational
institutions in the United States have been facing: the disproportionate representation of
students of color in higher education. Though college enrollment rates as a whole have
increased from 13.8 million in 1990 to 17.5 in the fall of 2005, low-income, Latino,
African American, and Native American student populations continue to be
underrepresented (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2004).
In an effort to increase the enrollment rates of this underrepresented population,
institutions of higher education have focused on a traditional method of focusing on the
financial needs of the students. Although helpful, this method does not speak to the
larger issue of providing students with the academic, social and psychological
developments necessary to successfully lead to and through college (Swail & Perna,
2002). Educating the lower socioeconomic parents and providing them with the resources
necessary to access the educational pipeline has proven to be a critical component in
bridging this gap for underrepresented students. According to Tierney and Auerbach
(2004), parents who lack college experience will be able to provide their children with
the necessary monitoring and guidance necessary if they themselves learn the steps to the
college pathway.
I studied the components of precollege programs that facilitate college
preparedness for low-income, first-generation African American males. Specifically, I
examined the African American male students, their families, the professional staff, and
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teachers and alumni who were a part of the USC-NAI precollege program. My intention
in the study was to investigate and understand the specific program components that
provided success for African American male participants as they prepare for college. I
approached this study from an ethnographic perspective to observe and understand the
relationship between the African American males and the components of the program. In
this chapter, I will provide an overview of the findings. Furthermore, I will suggest
recommendations obtained from the data collected in the study for policymakers, parents
and practitioners, including limitations and future research. I will then provide my final
thoughts in the conclusion.

Review of Theoretical Foundation
In Chapter Two, I presented an array of literature examining precollege outreach
programs (PCOPs) with a particular emphasis on the nature of PCOPs; effective program
components; African American males in higher education; and how they all relate to
student engagement in college for African American males.
I chose to use challenge and support as a theoretical construct in this study
grounded in the interactionalist theory of college student departure. The changes that
students encounter in college for the first time are representative of their ―challenges‖
while the resources that are available for students as well as their ability to feel
comfortable on the campus represent the ―support.‖ The research of the theoretical
frameworks in chapter two allowed me to present the notion that the magnitude of a
student‘s academic and social experiences on college campuses are key indicators of their
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success. While this model works for students in general and supports the notion that the
more students step out of their comfort zone and get involved outside the classroom; the
greater chance they have in obtaining academic success, this does not however take into
consideration first generation, low-income, male students and how they are impacted by
challenges and support or how they define the two.
The goal of my study was to discover and understand whether and how the NAI
helped low-income, first-generation African American men prepare for college. With
such a scarce pool of studies that explore African American males and the ways in which
they access the pipeline of higher education, I was able to locate research referring to
involvement for African American males at large, four-year, predominantly White
institutions and they ways in which they perceive leadership and their experiences in
leadership roles on the campuses they attend. These roles include but are not limited to
student government, fraternities, residence life and other types of out of classroom
experiences. Specifically, the research question that guided my study, and outlined in the
first chapter was as follows: What components of the Neighborhood Academic Initiative
(NAI) facilitate college preparedness for low-income, first generation African American
males?

Review of Methodology
In order to address the above research questions, I chose a qualitative approach
rather than a quantitative approach. By adopting a qualitative approach, I was able to ask
the ―what‖ and ―how‖ questions of my participants and engage them in rich, thick
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description of their experiences and feelings. This ethnographic approach enabled me to
gain a full picture perspective of the realities of the students, families and other
participants. To give voice to the research participants, and to strengthen the credibility of
my research results, I utilized the following three ethnographic methods: (a) in-depth
interviews, (b) observations, and (c) document analysis. I did not conduct focus groups
due to the low number of African American males in the program that met my research
criteria (low-income, underrepresented, first-generation college bound African American
males). Using this purposeful sampling process proved successful in selecting
information-rich cases whose study illuminated the questions under my study as
referenced by Patton (2002). In addition, I used member checking in order to ensure
unbiased data collection by reiterating what I heard each participant say during each of
the interviews; took copious notes during each interview to compliment the recorded
interviews; and provided a copy of the transcript to each of the participants to assure that
what they said and felt was captured in the document.
While my goal was to attend the Family Development Institute‘s (F.D.I.) parent
meetings held on Saturdays, I ended up having the opportunity to observe the participants
at a series of events including the FDI and the Parent Orientation Leadership Retreat and
in their interactions with each other, the NAI staff and their children (African American
male participants). I interviewed the teachers in the NAI office during the late summer
months and had an opportunity to visit one of the schools that the NAI students attended
which provided me with even more of an understanding and perspective of how the
students and teachers interact when they do not know they are being observed. In total I
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spent about 140 hours in formal and informal hours of observation, interviews with
participants and in analyzing documents.
Once the data collection was finalized, I used Creswell‘s (2003) six-step plan for
data analysis. All of the transcriptions were organized and sent back to me from the
transcription company electronically allowing me to separate them into categories
(student, staff, alumni, parents, and teachers). Within these ―groupings,‖ I was then able
to code the transcripts as I worked to search for commonalities amongst the responses
provided by my research participants. Through this coding process, themes and
categories were generated and supported by narrative passages. The three themes (high
expectations; strong Black mother figure; and young gifted and black) that emerged from
the data became my framework and guided the voices of the participants in Chapter Four.

Discussion of Findings
In Chapter Four, I presented the data that was gathered from my conducting
interviews, taking part in observations and analyzing documents pertaining to NAI. Once
I organized and coded the data by categories, the following three conceptual categories
(themes) emerged: (a) high expectations, (b) the presence of a strong Black mother
figure, and (c) young, gifted, and Black. The participants shared their personal stories of
how they became involved with the NAI program, reflected on their experiences as direct
and/or indirect participants in the program, and articulated the ways in which the
components of the program and specifically which components of the program helped
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prepare them for college. In this section the study‘s findings are juxtaposed with findings
from previous research.
High Expectations
High Expectations assist in preparing African American males for success. One of
the ways in which NAI assisted Black men in preparing for college is by setting high
expectations. The high expectations set forth by the NAI program for both families, and
the student participants was mentioned time and time again through my interactions and
interviews with the research subjects. Prior to their involvement in the program Black
male participants talked about how they never had teachers to challenge them and to
show care and concern for their success. High expectations have been noted as critically
important to students success by other researchers (Tierney, 2002), although his work did
not focus on Black males specifically. Thus, the present study extends our understanding
of the influence of PCOP staff and parents on African American male success. By setting
high expectations and encouraging Black men to excel, PCOP staff, teachers and parents
can act as mentors and guides to Black men. Whereas many PCOPs offer counseling and
mentoring assistance that can be provided through formal mentors (Gandara, 2002;
Hagedorn, 2002; Nora, 2002), my findings suggest that staff, and parents can act as
informal mentors as well.
Strong Black Mother Figure
Secondly, all participants in the present study viewed strong Black mother figures
as critically important to their son‘s success. For instance, when asked what stands out
about these students, one NAI teacher said ―strong Black mothers‖. Previous researchers
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have highlighted the important role that Black mothers play in the academic and social
success of their children (Hrabrowski, Maton, & Grief, 1998; Kunjufu, 1993).
Specifically, Hrabrowski and colleagues argue that Black mothers assume the primary
responsibility for rearing and educating their sons, even in two-parent households.
Consistent with previous findings, mothers of NAI participants encouraged their sons to
do well and participate actively in the program. However, my findings add to the current
literature by highlighting the specific roles that mothers play in PCOPs such as NAI.
In my experiences with the families and the scholars, I myself witnessed the
influence that the mothers and their opinions had on the scholars. Many of the parents
discussed how they in turn were motivated by the resiliency exuded by their sons and
raved about the new found connection and bond they had as a family in wanting to
experience college as an attainable reality and not a farfetched dream.
Young, Gifted, and Black
Lastly, participant interviews revealed that NAI Black males felt a sense of being
young, gifted, and black. The mere fact that their parents were more aware of the
collegiate preparation process and more in tuned with their daily educational activities
and rigor, these young men developed a stronger level of comfort for their studies. The
rigor of the program and the support of the NAI staff and teachers also provided a level
of self-efficacy for these young men that they would not have ever developed through
their schooling prior to the NAI program. They talked about how much they have grown
and developed in relation to their friends and neighbors who were not afforded the
opportunity to, or who did not meet the requirements to remain in the NAI program.
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Young Black men raised in the same communities, with similar experiences who
prior to NAI attended the same schools and shared the same teachers have different
perspectives of who they are and how attainable college truly is after attending NAI.
Those who attended the NAI feel empowered, resilient, focused, supported and
motivated. Though previous researchers have noted the importance of self-esteem and
self efficacy to the success of Black men (Cuyjet, 1997; Fleming, 1984; Strayhorn, 2007,
2008), few of these have examined the role that PCOP‘s specifically NAI, play in
nurturing such feelings among Black men in ways that my present study has.

Recommendations
Based on my research findings, I have formulated the following recommendations
to policy makers, parents and educators. The five recommendations include: (a) continue
to support precollege programs like NAI; (b) continue to develop Town and Gown
relationships; (c) invest in On-Going Parental Partnerships; (d) develop a cultural
competency component for students of color attending predominantly White institutions
like USC; (e) develop a liaison position to collaborate efforts with the university to assist
students in first-year, first-generation college students transitions.
Support of Precollege Programs
The NAI staff, teachers, parents, and even students all mentioned how implausible
it is that a staff of so few can accomplish so much for so many. Many of the precollege
programs that I researched tended to have limited resources and were funded by grants
and grant writing efforts made on behalf of those working for the program. In an effort to
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provide opportunities for students to grow and develop self efficacy, it is clear in reading
chapter four how critical it is for programs like NAI to continue for students in low-
income areas. The nature of the work of the NAI staff can however be taxing on a staff
that is so few and can cause a high turnover. Increasing the staffing as well as developing
secured funding for the program or long-term grants can assist in the longevity of the
program as well as providing additional and more intentional interactions with individual
students, parents and teachers. Educational policy makers concerned with access might
secure funds to support additional programs like NAI at other institutions located in inner
cities.
Continue Town and Gown Relationships
The students and families shared their enthusiasm and excitement as a result of
taking classes, and having meetings and barbecues on the campus of USC. Many of the
students talked about how their friends who are from the same neighborhoods never had a
chance to step foot on campus, let alone taking classes and being mentored by athletic
coaches in preparation for a free college education! The students referred to the NAI as a
head-start for college and even jokingly mentioned how they already were more familiar
with the campus than some college freshman. The students seemed to really enjoy the
family programs and social events sponsored by the NAI and felt that USC was a
welcoming environment for them. Having this ―head-start‖ is key to providing students
with a level of comfort to dispel the negative stereotypes that they had about schools like
USC as well as allowing their energy to be used on their academics as opposed to trying
to navigate the culture as a man of color as research indicated on the obstacles Black
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males face in accessing the pipeline of higher education. Developing these town and
gown (community and campus) relationships will allow USC students to also become
more aware of their environments thus developing their cultural competency.
Specifically, NAI leaders might consider developing a NAI Community Liaison
position that would be responsible for providing outreach programs and initiatives
between USC and local agencies, businesses (barbershops, hair salons, churches)
nonprofit organizations and other community-based partners.
Invest in On-Going Family Partnerships
Through the interviews and conversations, the African American male students
and their families expressed how appreciative they were for having opportunity to take
part in the eight mandatory FDI meetings held between the end of the summer and early
fall. Intentional partnerships were developed amongst the families and the NAI as well.
These opportunities were not made available throughout the entire year however. As
mentioned earlier, the NAI would benefit from more professional staff and as a result
could potentially extend the availability of these parents meetings to provide families
with a year-long (more spread out) curriculum. In addition, NAI staff and teachers might
want to develop ways to connect the mothers to the instruction and learning outcomes of
the class. Creating learning activities that include mothers both in the classroom and
during homework assignments could make use of this need for strong black mothers.

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Develop a Cultural Competency Component to Enhance Self-Awareness and
Esteem
Throughout the research on African American males, there is a plethora of
information referencing obstacles, stereotypes, disproportionate graduation rates, and
lack of support for this specific population. The NAI program and other PCOPs could
contribute to developing a culture of equity amongst college campuses by providing a
cultural competency component to equip the male students with the self efficacy,
resiliency and self esteem that they receive through the NAI program as highlighted in
the theme; Young Gifted and Black. Increasing the esteem of this population and
providing them with the drive to succeed can aid in decreasing the impact that
noninclusive and nonsupportive environments can have on Black males, especially as
they attend PWIs. This is key for men of color who often times have less likelihood of
having mentors on their campuses that they can relate to and look like them. As a result
of the present study, policymakers and program directors might invest in staff training or
development workshops that encourage PCOP staff to have high expectations of students,
especially Black men, and offer strategies for conveying those expectations to program
participants. Staff might be educated about the powerful influence that high expectations
play in student success. Similarly, they might be trained on praising students and offering
affirmations that are authentic and empowering.
First Year Transition Liaison
The parents and students all expressed the relief they had in having NAI to
provide them with a better understanding of the forms, application process, taxonomy,
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etc. used in the college application and preparation process. As research indicates that the
majority of African American males attending college are first generation college
students, many of them will, despite their success in the NAI program, get to college and
feel overwhelmed by the curriculum, and the feeling of being the only Black male in
many of their classes.
The implementation of a first-year transition liaison can provide a more
systematic approach in providing resources and support for those students during their
first year in college. NAI does connect with the colleges that the scholars attend, even if it
is not USC, but often times not having a person solely responsible for this transition can
result in some students falling through the cracks. Some of the parents who had older
children go through the NAI program mentioned how difficult it was to motivate their
students to succeed once the NAI program is completed.

Future Research
While it was beyond the scope of this study, future research should be conducted
on the difference (if any), that the NAI program components have on a student attending
a four-year PWI versus a community college or an Historically Black College or
University. I would also like to see if the Latino males who are the majority student
demographic in NAI have similar responses and feelings concerning the NAI as well as
their parents. Would the same themes emerge? Additionally, it would be helpful if this
study could have taken on a true ethnographic process, where the participants would be
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observed, interviewed and assessed over a longer period of time and in various
environments such as their homes, at work, and in extracurricular activities.
In conducting this study, I found that strong black mothers were important;
however I was struck by the fact that fathers were not mentioned from participants with
regard to their involvement or lack thereof. Second, this qualitative study consisted of
interviews with African American males as my primary focus; a future study might
collect data at multiple campuses to obtain a larger sample size and to allow the
exploration of similarities and differences. Finally this study focused on program
participants and staff, a future study may focus on the institutional context and
specifically how the institution‘s demographic affects students‘ experiences in program
(location, urban vs. rural, Historically Black College or University vs. Predominantly
White Institution, ethnic population etc.).

Limitations
In this study, I examined the NAI program in determining which components
prepared African American males for college. The recommendations that I offered within
this chapter are not extensive due to constraints of space and time. Thus, this research
study has several limitations. First, due to the low number of 11
th
and 12
th
-grade African
American males in the NAI, I was only able to interview three students and one alumnus,
as he was the only African American male NAI alum attending USC or any college for
that matter. Second, I conducted all of my interviews during the summer when students
had more free time and weren‘t engaged in extracurricular activities in school that may
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have changed the ways in which they felt about their academic curriculum and level of
comfort in the NAI. Lastly, due to the fact that my classmate and I were both working on
the NAI and past students have done research on the NAI, many of the parents had been
interviewed several times before I interviewed them and were mildly fatigued by the
interview process and/or were able to answer the questions without having to think
through them since they had been asked many of the same type of questions before. The
parents were also suggested by the NAI Program Director, so they may have already been
well-versed in the program and how it impacted their lives as well as their students.
Instead of interviewing the parents, perhaps I could have interviewed siblings, school
counselors or the friends of the scholars to get their perspective as well.

Conclusion
In closing this study provided feedback for policymakers, parents, and educators
on the components of the NAI program that assisted students in their preparation for
college. High Expectations, Parental Involvement, and Mentorship were all highlights of
the NAI program for the program participants who shared that these components made
them feel better about themselves as a whole and more confident about attending college.
Precollege programs such as NAI must continue to find ways to educate men of
color who we now know learn differently than others and have unique obstacles and
challenges that affect them in going to and through college. Through my interactions
with the African American male students and their families, I heard about the challenges
and barriers they face on a daily basis. I as an African American male can relate to many
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of these challenges and had to be very intentional in being aware of my own personal
biases.
I really was touched by the stories of all of the participants, however what
impacted me more than anything was the ways in which these young men opened up to
me in such a short amount of time. Our conversations grew from surface based, to long
walks across campus, me providing them with rides to their homes, receiving text
messages from them and being asked to come back to attend their graduations. I
purposely presented myself to these students in a very informal way. I wore athletic
shorts and cut off shirts in an effort to expose my tattoos and athletic build to the students
for I hoped that this would be a subtle way to break the ice with them before our
communication even began. Low and behold most of our discussions began with them
asking questions about my tattoos and my experience in extracurricular activities. I
shared with them the fact that I ran track in from middle school through college, was a
trained dancer and pledged a Historically Black Greek Lettered Organization (BGLO) at
a Historically Black College (HBCU). One student was surprised when I told him that I
was 34 and stated, ―wow you are my dad‘s age and you look like a college student.‖
This was truly a rewarding experience, and will assist me in helping my own son
prepare for college as well as understanding what my African American male college
students go through on a daily basis on the campus that I work on. All students should be
afforded the opportunity to attend college and to further their education and it is the
responsibility of parents, policymakers, educators and society to make sure that these
goals are met.
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154
Appendix A
Student Interview Questions
Demographic Questions
1. What is the population of your school?
2. What type of relationship do you have with your school counselor?
3. How did you become involved in NAI?

Prior to NAI
1. Describe your academics (grades) prior to NAI.
2. How did your parents assist you with your schoolwork?
3. How did you and your family feel about college before NAI?

During NAI
1. Tell me about your experiences with NAI
2. How does NAI differ from your classes at school?
3. How are your academics now that you are involved in NAI?
4. How has NAI assisted you in your academic achievement?
5. How has NAI assisted you in your preparation for college?
6. What does NAI provide for you that your school doesn‘t?
7. How has NAI changed your family (parents)?

Closing Questions
1. What components of NAI have enhanced your academics?
2. What components of NAI have in your opinion better prepared you for college?

155
Appendix B

Alumni Interview Questions

Demographic Questions
1. What is your current academic status?
2. What is your connection to NAI at this time?
3. How did you become involved in NAI?

Prior to NAI
1. Describe your academics (grades) prior to NAI.
2. How did your parents assist you with your schoolwork?
3. How did you and your family feel about college before NAI?

During NAI
1. Tell me about your experiences with NAI
2. How did NAI differ from your classes at school?
3. How are your academics now that you have graduated from NAI?
4. How has NAI assisted you in your academic achievement?
5. How has NAI assisted you in your preparation for college?
6. What did NAI provide for you that your school didn‘t?
7. How has NAI changed your family (parents)?
8. Are you involved with NAI currently? In what way? Or Why not?

Closing Questions
1. What components of NAI have enhanced your academics?
2. What components of NAI have in your opinion better prepared you for college?
3. What do you value about NAI?

156
Appendix C
Parent’s Interview

Demographic Information
1. Tell me about your family‘s views on education
2. How did you hear about NAI
3. What motivated you and your family to participate in NAI?

Prior to NAI
1. Describe your child‘s academics prior to NAI
2. How often did you assist your child with homework?
3. Tell me how you and your child felt about college before participating in NAI.

Family Involvement During NAI
1. Describe your relationship with your child with regard to his academics.
2. What has your NAI experience been like as a parent?
3. What about you and your child have changed since being a part of NAI?
4. How have you become involved in your child‘s preparation for college?
5. How have you become involved in your child‘s academic achievement?
6. What is your expectation of your child‘s future?
7. What about NAI has provided you with tools to support you child‘s academics?
8. What about NAI has provided you with tools to support your child‘s college
preparation?

Closing Questions
1. What components of NAI do you feel have helped you and your child the
most?
2. What do you value about NAI?
3. Has NAI changed you as a parent?

157
Appendix D

NAI Staff Interview

Demographic Information
1. How long have you been working at NAI?
2. What is your job role?

Family Interaction
1. Tell me about your relationship with the NAI families of African American (AA)
male students.
2. What role do you see yourself in with regard to the families of AA male students?
3. What are you goals for the families of AA male students based on your job role?
4. What are you expectations for the families?
5. Describe any changes you have noticed in the families of AA male students as a
result of NAI.

Student Interaction
1. Describe your relationship with the NAI AA male students.
2. What is your interaction with these students in the classroom and during advising
sessions?
3. What role do you play in shaping the lives of these students?
4. What are your goals for these students based on your job role?
5. What are your expectations for these students?
6. Describe any changes you have noticed in the students as a result of NAI

Closing
1. How do you think the NAI families of AA male students have helped in their
student‘s academic achievement?
2. How do you think the NAI families of AA male students have helped in their
student‘s preparation for college?

158

Appendix E

Teacher Interview

Demographic Information
1. How long have you been working at your school?
2. What is your job role?

Family Interaction
1. Tell me about your relationship with the NAI families of African American (AA)
male students.
2. What role do you see yourself in with regard to the families of AA male students?
3. What are you goals for the families of AA male students based on your job role
and your knowledge of NAI?
4. What are you expectations for the families?
5. Describe any changes you have noticed in the families of AA male students as a
result of NAI.
Student Interaction
1. Describe your relationship with the NAI AA male students.
2. What is your interaction with these students in the classroom and during advising
sessions?
3. What role do you play in shaping the lives of these students?
4. What are your goals for these students based on your job role?
5. What are your expectations for these students?
6. Describe any changes you have noticed in the students as a result of NAI
Closing
1. How do you think the NAI families of AA male students have helped in their
student‘s academic achievement?
2. How do you think the NAI families of AA male students have helped in their
student‘s preparation for college?
3. What components of NAI do you feel prepare African American males for
college?

159

Appendix F

Demographic Data Form

Pre-Assigned ID#___________
Experiences of African American Males Accessing the Pipeline of Higher Education
Through the Neighborhood Academic Initiative

DEMOGRAPHIC DATA FORM

This questionnaire is voluntary and anonymous. By completing it, you are consenting to
participate in this study but are free to withdraw at any time. Should you have any questions
regarding the project, please contact Jame’l Hodges [jrhodges@usc.edu or 626.394.2272].

A. Background

1. Age: _________ (in years)
2. Hometown: (city) _________________________ (state) _______________________
3. Enrollment Status: □ PT student □ FT student
□ PT student, FT work □ FT student, FT work
□ PT student, PT work □ FT student, PT work
4. Grade in school: □ 8
th
□ 9
th
□ 10
th
□ 11
th
□ 12
th

5. Living Arrangement: □ Live w/parent(s) □ Live w/guardian □ Live
independent
6. As of now, what is your intended major for college: __________________________
7. What is your current HS GPA? □ A (3.75 and above)
□ A‘s and B‘s (3.25 – 3.74)
□ B (2.75 – 3.24)
□ B‘s and C‘s (2.25 – 2.74)
□ C (1.75 – 2.24)
□ C and below (1.74 and below)
8. The highest level of education you ever expect to complete:
□ Bachelor‘s degree □ Master‘s degree
□ Doctorate (PhD etc) □ Professional (MD, JD)

Abstract (if available)

Abstract In an effort to prepare African American males for success, it is imperative to cultivate a culture of high academic rigor and to have high expectations for these students. Pre-college Outreach Programs, while having the overall impact on college preparation, each have their unique program components, yet none of them combine financial assistance, parental involvement and academic support within their overall framework. This study aims to identify the specific components of the University of Southern California's Neighborhood Academic Initiative (pre-college outreach program), that provide success for African American males in their quest for Higher Education.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Hodges, Jame'l R. (author)

Core Title Experiences of African American males accessing the pipeline of higher education through the Neighborhood Academic Initiative

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 02/08/2011

Defense Date 01/28/2011

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American males,black males in college,men of color,NAI,Neighborhood Academic Initiative,OAI-PMH Harvest,parental involvement,pre-college outreach program components,pre-college outreach programs,retention for men of color,successful pre-college outreach programs

Place Name California (states), Los Angeles (city or populated place)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Jun, Alexander (committee chair), Cole, Darnell (committee member), Garbuio, Judith (committee member)

Creator Email jlh509@lehigh.edu,jrhodges@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m3649

Unique identifier UC1212456

Identifier etd-Hodges-4334 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-433945 (legacy record id),usctheses-m3649 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Hodges-4334.pdf

Dmrecord 433945

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Hodges, Jame'l R.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu