University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Early academic experiences of recently incarcerated African American males

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Early academic experiences of recently incarcerated African American males

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EARLY ACADEMIC EXPERIENCES OF RECENTLY INCARCERATED
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES

by

Adam R. Jeffers

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2010

Copyright 2010 Adam R. Jeffers
ii

Table of Contents

List of Figures iv

Abstract v

Chapter 1 1
Introduction to the Project 1
Education, Identity Formation, and Incarceration 12
Statement of the Problem 19
Purpose of the Study 22
Research Questions 24
Definitions of Terms 25

Chapter 2 29
Introduction to the Review of Literature 29
School Curriculum and Teacher Instruction 30
Teacher Expectations and Student Perceptions 42
Socialization and Cultures in Conflict 54
Socialization and Racial Identity Development 59
Socialization and Gender Identity Development 66
The School-to-Prison Pipeline 70

Chapter 3 81
Introduction to the Research Methods 81
Research Questions 82
The Qualitative Approach 82
The Researcher 84
Ethical Considerations 88
Setting 90
Participants 92
Data Collection 93
Sample Protocol Questions for the Individual
Interview 100
Instrumentation and Procedures 101
Validity 104
Limitations and Delimitations 106
iii

Chapter 4 109
Introduction to the Findings 109
Individual Profiles 110
Overview of the Findings 121
Early Academic Success – Grades K-4 122
Middle School Meltdowns – Grades 5-8 130
High School Push Outs – Grades 9-12 137
Teaching the Purpose of Education 146
Conflict between Teacher Expectations and
Student Perceptions 148
African American Male Identity Development 153

Chapter 5 162
Summary of the Project and Findings 162
Discussion of Early Academic Success –
Grades K-4 164
Discussion of Middle School Meltdowns –
Grades 5-8 168
Discussion of High School Push Outs –
Grade 9-12 172
Discussion of Teaching the Purpose
of Education 176
Discussion of Teacher Expectations and
Student Perceptions 178
Discussion of African American Male Identity
Development 180
Conclusion 183
Implications 186
Ten Solutions for Critical Change in
Education 187
Qualified Teachers 187
Middle School Career Camps 188
Relevant Curriculum 189
Identity Development 191
Adequate Resources 192
Black Jegna Men 194
Gender-Specific Learning Communities 195
College Preparation in Middle School 197
Equal Sentencing from Courts 198
Ongoing Education in Prison 199
Future Research 200

Bibliography 203
iv

List of Figures

Figure 1.A: Trend in fourth-grade average NAEP 40
Science Scores

Figure 1.B: African & European American 8
th
Grade 40
NAEP score gap

Figure 2.A: Most urban students at this school 46
would not be successful at a community
college or university

Figure 2.B: Most urban students at this school 47
would not be successful at a community
college or university

Figure 3.A: G-Low’s integrated word responses to 123
the early academic questionnaire

Figure 3.B: Benefit of having more education caption 145

v

Abstract

This project examines the early educational
experiences of 6 young African American males (ages 18-
25) who attended urban schools in San Diego, California.
All 6 men were incarcerated for at least 1-year before
participating in a pre-release program. The participants
were part of a pre-release program in San Diego,
California, which was selected based on its reputation
for preparing recently incarcerated African American
males for assimilation into urban communities. The
participants were selected because their academic
experiences are similar to many young African American
males who attend urban schools.
The guiding research questions for this study were
the following: (1) What are the educational experiences
of African American males who have been incarcerated?
(2)How do African American males, who have experienced
incarceration, perceive themselves and their identity
development in California’s urban schools? (3) What
perceptions do African American male students have of
their urban school teachers’ expectations?
vi

Data were collected during the pre-release program
through individual interviews, a group interview,
questionnaire, short writing responses, and observations.
It was found that early academic experiences of African
American men profoundly impact their social, cultural,
and psychological development as well as life choices
that can lead to incarceration. By examining the range of
experiences described by the participants, six general
themes were identified: (1) early academic success, (2)
middle school meltdowns, (3) high school push outs, (4)
teaching the purpose of education, (5) teacher
expectations and student perceptions, and (6) African
American male identity development.
The overarching narrative identified by the themes
is that African American males generally have more
positive academic experiences in elementary school versus
middle or high school. In addition, pedagogy (teaching
the purpose of education), teacher-student relations
(teacher expectations and student perceptions), and
psychological development (African American male identity
development) are also strong influences. In fact, all
themes interweave and overlap at times. Explaining the
vii

opportunities and obstacles encountered in each stage of
the early educational experience (elementary, middle, and
high school) cannot be accomplished without
simultaneously analyzing pedagogy, student-teacher
relations, and psychological development.
1

CHAPTER 1
Introduction to the Project
A growing body of literature suggests that Black
1

children in America cannot achieve academic success
within the current educational system (Aronson, 2001;
Boykin, 2001; Delpit, 1982; Hilliard, 2001; Hudley, 2001;
Ladson-Billings, 1997; Polakow, 2002). In her early
writings, Hale (1982) held traditional education
responsible for placing a heavy emphasis on shaping
children from all ethno-cultural backgrounds to fit into
an educational process designed for middle-class White
children. Hale stated that, “The process of shaping and
socializing children in traditional schools has led to a
disproportionate number of Black Children labeled as
hyperactive, placed in special classes and often
suspended or expelled” (p.1).
It is often difficult for young Black males to
succeed academically and become positive members of
society once they have been given a negative label, such
as having academic deficiencies. Livingston and Nahimana
(2006) stated that, “Over the past 30 years, a good deal

1
For clarification on the usages of the terms “Black” and “African American” please see the Definitions
of Terms section in this chapter.
2

of debate has been tabled concerning whether the public
school system can educate Black male children and provide
them with the skills needed to become productive
citizens” (p. 209).
Addressing the educational needs of all students in
America is becoming increasingly complex, due to the
diverse backgrounds and social settings from which
students originate (Lewis, 2001). This reality places
many children at risk of not receiving high quality
education from public schools. Data collected by Thompson
(2002) revealed that 28% of African American high school
seniors identified relationships with fourth-grade
teachers as one of their worst K-12 schooling
experiences. How can it be that African American students
develop negative impressions of school and education at
such a young age? Thompson further explained that the
parents of African American students highlight the need
for teachers and school administrators to improve
relationships with their children and form bonds based on
mutual respect and equal treatment; however, educators
are more concerned with improving the failing achievement
levels of African American students.
3

Public school students’ achievement levels along
with the “achievement gap” between White and ethnically
diverse children continue to be of great concern for
parents and educators alike. The “achievement gap” has
become one of the most talked about issues in American
society and the educational system (Ladson-Billings,
2006). These discussions place a greater emphasis on
reducing the gap between Black and White test scores than
on improving the quality of education for all children.
According to a 2005 report issued by the National
Association of Educational Progress (NAEP), as young
Black males make progress through the K-12 educational
system, their chances of academic failure become more
prevalent. The NAEP report found that Black eighth-grade
students in California achieved an average score that was
35 points lower than White students in mathematics in
2000, which is only a 3 point increase from 1990. The
2002 NAEP report shows that 34% of eighth-grade Black
boys were “below basic” in writing achievement in 2000,
while only 12% of White boys were “below basic” in this
area. With only 10% of eighth-grade Black boys at or
above proficiency level, it should come as no surprise
that they struggle even more in high school. In some
4

cities, such as San Diego, the majority of Black males
drop out before completing twelfth grade, and only a
small percentage receive the instruction needed to
develop the skills necessary for college.
In addition to the achievement gap between Black and
White students, it is also important to recognize the
impact of the “discipline gap” on the early educational
experiences of African American males. According to
Holzman (2006), Black male students are suspended or
expelled at nearly three times the rate of White male
students. The disproportionate discipline of African
American boys in urban schools may promote the assumption
that they are the enemies of academia. Fenning and Rose
(2007) suggest that the problem of the discipline gap has
been documented and discussed for more than a quarter of
a century, so it seems to overlap and coincide with the
timing of the achievement gap.
Despite representing only 8.6% of American public
school students, African American boys comprise 22% of
those expelled from school and 23% of those suspended
(Smith, 2004). With such high rates of expulsion and
suspension, African American boys are leading lives of
hopeless desperation (Quamina, 1999). The key to
5

addressing this sense of hopeless desperation is best
explained by Ladson-Billings (1997). She states, “The
telling statistics on life chances of African Americans
suggest that whenever we can improve the schooling
experiences for African American students, we have an
opportunity to reverse their life chances” (p.697).
With more African American students scoring “below
basic” on proficiency exams, receiving strict punishment
in school, and dropping out of the educational system,
their opportunities for obtaining good jobs are slim. The
United States Department of Labor (2007) released figures
that showed African Americans with twice the percentage
of unemployment as White Americans. The high level of
unemployment in the African American community is
seemingly an expression of low levels of education.
Wright (2007) submitted a report on the conditions of
Black male unemployment at a Capitol Hill hearing in
Washington, DC. Data provided at the hearing noted that
65% of young Black male high school dropouts were
unemployed in 1999. The figure increased to 72% in 2004.
The trend was compared to unemployment among White
Americans, which topped at 29%.
6

Charles Schumer, a New York senator, stated that
“Incarceration rates of young Black males is at historic
highs, more than half of Black males do not finish school
and a Black man in his twenties without a high school
diploma is more likely to be in jail than working”
(Wright, 2007). With increased incarceration rates in
California, educators and policy makers may begin to look
through the barbed wire fences and see state and federal
prisons becoming warehouses for “would be” college-bound
African American males. There are many factors that
contribute to incarceration; however, a disproportionate
number of Black males are encountering the U.S. criminal
justice system just as the academic achievement gap
widens. Black Americans make up 13% of the national
population, but they are 31% of those arrested, 41% of
those in jail, and 49% of the prison population (U.S.
Department of Justice, 1996). From 1980 to 1990, the
percentage of the Black population in state and federal
prisons increased from 39% to 53%. Blacks constituted
38.2% of those entering prison in 2000 with new sentences
and convictions for drug offenses while only 25.4% of
Whites were imprisoned for the same reason (Human Rights
Watch Report, 2003).
7

Once in the criminal justice system, Black Americans
and other ethno-cultural groups often receive harsher
punishments for crimes as compared to White Americans.
The United States Sentencing Commission (1995)
recommended a five-year mandatory minimum penalty to be
applied to someone in possession of 5 to 20 grams of
crack cocaine. The same recommendation is made only when
someone possesses 500 grams to 2 kilograms of powder
cocaine. Ethno-cultural groups and individuals of lower
socioeconomic status who possess or sell a controlled
substance more often receive convictions than their White
middle-class counterparts (Brown II et al., 2002). This
type of discrepancy may be due to negative stereotypes
propagated by media and poor people’s inability to retain
qualified attorneys to represent them in court.
Along with these rising rates of incarceration for
African Americans, correctional facilities at state,
county, and local levels are increasingly becoming
privatized. This is especially prevalent in California
where the state government created the Prison Industry
Authority (PIA) to provide productive work assignments
for thousands of inmates. Operating in 22 prisons
throughout the state, PIA benefits greatly from the labor
8

of inmates. Some critics view PIA as a modern plantation
system.
While slavery played a major role in the development
of America’s economic system, the Thirteenth Amendment of
the U.S. Constitution abolished the practice in
principle: “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,
except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall
have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United
States nor any place subject to their jurisdiction”
(Section 1). The Thirteenth Amendment legalizes work
programs for those convicted of a crime, such as the one
operated by the PIA, even though it creates slave-like
labor conditions in prisons. In other words, the U.S.
Constitution legalizes quasi-slavery so long as the
persons subjected to it are convicted criminals.
Privatization of prisons transfers much of the
“punishment” aspect of incarceration away from the
government. The incentive to maximize profits by
prolonging sentences and increasing the number of
prisoners becomes not only unethical but a conflict of
interests for the privatized prisons. Researchers such as
Angela Davis have labeled this system the "prison-
industrial complex."
9

As part of the prison-industrial complex,
organizations like the PIA attempt to put the time of
incarcerated individuals into productive use for the
purposes of business but not necessarily for society. The
argument in support of PIA activities is that prisoners
learn work skills they can use after exiting the
correctional system. The reality is that prisoners are a
source of cheap labor that is paid pennies on the dollar
(Weiss, 2001). What most prisoners would benefit from is
more educational programming and less work programming.
Prisoners need to improve their basic academic skills
more so than their work skills. They need to strengthen
their minds as well as their muscles. Moreover, the
correctional system in California mandates that inmates
assimilate into society upon release, but inmates are
given only $200 as assistance. This small sum seems
especially inequitable given the hundreds or thousands of
hours that inmates spend toiling in PIA activities.
Once inmates exit the prison system their punishment
is extended because society treats them as second-class
citizens or “ex-felons.” Once a person is assigned this
label it can remain with them for the rest of their life.
Felony offenders lose their voting rights, and employers
10

are reluctant to hire them. The shock of re-entry often
forces felons to work for lower wages and avoid public or
civic interests altogether. This dilemma generates a
cycle of recidivism (Boothe, 2006).
Re-entry has proven to be an especially difficult task
for African American males with felony convictions. Holzer
(1996) conducted a survey of 3,000 employers in Atlanta,
Boston, Detroit, and Los Angeles. More than 60% indicated
they would not be willing to hire an applicant with a
criminal record. In later research, Holzer (2001) found
that 63% of employers checked the criminal backgrounds of
applicants and would avoid hiring less educated, lower
status young Black men whom they suspected of having
criminal records. What is more shocking is the results of
the study by Pager (2001), which revealed that a White male
with a felony conviction was more likely to get a call back
for a job than an equally qualified Black male with no
criminal record. The implication is that Black males with
felonies on their records stand very little chance of
finding work once they are out of prison.
In addition, a felony conviction may also impede the
pursuit of education and, in some instances, deny it
altogether. Congress passed the Higher Education Act
11

(HEA) in 1968, with the intent of providing financial
support to underprivileged students. The HEA developed
federal financial aid programs such as Perkins Loans,
Pell Grants, Supplemental Educational Opportunity Grants,
PLUS Loans, and Work-Study Programs. Congress reviewed
and updated the Act in 1996 to ensure proper funding and
access to college for millions of American students.
The U.S Department of Education’s (1998) revision of
the HEA included a new provision that denied financial
assistance to individuals with prior drug convictions.
The provision appears in the form of a question on the
Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) form.
Omission of information or failure to answer the question
can result in automatic denial of financial assistance.
Until these 1998 amendments, all federal aid programs
helped to create an educational system based on equal
access for all individuals who had the ability and desire
for higher education. The 1998 revision of the HEA
overlooked serious crimes such as murder, rape or driving
under the influence but focused on possession and sales
of a controlled substance, which is more likely to affect
poor and ethnically diverse groups. Furthermore, many
poor people are unable to afford legal representation for
12

criminal charges and, therefore, are more likely to have
felony convictions as opposed to misdemeanors.
While many factors contribute to low graduation
rates and high incarceration rates of young Black males,
one thing is for certain: Time is not on the side of the
Black community. Too many young Black males are at risk
of leading unsuccessful adult lives. Researchers must
discover the exact relationship between public schooling
and African American males who go to prison. The
mechanisms that cause incarceration rates to increase at
the same time as the achievement gap and discipline gap
must be investigated. The disproportionately high dropout
rates, unemployment rates, and incarceration rates among
Black males are interrelated in ways that merit further
discussion and immediate action. One of the specific
areas targeted by this research project concerns the
impact of identity formation on academic achievement and
imprisonment among young Black males.

Education, Identity Formation, and Incarceration
The formation and development of ethnic identity has
been a topic of increased interest for researchers
(Branch, 2004; Clay, 2003; Cross, Parham, and Helms,
13

1991; Fordham, 1996; McMahon and Watts, 2002; Phinney,
1989), but few scholars have critically addressed the
need for identity development among African American boys
who become incarcerated. Considering Erikson’s (1968)
view of identity formation as the central developmental
task of adolescence, this seems all the more important.
Existing models of ethnic identity development suggest
that ethno-cultural groups initially accept the values
and opinions of the majority culture (Phinney, 1993).
Phinney designed a theoretical framework for
mapping ethnic identity that consists of three stages:
(1) unexamined ethnic identity, (2) ethnic identity
search, and (3) ethnic identity achievement. Phinney
characterizes the first stage by a lack of exploration of
ethnicity. A person’s worldview is dominated by the
perspective of the majority culture. In the second stage
an individual encounters a situation that initiates a
search for ethnic identity outside of the majority
culture. The third stage is characterized by a clear and
confident sense of one’s own ethnicity and the resolution
of uncertainties. The new ethnic identity that is
achieved in the third stage may even be alternative or
oppositional to the majority culture. Carter and Goodwin
14

(1994) view ethnic identity development as being critical
and essential in the facilitation and maturation of young
students in public schools.
As the following example will demonstrate, it is not
just the development of ethnic identity that is
important, but it is the development of ethnic identity
to counteract centuries of racism directed toward African
Americans that stereotyped them as being cognitively
inferior. Thomas Jefferson was an early shaper of
American opinion regarding the African in America. He
compared the African slave to the White slave owner
(Peden 1982). Jefferson stated, “. . . in ordinary
matters of faculties of memory the Black slave was equal;
however, in reasoning, the Black slave was inferior to
Whites” (p. 13). Jefferson’s “Notes on Virginia” speech
suggested that the African slave was unable to comprehend
the basic levels of mathematics and geometry contained in
Euclid’s book, The Elements. Jefferson also predicted
domination or perhaps even extermination of one race over
the other according to Peden (1982).
The contradiction in Jefferson's argument is that
Euclid was a resident of Alexandria, Egypt (Sarton,
1959), which makes him “African” to most modern-day
15

students and scholars. While it's true that during
Euclid's lifetime Alexandria was considered a part of
Greek civilization, the reality is that Alexandria is
closely associated with Africa in many historical and
contemporary documents. The denial of Euclid as an
African scientist and mathematician in Jefferson’s time
and the suppression of this information highlight the way
in which early American racism still permeates modern
society.
As a result of this legacy, educators assume that
problems with American schools are not based on political
ideologies, racial attitudes, and past and present
inequalities. Instead, they subscribe to a belief that
the racial group most likely to fall “below basic,”
receive suspension or expulsion, and eventually dropout
is the origin of the problem. Nothing could be farther
from the truth.
Watkins et al. (2001) maintain that throughout
history elite White Americans repeatedly advanced the
idea that Black people should be semi-educated in
exchange for semi-citizenship. They wrote, “Negroes were
educated according to the Holy Scriptures so they would
develop a duty toward God and obedience to men without
16

committing crime or insolence” (p. 13). Dating back to
the time of Thomas Jefferson, White elites viewed the
teaching of subservience to White authority and
conformity to social conventions that ensured the
preservation of White privilege. This was just as
important as providing Blacks with the minimal skill and
academic preparation necessary to fulfill their
prescribed economic roles in American society (Lipsitz,
2006). Watkins et al. (2001) further identify early
education in America as a design by the White elite to
control, pacify, and socialize oppressed people. Their
historical analysis of education in America challenges
modern perceptions of academic success, and highlights
the need for ethnic identity development among Black
males because it can provide the confidence and
intellectual fortitude needed to survive and thrive in an
educational system originally designed to under-educate
them.
Poorly trained teachers in urban schools may find it
difficult to identify excellence in Black students if
they are blind to the historical educational inequities
of the past and all too aware of the achievement gap in
the present. A blurred academic atmosphere that relies
17

solely on test scores and state exams to determine
academic achievement further contributes to the mis-
education of African Americans.
Woodson (1933) addressed the issue of mis-education
for African Americans and described a deliberate systemic
failure to provide quality education for Black people. He
argued that the education provided to the modern Negro
was not equal to or culturally relative to what is
available to the dominant culture. He contended that,
“The present system under the control of Whites trains
the Negro to be White and at the same time convinces him
of the impropriety or the impossibility of his becoming
White” (p. 23). Woodson drew parallels between early
colonization of the African psyche with the then current
educational despair for African Americans. Woodson’s
assessment and critique of the American educational
system built on a foundation of Black consciousness.
Woodson exposed some of the harsh realities of a system
manufactured from the early European worldview.
Hernstein and Murray (1994), authors of The Bell
Curve, suggest significant cognitive differences between
European and African Americans. Their controversial
assessment suggests intelligence can be measured across
18

racial, cultural, and national boundaries. They used
empirical data and statistical analysis to develop an
assessment of intelligence while subscribing to a
scientific, but racially charged, assumption, which is that
low test scores among African Americans are a result of
inferior genetics. The authors argued that social and
economic differences between Blacks and Whites are the
result of a lack of intelligence in Blacks, and the
differences are unrelated to issues such as cultural
identity, limited resources, or a failing educational
system.
Hernstein and Murray's work engages in “academic
terrorism” by attempting to strike fear and doubt in the
minds of young African Americans through the use of
supposedly “objective” and “scientific” data to reach a
pre-determined conclusion. The use of statistics, such as
scores from IQ tests and standardized achievement exams, to
try to demonstrate the inferiority of African American
students has a long history, and its intent is often to
intimidate Black students into underachieving or dropping
out. A secondary effect of academic terrorism is that it
can influence teachers into having lower academic
expectations and negative perceptions of African American
19

students. This also affects the educational attainment and
achievement of African American students in negative ways.
While most of the claims made by Hernstein and Murray
were contested or refuted within a few years of the
publication of The Bell Curve, the controversy over the
achievement gap between Black and White students still
remains. President George W. Bush signed the “No Child Left
Behind” (NCLB) Act (2001), with the goal of all students
performing at or above grade level by the 2013-2014
academic year. With a goal of producing higher academic
achievement, the NCLB Act encourages states to introduce
programs that test performance levels of the entire student
population according to gender, race, and ethnicity. If
schools fail to show adequate academic progress for all
groups, they can be taken over by the state or face severe
economic penalties.

Statement of the Problem
The San Diego Unified School District is one of the
largest in California with an estimated enrollment of
125,000 students, many of whom attend schools in low-
income urban areas. A report by the National Association
of Educational Progress (NAEP) found that Black fourth-
20

grade students in San Diego achieved an average score in
reading that was 28 points lower than White students in
2002. One year later the gap increased to 35 points. Also
in 2002 Black fourth-grade students achieved an average
score in mathematics that was 29 points lower than White
students. One year later the difference narrowed by only
2 points. Overall, 27% of Black fourth-grade students
were “below basic” in the writing achievement, while only
12% of White fourth-grade students were “below basic.” In
addition, San Diego’s 2003/2004 high school graduation
rates were a dismal 42% for Black males, as compared to
71% for White males, leaving a 29% graduation gap. As the
study shows, African American males in San Diego are at
greater risk of receiving poor quality education and
suffering severe consequences from the failing
educational system.
Given the severity of the status of Black males in
academia, the present study will examine urban schooling,
school socialization, and ethnic identity development
among young African American males who have been
incarcerated. Researchers have already begun to link
California’s high incarceration rates to a failing
educational system that often labels young ethno-cultural
21

groups as “problematic.” This phenomenon highlights
increased detention and expulsion of students from
underrepresented groups and has been referred to as the
school-to-prison pipeline (Gunter and Kizzire, 2008).
The school-to-prison pipeline is saturated with
Black and Hispanic students. While 17% of African
American adults and 11% of Hispanic adults between the
ages of 25 and 29 had earned a college degree by 2003,
34% of White youth in the same age group had accomplished
this feat (U.S. Census Bureau). This is a two-to-one
ratio and a three-to-one ratio for African Americans and
Hispanics compared to Whites, respectively.
On February 12, 2008, San Diego County
Superintendent of Schools, Randy Ward, made the following
statement at a press conference to address the impact of
proposed budget cuts on San Diego schools:
If the Governor and legislature prevail with this
budget and these devastating cuts for children and
public schools, they better be ready to do a few
more things...Like increase the budget for welfare
and for social services and for mental health
services and especially for prisons. Because if we
don’t educate our children, if we don’t make good on
our state’s pledge to provide the best possible
education, we’ll be putting more young people on
welfare, more young people in need of social
services and mental health services, and more young
people in prison. It’s not rocket science. It’s a
22

direct line, from one action to the next.
http://www.sdcoe.net/news/08-02-13-gov.asp

Ward’s comments not only reinforce the severity of the
problem caused by the school-to-prison pipeline in a
context of dwindling financial support for public
education but also point to high quality education as the
means to help young people avoid poverty, mental illness,
and prison as adults.

Purpose of the Study
It was expected that this study would reveal
important insights about the experiences of young African
American males who have experienced punishment in
California’s criminal justice system. Investigating the
experiences of the participants, who are products of both
the educational and criminal justice systems, will help to
determine how public schools can better prepare young
Black boys for a successful future. By closely examining
early academic experiences, which are defined here as
educational experiences from kindergarten through twelfth
grade that occur both inside and outside the classroom,
the degree of influence that urban schools exert on the
23

life choices and decisions of Black youth will be
discussed.
It was further hypothesized that many African
American males who have experienced incarceration were
actually inquisitive learners who did not conform to the
strict conventions of public schools. Instead, they choose
non-traditional paths and alternative lifestyles (i.e.,
gang affiliation and illegal entrepreneurship) in order to
survive economically in poor urban neighborhoods and to
find individual recognition that would otherwise be
provided by social institutions, such as schools. Previous
researchers have identified the need for culturally
relevant pedagogy and academic rigor as a means of
achieving high academic success among young African
American male students (Brooks, 1998; Green and Dixon,
1993; Howard, 2001; King, 1992). Evaluating the
applicability of this idea to the case of Black males who
have been incarcerated was also an important part of the
project.
One further hope of this study was that the findings
would provide a greater understanding of the long-term
effects of mis-education on African American males.
Generating a body of knowledge that identified the
24

motivation to learn, stay in school, and succeed
academically was also critical, especially with regard to
ethnic identity development and reversing the school-to-
prison pipeline.

Research Questions
1. What are the educational experiences of African
American males who have been incarcerated?
2. How do young Black males, who have experienced
incarceration, perceive themselves and their
identity in California’s urban schools?
3. What perceptions do African American male students
have of their urban school teachers’ expectations?
25

Definitions of Terms
Academic Terrorism: The Encyclopedia Britannica (2008)
describes terrorism as “A systematic use of violence to
create a general climate of fear and intimidation in an
attempt to advance a political agenda” (Online). Academic
terrorism is also a type of violence that occurs through
the propagation of false measures of intelligence,
omission of historical data, and exaggeration of academic
achievement based on race. Academic terrorism can be used
to promote the academic development of a particular group
while destroying an opposing group’s perception of self.
A. To deliberately avoid the recognition of cultural
values, ideas, and beliefs of an ethnic group within an
academic curriculum. B. To misuse scientific data in any
way that serves to indicate superiority or intellectual
inferiority of a specific group.

African American: A general term referring to multiple
generations of Africans who were enslaved in America and
often deeply influenced by the cultural practices of
European Americans. The term is synonymous in usage with
“Black” and “Africans in America.”

26

Black: A unifying term among Black people often used to
identify people of the Diaspora who are of Black African
ancestry or descent, regardless of skin tone.

Discipline Gap: Disproportionately high rates of
suspension and expulsion for African American males in K-
12 schools. While the achievement gap between Black and
White students receives a lot of attention from
educators, policy makers and the press, the discipline
gap has persisted for just as long and represents an
equally troubling problem.

European American: Americans having ancestral lineages
from Europe. European Americans who are in positions of
power tend to exhibit a sense of ownership, entitlement,
and privilege in America. It can also be defined more
narrowly as one who holds a Eurocentric worldview and
perceives most of the world through a European lens. The
term is synonymous in usage with “White” and “Caucasian.”

Jegna: An Ethiopian (Amharic) word that means “a very
brave person who is a protector of a culture, the rights
of his or her people and their land.” The term supersedes
27

the word “mentor” because it is more than a “role model”
or “leader.” She or he is someone who is uncompromising,
full of integrity, not afraid to speak truth to power,
and sees the welfare and protection of their people as
paramount. They are literally prepared to die for the
community they represent. El hajj Malik Shabazz (better
known as Malcolm X) embodies the definition of this term.
-Wade W. Nobles “From Na Ezaleli to the Jenoch”

Negro: The Spanish term for “Black.” Used in the
antebellum period to distinguish Black African people
from White European people.

School-to-Prison Pipeline: The progression of a young
person from school to prison, which occurs through a
series of steps that often includes falling behind in
school and scoring “below basic” on state exams;
receiving suspension or expulsion; dropping out; being
unemployed, and eventually being incarcerated.

Urban Schools: Schools in urban neighborhoods characterized
by high concentrations of ethno-cultural groups. Schools
28

that often lack adequate resources and tend to hire poorly
trained teachers.
29

CHAPTER 2
Introduction to the Review of Literature
This literature review provides background
information on the subject of young Black males in urban
classrooms and the social and psychological factors that
contribute to their educational attainment, identity
development, and incarceration. Specific attention is
directed toward the early academic experiences of African
American males and the impact of K-12 education on their
later life decisions. A frame of reference is developed
to analyze incarceration in relation to urban education
with the intent of assessing the degree to which the
California public school system affects the life choices
of young incarcerated African American males.
The literature review is divided into six specific
categories to address the aforementioned topics: (1)
school curriculum and teacher instruction, (2) teacher
expectation and student perceptions, (3) socialization
and cultures in conflict, (4) socialization and racial
identity development, (5) socialization and gender
identity development, and (6) the school-to-prison
pipeline.
30

School Curriculum and Teacher Instruction
This section will discuss how school curriculum and
teacher instruction in urban education are presented and
received by young African American students. The focus is
on the impact school curriculum and teacher instruction
may have on the academic development of young African
American males. There are many factors to consider when
looking at the academic development of ethno-cultural
groups; however, a primary one is the premise that
America's educational system does not include or reflect
the richness of culture found in urban communities.
Watkins et al. (2001) have regarded curriculum as a
defining feature of Black education (p.40). The authors
draw strong parallels connecting official school
curriculum with politics and popular ideas espoused by
Whites. According to Watkins et al., the American
educational system was developed by a group of Whites who
did not intend on educating ethno-cultural groups.
Thus, if the American educational system was
originally developed without Black students in mind, then
it only seems natural that they are marginalized by
teachers and their experiences are glossed over in the
curriculum. Hale (1982) proposed that understanding the
31

African American child is based on the image we hold of
him/her in the larger society. If society classifies and
creates an undesirable image of Black male children, then
teachers are more likely to react to them using an
opinion influenced by that image. To address this
problem, Hale revealed three components of an ideal
curriculum for Black children that address the following:
political and cultural ideology, pedagogical relevance,
and academic rigor. America’s educational system may
benefit immensely by finding a way to integrate all three
components into one standard curriculum.
In an effort to understand the key components of
high achievement among African Americans in urban
schools, Teel and Debruin-Parecki (2001) evaluated
alternative teaching strategies designed to motivate low-
achieving African American students from 1990-1996. Their
findings identify teacher unpreparedness and irrelevant
curriculum as main causes of low achievement. The authors
pointed out the following:
The problem is not that lower-class
children are inferior in some way;
the problem is that by the definitions
and standards of the school, they are
consistently evaluated as deficient (p.3).
32

A collaborative study by Lynn et al. (1999) focused
on the pedagogical practices of an African American male
teacher at a private middle school in urban Los Angeles.
The researchers closely examined the teachers’ method of
highlighting the stories of people of color in the
curriculum. The teacher’s process attempted to enhance
the moral, intellectual, and spiritual development of his
students. Lynn et al. found that the instructional
strategy was effective for an African American instructor
who taught a group of African American students, but it
may be difficult for an instructor with limited
understanding of the history of African Americans to
implement the same strategy. The focus of this teaching
method involved illuminating the common culture between
the teacher and students and is best described by Hollins
(2008) as “authentic cultural mediation.”
The suggestion of a culturally based curriculum
implemented in the early academic experience of African
American students has been consistent with many authors
and educators. Ladson-Billings (1994) conducted a
qualitative study of eight successful teachers who
differed in personal style and method, but shared in the
vision of academic achievement in urban schools. The
33

teachers found ways of integrating common experiences of
African American students and allowed their students to
become a part of the educational process. As a result,
the students were able to feel more connected to the
academic process. Hollins (2008) refers to this as
“intermittent cultural mediation.” Ladson-Billings (1994)
identified an absence of literature highlighting the
experiences of African American students as one of the
major factors contributing to a growing disaffection of
African Americans within the public school system.
One implication of culturally relevant curriculum is
revealed in Ladson-Billings’ (2005) research, which
argued that culture and curriculum become one in the same
as culturally relevant pedagogy adequately supports the
need for the incorporation of culture in urban
curriculum. Culturally relevant pedagogy has been
examined and supported by many teachers and educators in
low-income and urban areas. The implementation of
culturally relevant pedagogy requires the teacher to
attend to more than just the academic needs of students.
Teachers must take into account students’ identity and
socialization as well. As teachers learn to master their
skills and implement culture into classroom instruction
34

among low-income students of color, there should be a
commitment to awaken the consciousness in the student
allowing him/her to critically analyze society when
he/she becomes an adult.
Related to this type of pedagogy is the idea that
quality teaching may best be achieved in low-income urban
schools through "culturalizing instruction" (Parsons,
2003). Parsons' claim of a mismatch between the home,
community, and classroom culture of African American
students supports the need for curriculum that is
culturally based. The author describes culturalizing
instruction as a deliberate incorporation and
highlighting of different cultural values into teaching.
Culturalizing the curriculum is considered a dimension of
multicultural education that Parsons refers to as
“Teaching the Culturally Different.”
Parsons' (2003) multicultural approach is supported
in the Sleeter and Grant (1987) taxonomy. The taxonomy
builds upon five major categories that include (1)
Teaching the Culturally Different, (2) Human Relations,
(3) Single Group Studies, (4) Multicultural Education,
and (5) Education that is Multicultural and Social
Reconstructionist. Teaching the Culturally Different
35

approach uses instructional strategies that act as
transitional bridges for students who are different from
the dominant culture. Sleeter and Grant provide a frame
through which the argument is made by Parsons for the
reconstruction of current curriculum in an attempt to
culturalize instruction. Parsons makes a strong push for
culture in classroom curriculum and further defines
culturalized instruction as recognizing the values,
ideas, and beliefs of a group within the context of
classroom curriculum. Culturalizing instruction is useful
for facilitating achievement among all students (Parsons,
2003).
In Sierra Leone, the indigenous educational system
is designed to be a preparation for and an immediate
introduction to the larger adult society (Kanu, 2006).
Education emphasizes the work orientations, religious
beliefs, cultural values, and social responsibilities of
the community. The needs and purposes of society are
carefully integrated into education, which allows the
individual to transfer academic theory into practice. If
the educational goal were to teach farming, for example,
the children would not receive continuous lecturing
regarding the art of farming. Children, at an early age,
36

would shadow an adult farmer and participate in the act
of farming while learning how to farm. Culture is an
extremely important aspect of facilitating education, but
the absence of Black professionals in urban communities
may make shadowing adults a difficult task for young
African American male students.
Exemplifying the impact of culture on education is a
study conducted by Taylor (2005) where middle-school-aged
African American males preferred lessons that were
related to their own real-life experiences. Taylor
interviewed 12 African American male students and 2
teachers to explore the African American males'
perception of instructional strategies and whether those
strategies satisfied the students’ academic needs.
The study also looked at factors that improved
academic achievement in African American males by
examining the students’ perception of instructional
strategies, teachers’ instructional beliefs, and
comparing the findings with current literature. The study
concluded that lessons were most beneficial to students
when they were presented as an activity. The more
stimulating the lessons were for students, the greater
was their interest in learning. Taylor also discovered
37

family members, role models, and teachers had the most
influence on the students’ motivation to learn.
In addition to the importance of relating
instruction to students' real-life experiences, there is
often a noticeable relationship between school curriculum
and the dominant culture (Hollins, 2008). The author
describes existing curriculum as a cultural product of
Euro-American origin that has three dimensions: (1)
explicit - information appearing in textbooks or written
in curriculum guides, (2) implicit - subliminal
transmission of values, practices, and perceptions of the
dominant culture, and (3) Null-inferential transmission
of values, practices, and perceptions through omission or
selective inclusion of information.
The historical value of African Americans as well as
other ethno-cultural groups is often marginalized in
classroom curriculum or distorted through teacher
instruction. Hollins emphasized stronger accountability
from teachers for guidance and instruction that will help
cultivate a learning curriculum that is particularistic
and inclusive. The particularistic aspect of curriculum
will serve to validate the student’s culture and the
learning that is already taking place. Inclusive
38

curriculum will address the common needs of all students.
Hollins recognizes individual learning styles and views
publicizing measurements of academic achievement based on
ethnicity as potentially harmful to the overall
perceptions of the population.
Thompson (2002) engaged in telephone conversations
with a ninth-grade African American student who provided
an example of a teacher who created a negative learning
environment through instruction. The young African
American student experienced difficulties interpreting
the Romeo and Juliet play given as homework. When the
student told the teacher about the problem, the teacher
suggested that perhaps the real problem was that the
student was lazy (p. XV). The comment made by the teacher
was prejudiced, hurtful and based on stereotypes. It may
be likely that African American male students, who
frequently receive such harsh criticisms, begin to view
themselves in the same way as their teachers. In other
words, they come to view themselves as lazy, inadequate,
and incapable of achieving academic excellence. Perhaps
this could have been avoided if the teacher took the time
to explain Romeo and Juliet to the student in a way that
related to African American life and culture.
39

Alternatively, perhaps the teacher could have assigned a
different book, such as Othello, which includes an
African protagonist.
While Thompson documented the influence of negative
racial stereotypes, Hollins warned against the negative
effects of publicizing measurements of academic
achievement based on ethnicity. Efforts made through the
“No Child Left Behind” (NCLB) Act have added fuel to the
fire when it comes to discussing the so-called
"achievement gap" between Black and White students. Smith
(2004) viewed the NCLB Act as being somewhat flawed, but a
possible way of creating the necessary steps toward
quality education for African American male students.
Data from the NCLB Act demonstrates a slight increase
in the academic progress of California’s elementary and
secondary school children. Figure 1.A shows a slight
uptick in overall science scores for fourth graders, but
the recent Academic Report Card reveals a failure to close
the so called “achievement gap” between African and
European American fourth-grade students. The latest
Academic Report Card provided by the U.S. Department of
Education, shown in figure 1.B, tells a slightly different
40

but a far too familiar story of an American educational
system failing to educate young African American students.
Figure 1.A: Trend in fourth-grade average NAEP Science
Scores

Source: U.S. Department of Education (2005)

Figure 1.B: African & European American 8
th
Grade NAEP
score gap

Source: U.S. Department of Education (2005)
41

With such strong emphasis placed on standardized
testing by the NCLB Act to measure academic achievement,
the ideas of promoting teacher instruction based on
building personal relationships and developing culturally
relevant curriculum seem to be at odds with current trends
in education. Nevertheless, the literature suggests that
both of these approaches are effective techniques for
improving the performance of African American males in
urban schools.
42

Teacher Expectations and Student Perceptions
Teacher expectations are the inferences made by a
teacher regarding present or future academic achievement
and basic classroom behavior of students (Wells-Chunn,
1989). The expectations of a teacher can be significantly
affected by information about students’ test scores,
performance on assignments, track or group placement,
opinions from other teachers, classroom conduct, physical
appearances, race, socioeconomic status, gender, speech
characteristics, and various labels (p.94).
Teachers interact with students over a long period
of time and what they expect from students is critical to
effective classroom instruction. Teachers exerting
positive influences on students encourage and challenge
them to think critically, excel academically, and
development more of an interest and appreciation for
learning. Many African American male students attending
urban schools may be among those receiving less
encouragement from teachers. For example, researchers
like Ogbu (2003) have argued that Black students are
taught by teachers who do not think that Black students
are intellectually capable of performing at the same high
levels as their White peers. In short, the teacher's
43

expectations of a student may become a self-fulfilling
prophecy.
Teachers naturally hold a great deal of power in the
classroom; however, this power contributes to a potential
to do both great good and great harm (Smith and Paul
2000). The great good occurs when teachers expect high
achievement from their students and the student lives up
to those expectations. The greater harm occurs when
teachers place lower expectations on students and neglect
to encourage them.
In an ethnographic study Rist (1970) examined
teacher expectation of low-income and middle-class
minority students, and he found that socioeconomic status
independent of race affects teacher expectations and
student outcomes. Rist observed the progress of a class
of kindergarten students in a Black neighborhood in Saint
Louis. The majority of the school administrators,
teachers, and students were also Black. As the children
passed from kindergarten through first and second grades,
the teacher organized them into reading groups that were
based on the socioeconomic status of the children. Once
placed in various reading groups, the children would
remain in the same high or low group throughout the first
44

and second grades. Rist concluded that the source of this
stratification was attributed to the beliefs and
behaviors of the teachers, who treated children
different, based on the social class backgrounds of the
children. Rist also concluded that schools create
"winners and losers" largely based on teacher
expectations of the children's social class.
Twenty years after Rist's study, Kunjufu (1990)
found that African American boys begin school with equal
potential for academic success compared to other ethno-
cultural groups; however, within two to four years in the
American educational system something decreases their
desire to learn and achieve. Moreover, Webley (2002)
found that teacher expectations of African American male
students in grades 5-8 were poor in urban but not
suburban schools. Webley examined the data using Analysis
of Variance (ANOVA), and cross-tabulations were computed
to determine the students’ mean National Curve
Equivalency (NCE) scores with teachers who were listed
under three categories: “high expectation,” “low
expectation,” and “undecided.” Webley found that African
American male students in urban schools experienced less
academic success and lower expectations from teachers
45

than African American males in suburban schools. Both the
urban and suburban students seemed to achieve based on
the degree of expectations that were expressed by their
teachers.
Perkins (2007) reported on a recent study conducted
by the Council of Urban Boards of Education that included
4,700 survey responses from urban teachers and
administrators representing 10 states, including
California. The major findings of this study covered
bullying, expectations of success, influence of race,
professional climate, professional development, trust,
respect, parental involvement, safety, and ethos of
caring. One interesting finding is that different
opinions existed for teachers and administrators
regarding expectations of success from urban school
students.
Compared to administrators, a greater percentage of
teachers agreed with the statement that most students
attending their urban school would not be successful at a
community college or university. Administrators surpassed
the number of teachers by 25% when it came to disagreeing
with the statement that most students at their school
would not be successful at a community college or
46

university (p.12). Furthermore, White/Non-Hispanic
administrators did not expect their urban school students
to achieve academic success at a community college or
university. See figures 2.A and 2.B.
Figure 2.A: Most urban students at this school would not
be successful at a community college or university

47

Figure 2.B: Most urban students at this school would not
be successful at a community college or university

Source: National School Boards Association (2007)

When teachers were separated by ethnicity, of the
23.6% who agreed or strongly agreed that most students
would not succeed academically, a total of 55% identified
themselves as “Other” or “White/Non-Hispanic.” Data from
this study revealed that teachers were more skeptical
than administrators of the academic success of urban
school students. Overall, Black and Hispanic teachers and
administrators seemed to have higher expectations for
urban school students than White or “Other” teachers and
administrators.
48

What this survey suggests is that Rist and Webley
were correct in that teacher expectations may be driving
the persistent "achievement gap" between Black and White
students. In addition, it appears that social class as
attributed by urban versus suburban residence cannot be
neglected as one mechanism affecting teacher
expectations. At the same time, the differences between
White or "Other" teachers and Black and Hispanic teachers
in terms of the expectation that their students will
achieve academic success at the college level reinforces
the belief that a race-based self-fulfilling prophecy
exists.
The influence of teacher expectations also spills
over into the high stakes standardized testing augmented
by initiatives such as the NCLB Act. Schools increasingly
rely on results from standardized test scores for
funding, performance evaluation, and reputation. The
Perkins study revealed that 11.3% of teachers and 3.5%
administrators who answered the surveys did not believe
their students were capable of high achievement on
standardized exams. More than three times as many urban
school teachers than administrators either disagreed or
strongly disagreed that their students were capable of
49

high achievement on standardized tests. Of those teachers
who did not believe their students were capable of high
achievement on standardized exams, 37% identified
themselves as either “White” or “Other.” Hispanic
administrators either agreed or strongly agreed that
their students were capable of high achievement on
standardized exams while 97.1% of Black administrators
believed students were capable of high achievement.
It is unfortunate for any student to be taught by a
teacher who does not believe in the student's academic
potential. The Perkins study revealed astonishing numbers
of teachers who did not expect high achievement from
their African American male students, and it may be
helpful to determine where the teachers developed these
expectations. For example, do the expectations originate
from opinions passed on former teachers or preexisting
racial and class prejudices? In either case, teacher
expectations have a serious impact on the academic
outcome of the student.
Brooks (1998) pointed out that discrimination takes
place in the classroom on a daily basis because teachers
may favor students that resemble themselves and overlook
the students of other nationalities and cultures. Brooks
50

also indicated that biased instruction and poorly trained
teachers do not equally affect all children. For example,
African American students may be especially susceptible
to the ill effects of low teacher expectations. What is
important to trace is not only the poor outcomes that are
likely to occur because of low teacher expectations but
also how these expectations play out in the classroom
setting. Teachers having low expectations of students may
decrease levels of trust in the classroom and create a
negative learning environment for urban students. Having
students trust both teachers and administrators can
influence the academic environment of urban schools in a
positive way.
A majority of both teachers and administrators
surveyed by the Council of Urban Boards of Education
agreed that students in their schools trust the teachers;
however, 84% of Hispanic teachers agreed that students
trust teachers compared to 66.9% of Black teachers
(p.14). Teachers also responded to how they felt race
influenced academic success for their students in urban
schools. While 75.3% of teachers strongly agreed or
agreed that racial barriers to educational and economic
opportunity still exist in America, less than half
51

strongly agreed or agreed that students will be
successful in their school because of race. If these
teachers believe race is a valuable component to a
students’ academic success, then it becomes necessary to
determine the role of race and ethnicity as it relates to
special education, school dropout rates, and
incarceration. According to McDaniel (2006), African
American students have a 48% likelihood of being assigned
to special education in California’s public school
system. This may be another area where teacher
expectations are creating a self-fulfilling prophecy.
In a qualitative case study Howard (2002) examined
African American elementary and secondary students’
descriptions of teaching practices and urban learning
environments. When students gave their perceptions of
teachers within their learning environment, students
identified key strategies that were helpful in
establishing their overall achievement. It is important
to note that Howard's methodology assumes the students’
analyses of their teachers are a more powerful tool for
judging expectations than the teachers' self-
interpretations of their own expectations, which are
subject to self-censorship and bias. This is because the
52

students are a product of the teacher’s instruction and
expectations, and they are in the best position to
comment on these expectations.
Howard's work outlines multiple key strategies that
help to facilitate achievement among African American
students, including teachers who establish family,
community, and home-like characteristics; culturally
connected caring relationships with students; and use of
certain types of verbal communication and affirmation.
These characteristics are common in most research on this
topic, and they are useful in creating positive learning
environments for African American urban school students.
In another qualitative study investigating factors
that promote and inhibit academic success of African
American males in grades 3-6, Wilson-Jones (2003) found
that academic assistance and parental involvement were
primary factors supporting and promoting academic
success. Classroom distractions, study habits, problems
at school, and school safety were primary concerns for
inhibiting the academic success of the participants. At
the same time, students in the study seemed to understand
the meaning of academic success through having a clear
idea of teacher objectives and expectations.
53

If research provides evidence that schools fail to
provide quality education to all students, one must
question how long the academic system has disenfranchised
African American males. The relationship between teacher
effectiveness and classroom instruction has everything to
do with both teacher expectations and student
perceptions. The literature has supported the idea that
getting to know students will help to increase higher
expectations by the teacher and student. It seemed that
many teachers who were from low-income urban areas had
greater expectations and greater outcomes for their
students. Teachers who are from urban environments seem
to relate to circumstances of African American male
students and are able to be less judgmental of their
learning styles.
Limited information is available on the students'
expectations and perceptions of teachers, but Green and
Dixon (1993) argue that events are different in
classrooms because teachers and students are different.
They are in a constant process of establishing and
creating their own rights and obligations, roles, and
relationships. Events are often based on societal norms
and expectations. The rights and obligations fall on the
54

shoulders of the teacher as well as the student; however,
the teacher is responsible for maintaining the academic
interests of their students. It is their duty and
obligation to prevent the perceived negative expectations
of the larger society from affecting students'
educational attainment.

Socialization and Cultures in Conflict
This portion of the literature review examines
current studies on how Black male students in urban
schools inhabit an environment where cultures are often
in conflict. These conflicts, in turn, create challenges
that can interfere with educational processes. Attention
will also be given to the broader theoretical aspects of
these issues.
According to Boykin (1986), Black students face a
“triple quandary” in the areas of culture and schooling.
The triple quandary is (1) simultaneously balancing three
different cultural experiences: European American
culture, African American culture, and the roots of
African culture; (2) confronting cultural hegemony
arising from social, economic, and political oppression
as minorities; and (3) facing self contradictory
55

socialization as Black children. The third issue is most
relevant as Boykin suggested that Black parents raise
their children to be ambivalent and self contradictory.
For example, Black parents teach their children to
value mainstream American ideals. However, Boykin argued
that Black parents also teach their children to be
suspicious, skeptical, and on guard toward Whites and
White-dominant institutions, including public schools.
This type of upbringing may cause Black children to come
to school with values different from their teachers. If
teachers are unaware of the pre-existing values of Black
students, it may cause cultural conflict in the
classroom. If Black students experience cultural conflict
with teachers, then they may become socialized based on
the teachers’ stereotypes.
One of the most significant approaches to consider
in the African American males’ K-12 schooling experiences
is the socialization of a school culture that may
challenge or contradict a student’s home culture. Hollins
(2008) explained through Explicit Cultural Immersion that
students are often socialized early in schools to adopt
mainstream attitudes, values, and behaviors that may
often challenge their own cultural beliefs. When students
56

are faced with an absence of historical contributions
made to society by members of their own ethnic group in
the curriculum, they may disconnect from the academic
process. Moreover, some African American students may be
placed in remedial classes and socialized by schools in
ways to make them feel incapable of achieving academic
excellence. Equally important, African American male
students may be more likely to reject their culture and
accept mainstream culture when schools fail to socialize
them to identify with who they are and where they come
from.
On a more theoretical level, the ways in which
culture and socialization influence the construction of
knowledge is best explained through Vygotsky's (1978)
socio-cultural frame. Vygotsky states, “Every function in
the child’s cultural development appears twice: first, on
the social level and next on the individual level” (p.
57). The social level occurs during the child’s
interaction with people in his/her cultural environment,
and the individual level is the child’s internal
interpretation of the learning that takes place. The
first and second levels of function provide two
significant contributions to the intellectual development
57

of the child. Through this framework, culture teaches and
influences the child in both what and how to think.
Perhaps, Du Bois (1961) had similar ideas when he
wrote of the African Americans’ dual role in America. Du
Bois wrote that Black people in America have always
assumed the role of “An American, and a Negro; two souls,
two thoughts, two un-reconciled strivings, two warring
ideals in one dark body. . .” (p. 17). When looking at
the academic socialization of young African American
males, perhaps the first level of Du Bois’ theory could
represent the American experience and the second level
the internal experience described by Vygotsky.
Although with Du Bois the first and second level may
represent two different experiences, he expresses the
duality of a process African Americans use to construct
knowledge. The socio-cultural framework expresses the
fact that not all people construct knowledge in the same
way. Although young African American males experience
systematic indoctrination through the schooling process,
the idea that they receive and experience this process as
singular Americans with a homogenous and static culture
may be incomplete. In fact assuming this to be true may
sound good, but denying or neglecting the existence of
58

multiple, competing cultures represents missed
educational opportunities for all children.
Moreover, Vygotsky’s socio-cultural framework is a
process that examines the social sources of individual
development while taking into consideration the impact of
language and other symbols of communication. Steiner and
Mahn (1996) described human activities as being cultural
experiences defined through language and other symbolisms
within a socio-cultural lens. They also suggested that
development of the human begins with a reliance on
caregivers. This reliance takes on a familial bond and is
the standard set of emotions that support the formation
of not only families but also gangs (Quamina, 1999).
Quamina described the essence of family within the terms
used to describe the gang unit. For example, gang members
will often refer to themselves and others who are within
their circle as “family,” “folks,” “cuz,” and even
“blood.”
Pittman and Zeldman (1994) described young African
American male development as an evolutionary process
beginning with people, places, and institutions. This
clearly supports an ecological approach to understanding
the influence of socialization, culture, economic
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stability, and institutions such as the family. Academic
success with young African American males requires a
sincere understanding of the social context in which they
exist (Livingston and Nahimana, 2006). The inclination to
learn and the cognitive aspect of learning are inextricably
connected to culture (Wlodkowski, 1999).

Socialization and Racial Identity Development
Racial identity is a group or collective identity
that is directly related to the shared perception of a
common racial heritage (Helms, 1990). By adopting Cross's
(1971) Nigrescence theory, Helms introduced a Black
racial identity development model. Cross’s original
racial identity theory includes an evolution of
attitudes, values, ideologies, and behaviors in which a
Black person moves from a self-denigrating view of
oneself as a racial being to a strong and healthy view of
oneself as a racial being. Cross’s model explains this
process as being a central part of Black personality and
through it one attains a more authentic Black identity.
Studies have been conducted on Cross’s theory
without confirming or denying its validity; however,
Parham and Helms (1985) included modifications in the
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areas of “Life Span” and “Cognitive Interactive” themes
instead of using stages as found in Cross’s model.
Cross’s model described the process of Black identity
development as beginning during adolescence, while Parham
and Helms viewed Nigrescence as a process constituting
continuous change throughout one’s life cycle. According
to Cross, it is essential to examine and develop the
Black identity of youth.
A case study of a teacher's attempt at facilitating
ethnic identity development through a more inclusionary
social studies curriculum taught to urban high school
students provides a strong argument for extending this
obligation to all educators (Branch, 2004). The study
revealed that a Black male teacher who believed every
ethnicity deserved to be reflected in the school
curriculum can benefit Black male students by providing
opportunities for them to see their ethnicity acted out
and included.
The male teacher in the study suggested that the
major challenge in promoting ethnic identity development
is the teacher’s ability to present young Black students
with a space to clarify their ethnic identity without
feeling inferior. In order to overcome the challenge, a
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teacher must be able to make connections between subject
matter and ethnicity. The male teacher in the study, who
engages students in discussions of self-identification
and racism, provided an example of how best to teach
young African American boys. If African American male
students are unable to see themselves in the curriculum
and teachers are having lower expectations of them, then
they are likely to become students who learn less about
themselves and are uninterested in the academics.
The additional significance of Branch's study
reveals an educational system that attempts to educate
all children using academic strategies and points of
reference that may only benefit certain groups. African
American males seem to benefit most from having teachers
who have high expectations of them and who do not omit or
dilute information that may serve to develop their
identities as Black males. It is widely acknowledged that
education is important and key to future success, but
young African American males did not seem well informed
about the value of an education.
In addition to the relevance of racial identity
development to academic achievement, many young Black
urban school students have limited exposure to identity
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development with regard to larger issues of group
identity. For African American boys, establishing a
collective identity through school socialization will
create a feeling of belonging for the group (Ogbu, 2003).
Young Black boys may not be provided with historical
information that connects them, as a group, to the
overall educational environment. According to Ogbu, the
collective identity gives individual members a sense of
self worth (p.174).
Phelps et al. (2001) examined significant
differences in African American racial identity
development in a study of ethnically diverse Black
university students. Three Black ethnic groups of
graduate and undergraduate students were selected and
asked to make specific statements about their feelings
and attitudes toward self, other people, and the world.
The three groups were given packets containing measures
for self-esteem, racial identity, ethnic identity, and
cultural mistrust. Among the three groups of African,
African American, and West Indian/Caribbean students, the
group of African American students scored higher than the
other two groups on both subscales of the Cultural
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Mistrust Inventory (CMI) indicating a higher mistrust of
Whites.
On the Multi-group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)
subscale of Ethnic Behavior, the African American mean
score was 3.48 and West Indian/Caribbean mean score was
3.46, indicating higher levels of behaviors involving
socialization with one’s own group and being engaged in
cultural traditions. Both groups scored higher than
Africans who had a mean score of 3.06. On the Racial
Identity Attitude Scale-B (RIAS-B Long form), African
Americans also scored a higher mean than Africans and
West Indian/Caribbean in Encounter and Immersion/Emersion
status. The study seemed to support the importance of
group identity, but it frequently revealed differences in
African American experiences with identity.
This problem is described by Hilliard (1995) as a
disintegration of a sense of people-hood. Hilliard
examined the historical socialization of Africans in
America as a means of bringing them to see themselves as
individuals and cultural neuters (p.131). Hilliard
examined how Black families socialize their children in
ways that continue to isolate them. He concluded by
contrasting the home and school environments. Hilliard
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asserted that as children enter the school system they
become culturally undefined and socialized in ways that
challenge their need for identity. As a response to this
challenge, perhaps some African American males begin to
take on the role of the stereotypical identity that
society presents to them in exchange for their true
identity. Hilliard discusses the importance of identity
and culture in the following passage:
Culture as the whole complex of creative experiences
is the product of our study of and response to our
divine essence and to our environmental challenges.
Carefully considered, it is a thing of enormous
beauty, a thing that makes us whole. Without it, we
die. We disappear as a people (Hilliard, 2005).

In the American educational system, for some groups,
the ideas of culture and identity are as separate in the
curriculum as church and state in the government. In some
cases culture and identity are completely excluded from
the curriculum with each entity existing within its own
paradigm. White identity is almost always present in the
curriculum. For example, the U.S. Supreme Court recently
addressed the constitutionality of schools implementing
voluntary race-conscious assignments to elementary and
secondary education. According to the National School
Board Association (2007), the Court determined, in a 5-4
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vote, that specific race-based student assignment
policies are unconstitutional because they would lack
proper design and implementation to achieve the specific
goals. What is most significant about this decision is
that five Justices also determined, for the first time,
that public schools can have compelling interest in
promoting the educational benefits associated with
student diversity and in reducing the harms of racial
isolation (p.4).
While narrowly escaping a decision for policies to
implement race appropriate student assignments, the Court
seems to have acknowledged a need for school districts to
socialize diverse populations of students while leaving
the discretion to the school itself in matters of being
conscious of race. What may be potentially harmful about
this ruling is that schools may consider the Court's
ruling as a justification to not consider race in the
schooling and socialization of young Black boys. Schools
may actually fear being conscious about race. In so doing
they may actually be perpetuating a longstanding legacy
of assimilating ethno-cultural students into white
culture.

66

Socialization and Gender Identity Development
Alongside factors such as culture and race, one must
also be aware of gender in terms of the elements
affecting academic achievement among Black students in
urban schools. Developing an understanding of gender
roles and identities can be complicated for young African
American males because of mixed messages received at home
and at school.
The prevalence of misogynistic entertainment videos
on television and the absence of positive male role
models in the educational system may create an especially
challenging learning environment for Black children. For
example, some African American boys may be taught to
honor and respect the women in their home, objectify and
denigrate females they see in music videos, and treat
girls as "equals" in school. Mixed messages such as these
may present a social dilemma for African American boys.
Davis (2001) argued that educational practice and
policy that would benefit Black adolescent males must be
informed by an understanding of their social perceptions;
their construction of gendered meanings; and how race,
gender, and masculinity intersect in a middle school
setting. Davis’ research attempted to connect the
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construction of Black masculinity to the educational
experience. Interviews with students revealed the
boundaries set by masculine identity and the importance
placed on Black male self-presentation. Poor academic
performance and school alienation may come from viewing
academics as feminine and irrelevant to masculinity.
Davis found that many African American male students
embrace the "cool pose" and give teachers and
administrators the impression that they are defiant,
aggressive, and intimidating, which further marginalizes
their academic performance. Davis concluded by suggesting
schools that ignore Black students' aspirations,
abilities, and talents end up facilitating academic
failure by exacerbating the social restrictions placed on
Black masculinity by the larger society.
Bush (1999) further argued that hegemonic dynamics
in American society deny some Black males the social
ability to be viewed by society as men despite their
biological sex. Bush further observed that the status and
meaning of Black manhood is a subject that should
constantly be revisited, examined, and redefined because
it is from this framework that Black males construct
their behavior and relationships. For example, Carr and
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Meddnick (1988) found that traditional sex-role
socialization is conducive to the development of academic
achievement motivation for pre-school aged African
American boys.
Given this research on the importance of gender
identity and development for the academic success of
African American males, it should come as no surprise
that some school systems have experimented with the
formation of all-male schools. Perhaps the oldest
precursor for this trend can be found in Islamic
education, which uses the practice of separating genders.
In Islam, education is viewed as an obligation as well as
a right for both male and female learners. The Islamic
approach to education attempts to protect and ordain
students in such a way as to minimize distractions that
may prevent them from focusing on learning. In an
analysis of Islamic schools in the African American
community, Muhammad (2005) highlighted the public school
system’s failure to recognize the natural order of
creation or fitra, which is connected to the excellence
in all human beings. Muhammad explained that the pattern
of creation is based on perfection from the creator.
Human beings are therefore inclined toward excellence and
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often succeed when provided with the opportunity to
strive toward their goal.
It could be argued that, because of the complex
gender identity configurations that African American
males must wrestle with in the school system, including a
hegemonic masculinity that denies their biological sex,
they find it difficult to become inclined toward academic
excellence and success. Thus, the need for all-male
schools for African Americans remains a hot topic.
Hopkins (1997) explained the concept of constructing all
male schools as a recurring argument that suggests
discrimination against females according to Title IX of
the 1972 Education Amendment. However, proponents of all-
male schools agree that single gender schools and classes
would create a greater opportunity to develop a school
mission and provide curriculum management as well as
instruction that will specifically address the needs of
African American males (p.12).
As the first urban school district to develop an
“all male” school approach, Detroit, Michigan, is the
national model for “whole-male” schools. The Detroit
African-centered academies are named after Black leaders
and intellectuals, such as Malcolm X, Marcus Garvey, and
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Paul Robeson. The programs focus on multiculturalism and
humanistic socialization of young Black boys. The goal is
for young Black boys to become socialized in ways to
encourage ethnic awareness, high self-esteem, and
academic excellence. The American Civil Liberties Union
and National Organization for Women filed lawsuits in
federal court alleging discrimination. The legal
proceedings caused the programs to compromise their
efforts. Detroit Public Schools currently operates three
of the academies with an enrollment of 90% African
American males. Similar to Detroit, public school systems
in Baltimore, Maryland, and Washington, D.C. have
successfully implemented single-gender classes for Black
boys. Programs in both cities view the greatest
challenges for Black boys as elevating low self-esteem
and providing good role models (Hopkins 1997).

The School-to-Prison Pipeline
Race has consistently presented problems for
American education and criminal justice, but much of the
existing research treats the two as separate areas of
study. Race and education is one topic and race and
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criminal justice is another one. Fenning and Rose (2007)
were among the first to identify the nexus of race,
education, and criminal justice in the school-to-prison
pipeline model. Differences among teacher expectations,
student perceptions, and academic socialization may help
to explain the overrepresentation of African American
males who receive school suspensions and expulsions, but
an unforeseen consequence of these actions is that Black
male students who experience this type of discipline are
more likely to end up in prison. Fenning and Rose (2007)
closely examine teachers’ perceptions of students as well
as their fear and loss of classroom control as
contributing factors to who is labeled or removed from
the classroom for disciplinary reasons.
As schools seek to control student behavior, those
students who are not perceived as “fitting in” are often
labeled as dangerous (Casella, 2003). In addition, while
schools are being pressured to meet higher academic
expectations, the exclusionary discipline applied to
African American boys allows school personnel to
eliminate students who do not fit into the academic
schema. In fact, Casella (2003) regards many school
personnel as not viewing African American males in ways
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that include them in the institutional landscape from the
outset of their educational journey. Once removed from
school, students who present the greatest challenges are
placed in environments that connect them to the prison
system, such as independent study programs or
“alternative” public schools designed for students with
behavior problems. As some African American boys are
continuously suspended or expelled from school, they may
come to perceive prison as an extension of their
punishment (Wald and Losen, 2003).
In an ethnographic study conducted between 2002 and
2005, Rios (2007) interviewed 20 African American and 20
Latino males to examine criminalization and how
socialization is manipulated to manage, control, and often
incapacitate Black and Brown youth. The majority of
participants were arrested for nonviolent offenses, but
they were treated as severe offenders. Hyper-
criminalization followed them throughout their schooling
experiences. Much like Simon’s (2007) theory of societies
“governing through crime,” some urban schools are obsessed
with heavy monitoring and zero tolerance policies that may
deeply impact the social development of Black male youth.
Simon’s (2007) findings revealed that the participants felt
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a direct impact from the authoritative repression found in
their school and community. This sort of knee jerk response
to discipline may also impact how young African American
males view themselves in a society already filled with
negative stereotypes of Black men.
Of similar concern to excessive disciplining is the
high dropout rate for African American and Latino males.
Reyes et al. (2000) identified the dropout rate among
urban school students as being significantly greater
during the high school transition. The six-year
longitudinal study investigated the impact of the
elementary to high school transition and completion of
107 youth from urban, minority, and low-income
backgrounds. While the study identified Latinos as having
the highest dropout rate at 30% and African Americans
second with a 13% dropout rate, the dropout rate for
African American boys in local California communities
tends to be far greater. Reyes et al. (2000) conclude
that young children who drop out of school will
frequently experience lifelong difficulties stemming from
their lack of education and employable skills. Lifelong
difficulties may include poor employment opportunities,
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lower socio economic status, and a greater likelihood to
commit crime.
“Economic irrelevance” is a term introduced by
Rifkin (1995) to describe those members of a population
that have no possibility of making a significant
contribution to society because they lack necessary
skills, are simply too poor, and are not expected to be
academically successful. African American males have
suffered from marginalization on standardized exams,
lower expectations by teachers, and exposure to negative
statistical measures being reported about them. Some
African American males may have manufactured a subculture
that accepts, and oftentimes promotes, economic
irrelevance.
The African American male student may not be able to
achieve academic excellence due to constant reminders
from teachers that excellence exists outside of himself.
Furthermore, there is some indication in the literature
that African American males may have a greater likelihood
of possessing both negative attitudes toward school and a
disregard for the law. Perhaps student performance and
behavior is an indication of what is being expected of
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them from their teachers as well as from law enforcement
personnel.
Violent crime in America has declined somewhat over
the past 20 years, but the number of young African American
boys in juvenile detention centers as well as prisons has
increased (Kunjufu, 1990). If young African American male
students are unable to see themselves included in school
curriculum and teacher expectations are influenced by
stereotypes, then Black students may face a two-pronged
attack on their self esteem and dignity. They may develop a
fatalistic attitude where their future is viewed as an
inevitable path that ends with joining the ever growing
number of African American males incarcerated in America.
Supporting this idea are data from the Department of
Justice's Bureau of Justice Statistics. In the fiscal year
ending June 30, 2005, the nation's prison and jail
population grew 2.6%, reaching 2,186,230 inmates. The
Department of Justice's Bureau of Justice Statistics also
showed that nearly 4.7% of African American males were in
prison or jail.
When the Canadian Criminal Justice system experienced
a rise in incarceration rates in the 1970s, it immediately
ordered a study to examine the relationship between
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parental activity and early childhood experiences as
possible causes of criminal behavior. The study was
conducted and presented by Trites (1978) to the Welfare and
Science Senate in Canada. Trites’ testimony to the
Subcommittee concluded that there was no single cause of
criminal behavior, but he viewed hyperactivity as a serious
risk factor for anti-social behavior. The committee's
concerns focused more on questions regarding the causes,
diagnosis, and treatment of hyperactivity; the cause of
recent increases in crime; and the relation of autism and
learning disabilities to criminal behavior. Trites re-
emphasized the fact that there is no simple, one-to-one
relationship between brain dysfunction and criminal
behavior. He concluded by suggesting intense geographical
studies of the prevalence in patterns of aberrant behavior
among children in a set region to contribute understanding
to the antecedents of criminal behavior. Similarly, with
the rise in incarceration of African American males, a
focus on how early education experiences may be influencing
the rise is necessary.
Once urban youth make the full journey through the
school-to-prison pipeline and find themselves incarcerated,
their interaction with education and schooling does not
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end. When Sheridan and Dadzie (2005) began analyzing the
information-processing abilities of incarcerated youth they
discovered a pattern of learning styles that existed among
juvenile offenders. The majority were more figural learners
in the way they processed and learned information. Their
strongest processing abilities were in the areas of
creativity and memory. The American educational system may
not adequately address the creative needs of young African
American males. In turn, this may place them at greater
risk of not maximizing their potential for learning. If
current teaching practices do not help to develop the
creative nature of young African American males, they may
struggle with racial identity and display less motivation
in the classroom.
Schlesinger (2005) interviewed 15 incarcerated males
regarding their participation in education within a
correctional institution. Theories of motivation were
considered with a heavy emphasis on a socio-cultural model
of motivation. The majority of inmates described non-
academic reasons for wanting to participate in correctional
education. They viewed correctional education as a means to
better themselves and prepare for re-entry into society. It
is important to note that the prisoners considered their
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lack of education a deficit, but they did not feel unable
to learn.
The studies by Sheridan and Dadzie (2005) and
Schlesinger (2005) provide an important insight, which is
that the learning styles of both groups of African American
males were not evaluated and discovered until they were
already incarcerated. Instead of waiting until African
American males are incarcerated to assess their strengths
as learners, why is this not done on a wide scale in the K-
12 system? Both the youth studied by Sheridan and Dadzie
(2005) and the adults studied by Schlesinger (2005) viewed
education as essential for survival and re-entry into
society. At the same time, neither group seemed to know the
benefits of education prior to being incarcerated. These
men seemed unclear about the value and importance of
education. If African American males are not being educated
and socialized into society in ways to make the most of
their educational opportunities, then they may face greater
likelihood of incarceration. We may also find that African
American males only begin to develop themselves after
schools have failed them and incarceration has awakened
their intellect.
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Christian (2006) provided an example of this self-
developed learning style in the redemption of Stanley
Tookie Williams, co-founder of the “Crips” gang in Los
Angeles. Williams authored ten books and earned five
Nobel Peace Prize nominations and four Nobel Literature
Prize nominations while on Death Row in San Quentin State
Prison. His passions for writing and learning may have
always been present, but did not manifest until Williams
spent six years confined in “The hole.” The solitude of
being placed away from the systematic conformities of
incarceration may have enabled Williams to self reflect
and reclaim his own creative identity.
Williams said he co-founded the Crips as a response
to neighboring gangs that would harass him and his
friends. Williams was an early advocate of social change,
but he ultimately became the cancer he was fighting
against. In his analysis of the criminal justice system
he stated, “The melanin in my skin inhibits me from
receiving the mythical term of justice” (p.1). Williams
felt he was perceived by society as a criminal and
therefore unworthy of justice. He talked about the
importance of educating youth, and prior to his execution
he received recognition for his works including the
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President’s Call to Service Award for good deeds on death
row. Williams’ distrust of the justice system may be
linked to inadequate socialization within California’s
educational system. Proper socialization in urban schools
may assist in the cultivation of urban school students’
passions for education and academic success.

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CHAPTER 3
Introduction to the Research Methods
The methods of research used to examine the academic
experiences of recently incarcerated African American
males are outlined in this chapter. The qualitative
approach to inquiry will first be presented along with a
rationale for its particular use. Next, the researcher's
own experience as a formerly incarcerated African
American male will be discussed in terms of its benefits
and challenges as a scholar specializing in the fields of
education and imprisonment. Research questions, ethical
considerations, research design, methods of data
collection and analysis, procedures used to ensure
validity, and the limitations of the study are also
described. Special attention is given to the unique
issues involved with researching ethno-cultural groups
and recently incarcerated individuals throughout the
chapter. In addition, the three broad research questions
posed in Chapter 1 were used to guide and inform the
selection of research methods and approaches.

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Research Questions
1. What are the educational experiences of African
American males who have been incarcerated?
2. How do young Black males, who have experienced
incarceration, perceive themselves and their
identity in California’s urban schools?
3. What perceptions do African American male
students have of their urban school teachers’
expectations?

The Qualitative Approach
Qualitative researchers get closer to the subject’s
perspective, through the use of detailed interviewing and
observation, than do quantitative researchers (Auerbach
and Silverstein, 2003). A major strength of qualitative
research is that it examines the processes that lead to
specific outcomes (Britan, 1978; Maxwell, 2004; and
Patton, 1990). One of the most effective qualitative
methods is phenomenology, which aims to explore the
structures of consciousness in the human experience of
the research subject (Polkinghorne, 1989).
Phenomenology is philosophy that strives to describe
and comprehend reality using words rather than numbers—
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words that reflect consciousness and perception (Bernard,
2000). It highlights different aspects of knowledge
relevant to the qualitative interview (Kvale, 1996). It
also places emphasis on the importance of listening
without prejudice, which encourages the participants to
describe their experience freely. Phenomenology includes
a focus on the life world, openness to the experience of
participants, a primacy of precise descriptions, a
collection of foreknowledge, and a search for
significance in the narrative (Kvale, 1996). The
following set of objectives was used to inform data
collection and analysis using phenomenology:

1. Understanding how participants make sense of
education and how that influences their behavior.
2. Understanding the particular context in which the
participants act.
3. Identifying unexpected phenomena in the
progression from school to prison.
4. Explaining cognitive processes that led to
incarceration.

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Alongside phenomenology, grounded theory was used as
a methodology. Grounded theory is a qualitative research
method where data are collected and analyzed before
generating or testing a hypothesis (Martin et al., 1986).
The data are coded to reveal key points, which are then
grouped into themes. Once the themes are finalized a new
theory or hypothesis can be formed. The strength of
grounded theory is that it involves inductive reasoning.
In this study, the subjects’ responses were treated as a
new source of knowledge from which new theories could be
formed. In addition, specific interventions designed to
improve the educational experiences of young Black males
can be developed based on these new theories.

The Researcher
Because the researcher involved in this study
experienced long-term incarceration after his K-12
education in San Diego, California, the goals of this
project are both personal and intellectual. Strauss and
Corbin (1990) identify personal goals and experiences as
playing a valuable role in many research studies. The
personal goals of the researcher are to give voice to the
voiceless in academia and help diminish the cycle of
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African American men who shuttle through the prison-
industrial complex like wholesale products for merchants
of cheap labor. The intellectual goal of the researcher
is to contribute new insights about the way educators
approach the art of teaching African American males.
The researcher’s identity as an African American
male is congruent with the racial and gender identity of
the research subjects. While some might claim this
introduces a high degree of subjectivity, Strauss and
Corbin (1990) argue that this can be a valuable source of
insight. In earlier research Baca Zinn (1979) noted that
ethno-cultural researchers who study ethno-cultural
subjects have a better "lens" through which to view the
subjects’ social reality. Furthermore, Baca Zinn
suggested that ethno-cultural researchers ask questions
and gather information that non-ethno-cultural
researchers would not because of greater familiarity with
the subjects’ culture, history, and life experiences.
While some researchers have concerns that this creates
more bias because of the lack of objectivity, Baca Zinn
(1979) claimed that the benefits of an insider’s
perspective outweigh those of an outsider’s view.
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It is true that all researchers have some degree of
bias, and controlling bias is certainly a necessary and
valuable aspect of scholarship. At the same time, it is
important to note that acknowledging bias ahead of time
is far more helpful than attempting to suppress or ignore
it. Going as far back as William Julius Wilson's (1974)
study on insiders versus outsiders studying the Black
community, the issue of race is among the most salient
when it comes to researcher-subject relations.
Unlike the robust scholarship done on how ethnic and
racial identity affects researcher bias, studies on how
incarceration affects researcher bias are scant. Glenn
(2008) bemoaned the fact that it is increasingly
complicated and difficult for researchers to conduct
studies with prisoners in a climate of skyrocketing
incarceration and detention rates. It would appear that
one solution to this problem is to utilize current or
former prisoners as researchers since they have more
direct and immediate access to inmates.
In fact, ex-felon Stephen C. Richards earned a Ph.D.
in sociology in 1992 from Iowa State University, and he
is one of the few former prisoners now studying prisons.
Richards has labeled this type of research "Convict
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Criminology." Richards and Ross (2001) argued that the
vast majority of research on prisons and prisoners is
done by "former employees of the law enforcement
establishment (ex-police, correction, probation or parole
officers), who subscribe to conservative ideologies and
have little empathy for prisoners." Thus, research
conducted by former convicts balances the perspectives
offered by former law enforcement personnel. In this way,
the researcher’s identity as a former prisoner builds on
the paradigm originally established by Irwin and Cressey
(1962) and continued by scholars like Richards. In some
ways, it even counteracts the biased perspective created
by the overwhelming number of penology studies conducted
by former employees of the prison-industrial complex
(Richards and Ross, 2001).
Given the researcher’s unique position as a former
inmate studying current inmates, isolating the
researcher’s personal thoughts and opinions regarding
education and incarceration was critical. Husserl (1931)
went so far as to label this process "epoche." This
involves the suspension of judgment regarding the true
nature of reality. In other words, it is the process of
separating or bracketing assumptions about the research
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subject prior to making an analysis. Epoche was
accomplished in a number of ways. First, because the
researcher was formerly incarcerated he does not
subscribe to the stereotypes attributed to prisoners by
mass media and political propaganda. As a result, each
subject was approached without making prejudgments about
their character, morals, ethics, upbringing, or decision
making.
Second, the researcher did not intend to infuse his
own experiences into the study as data. Instead, the
focus was on the lived experiences of the inmates. The
researcher’s own experiences in the educational and
criminal justice systems were utilized to formulate
questions and glean meaning from the subjects’ responses.
It was not used to convey the findings as an editorial,
to justify personal opinions as facts, or arrive at pre-
determined conclusions.

Ethical Considerations
A former inmate attempting to study inmates created
an ethical as well as administrative dilemma in gaining
access to the intended population. I began volunteering
at one of the correctional institutions in California,
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which housed over five thousand inmates. After waiting
three months for clearance I was provided strict
guidelines for interacting with inmates. I had general
academic conversations with some of the inmates, but was
not allowed to record any of the conversations with them.
After requesting to sample the population of inmates I
was asked to provide a letter from the university
validating my study. My advisor immediately drafted a
letter to the institution outlining the goals and
objectives of my study.
The letter was received by the institution, reviewed
by the Warden and forwarded to Public Affairs. Six months
later I received a response from the Office of Research
stating that the California Department of Corrections had
conducted a preliminary review of my research proposal.
My proposal was reviewed and evaluated by internal
subject matter experts. The experts determined that
although the goals and objectives of the study were
admirable, they would not be able to approve the study
due to the rigorous standards for conducting external
research. I received letters of correspondence from some
of the inmates encouraging me to continue conducting the
study through the mail. The inmates understood the
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dilemma, but wanted to be involved with the research by
any means.
I consulted a parole officer who informed me of a
prerelease program recognized for preparing young African
American males to re-enter urban communities. Instead of
changing the methodology designed to conduct one on one
interviews and group observations, I revised the title
and focused on early academic experiences of recently
incarcerated African American males.

Setting
The participants included in this study were a group
of young men at a pre-release program located in San
Diego, California. I received written authorization to
conduct the study from the director of the program before
accessing the site or coming in contact with any of the
participants. The setting of the pre-release program was
made available for three days and the study was completed
within that time frame.
The facility was large and appeared to have a place
of worship and administrative offices on the premises.
The participants lived on the premises and were allowed
to work and use a portion of their wages to pay for room
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and board. The participants were very cooperative and
interested in knowing more about the research as well as
the outcome of the study. They shared rooms and had
positive things to say about the living conditions of the
facility. They were able to be placed in this particular
facility because of their ability to demonstrate change
in their lives while incarcerated. The participants
claimed other facilities were not as clean and did not
appear to have mutual respect between resident’s and the
administration. The participants liked the fact that the
current facility was located near public transportation.
In the seemingly unusual setting of a pre-release
program, Ferrell and Hamm (1998) suggested conducting a
qualitative study using an ethnographic model. This
approach provided better opportunities to access the
participants through the duration of the study. At the
conclusion of the study, the pre-release program was made
aware of how it could access the findings with the intent
that it may lead to improvements in resources provided to
future residents. The participants also expressed an
interest in having access to a copy of the outcomes of
the study.

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Participants
A professional in the field of probation and
rehabilitation directed the researcher to a pre-release
program that housed a small number of individuals who fit
the criteria for this project. The director was provided
a flyer and forwarded the information to a pre-selected
group of potential participants. The final set of
participants was selected through a strategy referred to
as purposeful sampling. This is a strategy in which
particular settings, persons, or activities are selected
deliberately in order to provide information that cannot
be obtained from other selections (Maxwell, 2005).
The participants in this study were six African
American males who met the following criteria:
• Experienced some of their K-8 education at an
urban school in San Diego County
• Between the ages of 18-25
• Served a prison sentence of at least one year
• Accessible for the length of the study
• Able to recall early academic experiences
• Identified himself as an African American male
• Provided written consent to be interviewed
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The actual names of the participants were used only
on consent forms and pseudonyms were used when referring
to them during the study and reporting the findings. The
participants were given a one-time stipend of $25.00.
This stipend was included as incentive to increase the
number of respondents willing and able to participate.

Data Collection
Inmates who are within six months of being released
from prison are provided with an opportunity to sign up
for the pre-release program through their parole agents.
The parole agents are given bed space availability and
criteria for the program by the Department of Social
Services. The researcher provided the pre-release program
with a flyer of recruitment for the study and met with
participants to engage them in meaningful dialogue. The
researcher was able to elicit true feelings about the
participants’ early academic experiences. With
participants being housed in a pre-release program the
researcher had greater opportunity to communicate with
the group as a whole and established trust. Thus,
individual interviews, group interviews, questionnaires,
written responses, and observation were utilized as data
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collection methodologies. This use of mixed methods
allowed the researcher to obtain data in multiple formats
and on multiple occasions, thus ensuring a rich supply of
data.
The initial individual and group interviews along
with questionnaires and written responses to open-ended
prompts were collected and viewed using content analysis
in an attempt to capture the essence of what subjects
said and how they expressed it. The benefit of collecting
data from oral interviews, questionnaires, and written
responses was that it offered participants both a public
and private means of communicating their thoughts and
feelings.
For individual and group interviews, data collection
forms were used with participants of the study. Creswell
(1998) suggested the use of data collection or protocol
forms while conducting interviews for assisting
interviewer with taking notes. Maxwell (2005) recommended
against mechanically converting research questions into
interview questions. Instead, establishing a connection
with the subjects can best be accomplished through the
development of real questions that will guide the
researcher in answering the research questions. Asking
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authentic questions created a symmetrical and
collaborative relationship that allowed the subjects to
draw on their own knowledge to answer the questions
(Maxwell, 2005). Developing the interview guide was
accomplished by asking young African American males what
questions made them think most about school and how they
interpret questions regarding their academic experiences.
The interviews were conducted using Kvale's (1996)
methods, which employ careful questioning and listening
techniques to derive the essence of the lived experiences
of the group. Interviews were lengthy and conducted in a
conversational manner with the use of open-ended
questioning. The interview guide consisted of basic
introductory questions that encouraged participants to
begin thinking about the earliest memories of their
academic experiences. As the interview progressed, the
researcher attempted to elicit more detailed or
comprehensive thoughts from the subjects regarding their
journey from school to prison. The researcher was careful
to avoid questions regarding the nature of their offenses
or the exact amount of time participants were
incarcerated. Any information regarding their crimes was
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given voluntary by the participants and was not
considered in the analysis of the data.
Interview questions were designed and presented
using strategies suggested by Dana et al. (1992). The
introductory question was used with follow-up questions
where certain key words or phrases could be repeated. The
researcher also asked probing questions that sought to
identify specific and detailed experiences. The
researcher asked direct questions to each participant in
an effort to look for commonalities and differences. As
the interview progressed, more direct and indirect
questions were introduced based on the rapport and
interaction with the subjects. Paraphrasing techniques
along with deliberate silence were used to allow the
subjects opportunity to be understood correctly (Dana et
al, 1992).
The interviews were recorded on a micro-mini digital
recorder and later transcribed and coded. Reflective
notes were taken while the audiotape was recording, and
the subjects were made aware of this prior to beginning
the interview. A total of two semi-structured interviews
approximately 40 minutes in length were conducted. The
language used to conduct the interviews included slang
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and street jargon in order to create a comfortable and
non threatening environment (Newman, 1958). The findings
were translated to reflect the close meaning of the
responses from the interviews.
Newman (1958) recommended conducting interviews with
inmates in a neutral room away from the main population
in order to better build rapport and obtain reliable
responses. Individual interviews preceded the group
interviews. Following Newman’s (1958) protocol,
participants were made aware of the use of recording
devices, and the researcher dressed in loose fitting,
casual clothing that allowed the subjects to relax and
feel like they were having a conversation with a man from
their own background and circumstances rather than a
white-collar academic.
In addition to the individual interviews, group
interviews were conducted with all of the participants
sitting together in a room with the researcher. The
purpose of the group interview was to build a
conversation among the participants, so they could share
similar ideas and experiences. Also, the identification
of differences in opinion or experience among the
participants was crucial. Visual props, such as comic
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strips about the importance of education, were utilized
to initiate the conversation and to provide a focal point
on which the discussion centered.
The use of individual and group observations is
another method that was used to determine the
perspectives of the subjects. What was said during the
interview was one way of gaining information, but
observations told a great deal more about the behavior of
the subjects (Maxell, 2005). Ramsey (1974) argued that
understanding non-verbal behaviors among prisoners is a
key to understanding one of their most vital
communication channels. She also suggested non-verbal
behaviors act as codes among prisoners. These codes
identify and divide their ranks. Expressing non-verbal
language can occur through clothing, posture, gesture,
personal space, and touching. The prison environment may
also become a factor due to the images that many
prisoners perpetuate to other prisoners. This is another
reason for closely observing the participants within a
neutral setting away from the main population.
In addition to collecting interview and observation
data, the researcher analyzed the writings of the
participants and compared the writings to verbal
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responses. Bosworth et al. (2005) used the writings of
prisoners to discuss the implications of conducting
prison research. Although participants were interviewed
in a pre-release program, some of the difficulties that
may be encountered in conducting research with convicted
felons include gaining their trust and learning to
interpret the true meaning of what they actually say.
Bosworth et al. (2005) encouraged participants in their
study to write freely about their experiences of
incarceration in an attempt to allow their personalities
to become part of the writings. Bosworth et al. (2005)
argued that knowledge and experience is in the hands of
participants in prison research and not necessarily
controllable by the researcher. Nonetheless, carefully
analyzing writings from the participants helped provide a
platform to project the true sound of their voices and
the full breadth of their experiences.
Lastly, a short questionnaire was given to each
participant to assess their attitudes toward school
during grades K-4, 5-8, and 9-12. Schools vary as to
where the grade level ends to separate middle from
elementary school. Participant were made aware for the
purpose of this study that K-4 schooling would be
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understood as elementary, 5-8 would be understood as
middle school and 9-12 would be understood as high school
experiences. Special attention was given to the
participants’ relationships with teachers; overall sense
of academic and social support received from urban
schools; and the representation of African American
people, culture, and history in the curriculum.

Sample Protocol Questions for the Individual Interview
1. Tell me what you recall most about your
experiences in public schools?
2. What did you think was the purpose of school?
3. How did school prepare you for the real world?
4. What support did you receive from teachers?
5. How relevant were the topics for learning and
what did you enjoy most about the instruction?
6. Did you feel well liked by your teachers?
7. What did you enjoy least about school?
8. What advice would you give a friend or family
member on how best to prepare for attending
public schools?
9. When you encountered problems in school were
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they with the school work or the people around
you? How were these problems resolved?
10. Do you feel that most of your teachers believed
you would graduate from high school?

Instrumentation and Procedures
According to Maxwell (2005) reading the transcripts,
listening attentively to the recorded interviews, and
actually performing the transcriptions are the best ways
to analyze interview data. For Kvale (1996), the
qualitative research interview attempts to understand the
world from the subject's point of view in order to unfold
the meaning of their experiences, to uncover their lived
world prior to scientific explanations.
The interview analysis was conducted using Kvale’s
(1996) six-step analysis as a framework. The first step
involved allowing the participant the freedom to describe
his lived world experiences during the interview. In
other words, there was no modification or explanation of
the subject’s experiences. Hammersley and Atkinson (1995)
emphasized that the researcher’s presence may influence
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the situation through a process known as “reflexivity.”
This must also be taken into account.
Kvale’s (1996) second step takes into consideration
the ways in which participants discover new meanings and
new relationships between ideas during the course of the
interview.
The third step concerns the researcher beginning to
condense and interpret the meaning of what the subject
has described during the course of the interview. The
third step is an opportunity to clarify any unclear or
ambiguous information.
The fourth step occurred after the interviews had
been transcribed, and it involved careful reading and
interpreting of the observation notes and interview
transcripts (Emerson et al., 1995; Kvale, 1996).
The fifth step involved what Kvale calls “re-
interviewing.” On the subject of re-interviews, Creswell
(1998) suggested taking the transcript back to the
participants to obtain feedback on specific wording or
metaphors used in the interviews. Creswell also suggested
developing codes or categories in order to sort the text
along with any visual images that may have been provided.
Huberman and Miles’ (1994) approach, which constructs
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preliminary “counts” of the data to determine how
frequently codes appear in the database, was also useful
at this stage.
The sixth step was optional because it involved
using the interview to encourage the subject to take
action and change their behavior in some way, which is
similar to therapy. While this would be a desirable step
to complete, the limited amount of time given to the
inmates and researcher made it impossible to complete.
Analysis of data began upon completion of the first
interview and observation. A continual process of
analyzing interviews and observations was implemented
until the research was completed. Maxwell (2005)
contended that the analysis of interviews is much like
the analysis of observations in that both are
descriptions of behavior. Reviewing the interviews and
observations was done in a way that tried to pair the
non-verbal behavior with accompanying verbal statements
or cues.
The written responses were also used to pair spoken
versus written thoughts in a way that constructed a more
comprehensive description of the subjects’ experiences.
The questionnaire asked general questions about the
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subjects’ attitudes toward school and education. It was
modeled in the fashion of a Likert scale.

Validity
In order for research to be valid there must be
standards in place to evaluate the research. According
to Auerbach and Silverstein (2003), the qualitative
research paradigm needs to take into account
subjectivity, interpretation, and context. In an attempt
to achieve validity, triangulation methods were
implemented that included the use of individual and group
interviews, observations, and analysis of writing
responses. According to Maxwell (2005), triangulation
will help to reduce the risk of an interpretation that
only reflects a systematic bias or subjective position.
The intent of triangulation was to try to find discord
and harmony between what is said, what is acted out, and
what is written. In addition, triangulation provided a
three-dimensional representation of the subject’s view. A
person who is shy during a one-on-one interview or
reluctant to speak out in a group interview might open up
in a written response, for example.
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Maxwell (2005) suggested that the main emphasis of a
qualitative project should be on how to rule out
alternatives and threats to the interpretation and
explanation of data. While triangulation is used as a
method of obtaining validity, Maxwell identified
researcher bias and the effect of the researcher on the
subjects being studied as the major threats to validity.
An effective way to prevent the threat of researcher bias
was to identify and challenge possible information that
could disprove or challenge the conclusions reached. The
methods that were used to try to control the researcher’s
bias were elaborated in an earlier section titled “The
Researcher.” This was placed in a special section because
of the researcher’s unusual position as a former inmate
studying current inmates.
From earlier research Becker and Geer (1957) claimed
that having a long-term involvement with the study
provides greater opportunity for achieving accurate
results. The data collection methods used in this project
allowed for multiple interviews and interactions with the
subjects. Actual face-to-face time with the subjects
exceeded one hour per person spread over three days.
While this may not seem like long-term involvement to
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some, it is preferable to a research design that only
allows one chance for a single interview. It gave the
researcher more chances to establish rapport and to ask
follow-up questions.
In addition, requesting ongoing feedback from the
subjects helped to reduce researcher bias during data
collection and analysis (Bryman, 1988; Lincoln and Guba,
1985). This method is referred to as “Member checks.”
Many threats to the validity of the study may exist;
however, being aware of the environment and context as
well as the impact of the study on the participants was
central to maintaining the integrity of the findings.

Limitations and Delimitations
The limitations and delimitations are provided to
note possible problems or shortcomings regarding research
procedure, design, or implementation and the measures
taken to address them. One of the main limitations of the
study is that it only examines the academic experiences of
six African American males, but fewer participants in
intensive case studies are sufficient if the goals are to
obtain general knowledge about a group (Kvale, 1996). With
only six respondents, a larger sample size would have
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allowed more opportunity to select participants from a
larger pool and have alternates, but that was not possible
given the very specific profiles required for all
participants.
Moreover, all of the subjects in the study were being
released from serving time in jail or prison, and they may
express negative opinions and speak harshly of all forms
of institutions. In other words, they may come across as
having “bad attitudes” or “an axe to grind” because of the
time they served, and that may tinge the truthfulness and
accuracy of their stories. The subjects’ crimes range from
misdemeanors to felonies and their responses vary
depending on the amount of time they served and whether or
not they felt their sentence was justified. An inmate who
served one year might have a very different opinion about
education and prison than one who served five years, for
example.
A final limitation placed on this study is that it
did not solicit interview data from the participants’ K-12
teachers, school administrators, or even law enforcement
personnel. The study was committed to examining the young
African American male schooling experience and not the
experiences of other ethnic and gender groups. Other
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ethno-cultural groups may also be at risk for receiving
low quality education; however, the academic experiences
of African American boys are unique only to them.
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CHAPTER 4
Introduction to the Findings
The purpose of this study was to examine the
academic experiences of young African American males who
were recently released from incarceration at a California
Department of Corrections facility, Youth Authorities
facility, or local jail. Overall, 13 interviews were
conducted with six African American males who ranged from
18 to 25 years of age.
Two one-on-one interviews were conducted with each
participant, and one interview was conducted with the
entire group. The participants also completed a
questionnaire regarding their K-12 experiences and a
written response to three short essay questions. The
information and materials gained from these encounters
are presented in this chapter as a composite of
experiences of African American males whose schooling was
interrupted by jail or incarceration.
The findings are presented in relation to the
guiding research questions:
1. What are the educational experiences of African
American males who have been incarcerated?
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2. How do young African American males, who have
experienced incarceration, perceive themselves and
their identity in California’s urban schools?
3. What perceptions do African American male students
have of their teachers’ expectations?
The six participants responded to the interviews
with strong interest in the topic and did not require
much prompting when speaking of their academic
experiences. Overall, there was not a great deal of
variation in their responses, which seems to suggest a
high degree of commonality among them. It also suggests
that the group was generally representative of young
African American males who have been recently released
from incarceration in California. While one of the
participants was jailed during his senior year of high
school, it should be noted that none actually completed
high school before being incarcerated.

Individual Profiles
It is important to become familiar with the
individual backgrounds of the participants to understand
the findings and significance of this study. The
participants have different personal histories and come
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from various areas of the United States, but all managed
to attend urban schools in San Diego, California, between
1986 and 2004. As the participants described their early
academic experiences, it is oftentimes difficult to
separate academic experiences from what participants have
experienced in the home. Thus, providing brief
descriptions of home life was necessary to better
understand some of the external events impacting the
participants' education. The following information is
intended to describe the background of the participants
in the study using pseudonyms they have chosen
themselves.

#1 Romeo is 19 years old and best described as being
very intelligent and articulate with a great deal of
“street smarts.” He was born in New York City and
experienced many difficulties as an only child in a
single-parent home. As a child he wanted to become an
astronaut. Romeo’s mother made him go to school, but
according to him, she did not have any interest in
whether or not he was learning. His mother did not have
more than an eighth-grade education, and she left it up
to the schools to prepare Romeo for his future. Romeo
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attended public schools in New York City where he began
disrupting and disturbing the academic environment with
unwelcomed questions. He had questions about himself, as
a young Black male, and he wanted to know why he had to
learn what he was being taught. He became very frustrated
when his questions went unanswered at school and at home.
He felt the best way to gain attention was to respond
negatively toward those in authority.
His mother sent him to live with relatives in San
Diego, California where he attended urban schools. His
behavior led him to have multiple encounters with law
enforcement agencies causing family members to seek help
for him through boarding homes and various programs for
“at-risk” youth. When asked what he recalled most about
his academic experiences, Romeo replied, “To tell the
truth, when I was a kid, I wasn’t really paying much
attention.” Romeo made it to high school, but only to
complete the eleventh grade. He was charged with robbery
and missed much of the eleventh grade because of going
back and forth to court.
Romeo was eventually expelled from school, even
after receiving a “good progress” in English award from
his school. He tried to get back in school, but was
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denied access. He tried to attend another high school,
but was also denied because he was 18 years old. He was
not aware that at age 18 he had become eligible to attend
community college. After being denied re-entry to high
school a second time Romeo was out of school and without
a job. He was charged with another robbery and given a
three year prison sentence in California’s Department of
Corrections.

#2 Shaw-D is 20 years old with two children to
support. His girlfriend is helping him because he stopped
going to school in the eighth grade. When I asked him the
reason he chose to discontinue schooling, he replied, “I
don’t think they related to me.” Upon hearing his
response, I was determined to discover exactly who “They”
were and in what ways “They” did not relate to him.
Shaw-D was born in New Jersey, but attended urban
schools in San Diego. Although he stopped going to school
in junior high, he managed to complete the equivalency of
an eleventh grade education while incarcerated. He
occasionally paused when speaking about his academic
experiences as if he regretted not being able to
graduate. Of all the participants, Shaw-D seemed most
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enthusiastic about having his experiences documented. He
did not hesitate to speak of his frustration in school
and how he would often fight for no real reason. He says
his behavior was out of control, and that became the
reason why his parents decided to send him from New
Jersey to San Diego—for a change of environment. Shaw-D
explained that his parents felt the inner city was not
capable of providing a healthy image of life for a young
Black boy. He came to San Diego and quickly acquainted
himself with street life and gang activity despite the
change in his environment.
Shaw-D eventually quit going to school, and when
asked why he made that decision he replied, “Teachers
shouldn’t become angry with people who ask a lot of
questions, those are the people who really need help the
most.” His questions were eventually answered by young
Black boys who experienced similar circumstances. They
lived together in neighborhoods forming gangs that prefer
“blue” over any other color and calling themselves
“Crips.” The streets became his new school, and Crips
were his fraternity brothers. Criminal behavior became
common, and the purpose of school was more loosely
defined. Shaw-D was sentenced to five years in Youth
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Authorities for burglary, but transferred to the
Department of Corrections to complete the remainder of
his term.

#3 TNT is 18 years old and completed the eleventh
grade prior to being incarcerated. Although he appeared
very shy and reluctant to share his academic experiences,
he gave credit to Mrs. Johnson for helping him make it to
the eleventh grade. “Mrs. Johnson was cool in elementary
school and I remember her because she was an African
American teacher and a church lady.”
TNT remembered his mother would make him go to
school every day; he also liked going to school. If he
was experiencing difficulties in class, the teacher would
contact his mother and let her know what he needed help
with. TNT’s mother would tell him to get help from the
teacher assistant if he did not understand the
assignment. TNT spent most of his time in a 6 to 6
2
after

2
The San Diego “6 to 6” Extended School Day Program is designed to
provide access to high quality, affordable enrichment programs before
and after school to every elementary and middle school student in the
city of San Diego, California. The program is designed to provide a
safe place for students while their parents are at work, one that is
both academically enriching and recreationally stimulating. Accessed
on September 21, 2009 from Out-of-School Time Evaluation Database:
Havard Family Research Project (http://www.hfrp.org/out-of-school-
116

school program, where he also received additional help
with his homework. He always wanted to become a
professional football player, and he saw the 6 to 6
program as something that prevented him from being with
friends. He had a love for books and reading, but he did
not recall reading about Blacks or African Americans
until entering high school. TNT served about 2 years in
Juvenile Hall for shoplifting, and he is attempting to
re-enter society without a high school diploma or GED.

#4 G-Low is 22 years of age and served 4 years in
Youth Authorities. His mother made him attend school and
in exchange allowed him to go outside and play with
friends. He is the youngest of three children and relied
on his older brother and sister to help him with his
school work. He was very excited about school, and in the
fifth grade he was elected president of the student body.
Middle school is where he began hanging out with friends
and only desired to attend school for the interaction
with females. G-Low said it was middle school where his

time/ost-database-bibliography/database/san-diego-s-6-to-6-extended-
school-day-program).
117

teachers began to frustrate him: “I wasn’t really
learning anything and they were moving too fast.”
G-Low began experimenting with drugs and often
attended school while under the influence of marijuana.
Teachers would often discipline him for excessive
talking, and he recalled one teacher who referred to him
as a “Mother f-ckin’ jackass!” He complained about the
teacher during a conference with the principal and his
mother, but no action was taken against the teacher. He
did not feel well liked by any of his middle school
teachers, and when asked about high school, he replied,
“I basically could have just gone from elementary to high
school!” He stopped attending school in the tenth grade
and became deeply involved with gang activity. He is re-
entering society with very little education and lacking
the necessary skills to secure a meaningful job.

#5 Dre P is 22 years old and attended urban schools
in San Diego. He was raised in a neighborhood full of
gang activity, and he made a decision to gang-bang early
in life after seeing his favorite uncle wearing a red
bandana. According to Dre P, growing up in his
neighborhood was not as bad as some people may think. His
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father separated from his mother when Dre P was about 11
years old, but his mother did everything she could to
support him and keep food on the table. He enjoyed school
very much, especially elementary school. Dre P remembers
walking with his mother to elementary school, and she
would always be there to walk him home in the afternoon.
He would often receive a star on his forehead or an
academic reward for something positive he did in class.
Being raised in a neighborhood known for gang
activity never seemed to affect his love for school. Dre
P said that his most memorable moments occurred in
elementary school, and he liked his teachers very much
because they reminded him of his mother. He paid more
attention to the older teachers because they seemed to
care more about the students than the younger teachers.
He also felt that the younger teachers could not control
the classroom. When asked what he thought his elementary
teachers would say if they knew he was incarcerated he
replied, “They would be surprised.” Dre P enjoyed school
up until the sixth grade at which point he became more
interested in hanging out with friends and socializing.
Dre P described middle school as being a difficult
period and felt that he likely would have completed high
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school, or at least the eleventh grade, had he not been
arrested for possession of a controlled substance and
sent to a drug program. He did not feel that he had a
drug problem, but whenever he attempted to sell drugs, he
became his best customer. Between drug selling and drug
using, he eventually was sent to Juvenile Hall. Now that
he is being released, his goal is to re-establish himself
in a society that he was never really established in
before jail.

#6 Goofy is 20 years old and best described as
having a mixed ethnicity of Mexican and African American.
Mexicans and Africans both have very strong and unique
cultures, and Goofy often found it difficult to
completely identify with one over the other. For the
purpose of this study he considered himself African
American; however, many of his descriptions also included
his interpretations and perceptions as a Latino.
Goofy was raised in an area neutral to gang
activity. While he is of mixed ethnicity, his appearance
is that of a Mexican male. He is second to the youngest
of seven children, and he had a very close relationship
with his father. His father wanted him to know the
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importance of staying in school, but Goofy often found it
difficult to make it to school due to the transportation
needs of other siblings. He received most of his help
with school work from his brothers and sisters, and he
recalls how teachers judged him based on the way he chose
to dress. He wore his pants so loose around the waist
that his underwear would often show. He also wore a
backward baseball cap of his favorite sports team.
Goofy’s neighborhood was not known for gang
activity, but he met many gang members at school, and he
stated, “If the classroom was more interesting, then
maybe people could enjoy it.” His affection for the
friends he met became greater than his desire to attend
school. He concluded that in order to make the necessary
money to help his family, he would need to start earning
right away. Goofy began selling drugs and was arrested
and charged with possession of a controlled substance
with the intent to sell.
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Overview of the Findings
The following sections describe participants'
interview and questionnaire responses regarding their
academic experiences in relation to the research
questions. The responses are grouped into six general
areas: (1) early academic success, (2) middle school
meltdowns, (3) high school push outs, (4) teaching the
purpose of education, (5) conflict between teacher
expectations and student perceptions, and (6) African
American male identity development.
The first three areas that are discussed—early
academic success, middle school meltdowns, and high
school push outs—map the participants' progression
through the educational pipeline. The general purpose of
grouping these areas together is to examine the long-term
academic experiences of African American males and to
identify critical junctures in their educational
attainment. Academic experiences include participants’
responses and interpretations of teacher instruction,
personal performance, and classroom dynamics. Students’
educational experiences are likely to be unique to the
individual; however, overlapping experiences and common
threads are identified when applicable. The interviews
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and questionnaire were designed to progress through the
educational experience chronologically and to examine
three levels of academic growth and development:
elementary (K-4), middle school (5-8), and high school
(9-12).

Early Academic Success — Grades K-4
If K-4 experiences were indicators of the likelihood
for academic success in young African American males,
then perhaps all of the participants in this study would
have become college graduates. All of the participants
were able to describe some positive experiences from this
period in their education, and none of the participants
described K-4 schooling as a negative experience overall.
For example, in his early academic questionnaire, G-
Low described his K-4 experience as being "ghetto," but
also "beneficial," "rewarding," "educational," and "fun."
The following chart is an example of integrated words
used in the early academic questionnaire along with G-
Low’s selected responses in bold.

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Figure 3.A: G-Low’s integrated word responses to the
early academic questionnaire

a) faulty b) ghetto c) incomplete d) weak e) average
f) limiting g) okay h) good i) nice j) challenging
k) beneficial l) rewarding m) fun n) educational o) complete
p) exceptional

During his interview, G-Low shared more about his
success in elementary school. He attended school
regularly, and he would often complete his assignments
before the rest of the class. He even described being
ready to move on to the next task while the teacher was
still working with students on the first task. He was
eventually placed in a Gifted and Talented Educational
(GATE) program. He really liked school, and was chosen to
be president of the student body in 5
th
grade. When asked
to characterize his early educational experiences, G-Low
had the following to say:
“Yeah uh, __ in my elementary from kindergarten to
elementary they always taught good. You know what I
mean? I don’t know, I just like I knew every __ __
stuff. Basically I don’t know how I knew it, but
like when I first went into elementary like I knew
all the stuff basically they were teaching me. I
almost felt like the teachers were like really cool
with us.”

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G-Low seemed to have academic support inside the
classroom, but he also mentioned having some support
outside the classroom through a Head Start program.
Programs like Head Start were developed in the community
to prepare children for academic success in school.
Like G-Low, Dre P always attended elementary school
and felt connected to the 6 to 6 after school program
because it provided him with the most help when he needed
it. He never experienced any problems comprehending class
assignments and felt well liked by his teachers.
Shaw-D said that his fondest memories of his early
academic experiences were of his second grade teacher. At
the same time, Shaw-D expressed that he had little
recollection overall of his early academic experiences.
Adam: How would you rate them (K-4) teachers?

Shaw-D: Well, I probably rate them, nothing
high, nothing high you know what I’m
saying. I don’t really remember, I only
remember maybe one teacher.

Adam: You only remember one?

Shaw-D: Yeah, when I was in second grade.

Shaw-D: Well, I be knowing. I remember
different teacher, so I remember maybe
a teacher here and there.

Adam: What made you remember the one in
second grade?
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Shaw-D: I don’t know maybe because I “egged”
her door (laughing).

Adam: You always will remember the teacher
whose door you egged (laughing).

Shaw-D: I remember she was just a cool teacher,
you know what I’m saying? Yeah, she was
great!

Shaw-D later revealed that his second grade teacher
became "great" by understanding the circumstances in
which he had to live. She was mature and did not react
negatively to his unwanted behavior. It was his second
grade teacher that helped Shaw-D to reach his highest
academic achievement. He listened to her and respected
her role as teacher. When asked if he felt that his
second grade teacher maybe respected him more than his
other teachers, Shaw-D said that she was just “there” for
him. The value of a teacher or even a friend being
“there” for Shaw-D was very important in his early stages
of academic development.
Shaw-D said that none of his other teachers seemed
to relate to him. He recalled being told by his K-4
teachers that he was smart, but he did not receive the
same affirmation during his middle and high school years.
During his elementary experiences, Shaw-D had many
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questions for his teachers. He received answers that
satisfied his curiosity; however, as life became more
challenging for him, more questions followed.
Similar to Shaw-D’s experience, TNT also had a
strong connection with one of his K-4 teachers. The
strong connection seemed to be based on mutual respect
and love. He felt validated by her interest in making
sure that he completed his class assignments.
Adam: In K-4. When they (teachers) were giving you
examples in class, do you think it was right
on point?(easily understood)?

TNT: Yeah, I had a better teacher.

Adam: Who was the better teacher?

TNT: She was an African American teacher. Her name
was Ms. Jackson. She was a church lady.

TNT: She like, I don’t know she was just like cool!

Adam: How so? What made her cool?

TNT: She made sure that I get all my work done and
everything, she even take you home, like you
know, like, I don’t know like I guess she
tries, tried hard to do it and get her job
done.

Overall TNT felt that Ms. Jackson as well as the rest of
his K-4 teachers expected him to succeed academically.
There was a 6 to 6 after school program that helped TNT
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feel supported in academics even outside of the
classroom.

Adam: Like when you’re not in school when you
get out, you know what did they say?
You know about how you spend your free time?

TNT: Like after school or something like that?

Adam: Yeah.

TNT: Like there was this “6 to 6” program.

TNT: For like after school program. You do like,
it’s a class that’s like you probably don’t
know
what it is. You get help with your work or you
just go in there to do your little homework
there or they got other little thing keep you
off the street and all that. That’s what was
nice about K-4
th
. I enjoyed it and so did my
mom.

TNT’s satisfaction with his K-4 experience was mentioned
briefly during his interviews; however, his favorable
reflection was observed in his body language as well as
his facial expressions. TNT also described the 6 to 6
program as being very helpful in assisting him with
homework and providing a place for him to hang out. The
program helped keep him from thinking about being on the
streets with his friends.
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While TNT’s description of the 6 to 6 program was
favorable, Goofy did not view the program as being
helpful for him and mentioned having friends who had
dropped out of elementary school. Goofy felt thrown into
the program and having to “sink or swim.” Without
receiving any real help, he sank. Goofy continued to sink
in school due to low class participation. He was afraid
to answer questions in class because classmates would
make fun of him for being incorrect. When asked what
would have made him participate more Goofy said that he
favored having some type of reward for the student who
participated.
While Goofy spoke about his negative experiences in
the 6 to 6 program and with class participation, he did
offer some positive comments about his early educational
experience. For example, on a scale of 1 to 10, he rated
his elementary school teachers as a "7," which tied for
the highest rating among all of the participants.
Romeo did not share any experiences with programs
designed to prepare youth in academics, such as Head
Start or 6 to 6, and he felt that his behavior earned him
the reputation of being a “trouble maker.” There was no
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clear distinction at what point in his life this title
came about, but Romeo explained that it is who he was.
Adam: Okay, do you feel that your teachers
expected you to succeed in school?

Romeo: At that time (K-4) no, because of who
I was.

Adam: And who were you?

Romeo: I was a trouble maker.
Adam: Were you ever called upon to participate
in class . . . did they ever call on you?

Romeo: Yeah, but, I’d be like (cursing them out)
Saying, “I’m not going up there.”

Adam: What do you think would have made you want
to participate?

Romeo: I think when I had so many things going on
at that time I wouldn’t have been able to
pay attention.

The "many things going on," which Romeo expressed,
were the different forms of punishment, group homes, and
outside distractions that occurred throughout his
schooling experiences. Romeo was unable to attend
elementary school regularly and did not succeed
academically as a result. His elementary school
experience left him unprepared for middle school. The
times he did attend school he felt uninterested and
claimed, “Teachers never really taught. From what I
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remember they were like whoever gets it, gets it and
whoever doesn’t, doesn’t.” Romeo felt frustrated because
he thought that he should have been among those who
succeeded academically. Despite Romeo's negative
experiences in elementary school, he managed to single
out English and art as two subjects that teachers made
interesting and that he genuinely appreciated.
Overall, the participants recalled more about K-4
schooling and had more positive things to say about that
academic period than any other period. Unfortunately,
these examples of early positive academic experiences did
not develop and continue over time. As the next section
will demonstrate, the critical event for all of the
participants seems to be a steep decline in their
academic performance or "meltdown" during their middle
school years.

Middle School Meltdowns — Grades 5-8
In this section, the common denominator among all
participants was the “middle school meltdown,” which
refers to the rupture caused by the switch from nurturing
teachers and positive reinforcement in elementary school
to a system of independence in middle school. The
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participants generally described middle school as the
time when they started seeing school as a place to hang
out, socialize, and meet girls rather than to learn. It
should come as no surprise that participants also felt
that middle school did not adequately prepare them for
high school.
The middle school experience seemed less fulfilling
and less rewarding for this group than any other academic
level, including high school. Feelings of disconnection
and the absence of concern from teachers were experienced
in middle school by five of the six participants. Most of
the participants had very little to offer in terms of
positive middle school experiences.
For example, the early academic success G-Low
demonstrated in K-4 did not transfer to middle school.
G-Low said that he really did not learn anything in
middle school.
G-Low: I basically could have just went from
elementary to high school.

G-Low: Like reciprocals, you were supposed to
learn that in the 8
th
grade. I didn’t know
it in high school. I said what is this sh_t?
I felt like an alien, like it’s totally
different. Basically in the 8
th
grade, I don’t
think I really learned nothing. . . Maybe a
little bit here and there. I have to say I
learned reading from school because I used
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to read major books. That’s the only thing.
I mean I learned how to read but that’s about
it. Besides that, I mean I didn’t really
learn nothing.

G-Low added that the critical time for him was between 5
th

and 6
th
grade, because this is where his experience in
school changed. While G-Low had been a standout student
in the 5
th
grade, he changed schools starting in 6
th
grade.
He cites this change as a turning point in his education
and his relationships with teachers.
G-Low: Elementary helps. I do good man. I always
did all my work and stuff. I just wasn’t you
know… I did all my work. In 5th grade I was
president. You know what I mean, but after
that when I was in the sixth grade, I was
tore up from there on.

Adam: So what do you think happened from that
point? (from the 5th grade to the 6th grade?)

G-Low: I went to __ School (another school) and the
teachers were like, they were just grinding
me. I mean the teachers were grinding me
hard, they’d talk sh_t to me, etc..I mean I
don’t think I really learned anything
in middle school. I mean a little bit here
and there. But like for homework going on
all the time, I mean I should have learned
way more.

While for G-Low the physical transfer from one school to
another school upended what had been a very promising
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start to his education, the other participants expressed
similar experiences with change during middle school.
Although Romeo was labeled a troublemaker early in
his academic life, he mentioned that as far back as he
could remember he wanted to be an astronaut. It was one
of his dreams that he held onto until he reached middle
school. When asked if he thought anything helped to
change his mind, he said it was just a decision he made
and nothing really made him change his mind. He added
that middle school teachers did not explain lessons very
well and were never available to provide the extra help
he needed. Overall his middle school teachers made him
feel distant and unable to succeed. He admitted that he
often acted inappropriately in class, but claimed,
“Teachers rarely made coursework interesting.” The one
thing that he could consistently rely on being
interesting was his acting out. When asked if he thought
his middle school teachers would be surprised to know
that he was incarcerated before completing high school he
replied, “No, (laughing) they’d be like, you know I
figured he was going that way.”
It was also around middle school when Goofy started
to attend school less and hang around the wrong crowd
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even more. On a questionnaire he was asked to describe
how often his middle school teachers made classroom work
interesting, and he responded “not often.” When asked how
often his middle school teachers were available to give
him extra help, he replied, “not often.” When asked how
often his teachers made him feel intelligent Goofy
responded, “never.” He then wrote a personal comment that
teachers made him feel like a “nobody” because they had
too many other students to worry about. Goofy also
mentioned that smart people received “easier stuff” at
school and people who struggle got more work. The
implication of his statement is that the school’s
solution to improve student performance was to assign
more work to struggling students but not necessarily to
provide more one-on-one tutoring or other assistance.
Goofy provided additional details about how unprepared he
felt in middle school.
Adam: Do you think you were prepared for middle
school?

Goofy: Ahh, nah. When I got to junior high
like it was harder.

Adam: Really?

Goofy: Yeah. Like um they didn’t prepare me
that much, so ah, it was like
struggling. Like I tried to get help
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from other people in the classroom, I
sometimes cheated. Yeah, because like
half of them were smart and I didn’t
know what else to do. So, ah, it was like
I found a way to do something, but I was
just trying to get through.

One surprising finding was that Goofy's negative
assessment of middle school was balanced by his
recollection of sixth grade camp. He loved the
experience, and he also liked the idea of "getting away."
Sixth grade camp was the last positive memory Goofy spoke
of when recounting his educational history.
Like Goofy, Shaw-D described how he felt alone in
middle school when some teachers failed to help him. He
said, “Some people who ask a lot of questions may really
need help.” He also felt that some teachers were not as
prepared to teach as others or they just didn't know how
to teach. Shaw-D said that he dropped out of school in
the eighth grade.
In contrast, TNT felt prepared for middle school,
and he was even placed in a slightly gifted class for
students who were thought to have high interests in
mathematics. TNT liked math and said that he would have
been more successful academically if he had received more
help with the basic steps.
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Dre P seemed to experience middle school completely
different than the other participants. He felt the
teachers "often" explained lessons well and “always” made
classroom work interesting. Teachers "often" made him
feel intelligent and were “always” available to give
extra help. Dre P described himself as being very popular
in school; however, he explained that his main
motivations for attending school were sports and girls.
The interaction with females along with being able to
hang out with his close friends was very important for
his attendance.
Thus, for Dre P it was not a perceived lack of help
from teachers or difficulty with class assignments that
caused his educational attainment to derail. Instead, it
was changing social relationships with his peers, such as
placing a higher value on romance with girls and
camaraderie with teammates. His middle school experiences
were less about academics and more about socialization,
especially with females. At the same time that Dre P
developed a greater interest in girls he began to
experience jealousy from boys. He called them “haters” or
enemies who were envious of his popularity. Dre P’s
middle school enemies eventually became his high school
137

friends, but those friendships were mostly nonacademic.
Dre P felt a stronger connection to the boys he was
hanging out with than he did to the school that was
beginning to show disinterest in him.
To summarize, all of the participants reported
significant changes in their educational experience when
they started middle school. No one appeared to make
significant achievements in middle school, and only one
described their middle school experience as positive. G-
Low, Romeo, Goofy, Shaw-D, and TNT all pointed to
teachers who did not adequately support them when they
needed extra help. Dre P discussed the added challenges
of being an adolescent concerned with girls, sports, and
popularity. While the others did not discuss the social
aspects of middle school as much as Dre P did, they often
mentioned at least one extracurricular factor (girls,
sports, or popularity) as a significant part of their
middle school experience.

High School Push Outs — Grades 9-12
By the time they reached high school, most of the
participants’ encountered significant obstacles to their
learning, both inside and outside the classroom. This
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includes a lack of academic preparedness as well as
engaging in illicit activities such as drug use, drug
dealing, and gang banging. While none of the participants
made it through high school without being incarcerated,
grades 9-12 are significant as they represent an ending
to their academic journey. With high school being their
last academic experience, it was also the experience they
discussed the least. Those who achieved well and those
who did not seemed to all end up at an equal loss in high
school. At no point did any of the participants seem to
ever gain control of the runaway train that was their
academic career until it jumped the academic track.
Shaw-D described his experience of attempting to
continue high school while in Juvenile Hall. He was very
uninterested and disconnected with academics. When he
attended school, he would do nothing at all. At this
point in his life, he saw sports as a preparation for a
future career in the NFL or NBA. He looked to the streets
as preparation for the everyday struggles that life was
sure to bring. However, when Shaw-D responded to the
question of what he thought school was preparing him for
he did not have an immediate answer.
Adam: What do you think your schooling was
139

preparing you for?

Shaw-D: Um

Adam: What do you think it was preparing
you for?

Shaw-D: What it was preparing me for?

Adam: Yeah, yeah.

Shaw-D: I don’t know. To tell you the truth,
I don’t know, what they would be
preparing me for. I just know that we
had to learn that stuff. . .

Shaw-D revealed in his early academic questionnaire that
one of the reasons for his disinterest in high school was
the fact that school curriculum “never” addressed the
circumstances in his life. Experiencing incarceration as
early as the eighth grade made it difficult for him to
see liberation through education. In his written response
he remarked that some teachers were actually good at what
they did, and those good teachers should school ("teach")
the teachers who were not that good.
Goofy said that he would have wanted to read more in
high school if the teacher assigned books that could
relate to his life. His life was filled with many
uncertainties both in and away from school. He saw half
of his friends in high school drop out with straight F’s.
140

When asked about his expectations after high school,
Goofy replied, “Making money, a lot of money without
getting busted by the cops.”
When the question was asked about the highest grade
he completed, Dre P answered, “Ah 11
th
.” I asked him what
happened in the 11
th
grade. He replied with a chuckle,
“What do you think happened in the 11
th
grade?” Some urban
youth often speak about their life as if they do not
expect to live long enough to face the responsibility of
adulthood. Dre P spoke of his academic experiences as if
he did not expect to make it past the 12
th
grade. He spoke
as if he was living for the moment, and he spoke as if he
did not truly understand the relationship between that
moment and his future life.
After additional questioning, Dre P revealed that he
changed schools in 11
th
grade, and this created a new type
of adversity in his life. He was from a different
neighborhood than most of the students at the new school,
and he was immediately seen as the enemy to students who
were of rival gangs. He not only faced the internal
struggle of doing well in school, but the external
struggle of suddenly becoming a target for opposing gang
members. He chose to struggle and fight the battle that
141

he felt he could win. He chose to confront the external
struggle of gang life and made a decision to represent
his neighborhood, even though it meant wearing colors
that identified his gang affiliation.
After a few altercations with other gang members and
being found in possession of a controlled substance, Dre
P eventually left school for a rehabilitation program. He
did not want to leave school but saw this as an
opportunity to make some changes in his life.
What may come as a surprise to some is that even
though Romeo was labeled “trouble maker” from the
beginning of his academic career, teachers still treated
him as someone who could be destined for success. For
example, Romeo said that his junior high and high school
teachers all believed that he would go to college.
While in high school things became progressively
worse in Romeo's home environment, but he managed to
attend school more frequently. Even as he attended school
more often, he was unable to see a connection between
school and future life goals. While he knew that college
was the next step of the educational ladder, high school
still lacked the necessary challenges for Romeo to be
truly confident in its process.
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Romeo felt that his grades were good enough to
graduate, but he was constantly reminded that his
aggressive behavior may prevent him from graduating. When
he left school, other schools would not allow him
admittance because he was over 18 years old. When asked
to talk about what he disliked about school he replied,
“The worst thing in school is the fact that teachers and
parents do not see that kids don’t really go to learn.”
He continued with, “. . . kids in school are doing
“whatever” and the teachers are just there.”
Despite Romeo's best efforts to return to school, he
was not allowed to complete the 12
th
grade because of his
age. He was did not know where to turn for help, and he
did what he had to do to survive. It became clear that,
although Romeo felt smart enough to attend college and
was told by teachers he could do so, he never felt a need
to pursue education. Upon experiencing incarceration and
coming so close to having graduated, he talked about how
he wished they would have let him graduate.
Romeo: I know I could have gone to college.
I’ll tell you why. Um my 12th grade
year, um I had 3 months to graduate.
I passed all my tests . . . I had a
scholarship for the English but something
. . . I got into some problems and I
had to leave my school. . .
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Romeo expressed frustration over not being able to
graduate high school. He said, “If they would have let me
just finish like 3 months I mean Jesus, I would have
graduated.” He appeared overtaken with thoughts of an
educational system that failed to allow him the one
chance he needed to improve his position in life.
Romeo’s final thoughts were that his school never
had the funding that other more prominent schools had. In
biology he explained that they would discuss dissecting
frogs, but they never actually dissected one. He
described how always lacking the resources needed in
school to actually pursue academics was like being
treated as a reject. He thought that schools did not care
if he learned; otherwise, they would have allowed him to
continue the 12
th
grade regardless of his age.
What the participants' high school experiences point
to is a collective failure of the educational system to
teach African American males the benefits of education in
terms of advancing their academic and career goals. The
next section on teaching the purpose of education will
discuss this further.

144

Teaching the Purpose of Education
Many people see school as an academic training
ground or place of preparation for what lies ahead in
one’s future; however, the participants did not hold this
view of education as youngsters. During the group
interview, the participants were asked to respond to the
following comic strip of a man attempting to shoot a
basketball from the other end of the court. Basketball is
used here to illustrate that education is a tool that
could assist in making better choices and making life
easier. The section following the comic strip caption 3.B
includes discussion and observation that was prompted by
this visual.
145

Figure 3.B: Benefit of having more education caption

Source: Marshall Ramsey, Clarion Register [date unknown])

In response to this comic strip, Romeo spoke about
the many things that were taking place on the other side
of the fence that borders the basketball court. The
obvious inference to make is that Romeo did not even see
himself as the basketball player on the court. He saw
himself as a person incarcerated or "behind the fence."
Romeo didn't even think he had a chance to shoot the
ball. Romeo had been shuttled between the care of his
family and numerous group homes beginning in elementary
school. He spent most of 11
th
grade moving through the
146

court system. Because of the constant turmoil in his home
life, Romeo felt that his school work was not fair, and
he expressed the need for academics to address his social
needs.
Adam: Alright. What do you think that school
was preparing you for? What do you really
think that was for?

Romeo: I don’t know. I just knew that I had to
go because my mother didn’t want me at
home or because I had to go.

Adam: How often did you feel like a connection
to the lessons they were teaching, and
you know your life? Did you like make any
connections in the 11
th
. . . grade?
Romeo: You know I never used to think of school
with any connection to my life.

What Romeo's experience demonstrates is the
disconnection between the reality of the everyday lives
of African American students and the opportunities that
education is supposed to offer them.
Unlike Romeo, Shaw-D saw himself as the basketball
player in the comic strip who is attempting to make a
"long shot." He did not plan on being incarcerated twice
at an early age, but he understood that his actions
outside of school could result in serious punishment.
Shaw-D seemed to have a solid understanding of why he
became involved in gang activity and why he needed to
147

learn the rules of the streets, but he did not have a
clear understanding of why he was attending school.
Adam: What do you think your schooling prepared
you for?

Shaw-D: Um

Adam: What do you think it was preparing you for?

Shaw-D: What it was preparing me for?

Adam: Yeah, yeah.

Shaw-D: I don’t know. To tell you the truth, I don’t
know, what they would be preparing me for. I
just know that we had to learn that stuff.

Although Shaw-D appeared intelligent and
enthusiastic, his experiences outside the classroom
seemed to strengthen his desire to achieve success
through illegal activities. While he did not care whether
he finished school, he did want to complete his G.E.D.
By the end of the group interview, all of the
participants, including Romeo, agreed that education is a
tool that could assist in making better choices and
making life easier. At the same time, it is tragic that
they are coming to this understanding as young men rather
than young boys.
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The disjuncture that the participants felt toward
education will be explored further in the next section on
teacher expectations and student perceptions.

Conflict between Teacher Expectations and Student
Perceptions
A great deal of literature examines the harsh
consequences of teachers having low expectations of their
students (Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968), Good (1974), and
Proctor (1984)). The images that teachers hold about
students’ potential may impact whether or not a teacher
exercises a full range of opportunities for learning. For
example, teachers may needlessly slow the pace of
instruction, fragment, or oversimplify curriculum based
on their expectations of students. Hilliard (1992) made
an early discovery of this and stated that it is not the
learning style of the student that prevents him/her from
learning; rather, the teacher perceives the child’s
learning style as a sign of incapacity, and this causes
the teacher to lower the quality of instruction.
G-Low reflected on the problem caused by low teacher
expectations when describing his middle school meltdown.
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What is especially discouraging about G-Low's statement
is that it implies middle school teachers were paying
attention to him, but they were giving him negative
attention.

G-Low: “I think they expected me to fail in middle
school but in high school I don't think they
paid enough attention to me to even know.”

In other words, G-Low is saying that middle school
teachers expected him to fail and high school teachers
had no expectations whatsoever. In addition, the abstract
“they” G-Low is referring to in his statement are
teachers—the very people he expected to be helping him
succeed academically.
G-Low’s experiences also tell a greater story about
the life of many young African American males who attend
urban schools. In elementary school, like most students,
G-Low began with a certain level of academic interest. He
eventually became a high achieving student since he was
placed in a GATE class and was elected student body
president in 5
th
grade. Unfortunately, G-Low’s schooling
experiences become progressively worse after his first
negative academic experience in 6th grade. He never
seemed to recover or get back on track after this
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negative experience. Gonzalez (1999) described this type
of disengagement as a loss of trust, which encourages
youth to look toward gangs as a means of establishing
identity and resolve their loss of trust. Gonzalez
contended that youth in urban neighborhoods need to be
included in the educational process collectively as a
community in order to overcome this problem.
Goofy spoke to the importance of community and
education when describing how his expectations of
teachers conflicted with his teachers' perceptions of
him. For example, Goofy said his style of wearing loose
fitting clothing and a baseball cap turned backwards were
a representation of the community that he was very much a
part of. When asked in the written response if he thought
teachers expected him to succeed academically he replied,
“No, the way that I was dressed and all, I was judged by
teachers.” In addition, Goofy did not describe himself as
being part of a school community and often made a clear
separation of this fact.
In describing what best represented his elementary
schooling Goofy wrote, “Throughout my elementary
schooling, I always got into problems in and outside of
school. It’s two different worlds.” For Goofy and the
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others, the life outside of school contrasts and often
contradicts the very purpose of school. If school was
meant to teach, train, and cultivate one’s passions into
a rewarding career, then the life outside of school
seemed to provide an illusion filled with challenging
opportunities for popularity and instant gratification.
Furthermore, Goofy described his teachers as being
distant and provided the following in his written
response:
All my teacher's (sic) could have taught me better
by asking questions, if I am not doing good in
class, ask me if I need any help with my class
work. Because class nowadays they get harder
at each level you graduate to.

Goofy felt that teachers could have been more effective
by regularly checking up with him during class sessions.
He felt that teachers did not expect him to succeed.
As much as TNT had a love for math, he felt that
only some of his teachers expected him to succeed. He
described the style of instruction in middle school by
explaining that when he told the teachers the work was
too difficult they would ask him if he wanted something
that was easier. The teachers did not offer to help him
learn the difficult work. This made him feel that some
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teachers wanted to teach for a pay check and they were
not really concerned about his academic progress.
Adam: How is it that you feel he (a teacher)
was doing it for the money?

TNT: Because . . . he wasn’t really worried like
he was worried about the students, but I’m
saying he wasn’t worrying about the students
like that (progress). Like if we ask for help,
he doesn’t give us the help that we need. . .
I mean the regular teacher did, but this was
a teacher assistant (or substitute).

TNT did not feel as if he was getting the help he needed
and that the teachers seemed disinterested in him all the
way through high school. Despite these feelings, TNT said
that teachers treated him as well as other students in
elementary school, and he felt K-4 helped to prepare him
for grades 5-8.
Dre P's interview revealed the power of teacher
expectations influencing student self-perceptions in a
positive way. He said his elementary school experience
was very positive, and he described his teachers as
having high expectations of him. He said, “My elementary
school experience was rewarding up to the sixth grade,
and I love it until this day.” He felt that his teachers
liked him very much, and that helped him to be successful
academically. He recalls being told by his favorite
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teacher that he would be a nice young man, play sports,
and become a good father to his children. That statement
carried a lot of weight coming from a teacher. Dre P felt
that teachers knew everything and they have the ability
to predict success and failure of any elementary school
student.
To summarize, all of the participants recalled
instances where their self-perception as a student and
learner directly conflicted with their teachers'
expectations of their ability and interests. For some,
they felt that teachers were not willing to offer the
extra help they needed to be successful academically. For
others, they felt that teachers "dummied down" the
curriculum, which made it boring and unchallenging. One
common thread was that participants characterized certain
teachers as "good" or "great" when the teachers
"understood" their community.

African American Male Identity Development
Researchers and theorists from as far back as
Erikson (1963) have stated that the most important task
of adolescence is the formation of an independent adult
identity. Erikson further stated that the formation of
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self identity begins with early life experiences, which
may include racial background, parental influences,
median influences, and academic influences. In this
section, the roles that schools played in nurturing,
inhibiting, and denying the identity development of the
participants along racial and gender lines is explored
further.
G-Low was the lone participant who said that schools
directly nurtured the development of his identity as an
African American male. He became aware of his ethnic
identity as early as his participation in the Head Start
program. “They really did not discuss it, but I was aware
of it,” he said. He also recalled a program in elementary
school that engaged young Black male students in a
dialogue about developing their identity.
G-Low: Elementary we had, like something
for Blacks I forgot what it was
called but it was like everybody
and it was kind of crazy too cuz
in elementary school this is only
for Black dudes. . . And when we
go to the program we eat popcorn,
watch movies all night with Black
people and some more stuff. We did
a lot you know what I mean?

Adam: Uhum.

G-Low: That was about the only thing that
. . . I mean Black boys really have.
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G-Low smiled as he went on to explain how the students in
the program would watch old movies and documentaries of
historical events in African American history. The
teacher would then instruct them to write reflective
responses on what they learned. G-Low said that he never
experienced anything like that before or since. He did
not understand what it was about or why they did it, but
when he reflected upon it he says he benefited from the
exposure. When asked if he ever recalled seeing positive
examples of African American boys inside the regular
classroom curriculum, he replied, “Not really, but I know
my teacher did not like me.”
While G-Low described a nurturing environment for
his ethnic identity development, TNT talked about the
difficulties of navigating through middle school in terms
of there being little or no mention of African Americans
in his readings. This was especially alarming given that
he attended an urban school with a large African American
student body.
TNT: I mean nothing I really liked in history
they talk about. They be talking about
like, I mean like other people. . .

TNT: We didn’t talk like about African Americans
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like real stuff. . .

Adam: Who were the ones they talked about?
Do you remember?

TNT: I know like only like the only way I know
because they had books and then they give
you like certain assignments. And I’m like
addicted to books. . . I’m addicted to books
and would see like African American and I’m
just reading about it and then we’re in
another topic. I mean when I see like the
little African American, I’m reading about!

TNT discussed cultural identity in his written response
by expressing that it is very important to learn about
who we are. He also wrote, “We at least need to know a
little bit [about our culture] in order to know where we
are going.” Acknowledging this point, Henze and Davis
(1999) wrote:
For African Americans, whose roots in Africa
have in most cases been lost due to slavery
and separation of family, cultural authenticity
is problematic (p. 15).

Along this line, TNT said that whenever he saw something
to read about African Americans he would have a stronger
desire to read it.
TNT also expressed a desire to one day become an
architect or an engineer, but he reflected on how he was
not given assignments in middle school that presented
African Americans in professional positions. As the
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interview progressed he spoke less of his interests in
becoming an architect or an engineer and more about his
search for identity through the images that were provided
for him. For example, he developed a greater interest in
becoming a professional football player.
According to Independent Lens (2007), mainstream
hyper-masculine images of Black youth may fail to
reinforce one’s interest in possibly becoming an
architect or an engineer. Independent Lens describes
hyper-masculinity as an exaggeration of stereotypical
Black male behavior, emphasizing strength and aggression.
These stereotypes may also be reinforced in urban
classroom settings. Often absent from these stereotypical
images are the desire for employment, community life, and
education. Although TNT eventually became aware of some
Black professionals through his education, limited
exposure to Black professionals in the school curriculum
may have contributed to TNT’s desire to pursue athletics
over academics. In addition, over exposure to Black
professional athletes in the mass media may have also
contributed to TNT's decision to eschew architecture and
engineering.
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Similar to TNT, Dre P says he began to associate his
identity—being a young Black male—with having good
athletic abilities. In his written response he described
his cultural identity using the following words: “I
learned that I am athletic and should be proud of my race
. . . I got gifted talent.” This is another example of
the influence of hyper-masculinity on the development of
African American male identity.
While Dre P discussed the development of his
identity in terms of athletic prowess and TNT expressed
dissatisfaction with middle school for its failure in
providing more stories about African Americans in the
readings, Romeo said that he didn’t remember any African
Americans in the school curriculum until the 9
th
grade.
That’s when a teacher assigned The Color Purple for the
class to read.
Romeo: And that was a good book for me, I was like
this is way better than this stuff I was
reading before . . .

Romeo: It’s more colorful like more entertaining.
. . . instead of dry boring stuff.

Romeo looked into my eyes and said that he read the book
as if the story was about his own family. He added that
he never really learned anything about his culture in
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school nor was he encouraged to be aware of his cultural
identity.
While Romeo cited The Color Purple as the one
example of being able to identify himself and his family
in the curriculum, the majority of what Romeo learned
regarding identity was developed mostly through Black
images and representations from the media and in the
streets. It was also both surprising and disheartening to
learn that Romeo said prison is where he learned the most
about his cultural identity. This is what he shared in
his written response:

My culture is mixed. I am Puerto Rican
which is a combination of African, European,
and Taino Indian culture. I believe for us
it is who we choose to identify ourselves
with that determines our culture. I can say
that I identify more with African culture
out of the three, and my friends are Black,
White, and Hispanic.

Incarceration was more than a form of punishment for
Romeo. It forced him to take ownership of himself. He
experienced a rare form of segregation that forced him to
be more conscious of himself as a Black and Puerto Rican
male. He was never faced with an opportunity to examine
his culture in school, but found himself with enough time
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to learn more about his historic roots through being
socialized with members of his own ethnic group.
Shaw-D did not recall seeing many images of Black
males during his early academic experiences. He only
remembered school materials using references of Black
people once or twice. He mentioned that he was 13 years
old when his cultural identity (Guyanese) was first
brought up in school. In fact, race was not an issue
frequently discussed in his schooling. When a young
Mexican girl responded to Shaw-D by pointing out his
race, he became perplexed. “I didn’t grow up in a racist
house,” Shaw-D reveals. “I was taught to be color blind,”
he added. Perhaps Shaw-D’s blindness of color did not
allow him to develop his own identity. This is one of the
shortcomings of the "color blind" paradigm.
Furthermore, as race seems to be an important aspect
of African American identity, Decuir-Gunby (2007)
examined how African American students negotiated race
and class identity at a predominately White independent
academy. The participants, three Black males and three
Black females, were attracted by the school’s prestige,
but they found a color blind environment difficult for
negotiating race. The study revealed that African
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American students of independent schools are valuable in
strengthening a community. The study also highlighted the
need for young African American students to realize the
racial and social class reality of their school
environments and to engage in the exploration of their
sense of identity.
In conclusion, the opportunity to learn about
cultural identity for these African American boys seemed
to be virtually nonexistent with the exception of G-Low.
None of the participants ever expressed any interest in
wanting to be incarcerated, but they often found it
difficult to realize their own potential. It is critical
to point out that G-Low's early academic success
coincides with his participation in a program
specifically designed to nurture and develop his identity
as an African American male by introducing him to the
accomplishments, struggles, and histories of his
forebears.
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CHAPTER 5
Summary of the Project and Findings
This study examined early academic experiences of
African American males who were recently incarcerated.
The methods used to gather information relied heavily on
interviews, questionnaires, written responses, and
observations. These methods provided the best opportunity
for documenting academic events with accuracy and
reliability. Participants between the ages of 18-25 were
selected in part because their experiences were believed
to be similar to the current academic experiences of
young African American males in urban schools.
The participants were part of a pre-release program
in San Diego, California, which was selected based on its
reputation for preparing recently incarcerated African
American males for assimilation into the urban
communities they call home. The guiding research
questions for this study were the following:
1. What are the educational experiences of African
American
males who have been incarcerated?
2. How do African American males, who have
experienced
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incarceration, perceive themselves and their
identity
development in California’s urban schools?
3. What perceptions do African American male students
have of their urban school teachers’ expectations?

Detailed answers to the guiding research questions
are provided later in this chapter, but on the most basic
level it was found that early academic experiences of
African American men profoundly impact on their social,
cultural, and psychological development as well as life
choices that can lead to incarceration. By examining the
range of experiences described by the participants, six
general themes developed from the findings in Chapter 4:
(1) early academic success, (2) middle school meltdowns,
(3) high school push outs, (4) teaching the purpose of
education, (5) teacher expectations and student
perceptions, and (6) African American male identity
development.
The overarching narrative identified by the themes
is that African American males generally have more
positive academic experiences in elementary school versus
middle or high school. In addition, pedagogy (teaching
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the purpose of education), teacher-student relations
(teacher expectations and student perceptions), and
psychological development (African American male identity
development) are also strong influences. In fact, all six
themes interweave and overlap at times. Explaining the
opportunities and obstacles encountered in each stage of
the early educational experience (elementary, middle, and
high school) cannot be accomplished without
simultaneously analyzing pedagogy, student-teacher
relations, and psychological development. A detailed
discussion of each stage or theme in the overarching
narrative follows.

Discussion of Early Academic Success — Grades K-4
The definition of success may depend on who is
providing the definition. Academically, success is
usually measured by test scores and perceived behavior.
In this study, success was defined differently by the
participants. Four of the participants described
elementary school as being “rewarding,” “challenging,”
and even “fun.” Two of the participants experienced
disengagement in elementary school, but all of the
participants described their elementary school
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experiences as active and rewarding in some way. These
early academic experiences are consistent with the
findings of Taylor (2005), who concluded that school
lessons are most beneficial when presented to students as
activity. Taylor also determined that the more
stimulating the lessons are the greater is the students’
interest in learning.
In terms of student-teacher relations, all six
participants described elementary school as being a time
filled with fun activities and mutual respect. The
participants felt their teachers expected them to
succeed, but more importantly the participants felt liked
and appreciated. Their school experiences were also
described as having many elements that related to their
lives.
In terms of psychological development, Teel and
DeBruin-Parecki (2001) and Howard (2002) found that
success in urban school experiences is best established
by creating strong relationships between a student’s
academic achievement and his perception of himself. In
Teel and DeBruin-Parecki’s (2001) research, the
participants had stronger self-perceptions and
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established more meaningful relationships with teachers
during their elementary school experience.
Howard (2002) outlined key strategies that help
facilitate achievement among African American students.
Findings from Chapter 4 confirm Howard’s (2002)
conclusion that teachers who establish family, community,
and home-like characteristics are most successful in
creating positive learning environments for African
American urban school students.
Although the majority of responses regarding
elementary school were positive, Romeo indicated a
feeling that there was a one-size-fits-all approach to
classroom curriculum. He felt that teachers taught with
the attitude of “whoever gets it, gets it and whoever
does not, does not.” He seemed deeply affected by the
assumption made by his teachers that he would be of those
who “did not get it.”
While most of the participants recalled teachers
expecting them to succeed, Romeo experienced a void in
the classroom much earlier than most. Of all the
participants, Romeo was the first to experience
dissatisfaction and distrust with the educational system.
The other participants did not experience disconnection
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until middle school. Romeo’s dissatisfaction with
elementary school had a great deal to do with the absence
of music and art programs in school. Both were subjects
he enjoyed a great deal. Despite Romeo’s experiences in
elementary school, he managed to maintain an interest in
being educated. When participants mentioned academic
difficulties, the reasons for the difficulties were often
related to non-academic factors. For instance, Romeo
expressed not having stability in the home and Goofy
wrote about problems in the home as well as having
transportation issues.
While the potential of the young men in this study
seemed impressive during elementary school, it
increasingly went unrecognized as they proceeded through
the educational system. In other words, academic success
seemed to occur less frequently as the grade levels
increased. This is consistent with the findings of
Kunjufu (1990) who determined that African American boys
begin school with equal potential for academic success
compared to other ethno-cultural groups; however, within
two to four years in America’s academic system something
decreases their desire to learn and achieve. The process
reaches a critical point during middle school.
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Discussion of Middle School Meltdowns – Grades 5-8
In reporting a qualitative study, Ladson-Billings
(1994) discussed the absence of literature that highlights
experiences of African American students as a contributing
factor to a growing disaffection of African Americans
within the public school system. The growing disaffection
discussed by Ladson-Billings (1994) was expressed in
Chapter 4 through subjects’ reflections on their middle
school experiences. G-Low explained, “I could have just
gone from elementary to high school” while Shaw-D stopped
going to school altogether in the eighth grade. The
nurturing and intimacy that connected them to elementary
school was replaced with a complex environment that
awakened their desire for social recognition.
The feelings of disconnectedness and loss of concern
from teachers seemed to encourage these individuals to seek
other forms of social and psychological validation, which
Maslow (1943) described as being the middle level of
humans’ hierarchy of needs. Maslow contended that human
beings need to feel love, affection, and a sense of
belonging. The need for belonging or being connected with a
larger group can either be satisfied by family support in
the home or academically in the classroom. Many of the
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individuals in this study experienced problems in the home
and sought refuge in the school. When the classroom was no
longer a source of comfort and support, the students sought
alternatives through gang affiliation, female relations,
sports participation, and entertainment.
The need for love and to be loved is a critical
component in the lives of developing young boys, but this
topic is rarely addressed at the middle school level.
Teachers may expect students to receive love and feel
connected to their home while parents may look to the
schools to provide total training for their children,
including the social and psychological nurturing needed for
academic success. Maslow concluded that the absence of
feeling loved and being connected to others may increase
the likelihood of an individual displaying feelings of
loneliness, social anxiety, and clinical depression.
According to Maslow, an individual may ignore a vital
necessity in exchange for feeling socially connected. The
combination of not identifying with classroom curriculum
and not feeling liked or appreciated by teachers
contributes to a reduction of interest in academics and an
eventual “melting down” in middle school.
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While not all of the participants were actively
involved in gangs, they did seek support and affiliation
through sports teams, female companionship, and
entertainment. For all of the participants middle school
was an empty period where they became more susceptible to
activities and interests that moved them farther away
from education and nearer to incarceration. Even as G-
Low’s academic achievements and popularity helped him
become school president, his description of middle school
was, “I mean, I don’t think I really learned anything in
middle school.” Overall, middle school was characterized
as being the greatest period for disengagement of
learning among the participants. While family members,
role models, and teachers had the most influence on the
students’ motivation to learn in elementary school,
middle school was described as a period of total academic
disconnection.
As described by these participants, middle school
teachers seemed to have lower academic expectations and
were less prepared to engage students in learning. This
academic dilemma is elaborated in the findings of
Darling-Hammond (2007) who described the crisis of the
educational system as education itself. In other words,
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Darling-Hammond (2007) suggested that low-income students
of color are not receiving the minimum education needed
to become literate. Findings in Chapter 4 confirmed that
participants reached the “point of no return” in middle
school because of strong feelings of alienation in the
classroom.
The challenges and obstacles that disrupted and
inhibited learning in K-4 come to a head just before
middle school. Fourth grade is often thought of as the
point where students switch from “learning to read” to
“reading to learn.” Without having developed critical
literacy by 5
th
grade, “reading to learn” can be an
exercise in frustration for both the teacher and student.
Darling-Hammond (2007) described the absence of
academic rigor and teachers’ failure to connect with
their students as providing the platform for what can be
understood as a middle school meltdown. A meltdown of
student engagement in middle school presents an even
greater challenge for the participants if and when they
matriculate to high school.

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Discussion of High School Push Outs – Grades 9-12
Most of the participants described high school as
being separate from their life experiences. Romeo’s
statement seemed to best represent the group when he
said, “You know I never used to think of school with any
connection to my life.” High school and its curriculum
were clearly separate from how the participants made
sense of their lives.
Ladson-Billings (2005) described the importance of
culturally relevant curriculum because culture and
curriculum are actually connected and intertwined. Using
culturally relevant pedagogy might be enough to interest
more young Black males to stay in school, but the
participants in this study did not choose dropping out
over staying in school. On the contrary, they wanted to
be educated, but schools began pushing them away, so they
chose an alternative lifestyle that welcomed them at a
time when they needed attention.
Dre P left school to go into a drug program. Romeo
wanted to finish school, but he was over the age of
eighteen and not allowed to return. Others were
suspended, expelled, or left school to serve a jail or
prison sentence. While life choices and personal agency
173

are certainly involved in the eventual incarceration of
the participants, the fact that they felt pushed out of
the very institution that was set up to assist their
development into adulthood is significant.
The findings of Teel and DeBruin-Parecki (2001),
which identified teacher unpreparedness and irrelevant
curriculum as main causes for low achievement among
African American urban school students, are also
supported by the findings in Chapter 4. The study
participants were unchallenged academically and
unprepared for past, present, and future stages of their
education. While teachers and counselors told them about
college, they were not taught to see themselves in
college or to see it as a natural progression of their
education. The lack of preparation in achieving academic
goals seems to push them into exploring other types of
goals.
Goofy mentioned knowing many friends who dropped out
prior to reaching middle school, which seemed to reveal a
level of fear and discomfort regarding his own academic
fate. He described his experiences as if he had achieved
more than most of his friends just by making it to high
school. Goofy had witnessed so many of his friends fail
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in school that he began to rely more on a lifestyle that
would provide him immediate rewards and keep him closely
connected to his peers. Each academic grade level left
him more unprepared to complete the next one. High school
became the moment of truth. Unable to make up the credits
he needed, it was clear that he would not go much further
in school.
Goofy was faced with an academic dilemma. He was
suspended twice for being jumped by cross-town rivals,
and he felt more acceptance and love from the gangs in
his community than he felt from his teachers. At the same
time, many of his teachers had already predicted failure
for him in high school. The gang members who were Goofy’s
friends had already dropped out to rely on the streets
for survival and recognition. Similar to Goofy, many
young African American males desire attention and a sense
of belonging. Devoid of other opportunities to be
recognized, they come to see gangs as a means to fulfill
this need for affiliation, especially when teachers
prejudge, predict, or condemn them to living this way.
It is important to remember that not all of the
participants were involved in gangs, but their lives
shared similar circumstances in that they rejected the
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prejudices and conformity imposed by the educational
system. Goofy summed up the majority of the participants’
academic experiences by saying, “It’s not like we just be
banging on stuff, but we struggle to become something and
make something out of ourselves.” The life goals of the
participants are not different from the life goals of
other young men. They want to become something, but their
limited choices and opportunities lead them on a
difficult path. Their unwillingness or inability to
conform to preexisting social structures, which are
enforced in places like school, makes them stand out in
ways that challenge authority. The same attitude or trait
can often be found in Black historical leaders, such as
Frederick Douglass, Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X, and H. Rapp
Brown. Perhaps what pushed these young men away from high
school is not academic per se but a failure on the
school’s part to nurture their development as independent
thinkers and leaders.
Many people believe that ex-felons should be forever
rejected or deeply scrutinized when attempting to come
back into the free world. The findings from this study
show that young African American males are unfairly
punished because of their unwillingness to conform to an
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educational system that fails to include their history,
culture, and life experiences in the curriculum. All
participants experienced suspension, expulsion or other
disciplinary consequences at some point in their academic
careers. High school is where their rebellious behavior
and deviant action became a justification for both school
and law enforcement authorities to push them away from
education and toward incarceration. This appears
consistent with the school-to-prison pipeline model
described by Fenning and Rose (2007).

Discussion of Teaching the Purpose of Education
Marian Wright Edelman said, “Education is a
precondition to survival in America today” (Johnson-
Lewis, 2009). One may also infer that the absence of
education can be a precondition for arrival in America’s
prisons. While teachers ask students to learn new
concepts and explore different approaches to problem
solving in school, they should not assume that students
are aware of the overall purpose of school.
The San Diego Unified School District’s mission
states, “All San Diego students will graduate with the
skills, motivation, curiosity and resilience to succeed
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in their choice of college and career in order to lead
and participate in the society of tomorrow.” The
participants in this study did not seem fully aware of
this mission, nor were they able to take advantage of its
promise. Unfortunately, none of the participants viewed
his education as a precondition to survival in the real
world. In fact, few were even able to articulate their
reasons for needing to go to school. School was conceived
of as a place to be when away from home. These young men
seemed to possess skills, motivation, curiosity, and
resilience, but the educational system was unable to
connect with them and maintain their attention long
enough to allow these attributes to develop.
Participants who did understand the goals of
education were unable to de-sensitize themselves from the
omission of their culture from the curriculum. They had
trouble conforming to the rules and roles of the
classroom. What may have increased their interest in gang
affiliation, female relations, sports, and entertainment
is the fact that they could see immediate benefits in
these areas as well as successful role models. In other
words, if Black students cannot see academic success
through images of people who look like them, then they
178

may be less likely to believe that academic success is
possible. African American male students would be wise to
heed the words of Malcolm X: “Education is our passport
to the future, for tomorrow belongs to the people who
prepare for it today.” Unfortunately, none of the
participants in the study had ever heard that quote in
school.

Discussion of Teacher Expectations and Student
Perceptions
Research revealed that Black students are taught by
teachers who do not think that they are intellectually
capable of performing at the same high levels as their
White peers (Ogbu, 2003). The participants indicated that
they felt teachers expected them to succeed while in
elementary school; however, as their grade level
increased the perceptions of academic success from
teachers decreased proportionately. The majority of
participants felt that their teachers would not be
surprised to learn that they were incarcerated before
graduating high school.
The reality of these students not regularly seeing
positive representations of African American males in
179

academic curriculum is perhaps an indication that
educators do not perceive them as being capable of
learning. If the goal of education is to graduate all
students with the skills, motivation, and resilience to
succeed, then teachers should have expectations that are
consistent with this goal. The African American young men
in this study found it difficult to succeed academically
while their teachers relied on stereotypical information
about them and were ill prepared to understand or relate
to their life circumstances.
Rist’s (1970) ethnographic study examined teacher
expectations of low-income and middle-class minority
students and determined that socioeconomic status affects
teacher expectations and student outcomes. As children
passed through first and second grades, the teacher
organized them in reading groups that were based on
socioeconomic status. Once placed in various reading
groups, the children would remain in the same group
throughout the first and second grades. Rist concluded
that the source of this stratification was attributed to
the beliefs and behaviors of the teachers, who treated
children differently, based on social class backgrounds.
What was most significant regarding this research is that
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Rist also determined that schools create "winners and
losers" largely based on teacher expectations of the
children's social class.
Some of the participants in this study spoke of
being involved in gang activity. Most described hearing
abusive and speculative comments from teachers who
suspected them of being involved in gangs or selling
drugs. Teachers seemed to create a self-fulfilling
prophecy by stereotyping and degrading these young men in
front of their peers while failing to encourage them to
achieve.

Discussion of African American Male Identity Development
African American identity is viewed by many
researchers as critical and essential to the maturation
and matriculation of young Black students in public
schools. While the participants in this study were aware
of scientific, cultural, and political contributions made
by popular African American males, they seemed to connect
those experiences to specific occasions like Martin
Luther King, Jr.’s birthday and Black history month. Only
one of the participants spoke of being connected to
course material that specifically involved the life of
181

Black people. Overall, participants were not provided
with ongoing images of successful African American males
in the school curriculum, and what they may have learned
about themselves at home was challenged through the
negative perceptions they felt from their teachers.
Poor academic performance and school alienation were
viewed as normal experiences for these young Black males.
Many of them did not see themselves being in school as
much as they saw themselves being a problem for the
school. While participants took full responsibility for
their poor academic efforts and disruptive behavior, some
said they were surprised to have made it to high school.
Their inability to see themselves as being included in
the academic process seems to have been influenced by
their lack of exposure to African American males in the
curriculum. Annual exposure to historical African
American figures for Black history month may have sent a
message to these young men that success among Black men
is rare; therefore, celebrated only once a year.
The participants were not provided with
opportunities to experience success at any level, whether
cognitive or affective. Their race, gender, and identity
became less of an asset and more of an academic
182

liability. One participant attempted to overcome this by
participating in a bible discussion twice a week that
focused on the legacy of Black Christians. Other
participants were unable to recall a period when their
knowledge about culture or identity was a part of serious
classroom discussion. What they learned in school about
themselves failed to include belonging to an ethnic group
with a rich legacy of scientists, inventors, and
scholars. Instead, these African American males saw
themselves represented through the lens of popular
culture, which defined their identity in terms of gang
affiliation, female relations, sports, and entertainment.
The development of identity for these young men seems
parallel to Davis’ (2001) description of educational
practices and policies that failed to benefit Black
adolescent males due to a lack of understanding of their
social perceptions. Davis’ interviews revealed that
students set boundaries on academic achievement based on
what they believe is necessary for the construction of
Black masculinity.

183

Davis saw race, gender, and masculinity intersecting
as early as middle school and suggested that ignoring Black
students' aspirations, abilities, and talents ends up
facilitating academic failure by exacerbating the social
restrictions placed on Black masculinity.

Conclusion
The high levels of fear, despair, and concern
expressed by participants with regard to their education
are especially significant findings. Past studies of the
early educational experiences of African American males
have rarely documented such anxiety and emotional
reaction. As evident through content analysis,
participants were able to take responsibly for their bad
actions, but they felt teachers significantly contributed
to their limited exposure to education. In turn, this
limited exposure created a void that was easily filled
through activities outside the classroom. Participants
began displaying unwelcome behavior and poor judgment in
middle school where teachers were shown to have lower
expectations of them. While none of the participants were
able to complete high school prior to being incarcerated,
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one common denominator among all six is the lack of
academic rigor experienced in school.
Providing quality education and quality teaching for
urban school students is a continuous process that
involves careful analysis of the population for which the
education is intended. Each interview provided a richer
perspective on the academic challenges that many African
American males face while attempting to make sense of
their educational existence. Improving urban schools to
produce high achieving students may not adequately be
addressed through current policies and curriculum.
One implication of this study is the need to improve
the academic relationships between teachers and students
in urban schools. The nurturing and connectedness found
in the elementary school experiences of these
participants were helpful in shaping overall opinion of
the educational process. Having one teacher who was
patient and caring for the entire school day helped
participants believe in themselves and was largely
consistent with their home environments. In middle
school, having multiple teachers with varying
personalities did not provide the safety and concern
found from teachers in the elementary school environment.
185

As these students continued to be passed on to higher
grade levels, they were unable to catch up with their
peers. They were also disconnected from the classroom
curriculum and felt teachers’ expected them to do well
less often as they became older. This was especially
evident by high school.
Steele (1992) suggested that for many Black students
school is simply the place where they learn how little
society values them. This lesson is taught in a way that
is more concerted, persistent, and authoritative than
anywhere else in society. Middle school is the period
that participants described as experiencing more
difficulties and for longer durations. This is but one
indicator of the need for middle school reform. Some
California school districts have already eliminated
middle schools in favor of K-8 schools where 7
th
and 8
th

graders receive instruction from one teacher for an
extended part of the day, but San Diego Unified School
District has not taken this action yet. Once participants
became labeled troublemakers and misfits, which typically
occurred in middle school, these labels followed them
through their academic and post-academic lives.
186

Those who were suspected of being gang members were
tracked while incarcerated and housed with their
affiliate group. This method of segregation creates an
atmosphere that makes it difficult for the individual to
develop his own identity outside of the gang. The
punishment for a crime in many cases interrupts or
interferes with education, and these participants have
found it difficult to complete the high school
requirements needed for graduation. The academic
experiences shared by these participants describe a group
of intellectually capable young Black men whose
personalities resisted structure and conformity. Their
stories depict some of the dangers of urban schools where
teachers are not prepared to be culturally responsive.
The labels that were placed on the participants in school
still exist; however, they must now navigate their lives
with a new label—“ex-felon.”

Implications
The skills and abilities acquired through formal
education are important tools for African American males
seeking success. According to Harlow (2003) adults who
have not obtained a high school diploma or postsecondary
187

education are more likely to be incarcerated than adults
with high levels of education. The following list will
address some of the challenges African American males
encounter during K-12 and provide solutions in the form
of creating critical change that emphasizes quality
education for all students.

Ten Solutions for Critical Change in Education
1. Qualified Teachers- the U.S. Secretary of Education
called for colleges of education to dramatically change
how they prepare teachers so they can better instruct
their future students. According to the U.S. Secretary of
Education, “By almost any standard, many if not most of
the nation’s 1,450 schools, colleges, and departments of
education are doing a mediocre job of preparing teachers
for the realities of the 21st century classroom” (U.S.
Department of Education, 2009).
When Romeo’s teachers told him that he would not
achieve academic success, they may have been expressing an
opinion based on stereotypical expectations or responding
to his mental effort in class. The general assumptions made
by teachers regarding the academic potential of a student
may be less frequent if teachers were mandated to receive
188

culturally responsive training. Teachers need to be
prepared to connect with all students and on different
levels of ability, especially African American male
students who may find it difficult to adjust to the
teacher. Also, when high numbers of teachers within a
school are not fully credentialed it may cause a series of
academic problems. These problems include a lack of strong
mentors, high turnover rates that lead to staff
instability, and persistent hiring concerns (Darling-
Hammond, 2004).
These academic realities should encourage educators
and administrators to hold teachers more accountable for
student academic performance. Students should be able to
experience success at some level of their academic process.
Students may not all display high achievement in the same
areas; however, teachers should be trained to examine and
cultivate areas of potential in their students and embrace
them in it.

2. Middle School Career Camps- when students become aware
of professional careers after passing high school, they
may choose a career based on economic factors instead of
the enjoyment of performing the task. According to Eccles
189

(2008) intrinsic value identifies the joy one feels when
doing a task or the enjoyment one expects to experience
while one is engaged in the task. If students can
experience a professional career in their early academic
experience, they may be able to connect their education
to the potential career. At the same time they can begin
to think of their future career with intrinsic value in
mind as well as economic reward.
Middle School Career Camps would provide students with
mentors in particular fields of study in an effort to help
students overcome some of the obstacles associated with
applying classroom theory to the real world of work.
Students would be able to make connections on a personal
and professional level and develop a clearer understanding
of the purpose of education. Also, students could benefit
from career assessments and an introduction to future
careers based on the interpretation of the assessment.

3. Relevant Curriculum- the value of African American
males as well as other ethno- cultural groups is often
marginalized in classroom curriculum or distorted through
teacher instruction. Hollins (2008) also emphasizes
stronger accountability from teachers for guidance and
190

instruction that will help cultivate a learning
curriculum that is particularistic and inclusive. The
particularistic curriculum would serve to validate the
student’s culture and the learning that is already taking
place within that culture. Inclusive curriculum would
better address the common needs of all students.
Relevant curriculum for K-12 students may be best
obtained by assessing the background and cultures of the
students. Recent research conducted by Parsons (2003)
claimed there is a mismatch between the home, community,
and classroom culture of African American students, which
supports the need for curriculum that incorporates culture.
Hollins (2008) noted that current school curriculum has
noticeable relationships with the dominant culture. As a
result, African American males may experience difficulty in
identifying with current academic curriculum because of
this relationship. In addition, African American males may
be more likely to seek alternative means to explore, learn,
and validate their cultural heritage.
Middle-school aged African American males preferred
lessons that were related to their own real-life
experiences in a study conducted by Taylor (2005). Taylor
examined African American males’ perception of
191

instructional strategies and whether those strategies
satisfied the students’ academic needs. The study also
looked at factors that improved academic achievement in
African American males. The findings suggested that
instruction was most beneficial when presented as activity.

4. Identity Development- culture and race are valuable
components when discussing African American males’
construction of knowledge and identity in urban schools.
Participants recalled learning of popular historical
African American figures, but they were limited to the
few who appeared in the curriculum during Black history
month. African American males need an opportunity to
connect with their true identities in an academic
environment that will assist them in embracing themselves
within that environment. This may provide them as well as
other ethno-cultural groups an opportunity to experience
a level of academic success. Grantham (2004) identifies
racial identity and other social influences as being some
of the main barriers preventing African American males
from participating in gifted programs. Proper identity
development for Black boys would insure that they are
able to experience success in being who they are.
192

According to Boykin (1986), Black students face a
“triple quandary” in the areas of culture and schooling.
The triple quandary includes the following: (1) Black
students must balance three different cultural
experiences, European American culture, African American
culture, and the roots of African culture; (2) cultural
hegemony arising from social, economic, and political
oppression as minorities; and (3) self-contradictory
socialization of Black youth. The third issue is most
relevant as Boykin suggests that Black parents raise
their children to be ambivalent and self contradictory.
Black parents teach their children to value
mainstream American ideals; however, Boykin argues that
Black parents also teach their children to be suspicious,
skeptical, and on guard toward White people and White
dominant institutions, including public schools. If
teachers are unaware of the pre-existing values of Black
students, it may cause cultural conflict in the
classroom. If Black students experience cultural conflict
they may become socialized based on stereotypes.

5. Adequate Resources- Romeo mentioned attending schools
that were unable to provide students with adequate
193

resources in the form of books and classroom supplies.
Many urban educational facilities resemble prisons more
than schools. This type of under-resourced educational
climate fails to motivate students to achieve their best.
Eccles and Wigfield (2002) suggested the psychological
aspects of academic motivation can be conceptualized in
terms of two fundamental questions: “Can I do the task?”
and “Do I want to do the task?” Like the feel of a new
car encourages one to drive, providing urban school
students with the necessary resources and an environment
conducive to learning may motivate students to want to do
the task. Schools with greater resources to implement
special programs may also help to attract qualified
teachers and retain students.
Half of the participants in this study described
their early academic experiences as being “ghetto.” While
urban areas in San Diego are not exactly considered
“ghetto” by many standards, African American males
associate poor quality with “ghetto” and are likely to
view inadequate funding in urban schools as an extension
of that “ghetto.” Adequate resources in urban schools
would also assist in providing academic support to
students who are failing while implementing enrichment
194

programs that focus on mentoring within specified areas
of study.

6. Black Jegna Men- Jegna is an Ethiopian term used to
describe someone who is a model of excellence in the
community and committed to teaching social justice.
Intelligent and fearless Black male jegnas would guide
young students to live with integrity and become a
service to humanity. The experience of being shadowed by
Black men of this caliber would help students cultivate
their own excellence and understand the relationship
between education and Black masculinity.
Black jegna men understand struggle and commit to
improving the condition of their people. African American
boys may develop stronger bonds with Black jegna men
because they do not feel intimidated by the academic
terrorism inflicted by urban schools. In addition, Black
jegna men can not only teach the purpose of education but
demonstrate it in terms of lived experience. Plus, they
help to develop leadership skills among Black boys in an
effort to connect them to their historical and cultural
identities.
195

Helping Africa by Establishing Schools at Home and
Abroad (HABESHA) has established Jegna programs in urban
communities in America and Africa to prepare Black youth
for leadership through education. The Jegnas of HABESHA
operate similarly to how Kanu (2006) described the
educational system of Sierra Leone. The indigenous
children are trained to function in the real world
beginning at an early age. For example, students
experience through elders how scientific experiments are
designed and conducted. In one project Jegnas created an
organic garden to expose youth to interactive learning of
mathematics, science, and the environment.

7. Gender-Specific Learning Communities- the United
States Supreme Court ruled on the constitutionality of
single-gender public education in the 1996 case of United
States v. Virginia. Justice Ruth Ginsburg concluded that
single-gender education in the public sector is
constitutional only if comparable courses, services, and
facilities are made available to both genders. The No
Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act contains provisions (section
5131.a.23. and 5131c) designed to facilitate single-
gender education in public schools.
196

The innocent environment of elementary school allows
students to develop themselves personally and
intellectually. Although classes are often co-ed, there
is an implicit understanding among boys and girls that
members of the opposite sex have “cooties.” In short,
boys and girls often self-segregate in the early stages
of schooling. With the increasing loss of sensitivity and
innocence in our schools and communities, we may benefit
from creating gender-specific learning communities for
older students as well.
In the United Kingdom, where there exists a high
population of Muslim students, an analysis of Key Stage 2
and GCSE scores of more than 700,000 girls revealed that
girls in all-female comprehensive schools made better
progress than those who attended co-ed secondary schools.
Although the study revealed that pupils of all abilities
are more likely to achieve success in single-gender state
schools, the largest improvements were seen in girls who
performed poorly in primary school. A 2007 government
review recommended that genders should be taught
differently to maximize results. This recommendation was
made in light of fears that girls tend to be pushed aside
in mixed-gender classrooms. The research confirms
197

previous claims that girls benefit from being educated
away from boys. In a similar fashion, African American
boys would likely achieve more if they were educated
separately from girls.
Participants in this study displayed a stronger
interest in dating and having sexual relations with girls
when they reached middle school. Having sexual relations
outside of marriage is viewed as normal behavior in
public schools and secular society, which makes it
difficult to teach young African American males to
respect and protect women. Young African American males
may benefit from gender-specific learning communities by
developing appropriate male behavior prior to
experiencing the social need of impressing girls. More
importantly, young males would be able to focus on
education without distraction from the opposite gender.

8. College Preparation in Middle School- many urban
school students are unaware of the college lifestyle and
some have never had the opportunity to see the inspiring
beauty of a college campus. Preparing students for
college at an early age can have a strong impact on their
future life plans. Currently, San Diego State
198

University’s (SDSU) Educational Opportunity Program (EOP)
offers EOP Campus T.O.U.R.S. or Translating Opportunity
to Uplift Rising Stars. T.O.U.R.S. is an early outreach
effort aim to “Plant the Seed” with students at the
elementary and middle school grade levels. EOP invites
students in elementary and middle school to see and
experience SDSU by taking a campus tour. Visiting a
college campus can be one of the first steps for a young
student on their path to higher education. More attention
to college should be given at the middle school level to
present students with an accurate portrait of their
academic opportunities.

9. Equal Sentencing from Courts- while participants in this
study were convicted of similar crimes, the varied length
of sentences they received reflects an inconsistency in
sentencing laws. A first-time offender might benefit if
given an opportunity to reform before being sent to prison.
Many young offenders are receiving first-time sentences
that do not allow them to have a second chance. Perhaps the
perceptions, prejudices, and stereotypes of court-appointed
attorneys and judges are similar to those of the teachers
who educate young Black men. Just as teachers should be
199

evaluated in terms of the achievements and failures of
their students, judges should undergo random audits to
ensure justice and fairness in sentencing young Black
males.
Judges are given open authority to hand out prison
sentences without fear of reprisal. When disproportionate
sentencing takes place within the judicial system, youth
receive punishment in triplicate. The first punishment is
for the crime, the second punishment is the absence of
quality education or vocational training in prison and the
third punishment occurs when one receives a prison sentence
that is not commensurate with the crime. Wearing the label
of “ex-felon” after release is also an extension of the
punishment that stays with someone forever.

10. Ongoing Education in Prison- this study reveals how a
lack of education can greatly enhance the likelihood of
incarceration; however, incarceration should not interrupt
or interfere with education. With the loss of many programs
and activities in detention facilities and prisons, inmates
are unable to make the best use of their time. Prisoners
should have the right to pursue quality education under
200

certain circumstances and be allowed to use that education
to benefit them in society after their release.
James Bain was released from prison after spending 35
years of incarceration for a crime he did not commit. When
the 54 year old was asked about his plans, he replied that
he was not angry because of God being in his life, but
hoped to go back to school (Associated Press, 2009). If
inmates, prisoners and convicts are allowed to further
their education, while incarcerated, they may be more
likely to continue the search for education upon release.
First-time offenders should be offered a chance to
continue their education and be allowed to translate work
experience performed while incarcerated into real job
opportunities once released. Employers should be encouraged
to hire first-time felons by receiving government funding
and tax benefits. These types of policies already exist in
many European countries.

Future Research
Additional research should test the applicability of
the themes identified in this project to African American
females who have been and are being incarcerated. The
number of Black women being imprisoned has grown in step
201

with the escalating number of Black men detained in
correctional facilities. Furthermore, the themes identified
in this study could be used to assess educational pathways
of African American males who have not been incarcerated
and graduate from high school. A study on this population
might reveal additional forms of resilience that could be
developed into new curriculum, support programs, counseling
tools, or educational policies.
Another area for future research is evaluating the
emotional and psychological damage caused by academic
terrorism. This term is used to describe a type of symbolic
violence inflicted on African American boys through the
dissemination of academic rankings by race that repeatedly
suggest they are low achievers and inferior students. These
academic rankings are often based on exaggerated test
scores or pseudo-scientific measures of academic
achievement. Academic terrorism intimidates African
American boys into seeing their lives as statistical
measures that will short of success. The damage caused by
academic terrorism should be measured empirically to
quantify its effect.
Other areas for future research include reviewing the
ways in which culturally responsive curriculum are
202

developed and taught in teacher training programs. Building
on this, the effectiveness of culturally responsive
curriculum in urban school settings should be measured. Do
teachers actually use what they are taught in teacher
training programs in terms of instructing ethno-cultural
groups, or do they revert back to curriculum that is
closely tied to the dominant culture? How might including
young Black males in curriculum design affect their
academic success? Along these lines, there is also more to
learn about teacher expectations and the effects of
stereotypes on the academic achievement of African American
boys.
203

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract This project examines the early educational experiences of 6 young African American males (ages 18-25) who attended urban schools in San Diego, California. All 6 men were incarcerated for at least 1-year before participating in a pre-release program. The participants were part of a pre-release program in San Diego, California, which was selected based on its reputation for preparing recently incarcerated African American males for assimilation into urban communities. The participants were selected because their academic experiences are similar to many young African American males who attend urban schools.

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An examination of the possible selves of African American males in grades 9-12 and the educational systems that contribute to their positive and negative perceptions

Asset Metadata

Creator Jeffers, Adam R. (author)

Core Title Early academic experiences of recently incarcerated African American males

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publication Date 04/28/2010

Defense Date 02/19/2010

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American males,Black boys,incarceration,OAI-PMH Harvest,racial identity development,school-to-prison pipeline,sociocultural,student perceptions,teacher expectations,Urban Education

Place Name California (states), San Diego (counties)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hollins, Etta R. (committee chair), Howard, Keith (committee member), Martin, Brandon E. (committee member)

Creator Email arjeffer@usc.edu,professoradamx@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2965

Unique identifier UC1213087

Identifier etd-Jeffers-3580 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-316199 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2965 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Jeffers-3580.pdf

Dmrecord 316199

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Jeffers, Adam R.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu