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Chinese-Vietnamese American college students: narratives of educational experiences and college success

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Chinese-Vietnamese American college students: narratives of educational experiences and college success

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Chinese-Vietnamese American College Students:
Narratives of Educational Experiences and College Success
by
Anna Chiang

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

December 2021

© Copyright by Anna Chiang 2021
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Anna Chiang certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Sumun Pendakur
Kimberly Hirabayashi
Tracy Tambascia, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021

iv
Abstract
The Chinese-Vietnamese’s twice-migration background contributed to their status as “twice-
minorities” in the United States—first as minorities in their home country of Vietnam and
subsequently, re-ethnicized as minorities in their new country of the United States (Espiritu,
1989). This process of migration and minoritization has implications for the children of Chinese-
Vietnamese refugees as their educational experiences have not been studied. Using a qualitative
case study approach and through a theoretical framework of Community Cultural Wealth
(Yosso, 2005), institutional agents, and anti-deficit achievement (Harper, 2012), this study shed
light on the narratives of the Chinese-Vietnamese American college student population in the
United States. The research question that guided this study was: What experiences shape social
or cultural capital formation and foster academic success of Chinese-Vietnamese college
students in postsecondary educational settings? Data collection occurred in two phases: first
through a qualitative survey, followed by an interview. Findings from this study revealed that
college success for Chinese-Vietnamese students was shaped by factors related to their identity
and development, educational institutions, community, as well as positive influences from
mentors and institutional agents. In addition, the indicators of college success superseded
traditional markers of academic success such as GPA; instead, it was inclusive of one’s racial
and ethnic identity development, formation of genuine connections, and engagement in
meaningful activities that lead to positive societal contributions.
Keywords: Chinese-Vietnamese, refugee, education, postsecondary education, higher
education, community cultural wealth, social capital, cultural capital, academic success, college
success, institutional agents.

v
Dedication
To my dear children, who are my “dissertation babies.” This dissertation journey was as much
yours as it was mine. I hope this piece will inspire you to seek knowledge for the betterment of
yourself and your community. I love you both with all of my heart.

To my husband, thank you—for your patience, grace, and unconditional encouragement. I could
not have achieved this without you pushing me and providing me with the generous space
needed to pursue this dream of mine. Thank you for taking on full days (and sometimes,
weekends) of infant/toddler care when I had to bow out to focus on this dissertation. You are my
rock!

To my Chiang family, thank you for all the grounding you’ve provided me. I hope this piece
gives you strength and makes you proud—I know we’ve come a long, long way from the hoods
of Oakland, CA. Look fam, I made it!

And lastly, to my Chinese-Vietnamese community. Thank you for the inspiration and strength to
write this dissertation. Our stories are silent no more; keep reading, writing, speaking, and lifting
each other up. All the love to each of you.

vi
Acknowledgements
Sincere gratitude to my esteemed Dissertation Chair, Dr. Tracy Tambascia, for your
guidance and support through this dissertation journey. When I hesitantly presented you with my
dissertation topic of interest due to the lack of research related to the Chinese-Vietnamese
community, you did not turn my idea down. In fact, you lifted me up and asked me to boldly
pursue this topic. For that, I wholeheartedly thank you for believing in me and believing in the
narratives of this distinctive community. I want to also thank my committee members, Drs.
Kimberly Hirabayashi and Sumun Pendakur, for your mentorship and commitment to helping me
become a successful scholar-practitioner. Your intelligence, wisdom, and expertise in the Asian
American experience provided much needed grounding for my dissertation work. Thank you, my
dissertation committee of distinguished Asian American women, for giving me the strength and
empowerment to persist towards the finish line. You all are my inspiration!

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One .................................................................................................................................... 1
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 1
Purpose of this Study .......................................................................................................... 2
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 3
Limitations .......................................................................................................................... 3
Definitions........................................................................................................................... 4
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 5
Chapter Two.................................................................................................................................... 6
Historical Context of Southeast Asian Immigration to the United States .......................... 7
The Chinese-Vietnamese Community .............................................................................. 12
Asian American Educational Experiences ........................................................................ 17
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 22
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 26
Chapter Three................................................................................................................................ 27
Research Design and Methods .......................................................................................... 27
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 31
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 33
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 35
Validity ............................................................................................................................. 36

viii
Role of Researcher ............................................................................................................ 37
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 38
Chapter Four ................................................................................................................................. 39
Demographic Information of the Participants ................................................................... 39
Findings............................................................................................................................. 42
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 73
Chapter Five .................................................................................................................................. 74
Discussion ......................................................................................................................... 75
Responding to the Research Question .............................................................................. 78
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 78
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 79
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 82
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 82
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 83
References ..................................................................................................................................... 85
Appendix A: Survey Protocol ....................................................................................................... 93
Appendix B: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................... 96
Appendix C: Information Sheet .................................................................................................... 99

ix
List of Tables

Table 1: Percent of Asian Americans with Bachelor’s Degree, by Ethnicity Page 19
Table 2: Demographic Information of Interview Participants Page 40
Table 3: Themes in Connection with Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural
Wealth Model
Page 43

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Theoretical Framework Page 31

1

Chapter One
The U.S. Census Bureau’s 2017 National Population Projections show that Asian
Americans are the second fastest growing racial group in the United States, with a projected
growth rate of 101% between the years 2016 and 2060. As a community that consists of more
than 50 different ethnic subgroups, the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) population
varies in characteristics such as immigration patterns, national origins, language, and
socioeconomic status (National Commission on Asian American and Pacific Islander Research
in Education [CARE], 2011; Chan, 2017; Museus, 2014; Palmer & Maramba, 2015).
According to the 2010 U.S. Census data, the Asian American postsecondary education
enrollment rate mirrored their population growth rate (Museus, 2014). Data revealed that the
number of Asian American undergraduate and graduate students enrolled in institutions of higher
education increased from approximately 0.91 million to 1.34 million students between 1999 and
2009, with continued projection to increase into the next decade (Museus, 2014). While the
increase of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in postsecondary education was monumental,
polarizing disparities in educational attainment and completion between the ethnic subgroups
continued to grow.
Statement of the Problem
Despite their similar immigration pattern and refugee resettlement experiences as
Southeast Asian Americans in the United States, there is a paucity of research on the Chinese-
Vietnamese population (Trieu, 2009). Moreover, much of the existing research on the Chinese-
Vietnamese focuses on the historical and resettlement pattern of the first-generation refugees,
leaving the lived experiences of the second-generation children largely unexplored (Trieu, 2009).
The gross limitation of research on the Chinese-Vietnamese, particularly in the educational
context, warrants further research into the lived experience of this twice-minoritized population.

2

The Chinese-Vietnamese come from a “twice-migration” background as they are Chinese
from Vietnam living in the United States (Trieu, 2009). As an ethnic population who makes up
approximately 25% of the Southeast Asian refugee population, they are a close-knit community
with their own dialect and cultural practices, who live predominately in ethnic enclaves
(Desbarat, 1986). In addition, their multiple ethnic historical narratives from their twice-
migration background contribute to their status as “twice-minorities” in the United States—first
as minorities in their home country of Vietnam and subsequently, re-ethnicized as minorities in
their new country of the United States (Espiritu, 1989). This process of migration and
minoritization has implications for the children of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees as their
experiences, particularly in education, have not been explored. Further examination and study of
this second-generation Chinese-Vietnamese population is important to understand the diverse
experience and needs of this group.
Purpose of this Study
The purpose of this study was to shed light on the narratives of the Chinese-Vietnamese
American college student population in the United States. The Chinese-Vietnamese make up
approximately a quarter of the Southeast Asian refugee population, yet little is known about this
population. Moreover, they are a Southeast Asian ethnic subgroup that is twice minoritized
within the larger AAPI population and Southeast Asian ethnic subpopulation. In particular, the
educational experience of Chinese-Vietnamese refugee children is limited. To better understand
the educational experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese American students, this study explored the
lived experiences of students from Chinese-Vietnamese refugee families that informed their
college persistence, completion, and success. The research question that guided this study was:
What experiences shape social or cultural capital formation and foster academic success of
Chinese-Vietnamese college students in postsecondary educational settings?

3

This study used a qualitative approach and included semi-structured interviews with
Chinese-Vietnamese American college students. The selection of participants was based on
whether they met the demographic criteria, as collected through a preliminary survey, of the
study. The goal of the sample size was 12 to 15 undergraduate and graduate students at 4-year
universities. Recruitment efforts focused on students from Northern and Southern California
because of the sizeable Chinese-Vietnamese population in these regions.
Significance of the Study
In a critical review of literature on the Model Minority Myth (MMM), Poon et al. (2016)
called for scholars to transform the dominant racial framing of AAPIs in educational research.
This called for scholars to conduct research that privileges the voices and perspectives of AAPIs
in higher education, instead of countering the MMM which inadvertently perpetuates deficit
thinking and reinforces White supremacy (Poon et al., 2016). This study sought to reframe
scholarship on AAPIs in higher education by grounding the lived experiences of Chinese-
Vietnamese American college students and shed light on the narratives that informed their
resiliency and success in higher education.
The goals of this study were threefold: (1) to contribute to the literature on
underrepresented Asian American and Pacific Islanders in higher education, focusing
specifically on the experience of Chinese-Vietnamese students; (2) reframe scholarship focusing
on the success and resiliency of this minoritized group through an anti-deficit approach; and (3)
provide recommendations for higher education practitioners to create resources in support of
addressing challenges faced by this group.
Limitations
Two limitations warranted attention to this study. One possible limitation was selection
bias; the students self-selected themselves to participate in the study, which may indicate that

4

some may be fully aware of their Chinese-Vietnamese identity and their concepts of self with
this identity. Moreover, the experiences and perception of self might be different than those who
do not identify themselves as Chinese-Vietnamese, but rather Chinese only or Vietnamese only
albeit their historical origin as Chinese from Vietnam.
The sample size constituted the second possible limitation to this study. As this study
only recruited participants from California, the experiences and perspectives of the Chinese-
Vietnamese people in California may differ from the Chinese-Vietnamese people in other
populous regions such as New York or Texas. As environmental and geographical contexts
matter, this study cannot be generalized to the Chinese-Vietnamese population outside of
California.
Definitions
In this study, the terms “Chinese-Vietnamese” and “ethnic Chinese from Vietnam” are
used interchangeably to refer to an Asian ethnic group who identifies themselves as Chinese with
origins from Vietnam. “Chinese-Vietnamese American” refers to person(s) with Chinese-
Vietnamese ancestry who currently resides or are citizens of the United States. This population is
also known as the “Hoa” people in Vietnam (Trieu, 2009).
The Chinese-Vietnamese peoples come from a “twice-migration” background and are
“twice-minoritized” in the United States. “Twice-migration” refers to their multiple ethnic
historical narratives of migrating twice—from China to Vietnam and subsequently, from
Vietnam to the United States. In the United States, the Chinese-Vietnamese peoples experience
being “twice-minoritized,” first as minorities in their home country of Vietnam and then re-
ethnicized as minorities in their new country of the United States (Espiritu, 1989). In this study,
both terms are used to discuss the migration, resettlement, and acculturation experience of the
Chinese-Vietnamese population.

5

Conclusion
The Chinese-Vietnamese community is a sizeable Southeast Asian refugee population in
the United States, yet there is limited research on this population. Chapter Two looked at the
historical, cultural, and educational context of the Asian American population followed by more
specific contexts related to the Chinese-Vietnamese community. The theoretical frameworks that
were used to guide this study were subsequently discussed.

6

Chapter Two
The Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) community consists of more than 50
different ethnic subgroups with varied immigration patterns, language, and socioeconomic status
(CARE, 2011; Chan, 2017; Museus, 2014; Palmer & Maramba, 2015). As such, AAPI students
are often faced with contradicting stereotypes in educational contexts, which has implications for
their academic engagement, identity development, psychological needs, and interactions with
school personnel and peers (Teranishi, 2002).
Southeast Asian American students, an AAPI subgroup that is often overlooked and
ignored, have gained researchers’ attention in recent years. While there is an increasing body of
literature on the lived experiences of Southeast Asian American college students in the United
States, such as the Vietnamese, Hmong, Cambodian, and Laotian populations (Ngo & Lee, 2007;
Maramba & Palmer, 2014; Museus, 2013; Museus & Mueller, 2018; Museus, Shiroma, et al.,
2016), there is a paucity of research on the experience of their “boat people” counterparts, the
ethnic Chinese from Vietnam or Chinese-Vietnamese peoples (Trieu, 2009). Much of the
published research on the Chinese-Vietnamese focus on the history and resettlement patterns of
the first-generation refugees; the children of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees have largely been left
unexplored (Trieu, 2009). Consequently, little is known about this population, which makes up
approximately 25% of the Southeast Asian refugee population (Trieu, 2009). Research about the
educational experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese American college students is grossly limited.
The Chinese-Vietnamese are a Southeast Asian ethnic subgroup that is twice minoritized
within the larger AAPI population and Southeast Asian ethnic subpopulation. To better
understand the educational experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese American students, this study
explored the lived experiences of students from Chinese-Vietnamese refugee families as it relates
to their college persistence, completion, and success.

7

Historical Context of Southeast Asian Immigration to the United States
Asian or Asian American is a pan-ethnic racial category that comprises more than two
dozen ethnic communities with peoples from distinct histories, ethnicities, languages,
generational statuses, and socioeconomic statuses (Museus, 2014; Ngo & Lee, 2007; Teranishi,
Ceja, et al., 2004). The pan-ethnic racial categorization conflates drastically different ethnic
peoples and communities, such as fourth-generation Chinese Americans with first-generation
Vietnamese refugees. Although the pan-ethnic label is a political tool created in the 1960s by
Asian American activists to advocate for the rights, voices, and visibility of the Asian American
community, it has led to smaller Asian American subgroups’ voices and experiences being
silenced by the aggregated data and analyses (Museus, 2014). In particular, the Southeast Asian
American subgroup, which is comprised of individuals from countries of Vietnam, Laos, and
Cambodia, has been marginalized within education discourse and as a result, their voices and
needs are often overlooked or ignored (Kiang, 2009; Museus, 2014; Ngo & Lee, 2007; Teranishi,
2004).
Immigration History
Unlike the Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Asian Indians, and Filipinos who began
immigrating to the United States in the mid-1840s, Southeast Asians came to the United States in
the late 1970s to 1980s as political war refugees, fleeing their countries of origin from political
persecution due to a Communist regime and to escape poverty, torture, and death from the
aftermath of the Vietnam War in 1975 (Museus, 2013; Ngo & Lee, 2007). Southeast Asians
immigrated to the United States through The Refugee Act of 1980, which defined refugees as,
…any person who is outside his or her country of residence or nationality, or without
nationality, and is unable or unwilling to return to, and is unable or unwilling to avail
himself or herself of the protection of, that country because of persecution or a well-

8

founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a
particular social group, or political opinion. (Refugee Act of 1980, p. 102)
While the Communist regime is in large part a contributing factor to the mass exodus, it is also
important to note that the United States’ military intervention in Southeast Asia inflicted trauma
to many Southeast Asians, resulting in the need for mass migration, displacement, and the
subsequent refugee status (Museus, 2013; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996).
Southeast Asian refugees immigrated to the United States in two waves (Takaki, 1989).
The first wave of Southeast Asian refugees was from 1975-1982 and mainly consisted of
members of Vietnamese professionals who were of relatively high socioeconomic status and
high levels of educational attainment, and their families (Museus, 2013; Ngo & Lee, 2007). The
second wave arrived after 1982 and was comprised of Vietnamese, Cambodian, Hmong, and
Laotian refugees who had modest socioeconomic and educational backgrounds (Museus, 2013;
Ngo & Lee, 2007). Upon arrival to the United States, Southeast Asian refugees congregated
closely in ethnic enclaves due to their desire for family reunification, climate preference, and
availability of housing, jobs, or welfare (Zucker, 1983). Since their arrival in 1975, 70% resettled
in 10 states and 40 counties, with California having roughly one-third of the Southeast Asian
refugee population (Zucker, 1983).
Population Figures Today
According to the 2010 U.S. Census, there are 2.5 million Southeast Asian Americans in
the United States. The Vietnamese population is the largest of the subgroup, consisting of
approximately 1.73 million in the United States. The largest Vietnamese population resides in
California (647,589), followed by Texas (227,968), Washington (75,843), and Florida (65,772).
The second largest subgroup is Cambodian Americans, consisting of 276,667 in the United
States. They are mostly in California (102,317), Massachusetts (28,424), Washington (22,934),

9

and Texas (14,347). Hmong Americans are the third largest population in the United States,
consisting of 260,073 and residing in California (91,224), Minnesota (66,181), and Wisconsin
(49,240). Lastly, the Laotian population has 232,130 in the United States and largely resides in
California (69,303), Texas (15,784), and Minnesota (12,009) (US Census, 2010).
Resettlement and Adjustment Experience of Southeast Asian Refugees
The reasons for Asian migration to the United States differ vastly between the ethnic
groups. Some migrated to seek educational and occupational opportunities, while others were
forced out of their homelands as a result of war and political persecution (Hsu et al., 2004; Portes
& Rumbaut, 1996). In addition, Asian immigrants who came to the United States prior to 1975
had a different immigration experience, as they came with higher educational and economic
backgrounds (Ngo & Lee, 2007; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996).
In contrast to their East and South Asian counterparts who likely immigrated to the
United States for better opportunities, Southeast Asians came as refugees due to forced
displacement from traumatic conditions in their home country (Muesus, 2014). As many were
desperate to escape from life-threatening circumstances in their homeland such as homicide,
genocide, disease, starvation, and inhumane living conditions in the refugee camps, many
immigrated to the U.S. with trauma that posed both psychological and emotional challenges to
their resettlement (Hsu et al., 2004; Museus, 2014). Furthermore, separation from family and
friends posed a significant migration stressor for many Southeast Asian refugees’ resettlement
experience (Hsu et al., 2004).
Acculturation Stressors
Southeast Asian refugees faced acculturation stressors as they resettled and adjusted to
life in the United States. One stressor was the shift in family structure from a traditional
patriarchal hierarchy where elders, particularly men, occupied roles of authority (Hsu et al.,

10

2004), and women were traditionally the primary caregivers of the children and the household
(Futa et al., 2001). Upon their resettlement in the United States, gender roles were drastically
altered as the unemployment of Southeast Asian refugee men required women to find work to
financially support their families. In addition, Southeast Asian refugee children often became
interpreters and cultural brokers between their parents and Western society, as elders had no
formal educational or vocational experience and were faced with significant language barriers
(Hsu et al., 2004). This transfer of authority not only disrupted traditional cultural values and the
family structure, but it also created stressors for the Southeast Asian family unit as elders lost
their status within the family and the children had to take on adult responsibilities at a relatively
young age.
Moreover, Southeast Asian refugees experienced a sense of loss as they attempted to
reconstruct their lives in a new country. They did not only face a loss of significant others (e.g.,
family members or friends) due to post-war political persecution and forced migration, but they
also endured a sense of loss of material beings such as the loss of their country and a familiar
way of life (Hsu et al., 2004; Kiang, 2009). This loss impacted their experience with
acculturation and settlement into the United States, which created both psychological and
emotional challenges to their resettlement.
Environmental and Economic Stressors
Southeast Asian refugees also faced socioeconomic and environmental stressors that
impacted their adjustment, such as living in poverty and discrimination, disenfranchisement,
violence, and racism in the United States as racial minorities (Hsu et al., 2004; Kiang, 2009). In
addition to lacking the knowledge on how to access resources for economic self-sufficiency as
new immigrants, Southeast Asian refugees were also confronted with anti-Asian sentiments and
racial violence in urban public schools and neighborhoods throughout the country (Kiang, 2009).

11

These anti-Asian sentiments often stemmed from the effects of institutionalized racism related to
the history of exclusion faced by Asian immigrants, as well as their experiences as racial
minorities from low-income, immigrant, and urban backgrounds (Kiang, 2009; Ngo & Lee,
2007). The socioeconomic and environmental stressors that they faced, coupled with society’s
expectations for them to acculturate, created challenges to their adjustment and resettlement
process in the United States.
Impact on Children
Southeast Asian refugee youth or children of refugees also faced stressors related to
adjustment in the United States. Southeast Asian refugee youth had to live and think in two
languages—their native language for home and English for school—which contributed to racial
and ethnic identity confusion as they were forced to navigate between the two different cultures
(Hyman et al., 2000). Because many refugee youths served as interpreters and cultural brokers
for the adults in their families, they were often under pressure to succeed as they were the hope
for their family’s future in the United States (Hsu et al., 2004). In the school context, Southeast
Asian youth experienced marginalization due to their lack of English language proficiency and
adjustment to the school’s culture (Hsu et al., 2004). These stressors, including the youth’s
experiences with racial and ethnic identity confusion, family role reversal, as well as
marginalization in the school context, all posed significant challenges to their acculturation and
adjustment experience in the United States, both during the post-Vietnam War era and today.
Intergenerational Trauma
The refugee experience of displacement by war, unsanitary conditions in refugee camps,
as well as loss and separation from significant others left traumatic reminders to many Southeast
Asian families and communities. These traumatic experiences led to the emergence of a culture
of silence in some Southeast Asian families, often characterized by the refugee parents’

12

resistance to share their family and community histories with their children due to their desire to
not only protect their children from pain, but to also not reexperience the trauma itself (Lin et al.,
2009; Museus, 2014). Consequently, the familial and community silence often led to unintended
negative consequences for the children, such as perpetuating trauma intergenerationally, as well
as hindering their psychosocial development and understanding of their own families’ histories
(Lin et al., 2009; Museus, 2014).
The Chinese-Vietnamese Community
The Chinese-Vietnamese population comes from a “twice-migration” background such
that they are Chinese from Vietnam living in the United States (Trieu, 2009). Also known as the
“Hoa” people in Vietnam, the Chinese-Vietnamese share a common immigration narrative with
other Southeast Asian refugees, particularly Vietnamese refugees, who came to the United States
after the fall of Saigon on April 30, 1975 (Trieu, 2009). While numerous studies have
documented and examined the settlement and adjustment experiences of Vietnamese refugees,
there is a dearth of literature on the experience of their boat people counterparts, the Chinese-
Vietnamese, also known as the ethnic Chinese population from Vietnam. Moreover, literature
about the Chinese-Vietnamese is often subsumed under research about the Vietnamese
population (Phan & Luk, 2008; Trieu, 2009).
Historical Context in Vietnam
The Chinese-Vietnamese people are a minority group in Vietnam and their socio-political
position, and experiences are vastly different from the ethnic Vietnamese. The Chinese-
Vietnamese distinguished themselves by their attachment to their native land, their close-knit
social organization, their use of their own dialect, as well as living in ethnic enclaves (Desbarat,
1986). In addition, the ethnic Chinese in the Southern part of Vietnam was a much larger
population than in the North, and they were characteristically different. The ethnic Chinese in the

13

North were mainly working-class families working as farmers and fishermen, whereas the ethnic
Chinese in the South played an important economic role in sectors such as importing and
exporting products, trading, and rice production (Han, 2009; Phan & Luk, 2008). Moreover, the
ethnic Chinese in the South were less assimilated to Vietnamese society in comparison to those
in the North, which was as a result of different policy restrictions that were imposed by the
Northern Vietnamese and Southern Vietnamese governments (Desbarat, 1986; Han, 2009; Phan
& Luk, 2008).
The Chinese-Vietnamese population consists of five major dialect groups: Cantonese,
Teochiu, Hakka, Hokkien, and Hainan (Trieu, 2009). In Vietnam, the largest dialect group was
the Cantonese, who held economic dominance over the other Chinese dialect groups, particularly
in the South (Phan & Luk, 2008; Trieu, 2009). The ethnic Chinese in Vietnam underwent
decades of economic policy restrictions that ultimately led to their political persecution and mass
exodus from Vietnam to communities across the globe. Major changes began in the 1950s when
Vietnam gained independence from the French, in which the Diem regime in Vietnam
aggressively encouraged the ethnic Chinese to convert their ethnic identification to Vietnamese
in order to homogenize the population (Pan, 1999; Phan & Luk, 2008). Laws were passed that
disproportionally discriminated against the ethnic Chinese, such as restricting them from
traveling and engaging in economic and educational activities if they were not Vietnamese
citizens (Desbarats, 1986; Phan & Luk, 2008; Trieu, 2009).
In the mid-1970s, after the fall of Saigon, the Communist-controlled Vietnamese
government furthered anti-Chinese campaigns, such as the socialist transformation, currency
reforms, and anti-comprador bourgeoisie, which stripped Chinese of their economic livelihood
(Pan, 1999; Trieu, 2009). In 1978, the relationship between China and Vietnam was unstable,
causing the Vietnam government to question the loyalty of the ethnic Chinese and actively push

14

for them to leave the country (Chan, 2006; Phan & Luk, 2008; Rumbaut, 2007; Trieu, 2009).
This turbulent Vietnam-China relationship was a result of a border conflict between the
Vietnamese government and the Khmer Rouge. Due to the Vietnamese government’s
involvement with invading the Khmer Rouge regime in December 1978, China—in alliance with
the Khmer Rouge regime—consequently invaded Vietnam in February 1979 which started a
Sino-Vietnamese War that lasted for a month (Chan, 2006; Han, 2009; Trieu, 2009). These
preceding political events, such as the Vietnamese Communist regime’s active campaigns to
push the Chinese-Vietnamese out and to eradicate their capitalistic activities, as well as the
tumultuous conflict between China and Vietnam, cumulatively forced many Chinese-Vietnamese
to flee Vietnam in fear of political persecution (Gold, 1994; Phan & Luk, 2008).
Immigration History
The Chinese-Vietnamese comprise of approximately 25% of the Southeast Asian refugee
population in the United States (Rumbaut, 1996). They came to the United States in two waves;
the smaller wave arrived between 1975-1978, with about 9.2% (15,900) of Chinese-Vietnamese
and the larger wave arrived between 1979-1982, with about 41.2% (71,082) of Chinese-
Vietnamese (Trieu, 2009). During the second wave, many Chinese-Vietnamese refugees fled by
fishing boats via the South China sea, while many others migrated north into China (Han, 2009;
Trieu, 2009). Those who survived the dangerous journey first settled into refugee camps in
asylum countries such as Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Hong Kong, and the
Philippines, where they waited for sponsorship from families, volunteer organizations, and
individuals overseas (Chan, 2006; Trieu, 2009).
It is important to note that there is a distinction in circumstances between the Chinese-
Vietnamese and Vietnamese population in fleeing Vietnam. For the Chinese-Vietnamese, their
flight out of Vietnam was influenced by the turbulent Vietnam-China relations as well as the

15

Vietnamese government’s rising anti-Chinese sentiments, as demonstrated by policies that
discriminated against them (Phan & Luk, 2008). For the Vietnamese population, their flight out
of Vietnam was influenced by Vietnam’s change in the regime as well as the international
response and refugee programs offered overseas (Trieu, 2009). Consequently, the migration
pattern between the Chinese-Vietnamese and Vietnamese into the United States differed; while
the Chinese-Vietnamese refugee population reached 50% of its total U.S. population by 1981,
the Vietnamese refugee population did not reach its 50% mark until 1989 (Trieu, 2009).
Although the circumstances that led to the migration between the groups differed, both groups’
desire to flee the political unrest of Vietnam was undoubtedly in common.
Population Figures Today
The 2000 U.S. Census Data showed that the largest Chinese-Vietnamese population
resides in California, with about 113,439 (58.3%) individuals (Trieu, 2009). The second most
populous state is Texas, followed by New York as the third, with about 11,752 (6%) and 8,200
(4.2%), respectively (Trieu, 2009). When the Chinese-Vietnamese first settled in the United
States, they were sent to four refugee processing centers, which were Camp Pendleton,
California; Fort Indiantown Gap, Pennsylvania; Fort Chaffee, Arkansas; and Eglin Air Force
Base, Florida, and the population was subsequently scattered throughout the 50 states (Rumbaut,
2007). However, the majority of them relocated via secondary migration to different regions of
California (Trieu, 2009). The 2000 U.S. Census Data found that the largest Chinese-Vietnamese
population reside in the Los Angeles-Long Beach, California, metropolitan area with 47,790
(25.2%) individuals, followed by the San Francisco-Oakland-Vallejo, California, metropolitan
area and the San Jose, California, metropolitan area with 23,866 (12.2%) and 16,844 (8.9%),
respectively (Trieu, 2009).

16

Resettlement and Acculturation Experience
The Chinese-Vietnamese refugees who migrated to the United States were mostly from a
modest socioeconomic and educational background and did not speak English (Desbarats, 1986;
Trieu, 2009). Studies have found that when compared with the Vietnamese immigrant
community’s economic and cultural adaptation, the Chinese-Vietnamese lagged considerably
and had lower median monthly income, were less likely to be employed, and were more likely to
be dependent on government income such as welfare (Desbarat, 1986; Gold, 1994). Factors that
contributed to this delay in the acculturation process included their arrival from lower
socioeconomic backgrounds and the role of their Chinese ethnicity, such as their cultural
background and practices, that hindered their ability to adapt to Western society (Desbarat, 1986;
Gold, 1994).
As an ethnic community from a twice-migration background, the Chinese-Vietnamese
possessed multiple ethnic historical narratives that contributed to their status as “twice-
minorities” in the United States. Espiritu (1989) argued that an immigrant’s home country status
as a majority or minority may impact their acculturation outcome in their new country. The
Chinese-Vietnamese people encountered re-ethnicization as minorities twice; in Vietnam, they
were minorities and subsequently, minorities again in the new country in the U.S. (Espiritu,
1989). Furthermore, a resettlement experience that is distinctive to the Chinese-Vietnamese
population is their need to adjust their identity in the United States; instead of being only ethnic
Chinese as they considered themselves in Vietnam, they shifted to an ethnic Chinese from
Vietnam identity in the United States (Phan & Luk, 2008).
The children of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees experienced multiple-ethnic background
confusion growing up in the United States as a 1.5 or 2
nd
generation American. Many of this
generation had to navigate their identities between three different worlds—their ancestors’ world

17

(China), they or their parents’ birth world (Vietnam), and the world where they were raised
(United States) (Chang 2006; McLaughlin, 1996; Trieu, 2009). This experience of navigating
complex cultural worlds created identity challenges for the children of Chinese-Vietnamese
refugees, as they grew up deciding not just between being an ethnicity and being American, but
between two ethnic identities and being American (Shioya, 1994; Trieu, 2009). Consequently,
many Chinese-Vietnamese had to define themselves vis-à-vis the ethnic groups, Vietnamese
and/or Chinese, and the racial group, Asian American (Trieu, 2009).
Asian American Educational Experiences
Historically, Asian American students have been paradoxically included and excluded in
postsecondary education. Today, Asian Americans are a visible population in higher education
institutions nationally, but this population has been excluded from higher education research,
policy, and practice (Museus, 2014). Consequently, Asian Americans are arguably the most
misunderstood population in higher education; their assumed genetic superiority and visible
representation in academics are perpetuated through model minority stereotyping, which
excludes them from opportunities and resources focused on underserved populations of color
(M.J. Chang, 2008; Museus, 2014). The racialized status of Asian Americans has put them in
unique social, political, and structural positions in society.
Asian American Educational Attainment
Asian Americans are the second fastest growing racial group in the United States (U.S.
Census, 2018). According to the U.S. Census statistics, the Asian American population grew at a
rate of 43% between 2000 and 2010, which was four times faster than the growth rate of the total
population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). This population is projected to grow at a rate of 101%
between the year 2016 and 2060 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018).

18

This growth was mirrored by the increase of Asian Americans enrolling in postsecondary
institutions (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). The 2010 U.S. Census statistics showed that between
1999 and 2009, the number of Asian American undergraduate and graduate students enrolled in
institutions of higher education increased from approximately 0.91 million to 1.34 million
students. The Asian American enrollment in higher education is projected to continue to increase
(Museus, 2014). To examine the educational experiences of Southeast Asian Americans, it is
critical to understand the educational experiences of the larger Asian American community.
The Asian American population includes ethnic groups that exhibit both high rates and
low rates of educational attainment, revealing significant ethnic disparities in educational
attainment and completion. Research indicates that Taiwanese, Japanese, and Asian Indians 25
of age or older are more likely to have earned a high school diploma than the national average.
However, Cambodian, Hmong, Vietnamese, and Laotian Americans are more than twice as
likely than the national average and almost five times as likely compared to other Asian
American ethnic groups to have dropped out before earning a high school diploma (CARE,
2011; Maramba & Palmer, 2014; Museus, 2014). In addition, data reveal that while Asian Indian
(76%) and Taiwanese (72%) Americans hold bachelor’s degrees at more than twice the national
average (28%), their Southeast Asian American counterparts such as Cambodian (13%), Hmong
(14%), and Laotian (12%) hold bachelor’s degrees at less than half of the national average
(Museus, 2014). Table 1 displays data on the percentage of Asian Americans between 2006-
2010, age 25 years and over, who have completed a bachelor’s degree by ethnic background.

19

Table 1

Percent of Asian Americans with Bachelor’s Degree, by Ethnicity
Ethnicity Bachelor’s Degree
%
Asian Indian 76
Taiwanese 72
Cambodian 13
Hmong 14
Laotian 12
United States Average: 28

Note. From Asian American Students in Higher Education, by Museus (2014).

These disparities in educational attainment suggest that Southeast Asian Americans likely
faced barriers to education at an early age, such as coming from low socioeconomic backgrounds
and under-resourced communities, that created a weak pipeline to higher education (CARE,
2011). Moreover, the low rates of educational attainment for Southeast Asian Americans have
negative ramifications for Southeast Asians as individuals and society in general, such as lower
lifetime earnings, higher poverty rates, and lower civic participation (Baum & Payea, 2005).
Model Minority Myth
Asian American students are often faced with contradicting racial stereotypes in
educational contexts, which have implications for their academic engagement, identity
development, psychological needs, and interactions with school personnel and peers (Teranishi,
2002). One such stereotype is the Model Minority Myth (MMM), which generally assumes that
Asian Americans have no serious academic problems, that they receive strong support for
educational achievement from their parents and ethnic communities, and that they are from well-

20

educated middle-class families (Teranishi, Behringer, et al., 2009; Wing, 2007). This stereotype
is exacerbated by aggregated data that portrays Asian Americans as having a relatively high rate
of degree completion when in reality, disaggregated data show that Asian American subgroups,
such as Southeast Asians and Pacific Islanders, have rates of degree completion that are below
the national average (Museus, Shiroma, et al., 2016). Data from the 2006-2010 American
Community Survey highlights that among Southeast Asian American students, 14% of
Cambodians, 26% of Vietnamese, 14% of Hmong, and 12% of Laotian adults age 25 years or
older reported having a bachelor’s degree or higher compared to the total U.S. college
completion rate of 28%.
Educational researchers have been dispelling the Model Minority Myth about universal
academic success for Asian Americans for over three decades (Museus & Chang, 2009; Poon et
al., 2016). The racialization of Asian American students as “model minorities” has serious
implications on their student experience and academic success. Research has demonstrated that
such stereotypes often create psychological distress for Asian American students, particularly
those who do not identify with the label, and contribute to low self-esteem and low self-
confidence (Chan & Mendoza-Denton, 2008; Gupta et al., 2011; Her, 2014). Moreover, their
racialized experience as the “invisible” minorities contribute to students’ perception of an
unwelcoming campus climate, as their academic and student services needs are often masked by
the stereotype and consequently, left unmet (Ng et al., 2007).
Impact of Campus Climate on Asian American Academic and Student Engagement
The Asian American population is often placed in a dichotomous racial framework that
situates them vis-à-vis Black and White student experiences, which attributes to their labeling as
“Model Minorities” who succeed in society and experience little racism (Sue et al., 2007;
Teranishi, 2002). Researchers have argued that this paradigm undermines the understanding of

21

educational experiences and processes of Asian Americans students in relation to race and
racism, as there is evidence that campus climate from dominant cultures at Predominately White
Institutions (PWIs) can become barriers to their academic engagement and success (Museus,
2008; Sue et al., 2007; Teranishi, 2002).
Research posits that campus climate has a direct impact on the academic engagement,
persistence, and success of minoritized student populations (Museus, 2008; Sue et al., 2007;
Teranishi, 2002). In a study conducted by Sue et al. (2007), researchers found that racial
microaggressions, defined as “brief, everyday exchanges that send denigrating messages to
people of color because they belong to a racial minority group” (p. 72), often play a role in
denying the racial reality of Asian Americans and subsequently, perpetuate the MMM.
Furthermore, studies showed that the standard of living, self-esteem, and psychological well-
being of Asian Americans students are negatively impacted when they experience racial
microaggressions, discrimination, and prejudice on their college campuses (Her, 2014; Museus,
2008; Sue et al., 2007; Teranishi, 2002).
Academic engagement, as defined by Kuh (2009), refers to students’ educational
activities related to their learning, which includes effort, classroom participation, peer
collaboration, interaction with instructors, and time on task. The literature found that in addition
to significant differences in academic engagement between Asian American subgroups due to the
diversity of their statuses (e.g., socioeconomic, immigration, etc.), Asian American students who
experience unwelcoming campus racial climates or who do not adapt to the academic “success
frame” are also less likely to engage in support services and consequently, develop higher levels
of isolation, depression, and academic distress (Cress & Ikeda, 2003; Ing & Victorino, 2016).
To mitigate these challenges, Maramba and Palmer (2014) found the importance of
cultural validation, such as creating opportunities to build cultural knowledge, maintain cultural

22

connections, and allow platforms for cultural expressions and advocacy, for meeting Southeast
Asian student needs and success. Moreover, researchers have argued for the importance of
recognizing campus subcultures, such as ethnic-specific student organizations, to minority
student adjustment, membership, and persistence at PWIs, particularly for Southeast Asian
American college students (Ing & Victorino, 2016; Jones et al., 2002; Museus, 2008; Museus,
Shiroma, et al., 2016). These findings are salient to this study, as cultural validation and campus
subcultures provide a space that privileges the voices and perspectives of Southeast Asian
students through an anti-deficit approach.
Theoretical Framework
This study was framed using concepts from the literature on community cultural wealth
and institutional agents. Furthermore, an anti-deficit achievement approach was used to focus on
the narratives of the Chinese-Vietnamese student population that highlighted their strength and
resiliency which informed their college persistence, completion, and success.
Community Cultural Wealth
Bourdieu (1986) studied the role of capital in shaping the lives and experiences of people
in educational and societal contexts. According to Bourdieu (1986), individuals acquire cultural
capital (i.e., an accumulation of cultural knowledge, skills, and abilities), social capital (i.e., the
aggregate of resources through social networks and connections to membership groups), and
economic capital (i.e., money and material possessions) through one’s family or formal
schooling. The social capital framework asserts that the dominant groups within society are able
to maintain power, as access to capital and therefore resources and opportunities are limited to
those that can either afford it or inherit it (Yosso, 2005). This interpretation also states that
White, middle-class culture is the norm, and that capital is earned based on the knowledge, skills,
and abilities that are valued by privileged groups in society (Yosso, 2005).

23

Decades later, Yosso (2005) proposed the Community Cultural Wealth Model to shift the
narrative from one that focuses on valuing knowledge by the dominant culture to one that
acknowledges the importance of cultural knowledge that exists within marginalized
communities. The Community Cultural Wealth Model is a framework that is conceptualized as a
critical race theory (CRT) lens, challenging traditional interpretations of Bourdieu’s cultural
capital to reveal accumulated assets and resources in the lived experiences of Communities of
Color (Yosso, 2005). Before expanding on the Community Cultural Wealth Model, it is
important to provide a contextual understanding of critical race theory and its influence in the
educational arena. Critical race theory was originally developed from legal scholarship in the
1970s and was used to challenge White dominant ideologies in a legal system that served to
operationalize and sustain racism in American society (Matsuda et al., 1993). CRT assumes that
there is a racist system of power and privilege that advantages the White majority and
disadvantages people of color (Muesus, 2014).
Since its genesis, CRT’s use and influence were extended to other disciplines and was
first introduced to the field of education by Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) to analyze the
dominant systems of racial oppression in the educational arena. Solórzano (1998) extended the
theory and posits that CRT is an evolving methodological, conceptual, and theoretical construct
that seeks to disrupt race and racism in educational theory, policy, and practice. Moreover, CRT
in education works to challenge and dismantle hegemonic notions of meritocracy, fairness,
colorblindness, and deficit-thinking in educational contexts (Parker et al., 1999; Solórzano &
Yosso, 2002). Solórzano (1998) defined five tenets of CRT in education: 1) The intercentricity of
race; 2) Challenge to dominant ideologies; 3) Commitment to social justice; 4) Centrality
experiential knowledge; and 5) The interdisciplinary perspectives. It is within these tenets that
Yosso’s framework of Community Cultural Wealth was developed.

24

Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth underscores the idea that minoritized
students bring valuable knowledge from their cultural communities into the educational context.
Through a CRT lens, this framework reveals that communities of color nurture cultural wealth
through six forms of capital: aspirational, linguistic, familial, social, navigational, and resistant
capital, which are defined as the following (Yosso, 2005):
1) Aspirational capital. The ability to maintain hope and dreams for the future, even in
the face of real and perceived barriers;
2) Linguistic capital. The intellectual and social skills attained through communication
experiences in more than one language and/or style;
3) Familial capital. Those cultural knowledges nurtured among familia (kin) that carry a
sense of community history, memory, and cultural intuition;
4) Social capital. Networks of people and community resources;
5) Navigational capital. Skills of maneuvering through social institutions that
historically have been created for white middle-class individuals;
6) Resistant capital. Knowledge and skills fostered through oppositional behavior that
challenges inequality.
These forms of capital are dynamic processes that build on one another and are not mutually
exclusive (Yosso, 2005).
Institutional Agents
Institutional agents, such as faculty, administrators, staff, or peers whom individuals
identify to have positively influenced their college success, can be a source of community
cultural wealth for minoritized students. Previous research found that institutional agents can
provide students with access to social capital, such as through connecting them to support
networks and educational opportunities, and provide them with important information that

25

facilitates their educational success in the college environment (Museus & Mueller, 2018;
Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Palmer & Maramba, 2015; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Institutional agents
provide students with navigational and linguistic capital by offering them valuable knowledge
and guidance on cultural norms and nuances, as well as supportive organizations and student
services, that equip them with the tools and space necessary to facilitate their successful
navigation of the college environment (Palmer & Maramba, 2015; Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Moreover, institutional agents can provide aspirational, familial, and resistant capital to
minoritized students through mentorship and role modeling behaviors. For example, in a
qualitative study conducted by Museus and Mueller (2018) on Southeast Asian American
(SEAA) college students, the authors found that institutional agents who shared common ground
with their SEAA students (i.e., familial capital), humanized the educational experience (i.e.,
familial capital), espoused proactive philosophies (i.e., resistant capital), and modeled a passion
for learning and success (i.e., aspirational capital) were able to influence SEAA students’ access
to social capital in college.
Institutional agents are key to providing community cultural wealth for minoritized
students, as they not only serve as bridges between them and social networks, but they are also
advocators, mentors, and role models who provide emotional support, moral support, and a
cultural community for minoritized students on college campuses.
An Anti-Deficit Approach
Scholars have identified the framing of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) as
“Model Minorities” in public discourse to be a key problem for this diverse population in higher
education (Poon et al., 2016; Ng et al., 2007; Museus, 2014). However, in undermining the
validity of the Model Minority Myth, such as debunking the idea of universal academic
achievement among AAPI students, some scholars have focused their attention on the

26

deficiencies found in some AAPI students to counter this stereotype (Poon et al., 2016). This
highlighting of educational failures among some AAPI students, such as Southeast Asian
Americans, assumes and advances a deficit framework that reproduces hegemonic ideologies
(Poon et al., 2016).
To counter deficit thinking in the educational arena, Harper (2012) developed an Anti-
Deficit Achievement Framework that exposes individuals, institutional, and other factors that
help minoritized students persist through college degree completion. This framework is intended
to identify resources (e.g., individual, familial, cultural, and communal) as well as policies,
practices, and structures that help minoritized students succeed educationally and professionally
(Harper, 2012).
The concepts of community cultural wealth and institutional agents were integral to the
framing of this study. Moreover, through an anti-deficit approach, this study aimed to highlight
the community cultural wealth of Chinese-Vietnamese students and more importantly, provide
them with a voice to share their narratives related to their college persistence, completion, and
success.
Conclusion
Through concepts from the literature on community cultural wealth, institutional agent,
and anti-deficit achievement, this study explored the educational experiences of Chinese-
Vietnamese American students that informed their college persistence, completion, and success.
Chapter Three discussed the research design and methodology that were used for the study.

27

Chapter Three
The Chinese-Vietnamese comprise approximately 25% of the Southeast Asian refugee
population, yet little is known about this population and the educational experiences of Chinese-
Vietnamese refugee children (Trieu, 2009). This study explored the lived experiences of students
from Chinese-Vietnamese refugee families and examined how that informed their college
persistence, completion, and success. The following research question guided this study: What
experiences shape social or cultural capital formation and foster academic success of Chinese-
Vietnamese college students in postsecondary educational settings?
Research Design and Methods
This qualitative case study included interviews with Chinese-Vietnamese college students
and examined how their lived experiences shaped their college persistence, completion, and
success. Participants first completed a survey that included demographic information and open-
ended qualitative questions. Results from the survey were used to determine the participant’s
qualifications for a follow-up one-hour, semi-structured interview.
Qualitative Methods
Qualitative methods were chosen for this study for its process-oriented and inductive
approach. Maxwell (2013) described process orientation as an approach that “tends to see the
world in terms of people, situations, events, and the processes that connect these; explanation is
based on an analysis of how some situations and events influence others” (p. 29). Moreover, the
inductive process allows for researchers to gather data from the field to build concepts and
theories, rather than deductively testing hypotheses as in quantitative research (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016).
Qualitative methods were also chosen for their richly descriptive nature; words and
pictures rather than numbers were used to convey what the researchers have learned about a

28

particular phenomenon (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As such, qualitative methods were used for
this study as its goal was to get an understanding of how Chinese-Vietnamese American college
students constructed their worldview, and how they interpreted and made meaning of their
experiences in an educational context. In particular, this study used interviewing as a data
collection technique, as interviewing gleaned direct quotations from the research participants
about their experiences, knowledge, opinions, and feelings (Patton, 2015).
This study used a qualitative survey and interviews as data collection tools. A survey that
consisted of demographic and qualitative questions did not only gather information-rich and
relevant data, but it was used to select participants for the interviews. In addition, interviews
were chosen to glean direct quotations from the research participants about their experiences,
knowledge, opinions, and feelings (Patton, 2015). In particular, this study used person-to-person
interviews, in which one person elicits information from another through a purposeful
conversation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Interviewing was necessary for this study as I was not
only interested in learning about the research participants’ current experiences, but I was also
interested to learn about their past experiences. Thus, interviewing was an integral data
collection method for this study, as the richness and descriptive data offered by a process-
oriented interview technique would not have been achieved through closed questioning that
characterized quantitative methodology.
Population and Sample
The target population was Chinese-Vietnamese American undergraduate and graduate
students, from 4-year colleges and universities, to elicit diverse perspectives. Considering that
undergraduate and graduate students were at different stages in their development (e.g.,
academic, social, political, cultural, and racial-ethnic), interviewing participants in both groups
provided rich data that detailed the lived experiences of this specific population.

29

The selection of participants was based on their responses to the survey on issues such as
family’s refugee history, location of ethnic origin, language spoken, generation status, and
educational background. Chinese-Vietnamese students from the Los Angeles metropolitan area,
Orange County, as well as San Francisco Bay Area were primarily targeted due to the sizeable
Chinese-Vietnamese population in these areas. The participants were recruited from Asian
American and Pacific Islander student organizations, Asian American studies classes, and
community-based organizations that serviced Asian American and Pacific Islander individuals.
Purposeful sampling was used to select 12 interview participants. Purposeful sampling, as
defined by Maxwell (2013), is a strategy that selects particular settings, persons, or activities that
deliberately provides information that is relevant to the research questions and goals. Moreover,
snowball sampling was used, and each participant was asked for referrals to other participants
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As this study focused particularly on the experiences of Chinese-
Vietnamese American students in college settings, which is an Asian sub-group that is relatively
underrepresented in higher education, these sampling techniques were useful strategies to recruit
participants from this specific population.
The process of participant selection occurred in two phases. In the first phase, interested
participants completed a survey that solicited demographic information such as their racial and
ethnic background, generation status, educational background, as well as family background.
Furthermore, some general qualitative questions were asked to gather information pertinent to
this study. The purpose of the survey was to not only determine whether the participant met the
criteria for the study, but to also gather written qualitative data that was otherwise not easily
captured through verbal articulation. If the participant met the criteria, the participant entered the
second phase and was invited for a one-hour interview to glean further insight about his or her
lived experiences that informed his or her college persistence, completion, and success.

30

The goal for the sample was 12 to 15 students, representing an equal balance between
students from 4-year universities, as well as male-female and undergraduate-graduate students.
The actual number participating was 12. In addition, I recruited from both Northern and Southern
California to collect information-rich data for this specific Asian sub-population. This goal
ensured that the sampling reached a point of saturation or redundancy (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
Theoretical Framework
In this theoretical framework, community cultural wealth in the form of aspirational,
navigational, social, linguistic, familial, and resistant capital (Yosso, 2005) and institutional
agents played important roles in shaping the lived experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese students
in educational and societal contexts. In particular, institutional agents were instrumental in
providing Chinese-Vietnamese students with the community cultural wealth necessary to persist
through college degree completion. A successful outcome from a college education was beyond
academic achievement; in this framework, college success was demonstrated on three levels:
individual, institutional, and societal.
This theoretical framework also utilized an anti-deficit approach to counter deficit
thinking that has dominated educational scholarship on minoritized students. Through an anti-
deficit approach, this framework focused on narratives of strength and resiliency of Chinese-
Vietnamese students as so-called “twice-minorities,” as well as highlighted how community
resources have helped these students succeed both educationally and professionally. Figure 1
highlighted the core constructs of this framework.

31

Figure 1

Theoretical Framework

Instrumentation
A qualitative survey and semi-structured interviews served as the data collection
instruments for this study. The instruments were informed by a review of literature on the
historical context of the Southeast Asian American immigration and educational experience, the
Chinese-Vietnamese community, and the community cultural wealth framework.
Survey
The survey questions were guided by the research question and key concepts of the study.
The survey consisted of 17 demographic questions and 4 open-ended qualitative questions. The
demographic questions sought information about the participant’s racial and ethnic background,
generation status, educational background, family background, as well as the location of
residence. In addition, the open-ended qualitative questions followed and focused on the

32

participant’s perception of their Chinese-Vietnamese identity in relation to their lived
experiences in the areas of family and/or cultural engagement, community support, and college
student experience. The survey concluded with a question that determined a participant’s interest
in partaking in a voluntary one-hour follow-up interview with the researcher.
The survey questions went through several iterative processes and were reviewed and
changed based on dissertation chair feedback, peer comments, as well as insights learned from
the first survey respondent. This iterative process was necessary to ensure that the survey
questions aligned with the research question and the overall goals of the study.
Interview Protocol
The interview protocol consisted of 16 questions designed in a semi-structured format.
This format was selected for its flexibility between structured and unstructured and was guided
by a list of questions or interest areas to be explored, with no predetermined wording or order
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This semi-structured format allowed the researcher to respond to the
situation, emerging worldview of the research respondents, as well as new ideas in real time
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Similar to the survey, the interview protocol went through an iterative process and was
reviewed with multiple individuals to ensure that the questions were pertinent to the research
study. The interview questions were drawn from Patton’s (2015) six types of interviewing
questions: 1) experience and behavior, 2) opinion and values, 3) feeling, 4) knowledge, 5)
sensory, and 6) background/demographic (Patton, 2015). Moreover, the interview questions
centered around the research question and key concepts of this study, specifically racial and
ethnic identity development, community/cultural engagement and support, as well as college
student experiences. The research question and key concepts were critical in creating guiding

33

questions that provided rich insight into the lived experiences that shaped Chinese-Vietnamese
college students’ completion and success.
Data Collection
The participants were recruited through college student organizations and community-
based organizations that served the Asian American and Pacific Islander population. A
recruitment e-mail was sent to multiple AAPI listservs to request study participants that were
representative of diverse college institutions, such as Asian Pacific American Student
Development Offices and Southeast Asian American student organizations. Additionally, based
on referrals received from key individuals of these AAPI organizations, I sent targeted e-mails to
those identified as meeting the criteria for the study.
Process
The data was collected in two separate phases: (1) survey data collection and (2)
interview data collection. In phase one, a survey via Qualtrics was e-mailed to prospective
participants. The survey consisted of 21 questions that were designed to not only gather
demographic information about the participants, but it was also used to determine the eligibility
of the participants for a voluntary follow-up interview. Although it was requested that all
participants complete the survey in its entirety, however, it was not a requirement. In addition,
the survey was not timed, and responses were confidential.
The survey did not ask for any information that identified the participants’ real names,
unless the participants elected to participate in a follow-up interview in which they needed to
provide their contact information. The request for their contact information was the last question
of the survey and was optional. Participants were e-mailed an Information Sheet along with the
survey link that detailed the overview and procedures of the study, risks and discomforts,
confidentiality, as well as their alternatives to participation.

34

Phase two was the interview. Selected participants who confirmed their interest to
participate in a one-hour interview were contacted via e-mail to schedule a time for the
interview. In the e-mail message, the purpose of the study, expected interview length, as well as
an incentive for participation was shared with the participants.
The interview was through a videoconferencing platform. An interview protocol was
used to guide the discussion and consisted of 16 questions in a semi-structured format.
Furthermore, all interviews were audio recorded, which did not only improve the questioning
technique, but it also ensured that the conversations were preserved for data analysis (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Moreover, notetaking supplemented the audio recording, as it provided an
opportunity to jot down my raw thoughts and follow-up probing questions.
Prior to the start of the interview, the participants were provided a copy of the
Information Sheet, which detailed the overview and procedures of the study, the interview
process, risks and discomforts, incentive, as well as their alternatives to participation. For their
voluntary participation, all interview participants were provided a small incentive in the form of
a store gift card.
Confidentiality
The study did not include any information that identified the participants in the
dissertation. To keep the information safe, the survey was kept in a password-protected computer
and the audio file of the interviews was placed in a locked file cabinet until a written word-for-
word copy of the discussion was created. The survey and audio recordings were subsequently
deleted after a de-identified written copy of the survey and interview were produced.
Both data from the survey and interview were stored on a computer that was password-
protected and special coding was used to protect the information. To protect confidentiality, real
names were not used in the written copy of the discussion. The written copy of the study data

35

was kept by the researcher for future research about the Chinese-Vietnamese college student
population.
Data Analysis
Data analysis was done simultaneously with data collection in order to ensure that the
data was focused, not repetitious, and manageable (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Some strategies
that were used while collecting data included writing researcher’s comments and memos, as well
as planning future data collection sessions (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). This simultaneous analysis
approach allowed for the space to generate new ideas, revise the interview protocols, as well as
be reminded of the research question.
The survey and interview data were analyzed thematically to identify commonalities,
differences, and relationships (Harding, 2013). For the interview data, a combination of a priori
and empirical codes were used to conduct a comprehensive thematic analysis. Harding (2013)
explained that “a priori codes are created to reflect categories that are already of interest before
the research has begun; empirical codes are derived while reading through the data, as points of
importance and commonality are identified” (p. 82). The process of coding the data included
identifying initial categories based on reading the survey responses and interview transcripts;
writing codes alongside the transcripts and field notes; reviewing the list of codes, revising the
categories, and organizing codes into categories; and looking for themes and findings in each
category (Harding, 2013).
The simultaneous data collection and analysis technique, coupled with using a
combination of a priori and empirical coding, provided strong grounding for collecting and
analyzing rich data about the Chinese-Vietnamese college student experiences. Additionally, this
data analysis process allowed me to interrogate the data and stimulate conceptual thinking to
make meaning of the data.

36

Validity
Credibility and trustworthiness are concerns of qualitative research and can be
approached through careful attention to the study’s conceptualization as well as the way in which
the data are collected, analyzed, interpreted, and presented (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To ensure
credibility and trustworthiness in my finding, I employed triangulation via multiple methods and
peer review/examination as strategies to rule out validity threats. These strategies primarily
operated not by verifying conclusions, but by testing the validity of the conclusions and if any
potential threats exist (Maxwell, 2013).
For this study, triangulation was used by multiple methods of data collection to confirm
emergent findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The multiple methods of data collection included
surveys and interviews, which were checked against each other to increase the credibility of the
research. Moreover, triangulation was used by multiple sources of data, where survey data was
compared and cross-checked at different times, and interview data was compared and cross-
checked from different people with varied perspectives within the participant group.
Triangulation was a critical strategy to increase credibility and trustworthiness as it countered the
concern that this study’s findings may be systematically biased due to a single method or source.
Furthermore, another strategy that was used to rule out validity threats was peer review or
peer examination. This strategy called for a thorough examination by a colleague to review the
raw data and assess whether the findings were plausible, based on the data (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). For this study, I utilized the peer review or peer examination strategy on multiple
occasions, including during discussions with peers and feedback from the dissertation
committee. This peer review or peer examination strategy was an important tool to ensure
credible and trustworthy findings.

37

Role of Researcher
As the researcher who was the primary data collection instrument, I was required to
identify personal values, assumptions, and biases that I bring to the study (Creswell, 2014). My
interest in higher education and in particular, the Chinese-Vietnamese student population, was
shaped by my personal experiences as a first-generation college student from a Chinese-
Vietnamese refugee family.
Throughout my childhood years and into adolescence, I grappled with my identity as I
did not understand what it meant to be ethnically Chinese with a familial history in Vietnam. In
my household, although we spoke Cantonese and practiced Chinese cultural traditions, my
family’s stories of living and fleeing Vietnam as refugees were also interwoven into our
upbringing. My family’s Vietnam War refugee experience, coupled with the subtle Vietnamese
influences, raised questions for me regarding how Vietnamese fit into my ethnic identity. In
addition, throughout my primary and secondary education, I would question my sense of
belonging in my own ethnic community, as I was seemingly considered neither “Chinese
enough” nor “Vietnamese enough.”
My undergraduate experience at the University of California, Berkeley, was a revelation.
My enrollment in Asian American Studies courses provided me with the historical context of the
Vietnam War and its subsequent impact on the refugee experience. It was also in college that I
was exposed to the “Chinese-Vietnamese” ethnic identity. My involvement in Asian/Pacific
Islander and Southeast Asian American student organizations further solidified what it meant to
be a Chinese-Vietnamese American. However, this revelation quickly turned into an area of
inquiry. Despite the Chinese-Vietnamese being a sizeable population in the community where I
grew up, many people remained unaware of the historical and resettlement experience of this
population. Moreover, the dearth and exclusion of academic research about this population as it

38

relates to the Southeast Asian American and/or Vietnam War refugee experience influenced my
desire for further inquiry.
I believe that my personal experience as a Chinese-Vietnamese individual working in
higher education enhanced my awareness and sensitivity of the challenges encountered by the
participants of this study. However, I understood that due to my identity as a Chinese-
Vietnamese, I also brought certain biases to the study. For example, as an insider researcher (i.e.,
Chinese-Vietnamese studying the Chinese-Vietnamese), my narrative and personal investment in
this population potentially impacted how I viewed, collected, and interpreted the data. To ensure
objectivity, I made sure to put forth every effort to address my biases while engaging with the
participants and the data, such as reviewing my findings with peers.
Conclusion
Through a qualitative approach, this study used a qualitative survey and semi-structured
interviews to collect information rich data about the educational experiences of Chinese-
Vietnamese college students in the United States. Findings were organized by emergent themes
and presented in Chapter Four.

39

Chapter Four
This qualitative case study examined how the lived experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese
college students shaped their college persistence, completion, and success. Data was collected
from students who met the following criteria: (1) being of Chinese-Vietnamese descent and (2)
pursuing a postsecondary education either at the undergraduate or graduate level.
Data collection occurred in two phases. In the first phase, survey data was collected to
not only glean information about the participants’ demographic and related experiences, but it
was also used as a tool to determine their eligibility for a voluntary follow-up interview. Of the
21 survey respondents, 12 were selected as participants for the phase two interview.
Demographic Information of the Participants
The sample for the study included individuals from different gender identities,
immigration backgrounds, educational levels, languages spoken, regions of the United States,
and generation status (both U.S. and college). Some noteworthy characteristics of the sample
included equal representation of male-female gender identities; Cantonese (5), Teochiu (5), and
Vietnamese (2) as second languages spoken at home; 75% and 67% were undergraduate and
first-generation college students, respectively; and 75% attended a college in Southern
California. It is also important to note that three of the participants’ families were from
immigrant backgrounds. Although they were not officially classified as refugees, their families
migrated to the United States by way of sponsorship from relatives who were Vietnamese
refugees. As the lived experiences of these three participants were relevant to this study, they
were therefore not excluded. Table 2 displays demographic information of the interview
participants, including their racial and ethnic identity.

Table 2
Demographic Information of Interview Participants
Participant Gender Generation
Status
Family’s
Immigration
Background
Preferred
Ethnic
Identity
Preferred
Racial
Category
Language
Spoken at
Home
Educational
Level
First-
generation
college
Location
of
Residence
Ada Female Second Refugee Chinese-
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Teochiu Undergraduate Yes Southern
CA
Allison Female Second Refugee Chinese-
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Cantonese Undergraduate Yes Southern
CA
Brian Male Second Refugee Chinese-
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Cantonese Undergraduate Yes Southern
CA
David Male Second Refugee Chinese-
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Teochiu Undergraduate No Southern
CA
Emma Female Second Refugee Chinese-
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Cantonese Graduate Yes Northern
CA
George Male 1.5 Immigrant* Chinese-
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Vietnamese Undergraduate No Southern
CA
Joey Female Second Refugee Chinese-
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Teochiu Graduate No Southern
CA
Karen Female Second Refugee Chinese and
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Teochiu Undergraduate No Southern
CA
40
1

Participant Gender Generation
Status
Family’s
Immigration
Background
Preferred
Ethnic
Identity
Preferred
Racial
Category
Language
Spoken at
Home
Educational
Level
First-
generation
college
Location
of
Residence
Ken Male Second Refugee Chinese-
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Vietnamese Undergraduate Yes Northern
CA
Paul Male Second Immigrant* Chinese-
Vietnamese
Southeast
Asian
Cantonese Undergraduate Yes Northern
CA
Rebecca Female Second Immigrant* Chinese-
Vietnamese
Asian
American
Teochiu Undergraduate Yes Southern
CA
Vincent Male Second Refugee Chinese East Asian Cantonese Graduate Yes Southern
CA

Note. * Denotes family that arrived at the United States as immigrants, by way of sponsorship from relatives of Vietnam refugee
background.

41
1

42

Findings
The interviews with the 12 participants yielded information-rich and diverse data that
revealed valuable narratives of Chinese-Vietnamese students from refugee backgrounds. Because
there is limited academic research and general knowledge about the Chinese-Vietnamese
community, the participants were eager to discuss their experiences and were excited about the
prospect of contributing to scholarship about their community. During the interviews, the
participants often shared that this project was meaningful to them, as it provided them with a
space and voice to discuss their distinctive lived experiences.
Data analysis examining a priori and empirical codes identified five themes that
influenced the academic success of Chinese-Vietnamese college students. The themes are as
follows: (1) Family Historical Narratives; (2) Navigating Racial and Ethnic Identity
Complexities; (3) Connecting Identity and Community; (4) Mentors; and (5) College
Environment. In addition, this study found that these Chinese-Vietnamese college student
participants, while coming from vastly different demographic backgrounds, all shared a common
definition of what “college success” looked like. This definition of success was beyond the scope
of academics and included individual success, such as personal growth and development, as well
as their commitment to make positive contributions to society.
Some of the data from this study were clearly connected to forms of capital identified in
Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth Model. In those instances, I have referenced those
various types of capital, including aspirational, linguistic, familial, social, navigational, and
resistant. Table 3 shows the five themes in connection with Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural
Wealth Model.

43

Table 3
Themes in Connection with Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth Model

Family
Historical
Narrative
Navigating
Racial and
Ethnic
Identity
Complexities
Connecting
Identity and
Community
Mentors
College
Environment
Aspirational
Capital
X X X X
Linguistic
Capital
X X X
Familial Capital X X X X X
Social Capital X X X X X
Navigational
Capital
X X X X X
Resistant
Capital
X X X X X

Family Historical Narratives
The interviews often centered the participants’ family historical narratives, which
included stories and recollections about the Vietnam War, their migration to the United States, as
well as their related resettlement experience. These historical narratives were shared openly and
in great detail by the participants, often without prompting. Interviews of all 12 Chinese-
Vietnamese student participants revealed that their family’s migration experience shaped their
upbringing. Nine out of 12 participants shared a common refugee narrative of their parents
fleeing the aftermath of the Vietnam War by boat, settling in refugee or reeducation camps with
harsh living conditions, and eventually receiving sponsorship to come to the United States. Some
44

reported their families faced discrimination as they were ethnic Chinese living in Vietnam. Ken
discussed his family’s dangerous refugee resettlement experience:
My dad was born and raised in Vietnam, and I believe it was Saigon, now known as Ho
Chi Minh City. When he was 14, he fled Vietnam by boat so he was a boat refugee.
Because of the Vietnam War and things like that and then communism, he left with his
brother at age 14, I believe, but it was unsuccessful at first and he did get caught by the
Vietcong and then sent to reeducation camp or labor camp and stayed there for one to two
years and then was bailed out. [He] then attempted to flee again via boat, and this time he
was successful and ended up staying in a refugee camp in the Philippines, which then
someone from the U.S. sponsored him to come to America and he eventually migrated to
and stayed in Salinas, California, where I was born. After my dad stayed in the U.S. for a
long time and got his U.S. citizenship, he eventually went back to Vietnam to visit [his]
mom and met my mom there. So, my mom actually lived through Vietnam during and
after the Vietnam War[.]
Applying Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth framework, Ken’s familial narrative
offered evidence of resistant capital to survive political persecution, navigational capital to flee
war-torn Vietnam, and aspirational capital to build a better future in America.
David shared a similar family refugee narrative and recounted the experience his parents
faced with discrimination as ethnic Chinese in Vietnam:
So, the story of my parents. I know that story so well because they are always reminding
me where they come from and how hard it was. They originated from the city of Can
Tho, which is a small city and southern side. A bit south of Saigon, and in the Mekong
Delta area. So, a very market type of city[.] When the Communist takeover happened,
45

they wanted to flee. My understanding, it wasn't exactly the communist takeover that
directly made them leave but it was more the way they were treated afterward. They felt
like they were targeted specifically and sometimes they say that it's because they're
Chinese and other times they feel otherwise, but that might have been a factor…. So, my
mom, she talks about leaving starting like in the 80s; she was arrested a couple times, she
got to be in refugee camp for like a year in the Philippines, [and] finally made it in 1988
and settled down here.
David’s narrative of his family facing discrimination as ethnic Chinese in Vietnam showed
evidence of resistant, navigational, familial, and aspirational capital. Coming to the United States
was not an easy nor safe journey, as David clearly articulated. However, with his parents’
resourcefulness, resiliency, and drive to flee, they were able to make it to the United States
successfully.
Emma shared a different narrative, which included her parents’ involvement in the
Vietnamese military, the discrimination they faced as ethnic Chinese who lived in Vietnam, and
subsequent fleeing by boat after the fall of Saigon:
[My parents] were forced to serve in the military for the Vietnamese against the U.S. and
then once the [Vietnam] war ended, they were kind of discarded and were told that all the
[ethnic Chinese] Vietnamese people in [northern] area in Vietnam had to leave Vietnam
and go back to China. So then, they ended up making the two-week trek up and they
ended up getting on a boat somewhere and landing in Hong Kong, but they did it
separately. I think my dad went first by himself. My mom went with her brother, and then
the rest of their family stayed back in Vietnam.
46

Emma’s family utilized their resistant, navigational, and aspirational capital to combat ethnic
discrimination and political persecution in Vietnam. Despite her family members having separate
journeys, they nonetheless were able to rely on their familial, linguistic, and social capital to find
each other post-flight from the war.
The historical narratives about these families’ migration experience and their resulting
navigation of war, flight, and trauma helped inform their development of capital as they resettled
in the United States. Applying the framework of Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, 2005),
they carried with them resistant capital to survive and combat political persecution in Vietnam,
aspirational capital to seek for a better future for their families in the United States, and honed in
on their navigational, familial, linguistic, and social capital as they resettled in the United States
as refugees.
Cultural and Familial Values
Through listening to their family’s historical narratives, the participants identified the
cultural and familial values that motivated them to do well in school. All 12 participants
indicated that their academic goals and educational trajectory were influenced by their
motivation to be successful and repay their parents for their sacrifices. Joey shared,
Growing up, I always kind of had this mentality that you know, we went through so much
to get here. And so, we want what's best for our kids. We want our kids to not have to go
through the struggles that we did, which I think is very common with a lot of refugee
parents and I think because of that, they really like pushed us—me and my siblings—
really hard to just succeed in everything, because we don't have it as bad as they did
when they were younger, and so they wanted us to do as well as we could.
David echoed this sentiment, adding,
47

As a refugee, I feel like my mom always had a chip on her shoulder like what that meant,
financially, was always trying to pinch every penny out that she could possibly do. Or
whether that’s in education, always trying to push me to, you know, be the best that I can.
I guess the overarching narrative was just to make her sacrifice worth it. You know, she
risked her life basically to cross the Pacific Ocean to get here. And so growing up, yeah,
that was the whole attitude. Oh like, you're my sacrifice—you’re the product of my
sacrifice—very blatantly so… obviously, that motivated me to do well in school and put
in 100% effort, whatever I can.
The narratives from Joey and David offered evidence of Yosso’s (2005) familial capital of filial
piety, resistant capital to persevere in the face of social and/or academic barriers, and aspirational
capital to be successful so that they can repay their parents for their sacrifices.
Furthermore, Emma witnessed the struggles of her parents and turned them into
motivation to succeed. She further elaborated,
I saw how my mom, [a] really, really smart individual, didn't get the opportunity to go to
college or go to high school because of the war. And so, I feel like when you see that and
you see that people were kind of robbed of the opportunity to go to school or be better,
and you see them come to America where they come with nothing and then they make
something of themselves, like it's really highly motivational to see that happen…. And so
I feel like just seeing how hard [my parents] worked and learning about their upbringing
and all the stuff that they've had to experience like through the war, through growing up
in a country that, you know, people kind of treated them badly, treated them poorly. And
so, I feel like you didn't have an excuse to not succeed; I just feel like it was kind of
innate in me and my siblings that we had to.
48

Similarly, Yosso’s (2005) familial, resistant, and aspirational capital were shown through
Emma’s narrative. Through witnessing her parents’ struggles, she was motivated to do well
academically so that she can uplift and advance her family in society.
Multiple respondents from the survey supported the findings as discussed by the
interview participants. One respondent shared the following narrative:
My academic success is due in large part to my parents and my heritage. Don’t get me
wrong, I love science and have always had a fascination for it, but my driving influence
was working as hard as I could to carry on my family’s mission of escaping oppression
and war to better the lives of generations to come…. And now, I will start [graduate]
school to study Immunology in hopes of creating vaccines to combat emerging &
infectious diseases, something that has heavily affected Vietnam & China in the past and
present.
These sentiments expressed by the research participants revealed common cultural and familial
values of family sacrifice, resilience, and filial piety (i.e., familial capital in the Community
Cultural Wealth framework) as motivators for them to be successful on all fronts, be it
academically, socially, and/or professionally. To these student participants, being successful is
not only one’s accomplishment, but it is also a collective accomplishment that uplifts their
family and ethnic community.
Navigating Racial and Ethnic Identity Complexities
Interviews from all 12 Chinese-Vietnamese student participants found that navigating
complexities around their racial and ethnic identity played a critical role in shaping their
upbringing, which subsequently had a positive impact on their academic goals and related
experiences. The student participants, while they all had experiences coming from a family of
49

ethnic Chinse from Vietnam background, developed preferred racial and ethnic identities through
their lived experiences and related exposures.
For this student participant group, 10 out of 12 preferred to identify as Southeast Asian,
while one preferred Asian American and another preferred East Asian. Furthermore, 10 out of 12
student participants preferred to identify as Chinese-Vietnamese, while one preferred to identify
as Chinese and another preferred to identify as both Chinese and Vietnamese. Despite these
preferences, all 12 participants shared a common narrative of confusion with their multiple-
ethnic background, growing up in the United States as a 1.5 or 2nd generation American. More
specifically, many of these participants shared a common sentiment about not feeling “Chinese
enough” or “Vietnamese enough,” as the questioning of their belongingness to these ethnic
communities continued into college. Ada described this clearly:
Growing up, I always just said I was Chinese-Vietnamese because that's what I am, like
biologically, I am Chinese-Vietnamese, nothing more to it. But going into college, I felt
even more disconnected because I don't speak Cantonese or Mandarin. I don't speak
Vietnamese. You know, I'm not Chinese enough, but I'm not Vietnamese enough.
Technically, I’m ethnically Teochiu, but people don't really know what that is. And so,
it's like, oh, that's not really Chinese, but it is…. And that's what I've grown up with, a
mix of both, but I don't feel fully either one.
George echoed this sentiment of ongoing ethnic identify conflict, confusion, and belongingness,
adding,
Learning more about these different [Chinese and Vietnamese] cultures kind of made me
question like, okay, well, do I feel more like this or do I feel more like that. And then at
50

the same time, feeling of fitting in, but also not fitting in. And then it's an ongoing
predicament that I am still trying to figure out.
Narratives from Ada and George offered evidence of familial and linguistic capital. Although
they continued to navigate the complexities around their racial and ethnic identities, they
nonetheless utilized their cultural knowledge and language skillsets to further explore these
identities.
While this identity conundrum remained prevalent to student participants of Chinese-
Vietnamese background, some discussed the journey towards ethnic identity clarity in college.
Karen shared,
I just feel like before, I kind of considered myself as Chinese, even though my last name
is clearly Vietnamese. But over the years, I guess my knowledge of everything has
widened so much and in reality, I don't know anything about Chinese history, but with
Vietnamese history, I’ve learned so much, especially in college. My knowledge has
broadened so much. And after realizing what Vietnamese immigrants had to face and the
struggles they had to go through to come here as refugees and learning about the war and
learning about just everything, it helped me see that because I was able to be born here,
and my parents had to go through so much, that it kind of motivated me to try to be
better, I guess, and just keep moving forward even though it might take a while.
Other participants discussed their family’s intergenerational conflict and related silence
as a motivation to learn about and confirm one’s own family narrative and ethnic identity. David
explained how he navigated difficult and often silent one-way conversations with his father
about the aftermath of the Vietnam War:
51

I don't know too much about [my dad’s] side of the story, he’s a bit sensitive talking
about it…I don't like prodding him because I know it can be difficult. It's difficult for me
to even pull it out of him because he just kind of close up. He just goes quiet…I would
definitely say that he's a bit ashamed that he had to struggle so hard and now that he's in
America, I think, it's contributed a bit to his outlook on life.
Allison further described her journey of exploring her family historical narrative in college,
despite silence and resistance from her parents in sharing those traumatic details:
I'd like to do oral history interviews with [my mom], but she’s more secretive than my
dad is so I don't actually know awfully a lot…. So I actually did not find out that my
family, well my parents, were refugees until I came into college. I thought they just
migrated from Vietnam, because they never spoke about their experiences until I took an
ethnic studies class at school, and then I learned about Southeast Asian refugees and the
Vietnam War. But I think maybe it's because my parents have gone through a lot of
trauma as a result of fleeing the Vietnam War. I think my siblings and I talk about it and
sometimes, my siblings would say, oh, I think our dad has mental health issues and the
effects by the way he interacts with us, and I can see that as well.
Although these Chinese-Vietnamese student participants were met with intergenerational
conflicts, they nonetheless took on a positive attitude to seek knowledge about their historical
narrative and subsequently, embraced the Chinese-Vietnamese identity as an intentional choice.
Joey elaborated,
I think I find my parents’ refugee story to be a very important part of who I am, who they
are. And so, by not identifying more explicitly or clearly as Chinese-Vietnamese
American, I feel like I'm erasing that part of myself where I'm not being fair or I feel like
52

I'm abandoning that part of my identity, which I don't think it's something that I want to
do. [The Chinese-Vietnamese identity] is something I'm proud of, that they were refugees
and that they are here and that they've made it so far, because I think it shows a sort of
strength in them. And so, I think that's the main reason why I chose to identify that way.
The participants’ knowledge-seeking behaviors and shift in attitude exemplified Yosso’s (2005)
resistant, familial, navigational, and aspirational capital. Despite the resistance they faced, they
nonetheless turned it into an opportunity to learn more about their historical narratives toward
solidification of their own racial and ethnic identities.
Furthermore, other student participants shared that due to their experiences of coming
from a multiple-ethnic background, the choice to identify as Chinese-Vietnamese was situational
and depended on the context. David articulated it in this way:
I would formally identify as a Chinese-Vietnamese Asian American. When I was
younger, I was inclined to simplify my ethnicity into being "half Vietnamese and half
Chinese." However, this is not true as my parents are both "hoa kieu" or overseas Chinese
that are Vietnamese culturally but not ethnically. More specifically, they are both
southern Chinese, with distinct differences from mainstream Mandarin Chinese both
culturally and linguistically. How I identify myself changes depending on my social
context, as I feel it is a long conversation to explain this coherently…. You know,
sometimes around Vietnamese folks I feel more Chinese and with Chinese folks, I feel
more Vietnamese. And I guess wherever I am the differences become more magnified.
And I think I'm most comfortable with that identity and that heterogeneity when I'm with
my own people. You know, in my own community.
53

As the Chinese-Vietnamese identity is complex and requires mental effort to explain, some
Chinese-Vietnamese student participants may choose to share their ethnic identity based on the
context and their mental, emotional, and spatial capacity. This strategy of disclosing by intention
is used to navigate various spaces and contexts, showing evidence of navigational, linguistic, and
familial capital.
Despite these complexities, all of these participants shared that being ethnically Chinese-
Vietnamese is advantageous, such as possessing multiple language skillsets (i.e., linguistic
capital) and adapting to various cultures seamlessly in order to navigate different contexts (i.e.,
familial, social, and navigational capital). George spoke to the adaptability and versatility of
being an individual with multiple ethnic backgrounds:
I think being a student with various ethnic backgrounds really helped bring a lot of
interesting perspectives to my community. At the same time, growing up with multiple
ethnic identities also meant I have adopted various values and cultural tools that I can
code switch in various situations, ultimately helping me to become a very adaptable and
versatile person. I think my ethnic identity has also helped open up a lot of doors and
helped me meet a lot of people from different groups.
The Chinese-Vietnamese ethnic identity, while can be complex, is nonetheless critical in
shaping the lived experiences of these Chinese-Vietnamese student participants. Their multiple-
ethnic background provided them with the necessary tools (i.e., navigational, familial, and social
capital) and skillsets (i.e., linguistic and resistant capital) to not only navigate challenging
circumstances, but it also provided them with the critical disposition that is necessary to thrive
and be successful as 1.5 and/or 2
nd
generation American.
54

Resilience
All 12 participants discussed how their lived experiences as Chinese-Vietnamese
Americans provided them with the tools to navigate systemic barriers and racist encounters. Ada
vividly recalled her experience of navigating a toxic K-12 educational environment:
I just think there was a lot of favoritism and I personally think that the teachers have
ended up focusing a lot on the students who seem to be doing well and leaving behind the
students that weren't doing well. And with that sort of practice going on, it's just creating
a bigger gap between students doing well and students not doing well. [Growing] up, I
was not very good at school at all. I think I barely passed a lot of my classes and so I’m
not sure what the reasoning for that is, but I definitely don't think that my teachers have
personally helped me in that…. Yeah, there was just a very weird atmosphere where there
are certain students who are deemed as just better, like it was agreed upon throughout the
entire grade that oh, these few students were the “smart” students and then these few
students were “no hope” students and I thought it was just very sad.
Karen shared a similar K-12 education narrative where her educational system failed her, which
resulted in reliance on her own resilience and motivation to navigate around systemic barriers:
Even thinking back, now I heavily, heavily regret those three years of my life because I
feel like if I didn't go to [that middle school], I could be at a much better [place], as I feel
like middle school is kind of where you build your foundation of knowledge and start
learning about your life. But when I went to [that middle school], I learned nothing.
Nobody cared. The students didn’t care there, the teachers didn't care about you…. Going
to high school, that's when I realized I don't know anything. Even though I was high
achieving in elementary school, now that I wasted three years, in high school, I am kind
55

of far behind so I have to try harder. [In] class, I felt like I couldn't even write even
though I was trying so hard to write those critical analysis essays and just trying my best.
In the end, the teacher just kept giving me B- or C in my papers. I guess over time, I was
able to push myself to learn more and try harder in high school. And I guess that's how I
was able to end up here at [this university]. But it became a lot harder, that gap just
widened even further and it’s just a lot harder to adjust afterward.
Ken’s K-12 educational experiences were similar to Karen’s, although they both attended vastly
distinctive school systems in different parts of California. He discussed experiences of
navigating an educational system that was not set up for his learning needs, and recalled being
placed in a Spanish-speaking English language development program where he was the only
Asian student in the class:
The schools I went to were majority Mexican/Latino/Hispanic; since English wasn't my
first language—it was my third language, Cantonese first then Vietnamese then
English—they put me in an English second language learning program [that spoke
Spanish]. So, a lot of the instruction was in Spanish, and I struggled to understand what
they say in another language and also trying to learn English at the same time. And also,
it was really confusing because there were no other Asian people there or Asian teachers
during that time…. So yeah, it was very hard at first, just like not being able to speak the
language or understand what people were saying. But over time, I think I just got used to
it after talking and practicing.
Moreover, Emma shared the experience of giving birth to her son during the second year of
college and her subsequent decision to persist towards college completion, despite incredible
hardship:
56

I know [the pregnancy] was my fault. And I think that's maybe one of the best qualities
that my mom kind of taught me—resilience, right, like I can't say that I was the type to be
moping about my situation because I know that I brought the situation on myself.
Obviously, my family was not happy about [the pregnancy] but what do I do to make the
best of it. And so it was kind of like, I need to come up with a game plan. When I found
out I was pregnant, I got a lot of support at [my college] from the OB/GYN there and
they referred me to [student] family housing, which I had no idea about…. So I actually
took a year off when I had my son, and then I came back and I took like a double amount
of units to graduate on time.
These lived experiences conveyed a common narrative of resilience and self-navigation around
perceived systemic barriers within an academic context, which were evidence of resistant and
navigational capital. For many of these Chinese-Vietnamese student participants, cultural values
(or familial capital), coupled with stories of their family’s migration and resettlement experience,
attributed to their resilience and desire to succeed academically, even if the odds were not in
their favor.
Furthermore, 50% of the Chinese-Vietnamese participants described their experiences
with the Model Minority Myth and its negative impact on their educational journey. For
example, Allison talked about how her high school felt segregated, perhaps due to the
“perception that Asian Americans are smarter compared to Latinx folks.” Allison went on to
share that her school tended to place Asian American students in the Advanced Placement or
Honors track while placing Latinx students in regular classes. This systemic action, while it may
not have been intentional, furthered the racial division and exacerbation of the Model Minority
Myth.
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Vincent added another perspective and spoke about his experience in high school as the
only Asian American football player:
I played football for a few years. And being Asian on the football team, coaches would
have a bias on your capability. I do recall a time when I was a ninth-grader and one of the
starting players got hurt. I had to confront the coach and say, hey, can you give me a
chance to show you what I got? And fortunately, he was open and gave me the
opportunity to play and start one of the games. So, it was pretty cool. And I have a
nickname—A train [and] the A was for Asian train.
Although Vincent encountered racial biases that undermined his capabilities and was provided
with a racist nickname, he nevertheless challenged these encounters and persisted; the resistant
and navigational capital he developed from this racialized experience, along with countless
others throughout his life, helped him to develop the resiliency and strength to be successful in
his educational career.
Through their lived experiences, these participants were able to develop the tools
necessary to navigate systemic barriers and/or racist encounters. These tools and skillsets were
fostered through their family’s cultural values (familial capital); their behaviors to resist and
persevere through barriers (resistant capital); their ability to navigate complex social systems
(navigational capital), and their aspirations to succeed despite challenging circumstances
(aspirational capital).
Connecting Identity and Community
Ten out of 12 Chinese-Vietnamese student participants identified that the ethnic
community in which they were raised, which was predominately Asian (e.g., Chinese,
Vietnamese, and Filipino) and Latinx, played a key role in shaping their upbringing, sense of
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connectedness to their culture and ethnic identity, as well as influencing their academic goals and
educational trajectory. Paul, for example, described his Chinese-Vietnamese neighborhood as
close-knit:
I lived in South Sacramento [in a] little ethnic hub called Little Saigon, and [the
neighborhood] that I was born and raised, we're surrounded by other Chinese-Vietnamese
or other Vietnamese who have similar backgrounds…it was a little community, like
everyone knew of everyone or knew of each other one way or another.
Karen shared a similar family narrative. Even though her block in her neighborhood was
predominately Latinx, she described the close-knit Chinese-Vietnamese community that her
relatives formed over time:
My mom came here a long time ago; it started off as one house on the street that they all
lived together and then over time, people on the street were selling houses so they bought
other houses on the street that I'm living on right now. I actually have my aunt that lives
over there across the street, another uncle who lives here, and then my grandparents’
house too. So even though it feels like you don't belong here, it's really nice that if we just
walk across the street, we can go to my grandparents. It’s like we're all here together.
The lived experiences shared by Paul and Karen both exemplified aspects of familial, social, and
linguistic capital. The close-knit Chinese-Vietnamese community was an essential place for the
participants and their families to nurture cultural knowledge as well as develop the necessary
skills to thrive in their new homes in America.
However, when these participants stepped outside of this close-knit Chinese-Vietnamese
community, they were met with challenges with other individuals not understanding their ethnic
identity and related cultural experiences. David shared his experiences vividly:
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I grew up in a very strong Chinese-Vietnamese community and so I never really felt too
weird about my identity. I never felt like an ugly duckling or anything. But I did kind of
feel that way when I started meeting people in college and I had to explain to them that
I'm Chinese and I’m Vietnamese. You know, that whole scenario where they're like
how's that possible. It's like are one of your parents Chinese, and one of your parents
Vietnamese? And I’m like no, we're kind of both. It's just how it is. Yeah, it just becomes
this long conversation. And because of where I grew up, that was never really an issue.
Despite the challenges they faced with misunderstandings of their Chinese-Vietnamese
identities, these participants discussed it as an opportunity for them to seek knowledge about
their own cultural identity and ethnic community. Additionally, the decision to engage with their
family’s historical narratives influenced their academic goals and experiences in college; in
particular, all 12 participants shared that while in college, they actively sought out academic
courses and/or student organizations that helped inform their racial and ethnic identity
development. As the participants worked to understand their ethnic identity and community, they
formulated social, resistant, navigational, and familial capital to navigate these critical spaces
successfully.
Positive Contributions to Ethnic Community
All 12 student participants vocalized the importance of making positive contributions to
their ethnic community, whether that was through their engagement as a student or their career as
a professional. Ada said that her engagement in service to the Southeast Asian community
stemmed from her participation in a Southeast Asian Youth Conference in high school:
I attended a Southeast Asian youth conference in my junior year of high school, and I
was really reluctant to attend this because I literally did not understand what the purpose
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of this conference was[.] But my sister really encouraged me to go because it was
something that she was a part of as a coordinator for the past few years[.] And after going
to that conference, it was honestly a very life-changing experience…it really opened me
up to how my family's background and my upbringing as a refugee daughter impact me
in ways that I don't notice.... After that conference, I came back feeling a little more
different about my community; I felt more interested in [exploring] more about my
history because I really did not learn anything about it personally from my family nor at
school. [In college], I am really excited to help other people sort of understand that this is
something we can explore, this is something we can utilize to empower ourselves[.] I
think that there was a lot of value that comes in understanding where we come from.
Vincent echoed a similar experience in high school, where he utilized involvement with his local
Asian Film Festival to further the story of his ethnic community’s refugee experience:
I got involved with the [local] Asian Film Festival; I was one of their first interns for their
high school internship program. And at that time, I knew I wanted to tell a story, and I
used that opportunity to create a documentary highlighting my dad's immigration and
refugee story.
The narratives shared by Ada and Vincent demonstrated a connection to Yosso’s (2005) familial
and resistant capital in relation to the importance of storytelling one’s historical narrative, as well
as aspirational capital to extend knowledge and make positive contributions to their ethnic
community.
In addition, Joey talked about her active role as a leader of a student organization in
college in bringing racial and ethnic community awareness:
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I was really involved with the [Asian Pacific American student organization] here in law
school. And when I was president and a couple of years ago, I tried my best to introduce
programming that was not just about professional development and social networking,
but also about what are the most important issues facing Asian Americans and the legal
field.
The leadership role that Joey assumed showed evidence of social, familial, and resistant capital
formation. In particular, she made intentional leadership decisions to bring awareness of issues
and experiences related to Asian Americans in the legal field. This, in turn, provided members of
her organization with the critical lens necessary to engage in legal work that advances the Asian
American community.
Furthermore, among this group, 75% of the student participants expressed the importance
of engaging in a career that uplifts their community, specifically their racial and ethnic
community. George shared his aspirations to make a positive impact for Asian Americans in the
entertainment industry:
I have a really big passion for advocating for more Asian American representation in the
media. And that kind of goes back to my high school senior teacher, actually. She really
helped me to find my voice and find where I can best help my community. And I found
that to be entertainment and storytelling…. And growing up, seeing all these Hollywood
movies but not a lot of them feature an Asian American lead or even an Asian American
male lead, at least in the light that's not submissive or something, really invigorated
means to pursue entertainment a lot more and maybe, one day, become someone in the
industry who kind of holds the gatekeeper power [for] more stories of the Asian
American community.
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The engagement of these participants in critical roles demonstrated a lifelong
commitment to providing support and advancement of their racial and ethnic communities.
Moreover, while assuming these roles as community advocates and positive change agents, these
student participants simultaneously added essential skillsets to their toolkit, including capital
from the Community Cultural Wealth model, such as resistant, familial, navigational, social, and
aspirational.
Mentors
Mentors are individuals identified by the participants to have positively influenced their
personal, academic, and professional success. For this study, mentors were either family
members and/or institutional agents. Findings showed that mentors are key influencers to the
development and success of the participants. Often and without prompting, participants shared
stories of individuals who unconditionally supported and guided them over the years. It was clear
that these mentors were impactful, as the participants’ storytelling were often filled with tones of
passion and a sense of deep gratitude.
Familial and Parental Influences
Eight out of 12 student participants identified that family played an important mentorship
role in shaping their academic experiences and related educational trajectory. The student
participants attributed their motivation to be academically successful to their parents, although
this mentorship and support often came in indirect ways. Paul articulated his parent’s key role in
influencing his academic success, albeit indirectly through witnessing their silent sacrifices:
My parents are definitely my key influences in college. I give it my all in college so that I
will be able to get a financially stable job and be able to repay them for all of their hard
work; working low-paying jobs in America, having never gone to school, and speaking
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little to no English, they have been able to support my sister and me. I am grateful for
them, and I do my best for them.
Ken shared that his parents’ indirect encouragement, often masked as a form of parental
pressure, fueled his motivation to seek academic resources independently and do well in school
as a way to acknowledge their silent sacrifices:
Seeing my dad work so hard made me realize that I need to do something for my parents
as well. Like, I don't want my parents to worry about me academically. They would try to
pressure me [academically], but because my parents never had that academic experience
before, I had to experience everything for the first time [myself], like academically,
socially, everything.
Paul and Ken both spoke about their parents playing a mentorship role in indirect ways, such as
instilling cultural values in their children (i.e., familial capital) or articulating their hopes and
dreams for their children to be successful (i.e., aspirational capital). Other student participants
revealed that their siblings provided mentorship support in direct ways. Brian vocalized that his
sisters, who were all ten years older than him, were critical in providing him with the hands-on
guidance that was necessary to be academically successful:
One of the major things in the scope of academia is that I never really could get help from
my parents for assignments if I was confused. But I guess I was lucky, in my case, that
my three sisters went through academia on their own. And then once I was born, they
kind of were my third, fourth, fifth parents.
Ada, a college transfer student, talked about how her older sister’s mentorship had a lasting
impact not only on her educational trajectory, but it also had greatly contributed to resiliency and
determination to be academically successful. She said,
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My sister, she has always been the only one to ever tell me that my grades don't define
me. You know, in an academic environment again where everyone is talking about
grades, SAT scores, number of school acceptances, it was very unhealthy for me. And I
remember in my senior year when I finally got college decisions, I broke down because I
got rejected by so many and, you know, my sister has always been the only one to tell me
that my grades do not define me and that whatever school I choose to go to doesn't matter
because my educational journey is what I make of it and that if I do want to switch
schools, that's totally fine, too. But you know, that's my journey to make, that’s my
decision to make. And it was the support that I really needed at the time because she
wasn't straight up telling me that transferring was not needed or that I should be happy
with whatever school I choose, but at the same time, she also did not make me feel bad
about what school I chose.
The mentorship and support provided by their family have attributed to the shaping of
academic experiences and educational trajectory for these student participants, fostering
aspirational capital so that they can provide a better life for their parents, familial capital as they
pursue historical knowledge of their family and ethnic community, navigational capital as they
learn to maneuver through the educational systems on their own without prior educational or
college knowledge, and resistant capital as they persevere when faced with academic and social
barriers.
Institutional Agents
Interviews from all 12 participants noted that institutional agents, such as university
faculty and staff as well as peer mentors from their student organizations, were critical key
players in supporting their academic success in college. Allison spoke about her interactions with
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Asian American professors, who did not only teach her but also took on a mentorship role. She
shared: “The key influences of my academic success in college would be my professors in the
Asian American Studies department, who have been patient, kind, and understanding in guiding
me not only through academics but also through personal development.”
The student participants outlined that while faculty guided their studies, it was university
staff who played a critical role in helping them navigate the institutional systems. Emma shared
intimately about her experience of navigating the university resources as a young mother in
college:
As a young parent [in college], I had to really network with a lot of different university
organizations and places to find housing for us, and to figure out how we're going to
survive while being a full-time student and having a young baby. So that’s navigating
how to apply for WIC [Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and
Children], how to apply for government assistance, how to apply for student family
housing, how to apply for childcare. So, a lot of the organizations at [my college] were
really, really helpful for that.
Allison and Emma’s narratives offered evidence of institutional agents’ key role in helping the
participants formulate their navigational, social, and resistant capital in college. Through the
mentorship received from institutional agents, participants were able to navigate perceived
academic and personal barriers successfully.
While the university staff was often a resource, some also took on key mentorship roles
that exceeded beyond their professional duty, which in turn helped the student participants
formulate their social capital. Joey described the lifelong mentor relationship she developed with
some of the administrative staff she met while as an undergraduate:
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As a freshman, I took on a work-study job at the Office of Undergraduate Advising. Over
the next few years, I became close to a lot of the staff members and advisors who worked
in that office. They always supported me and encouraged me in my studies and
endeavors, and they continue to do so years after I graduated.
In addition to faculty and administrative support staff, peers who were upperclassmen also
played a critical mentorship role to the Chinese-Vietnamese student participants, thus increasing
their social capital. Paul described his experience being a mentee in a peer mentorship program:
I was a part of a mentorship program and through that, I was blessed to have a mentor
who was also first-generation like me. Being able to have someone else who's older than
you, who understood you especially around the financial situation that I was in, and
different personal and life experiences as well, was definitely very reassuring for me.
Furthermore, respondents from the survey provided overwhelming support that university
faculty, staff, and peer mentors have positively influenced their academic success in college. One
respondent shared the following, “I would say my academic advisors and my peers [were my key
influences in college] because they were always the ones who guided me on the classes to take
and helped build my study strategies.” These institutional agents were instrumental in providing
the respondents with navigational capital through guidance on success strategies and social
capital through the sharing of resources.
Institutional agents who positively impacted Chinese-Vietnamese student participants’
academic success often provided support beyond what was required of them. When asked about
the key attributes of these individuals, the participants shared that these attributes included
patience, lack of judgment, resilience, compassion, hospitability, and advocacy. Moreover, these
institutional agents worked to challenge these participants in a way that supported their growth
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and development. Thus, institutional agents were important partners to the academic success of
Chinese-Vietnamese student participants, providing them with aspirational, social, navigational,
and resistant capital necessary to thrive and flourish.
College Environment
The college environment played a critical role in shaping the college experiences of the
Chinese-Vietnamese student participants, particularly as it related to their adjustment,
persistence, and completion. These college environmental factors included institutional efforts
that promote student engagement in equity and inclusion programs, as well as the college’s
intentionality and design of the academic curriculum.
Equity and Inclusion Programs
Interviews from all 12 participants provided overwhelming support that institutional
efforts that advance diversity, equity, and inclusion, such as ethnic organizations, ethnic-themed
housing, and ethnic Greek systems, contributed to a positive campus climate. This increased
sense of belonging, fostered through a positive campus climate, contributed to successful
outcomes for these Chinese-Vietnamese student participants. For example, Allison discussed her
involvement in a student organization that focused on recruitment and retention of Southeast
Asian students:
I really enjoyed the internship component [of the Southeast Asian retention program]
because it was basically like a group of Southeast Asian students like me. And we all
learned about our identity together while also kind of forming a community on campus,
so it was like the first community I've ever had. And I felt like I strongly identified with
that. I feel that affected the way I viewed my identity, so I feel like I connected more with
my Southeast Asian heritage than my Chinese one. And I think also another reason is, I
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tried to join the Chinese American [organization] as well. But I just felt like I couldn't
connect with it as much because it felt more social. Like there's nothing wrong with that.
But I think it's because I feel like identity is inherently political, so I really liked how the
Southeast Asian [organizations] I joined focused on that a lot more than the Chinese
American one.
Allison’s assertion of her Southeast Asian identity as “inherently political” showed evidence of
familial and resistant capital. Additionally, this assertation was a common theme conveyed by
the Chinese-Vietnamese student participants; 10 out of 12 intentionally chose to identify as
Southeast Asian, attributing this identity to their involvement in Southeast Asian spaces rather
than Chinese-specific spaces. These Southeast Asian student organizations were “inherently
political” due to their intentionality of programming around Southeast Asian history, identities,
and narratives. Karen further elaborated on this:
Over the years, and I'm a rising senior now, I gave up on [the Chinese student
organization], and I am now pretty involved in [the Vietnamese student organization] and
all the other Southeast Asian [organizations]. I feel like over the years, I just learned so
much more about refugees, the difficulties we face here, and there's so much more about
my background that I never had learned before. And it’s because it has never been part of
my life.
Karen added to the importance of these ethnic identity spaces:
Thinking back with college especially, because I was involved with [these Southeast
Asian student organizations], I was able to learn so much about myself and the
Vietnamese and Southeast Asian culture in general. So if all other schools have that, I
feel like it'd really be beneficial for people like us, because I realized, a lot of people like
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me don't really know about their family background or history that much either until you
come into these spaces…so when people don't have access to these groups or resources,
they’re just missing out on a huge part of their life and they're not able to really see who
they are until you kind of gain exposure to this.
These ethnic student organizations were integral to providing the participants with social
opportunities to network and engage in community service (i.e., development of social capital),
as well as a safe space to engage in their personal and professional development (i.e.,
development of familial, navigational, and resistant capital).
Additionally, student participants identified their peers in these ethnic-specific spaces as
essential contributors to not only their personal growth, but also a positive contributor to the
campus climate. Ken shared,
I think what contributed to my success were my peers in both academic and social
settings. I think my peers really challenged me to get out of my comfort zone and really
think about, like, who I am as a person and how I interact with my community, with my
academics, with myself. And I think because of my peers, I began to shape the way I
think and try to be more understanding and be more open to different experiences and
different narratives as well. And yeah, I think I would say my peers definitely helped
transform me in academic and social aspects.
Rebecca shared a similar sentiment, adding, “The friends I've made in my ethnic student
[organizations], they've helped me become more outspoken about what I believe in. [Although]
I'm still not the most extroverted person, I'm more willing to stand up [for myself] now.”
Narratives shared by Ken and Rebecca offered evidence of social and resistant capital; the
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network of colleagues they built in college challenged their ways of thinking and doing,
particularly as it related to their concept of self.
Moreover, Emma spoke about her experience of being a young mother and how her peers
from her Asian interest sorority stepped in to provide her with assistance during her time of need:
I had my son when I was in my second year [in college]. So, when it was time for the
subsequent years when I needed childcare to go take classes, I had this group of
individuals, like I had the sorority sisters, that helped me take care of my son while I was
in class. And so having this bond was really, really helpful and especially in my time of
need.
Emma’s narrative clearly articulated how she utilized social, navigational, and resistant capital to
academically succeed as a young mother. Despite the challenges that were presented to her, she
boldly accepted them while also leaning on her community for support and guidance.
Institutional efforts that provided the Chinese-Vietnamese student participants with
inclusive spaces were critical as they did not only shape their racial and ethnic identity
development, but they also contributed to a positive campus climate. These institutional efforts
ultimately impacted their persistence and college completion. In addition, when executed with
care and intentionality, these efforts contributed to the participants’ formation of social, resistant,
and navigational capital to thrive and succeed academically.
Academic Curriculum
Another institutional factor that positively impacted the lived experience of Chinese-
Vietnamese student participants was an academic curriculum that allowed for the exploration of
their racial and ethnic identity as well as its related historical narratives. In particular, courses in
Asian American Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, and Ethnic Studies were instrumental to the
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academic and social development of the Chinese-Vietnamese student participants, which
provided them with the tools and skillsets necessary to develop familial, navigational, and social
capital. Ken, for example, described his transformative experience taking an Asian American
Studies class and interacting with an Asian American professor:
I never really had ethnic studies in my grade school and I never really understood my
ethnic history. Because we had breath requirements, where we had to take an art and
literature breath, I took an Asian American studies class, and that Professor changed my
life. She opened my eyes to Asian American issues, and she was like, “You need to find
your own [writing] voice.” I remember she told me, “[Ken], you sound like a white
person right now on paper. And that's not good. Where is your Asian voice? Specifically,
where is your Vietnamese voice?” And I was like, whoa. So, I guess having not just
Asian professors, but learning about Asian content and ethnic studies content really
helped contribute to my success because now, I apply these ethnic studies content
everywhere.
Allison discussed how participation in the university’s diversity and inclusion efforts have
propelled her to take Ethnic Studies courses:
At [my university], there's this thing called the common book. So, each year, there'd be a
different book that students can get for free and that’ll be the Book of the Year kind of
thing. The Book of the Year during my first year was The Best We Can Do by Thi Bui, so
I am [where I’m at] because of that; like my ethnic studies class really focused heavily on
that book. So that's how I learned more about Southeast Asia refugees, their histories,
their migration. Then, I took the Southeast Asian refugees seminar class in the spring and
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I feel like it exposed me a lot more to these issues and that really motivated me to learn
more and join the Southeast Asian retention program, in my second year.
Intentional efforts by the institution to promote racial and ethnic diversity, particularly
within the academic curriculum, were critical to fostering a positive campus climate for Chinese-
Vietnamese students in this study. Moreover, engagement in such academic curriculum was
fundamental to increasing their support network (social capital), cultural knowledge (familial
capital), and skillets to navigate social institutions (navigational capital) as twice-minoritized
students on campus.
Definition of College Success
Interviews from all 12 student participants articulated that success in college included
other metrics beyond those conventionally used, such as GPA, internship experiences, and post-
graduate career placements. Being successful, to the students of this study, included one’s
personal development in terms of understanding of racial and ethnic self, participation in
meaningful activities, formation of genuine connections, and making positive contributions to
the society. George articulated this clearly:
I feel like the most important thing along the way is not actually what you learn, but the
relationship you've developed with people and the knowledge you've attained by
interacting with them and building these great communities. I feel like that is what makes
a more successful college education and kind of what impact have you left, not what
you've learned.
Ken added a similar sentiment, highlighting the importance of resilience and personal growth:
Even though I might not necessarily be successful academically from an outside
perspective, like I didn't get straight A's and I struggled in so many classes that I had to
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retake some of them, I think definitely—I would say I'm still pretty successful just
because I've done so much personal growth and that I was able to reach out and ask for
help when I needed. And I never really gave up when the going got tough and I had the
resources here for me that I could find if I wanted the help academically.
The shared definition of college success spoke largely to the lived experiences of
Chinese-Vietnamese student participants as twice-minoritized students, emphasizing that college
was a fundamental place to not only engage in a reflective journey of self-exploration vis-à-vis
multiple ethnic groups, but also a place to make authentic connections and positive contributions
to their ethnic communities. To these student participants, actualizing these equated to success in
the college arena.
Conclusion
Findings from this study showed that college success for Chinese-Vietnamese student
participants was shaped by multiple factors, including their familial and cultural values, racial
and ethnic identity development, connectedness to their ethnic community, mentors, as well as
the college environment. Chapter Five discussed the findings in relation to the theoretical
framework and concluded with recommendations on how to effectively engage with this student
population to ensure their academic success and completion.

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Chapter Five
Dominant narratives in education discourse of AAPI students’ universal academic
success, albeit seemingly positive, have negative implications on their identity development,
psychological needs, and overall academic engagement (Museus, 2014; Teranishi, 2002). These
implications are especially salient for AAPI students, particularly those of Southeast Asian
descent, whose educational experiences counter these dominant narratives.
The Chinese-Vietnamese, a Southeast Asian ethnic subgroup, come from a “twice-
migration” background as they are Chinese from Vietnam, and living in the United States (Trieu,
2009). Their “twice-migration” background has contributed to their status as “twice-minorities”
in the United States—first as minorities in their home country in Vietnam, then re-ethnicized as
minorities in their new country of the United States (Espiritu, 1989). Despite the Chinese-
Vietnamese population making up approximately a quarter of the Southeast Asian refugee
population, their lived experiences are often relegated to the periphery. More specifically, this
process of migration and minoritization has implications for the children of Chinese-Vietnamese
refugees whose experiences, particularly in education, have not been explored.
The purpose of this study was to shed light on the narratives of the Chinese-Vietnamese
American college student population in the United States. This study focused on how their lived
experiences informed their college persistence, completion, and success. The research question
guiding this study was: What experiences shape social or cultural capital formation and foster
academic success of Chinese-Vietnamese college students in postsecondary educational settings?
This study used a qualitative approach through a preliminary survey and semi-structured
interviews as data collection tools. Twelve students participated in this study.
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Findings from this study revealed that college success for Chinese-Vietnamese students
was shaped by factors related to their identity and development, educational institutions,
community, as well as positive influences from mentors and institutional agents. In addition, the
findings from this study highlighted that college success, from the perspective of Chinese-
Vietnamese students, is beyond academic success (e.g., GPA); college success is inclusive of
one’s development and understanding of racial and ethnic self, formation of genuine
connections, engagement in meaningful activities, and making positive contributions to the
society.
Discussion
The “twice-migration” background of the Chinese-Vietnamese refugees contributed to a
resettlement and acculturation experience that is distinctive from other Southeast Asian refugee
groups. In the sections below, I will discuss these distinctions more in depth, followed by a
discussion of key findings from this study that aligned with published research. In addition, I will
discuss an emergent finding from this study, followed by responses to the research question and
analysis of the data through the lens of the theoretical framework used for this study.
Re-ethnicization as Minorities
One significant distinction is that Chinese-Vietnamese families went through re-
ethnicization as minorities twice—first as minorities in their home country of Vietnam, and then
again as minorities in the new county in the U.S. (Espiritu, 1989). This study found that this
process of migration and re-ethnicization for the Chinese-Vietnamese refugee families helped
their development of capital as they resettled in the United States, including their development of
resistant capital to not only survive political persecution in Vietnam, but to also thrive in their
new home in the United States; aspirational capital for a better future for their families in the
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United States; as well as navigational, familial, linguistic, and social capital as they learned ways
to individually (as family units) and collectively (as a Chinese-Vietnamese ethnic enclave)
resettle in the United States (Yosso, 2005).
Racial and Ethnic Identity Confusion
Another significant finding is that the children of the Chinese-Vietnamese refugees
experienced multiple-ethnic background confusion growing up: namely, not feeling “Chinese
enough” or “Vietnamese enough.” This experience of navigating complex cultural worlds
resulted in the questioning of their belongingness to these ethnic communities. This finding
supports the literature related to identity challenges of the children of Chinese-Vietnamese
refugees, as they grew up deciding not just between being an ethnicity and being American, but
between two ethnic identities and being American (Shioya, 1994; Trieu, 2009). Moreover, it
affirms the literature about how children of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees needed to navigate
their identities between three different worlds—their ancestors’ world of China, their parents’
birth world of Vietnam, and the world where they were raised, which is the United States (Chang
2006; McLaughlin, 1996; Trieu, 2009).
Adjustment- and Acculturation-related Stressors
In addition to the children of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees experiencing racial and ethnic
identity confusion, this study supports published literature on Southeast Asian refugee youth
facing adjustment- and acculturation-related stressors, such as living in poverty and experiencing
discrimination as racial minorities, family role reversals (i.e., they served as interpreters and
cultural brokers between their parents and the Western society), and feeling under pressure to
succeed for their family’s future (Hsu et al., 2004; Kiang, 2009). Despite these stressors, results
revealed that children of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees in this study found their parents as
77

sources of motivation to be successful in school; they heard their parents’ war and migration
stories from Vietnam and witnessed their hard work and perseverance in this new country. All
these exposures encouraged the interview participants to do well in school so that they could
repay their parents for their unconditional sacrifices.
Mentors and Institutional Agents
Furthermore, this study supports previous research findings of the critical role mentors
and institutional agents play in positively influencing college success for minoritized students.
These positive influences include becoming minoritized students’ source of community cultural
wealth (e.g., access to social and cultural capital), role modeling a passion for learning and
success, as well as providing them with emotional and moral support as they navigate through
their K-12 and college environments (Museus & Mueller, 2018; Palmer & Gasman, 2008;
Palmer & Maramba, 2015; Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Findings from this study underscored the salient attributes of individuals that embodied
the mentor and/or institutional agent role, which include being compassionate and hospitable,
exhibiting patience and a lack of judgment, and demonstrating leadership qualities such as
resilience and advocacy. As the children of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees grapple with the
distinct challenges related to understanding their historical narratives as well as racial and ethnic
identity development, mentors and institutional agents were revealed to be critical in helping
Chinese-Vietnamese students navigate this uncharted territory. This ultimately helped guide
them towards a path of self-empowerment and discovery.
Definition of “College Success”
Finally, this study shed light on an emergent finding, which is the definition of “college
success” for Chinese-Vietnamese students. The student participants saw college as a
78

transformative experience—for themselves, their family, and the larger ethnic community. More
specifically, being college successful was beyond the traditional markers of academic success
such as GPA and post-graduation job placement; instead, it included one’s engagement in the
journey of understanding their racial and ethnic self, development of authentic connections, and
participation in meaningful activities that contribute positively to uplift one’s ethnic community
and the larger society.
Responding to the Research Question
Findings from this study revealed that the social and cultural capital formation of
Chinese-Vietnamese student participants was shaped by multiple factors, which included their
understanding of their family’s historical narratives and cultural values, their journey towards
racial and ethnic identity development, their connection to the Asian American, Southeast Asian,
and/or the Chinese-Vietnamese ethnic community, as well as their interactions with mentors.
These factors, in turn, helped foster the academic success and related educational trajectory of
the Chinese-Vietnamese students.
Furthermore, the college environment provided a critical learning and reflection space for
Chinese-Vietnamese student participants to not only gain knowledge about themselves through
the academic curriculum and engagement in student organizations, but also gain the skills and
tools necessary to articulate and act on what they have learned. This action, as shared by the
participants, can take on multiple forms, including racial and ethnic community awareness work,
as well as a desire to pursue a career that uplifts and advances minoritized communities.
Theoretical Framework
Through the theoretical framework of Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, 2005), this
study highlighted the critical role community resources play in helping Chinese-Vietnamese
79

students succeed both educationally and professionally. These community resources, which
included institutional agents as well as familial and non-familial mentors, helped inform
Chinese-Vietnamese students’ social and cultural capital formation. For example, the participants
shared that their desire to be successful stemmed from positive and uplifting interactions with
mentors; more specifically, these mentors provided them with an invaluable life roadmap that
guided them towards the successful navigation of systemic barriers and structures.
Moreover, the analysis through an anti-deficit approach reframed the narratives to focus
on the lived experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese students that led to successful outcomes, such as
their strength, resiliency, and determination to advance and uplift their community. This
approach does not only celebrate their stories of perseverance, but also highlights the wealth of
knowledge and resources that exist within their own communities.
Recommendations for Practice
While the Community Cultural Wealth Model and institutional agents informed the
college persistence, completion, and success of Chinese-Vietnamese students, there continues to
be a lack of visibility of this group in educational discourse and policies, which perpetuates
systemic educational inequities related to access, persistence, and completion. To mitigate these
educational inequities and bring visibility to this twice-minoritized population, I am sharing the
following recommendations for higher education researchers, practitioners, and policymakers:
1. Create educational units that can be taught in college classes, specifically as it relates to
the Vietnam War (or War on Southeast Asia), that include the diasporic experiences of
the Chinese-Vietnamese people. To understand the experiences of the Chinese-
Vietnamese community, it is critical to know their historical narrative and related
diasporic experiences. This includes their lived experiences in Vietnam, their flight from
80

the Vietnam War, and finally, their migration and resettlement experience in the United
States. Increasing visibility of the Chinese-Vietnamese population in the academic
literature will not only positively influence Chinese-Vietnamese students’ understanding
of their racial and cultural self, but it will also increase their sense of belongingness
within the larger pan-Asian ethnic community.
2. Create professional development programs and opportunities for higher education
practitioners to learn about and build their capacity in service to the Chinese-Vietnamese
student community. Findings from this study underscored that Chinese-Vietnamese
students often navigated the complexities of their multiple-ethnic history and identity on
their own. While this self-discovery process may have been transformative for some, it
was challenging for others. To help Chinese-Vietnamese students foster and leverage
their capital such as aspirational, linguistic, familial, social, navigational, and resistant,
higher education practitioners should make intentional efforts to learn about the unique
experiences of this community so that they can be prepared to support their distinctive
needs.
3. Review and restructure Asian American and/or Southeast Asian American college student
services programs to include Chinese-Vietnamese students in their mission and
objectives. This study revealed that the twice-minoritized background of Chinese-
Vietnamese students contributed to their racial and ethnic identity confusion growing up.
Moreover, in college, participants found it challenging to find a student-centered space
that welcomed and supported both identities. To mitigate issues related to racial-ethnic
development and belongingness for Chinese-Vietnamese students, it is critical for these
identity-centered spaces to not only acknowledge the existence of this multi-ethnic
81

population, but also to provide a supportive environment where these students can learn
about and honor their multi-ethnic histories and identities. By intentionally including
Chinese-Vietnamese students in these programs, they will no longer feel the need to
choose between one identity or another; instead, they can feel empowered to be who they
authentically are: Chinese-Vietnamese.
4. Develop university mentorship programs that focus on multi-generational connections
within the Chinese-Vietnamese community. Results from this study found that student
participants yearned to understand their historical narratives and its relation to their
racial-ethnic identity, yet some were met with resistance and silence from their
immediate family members due to trauma from the Vietnam War. To help address
intergenerational conflicts and encourage a collective community healing process, it is
important to create university mentorship programs that bridge the relationship between
students and elders in the Chinese-Vietnamese community. In addition, these university
mentorship programs can be an empowering space for Chinese-Vietnamese students to
build their familial, resistant, linguistic, navigational, and social capital. Potential
partnerships could be between the university and local Asian Community Centers.
5. The Census Bureau and educational institutions need to disaggregate their racial and
ethnic data, specifically under the Southeast Asian category, to include the Chinese-
Vietnamese population. The literature revealed that the Chinese-Vietnamese make up
approximately 25% of the refugee population in the United States (Trieu, 2009). Despite
this sizable population, little is known about their lived experiences and related migration
and resettlement experiences. Findings from this study revealed that this lack of prior
knowledge about the Chinese-Vietnamese (outside of the Chinese-Vietnamese student’s
82

family and community environment) adversely impacted their racial and ethnic identity
development. Thus, it is important to disaggregate the data on Southeast Asians; in
particular, separating the Chinese-Vietnamese from the Vietnamese population will be
essential to understanding the distinct migration and resettlement experiences between
the two ethnic groups.
Implications for Practice
This study aimed to transform the dominant racial framing of Asian Americans and
Pacific Islanders in educational research, from countering the Model Minority Myth that
perpetuates deficit thinking and reinforces White supremacy, to honoring and celebrating the
voices and perspectives of AAPIs in higher education. In particular, this study aimed to
contribute to the reframing of AAPI educational scholarship by (1) grounding the lived
experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese college students and focusing on their strength and resilience
that led to successful outcomes in higher education, and (2) bringing visibility to the Chinese-
Vietnamese population, who are underrepresented in AAPI literature and the general higher
education experience. I hope the findings from this study will provide the tools that are necessary
for higher education practitioners to create resources to support and advance the Chinese-
Vietnamese student population.
Future Research
Research on the Chinese-Vietnamese student population is limited. While this study shed
light on the educational experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese students in higher education
settings, further research is warranted in other educational settings including K-12, community
colleges, and vocational colleges. In addition to understanding the educational experiences of
this diasporic community, further research is important to gather perspectives from Chinese-
83

Vietnamese students outside of California, such as New York or Texas where there are sizable
Chinese-Vietnamese communities. Finally, future researchers should consider using quantitative
data methodologies when studying this population, as that will allow more study participants and
contribute to scholarship that can be generalizable.
Conclusion
Research on the Chinese-Vietnamese, albeit limited and often subsumed under research
about the Vietnamese population, focused largely on the historical and resettlement patterns of
the first-generation refugees (Phan & Luk, 2008; Trieu, 2009). As a result, children of Chinese-
Vietnamese refugees, particularly in the education arena, were left unexplored. This study aimed
to (1) contribute to the academic literature related to the Chinese-Vietnamese student population;
(2) reframe educational scholarship on Asian American and Pacific Islander students through an
anti-deficit approach; and (3) critically examine ways to support this distinctive student
population as they navigate the college experience.
Findings from this study confirmed that Chinese-Vietnamese students have distinct
identity challenges of navigating between two ethnic identities and being American (Chang
2006; McLaughlin, 1996; Shioya, 1994; Trieu, 2009); that they experience adjustment- and
acculturation-related stressors growing up in the United States (Hsu et al., 2004; Kiang, 2009);
and that the social and cultural capital gained from interactions with institutional agents and
mentors positively influenced their college experience and success (Museus & Mueller, 2018;
Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Palmer & Maramba, 2015; Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
These findings alluded to the importance of community resources in the shaping of
educational experiences and related outcomes for Chinese-Vietnamese American students. These
community resources were not only a gateway for students to explore their racial and ethnic
84

identity, but it also equipped them with the tools and skills necessary to pursue and successfully
navigate the college education system. Finally, this study found that college success, to these
Chinese-Vietnamese students, exceeds academics; more specifically, being college successful
means that one can positively uplift and advance oneself, their family, and the larger ethnic
community.

85

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Appendix A: Survey Protocol

I. Demographics
a. Race
b. Ethnicity
c. Birthplace (City, State, Country)
d. Generation Status
i. 1st generation: born in another country
ii. 1.5 generation: born in another country and relocated to the United States
during early teen years
iii. 2
nd
generation: born in the United States; parents are born in another
country
iv. 3
rd
generation: born in the United States; parents are 2
nd
generation
Americans
v. Other
e. First-generation College Student
i. Yes: parents did not attend college
ii. No: parents attended some college, in the U.S. or other countries
iii. Not Sure
f. Gender
i. Male
ii. Female
iii. Other
g. Zipcode

II. Family’s background
a. Mother’s family background
i. Mother’s birthplace (City/State, Country)
ii. Maternal Grandmother’s birthplace (City/State, Country)
iii. Maternal Grandfather’s birthplace (City/State, Country)
b. Father’s family background
i. Father’s birthplace (City/State, Country)
ii. Paternal Grandmother’s birthplace (City/State, Country)
iii. Paternal Grandfather’s birthplace (City/State, Country)
c. Family’s immigration background
i. Refugee
ii. Immigrant
iii. Not Sure
iv. Other
d. Language(s) spoken at home

III. Education Background
a. Your highest education level, earned degree
i. Elementary
ii. Middle School
94

iii. High School
iv. Some College
v. Bachelor’s
vi. Master’s
vii. Doctorate
b. Undergraduate Education
i. Undergraduate Institution
ii. Degree
iii. Major 1
iv. Major 2
v. Major 3
vi. Additional:
c. Graduate Education (Master’s)
i. Graduate Institution
ii. Degree
iii. Program
iv. Additional:
d. Graduate Education (Doctorate)
i. Graduate Institution
ii. Degree
iii. Program
iv. Additional:
e. Mother’s highest education level, earned degree
i. Elementary
ii. Middle School
iii. High School
iv. Some College
v. Bachelor’s
vi. Master’s
vii. Doctorate
viii. Not sure
f. Father’s highest education level, earned degree
i. Elementary
ii. Middle School
iii. High School
iv. Some College
v. Bachelor’s
vi. Master’s
vii. Doctorate
viii. Not sure

IV. Questions
1. How do you identify yourself, racially and ethnically? Please describe your
experience with your ethnic identity from childhood into adulthood.
2. Has your ethnic identity changed over the years, if at all?
a. If no: move on to the next question.
95

b. If yes: what are some experiences that influenced this identification?
3. What are some highlights of your college experiences as it relates to your ethnic
identity? What are some challenges?
4. What or who would you say are the key influences of your academic success in
college? Please elaborate.

V. Invitation for Interview
Would you like to participate in a follow-up interview? The estimated length of the interview
is one-hour; the interview will be through a videoconferencing platform. You will receive a
$15.00 amazon gift card for your voluntary participation.
1. Yes
2. No

If yes: If you have met the criteria for this study, you will be contacted for a follow-up
interview. Please provide your e-mail address below.
If no: Thank you for your participation in this survey.

96

Appendix B: Interview Protocol

I. Introduction:
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I appreciate the time that you have taken
out of your busy day to speak to me about your experiences. As I mentioned before, the
interview should take about an hour. Does that still work for you?
Before we get started, I wanted to provide you with an overview of my study and also give
you an opportunity to answer any questions you may have. As you already know, I am a
doctorate student at USC and am conducting a study on the experiences of Chinese-
Vietnamese American college students. I am particularly interested in understanding what
experiences shape the academic success of Chinese-Vietnamese college students. I am
interviewing multiple Chinese-Vietnamese college students to learn more about this.
I want to reassure you that this interview is confidential, meaning that I will not share your
name or information with anyone outside of the research team. I will be using a pseudonym
to protect your confidentiality and will try my best to de-identify my data so that it does not
directly attribute to you. The data from this study will be compiled into a dissertation, which
I will be happy to provide a final copy to you if you are interested.
As stated in the Study Information Sheet that I shared with you, I will keep the data on a
password-protected computer. All data will also be destroyed after 3 years.
Do you have any questions about this study before we get started? I will record our
conversation through zoom’s recording feature so that I can accurately capture what you
share with me today. Of course, the recording will be used solely for my own purpose of
capturing your perspective and will not be shared with anyone outside of the research team.
Also, the recorded data will be transcribed and then deleted after the completion of the
project. May I have your permission to record?
[If yes, move on to questions.]

II. Background Information:
I’d like to start off by asking a few questions about your family’s background.
1. Can you tell me about your family’s background?
a. What are your parent’s background and their place of birth? What about your
grandparents?
b. When did your family come to the United States, and from where?
i. Why did they leave their home country?
ii. Can you tell me about your or your family’s refugee experience?
97

c. What is your family’s generation status in the United States?
d. What is your family’s socioeconomic status?

III. Ethnic Identity and Community:
Now I’d like to ask some questions about your identity and ethnic community.
2. Tell me how you identify yourself. How has this identity changed over the years, if at all?
a. What does this identity mean to you?
b. How much of an effort do you think you put into being said ethnicity?
3. Can you tell me about your culture?
c. What language(s) do you speak at home?
d. What are some cultural practices that are unique to your ethnic community?
e. [If more than one culture]: was culture conveyed more through one parent than
the other?
4. Can you tell me about the community or neighborhood that you were raised in?
a. What are some aspects of your community or neighborhood that make you proud?
b. Has that changed over the years?
c. What does your community or neighborhood look like now?
5. Tell me about the first time you interacted with someone, if any, that made you aware of
your ethnicity?
f. How did that encounter make you think about your ethnic identity, if at all?
6. What do you think of the term Asian American? What does it mean to you?
a. How about Southeast Asian? East Asian?

IV. Educational Experience
Now I’d like to ask some questions about your educational experiences.

K-12 education:
7. Can you tell me about your K-12 school experience?
a. Can you describe the schools you’ve attended? What was it like to go there (what
were the best/worst things)?
b. How did you identify during this time? What influenced this identification?
8. How did you do in school?
a. How successful would you say you were academically?
b. What, or who, helped influence your success, if at all?
Postsecondary education:
9. What were some reasons you decided to pursue a postsecondary degree?
10. Reflecting on your college experiences thus far, can you tell me about:
a. Some positive experiences that made you feel like you belong?
b. Some negative experiences that impacted your sense of belonging?
11. How did you identity during this time?
98

a. What influenced this identification?
c. How did you manage racial or ethnic encounters in college, if at all?
12. Tell me about your experiences with academic support in college.
13. How do you define success in college?
14. Who, or what, would you say played a key role in supporting your success in college?
a. If an individual (e.g., mentors, institutional agents) - what do you perceive are
characteristics of individuals who assume these key roles?
b. If organization/course/etc.: what do you perceive are key attributes of the
[organization/course] that support(ed) your success?

V. Closing Question:
15. What other insight would you like to share about our conversation about experiences of
Chinese-Vietnamese American college students that I might not have covered, if any?
16. If you could create a college setting that supports your academic success, what would that
look like?

VI. Closing Comments:
I want to thank you so much for participating in my study today. I truly appreciate your time and
willingness to share your perspective, as it has been tremendously insightful. If I find myself
with a follow-up question, I am wondering if it is okay for me to contact you through e-mail?
Once again, thank you.

VII. Post-interview summary and reflection.

99

Appendix C: Information Sheet

University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway, Waite Philips Hall
Los Angeles, CA 90089

INFORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR EXEMPT NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

CHINESE-VIETNAMESE AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENTS: NARRATIVES OF
EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES AND COLLEGE SUCCESS

You are invited to participate in a research study. Research studies include only people who
voluntarily choose to take part. This document explains information about this study. You should
ask questions about anything that is unclear to you.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This study aims to understand your educational experiences as a Chinese-Vietnamese American
college student and some things that help you succeed.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you agree to take part in this study, you will be asked to participate in a 20-minute survey and
a 1-hour recorded interview. You do not have to answer any questions you don’t want to; if you
don’t want to be recorded, you cannot participate in this study.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $15 amazon gift card for your time. You do not have to answer all of the
questions in order to receive the card. The card will be given to you when you complete both the
survey and interview.

ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your alternative is to not participate. Your relationship with your organization will not be
affected whether you participate or not in this study.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential.
Your responses will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and maintained separately. The
data from the audiotapes will be stored on a password-protected computer in the researcher’s
office for three years after the study has been completed and then destroyed.

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

100

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
Principal Investigator Anna Chiang via email at annachia@usc.edu or Faculty Advisor Tracy
Tambascia at tpoon@usc.edu.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board, 1640 Marengo Street, Suite 700,
Los Angeles, CA 90033-9269. Phone (323) 442-0114 or email irb@usc.edu.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The Chinese-Vietnamese’s twice-migration background contributed to their status as “twice-minorities” in the United Statesㅡfirst as minorities in their home country of Vietnam and subsequently, re-ethnicized as minorities in their new country of the United States (Espiritu, 1989). This process of migration and minoritization has implications for the children of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees as their educational experiences have not been studied. Using a qualitative case study approach and through a theoretical framework of Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, 2005), institutional agents, and anti-deficit achievement (Harper, 2012), this study shed light on the narratives of the Chinese-Vietnamese American college student population in the United States. The research question that guided this study was: What experiences shape social or cultural capital formation and foster academic success of Chinese-Vietnamese college students in postsecondary educational settings? Data collection occurred in two phases: first through a qualitative survey, followed by an interview. Findings from this study revealed that college success for Chinese-Vietnamese students was shaped by factors related to their identity and development, educational institutions, community, as well as positive influences from mentors and institutional agents. In addition, the indicators of college success superseded traditional markers of academic success such as GPA; instead, it was inclusive of one’s racial and ethnic identity development, formation of genuine connections, and engagement in meaningful activities that lead to positive societal contributions.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Chiang, Anna (author)

Core Title Chinese-Vietnamese American college students: narratives of educational experiences and college success

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2021-12

Publication Date 12/07/2021

Defense Date 11/22/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic success,Chinese-Vietnamese,college success,community cultural wealth,cultural capital,Education,Higher education,institutional agents,OAI-PMH Harvest,postsecondary education,refugee,social capital

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tambascia, Tracy (committee chair), Hirabayashi, Kimberly (committee member), Pendakur, Sumun (committee member)

Creator Email annachia@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC18010010

Unique identifier UC18010010

Legacy Identifier etd-ChiangAnna-10282

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Chiang, Anna

Type texts

Source 20211210-wayne-usctheses-batch-903-nissen (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu