University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Study abroad and the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students

(USC Thesis Other)

Study abroad and the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content Copyright 2020 Laura Delgado
Study Abroad and the Ethnoracial Identity Development of Latinx Students
by
Laura Delgado
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION
(EDUCATIONAL COUNSELING)
December 2020
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract...........................................................................................................................................iii
Chapter One: Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1
Statement of the Problem ....................................................................................... 4
Purpose of the Study .............................................................................................. 4
Importance of the Study.......................................................................................... 5
Brief Description of Theoretical Framework.......................................................... 6
Brief Description of Methodology ......................................................................... 6
Organization of Thesis ........................................................................................... 7
Chapter Two: Literature Review and Theoretical Framework ....................................................... 9
Study Abroad: Brief History and Context .............................................................. 9
Benefits of Study Abroad ..................................................................................... 11
Students of Color in the Study Abroad Context ................................................... 14
Latinx Students: Context .............. ........................................................................18
Theoretical Framework: Gallegos and Ferdman’s (2012) Model of Latina and
Latino Ethnoracial Identity Orientations ............................................................. 25
Chapter Three: Research Methodology and Methods .................................................................. 30
Research Approach ............................................................................................... 30
Research Site and Sampling .................................................................................. 31
Data Sources and Procedures ................................................................................ 33
Credibility and Trustworthiness ............................................................................ 37
Limitations and Delimitations ............................................................................... 39
Chapter Four: Presentation of Data ............................................................................................... 42
Participant Profiles ............................................................................................... 42
Salient Trends ....................................................................................................... 48
Study Abroad Impact on Ethnic Identity Orientation ........................................... 61
Chapter Five: Discussion, Implications, and Conclusion ............................................................ 71
Discussion ............................................................................................................ 71
Implications for Future Research ......................................................................... 75
Implications for Practice ....................................................................................... 77
Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 82
References .................................................................................................................................... 82
Appendices ................................................................................................................................... 91
Appendix A: Interview Protocol .......................................................................... 91
Appendix B: Preliminary Information Survey ..................................................... 92

iii
Abstract
The qualitative study explores the way that study abroad participation impacts the ethnoracial
identity development of Latinx students. Informed by Gallegos and Ferdman’s (2012) Model of
Latino and Latina Ethnoracial Identity Development, the study takes an in-depth examination of
the ways study abroad experiences impacted each of the factors involved in ethnoracial identity
development. Data was collected through six semi-structured interviews following an interview
protocol. The study identified salient trends in Latinx students’ study abroad experiences that
spoke to how participation impacts ethnoracial identity. Findings from the study were that there
are various factors in participants’ experiences that impact ethnoracial identity development, and
study abroad is among them. While it is not conclusive that study abroad participation transforms
the ethnoracial identity of a student, its impact in various factors that characterize identity
demonstrate that it is worthy of further exploration and speaks to the need to better serve Latinx
students within the study abroad educational space.

1

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Study abroad is often described as an experience that is life-changing and something one
will never forget. Indeed, it is an educational activity that can have considerable impact on
participants. Studying abroad is a unique opportunity to live and study in a different country that
offers benefits including intercultural learning, academic and career growth and personal
development (Braskamp, Braskamp & Merrill, 2009; Dwyer, 2004; Paige, Cohen & Shively,
2004; Soria, Stebleton & Cherney, 2013; Sutton & Rubin, 2004; Twombly, Salisbury, Tumanut,
& Klute, 2012). In colleges and universities throughout the US and the Western world, studying
abroad has become a staple educational activity. And while it is so, there is an enduring gap
between the participation of students of color and White students, even while more students of
color are enrolling in institutions of higher education overall (IIE, 2019; NCES, 2019).
The gap in representation between students of color and White students has been
recognized in and outside higher education. In 2005, the Commission on the Abraham Lincoln
Study Abroad Fellowship Program underscored the lack of diversity in study abroad as a national
imperative, elevating this educational activity to a new level of importance in higher education.
The Commission evaluated this educational activity and determined that there is a need to
diversify study abroad in various ways. Among them, it was determined that the demographics of
study abroad had to become more diverse in order for this educational activity to effectively
benefit the US college population and in turn, the interests of the nation as a whole. This report
resulted in efforts to increase the participation of underrepresented populations, such as the
Gilman Scholarship, a grant program established to provide scholarships to students of limited
financial means for the purpose of studying or interning abroad (IIE, 2020; Twombly et al.,
2012). However, historic gaps in representation persist. Historically, White students make up for
2
the majority of students that study abroad, as shown in each of the Institute of International
Education (IIE) Open Doors Reports. The most recent report shows that in the 2017-2018
academic year, 70% of study abroad participants were White, which was not much different than
each year prior (IIE, 2019). The reasons for this participation gap between demographics have
been explored extensively. Much of the existing research points at the barriers students of color
face to study abroad, which include lack of financial resources and lack of family support (Lu,
Reddick, Dean & Pecero, 2015; McClure, Szelenyi, Niehaus, Anderson, & Reed, 2010; Murray
Brux & Fry, 2010; Salisbury, Paulsen, & Pascarella, 2011). Although this research employs a
deficit-perspective of students of color, it highlights that this educational activity is inaccessible
for students that in one way or another are different from the type of students that have been
historically most represented: White, affluent upper- and middle-class students. In a time when
higher education is working to become more equitable and diverse, it is important that the
educational opportunities with many purported benefits, such as study abroad, are not exclusive
to students of privileged backgrounds.
Efforts to make higher education more accessible to minoritized populations has led to an
increase in the enrollment of students of color in colleges and universities. Among that
population are Latinx students, one of the largest growing minoritized populations throughout
higher education, and the population that is the focus of this study. Latinx students are
underrepresented in higher education and study abroad (IIE, 2019; NCES, 2019), and have long
faced marginalization throughout the education pipeline (Rodriguez & Oseguera, 2015).
Research on the experiences of Latinx students in higher education highlight the important role
race and ethnicity plays for this population. Scholarly discussions note that ethnic identity are
3
central in the experiences of these students and speaks to the importance of further exploring
ethnic identity development for this population.
The current study focuses on experiences with race and ethnicity to explore the ways that
studying abroad can impact ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students. A history of
marginalization, the reality of being both an ethnic and racial group, and the diversity within the
Latinx group, among other factors, all complicate identity for this population. For that reason,
Gallegos and Ferdman’s (2012) Model of Latina and Latino Ethnoracial Identity Orientations is
used because it recognizes all of these factors.
Considering the numerous positive impacts of study abroad reported in research, it is
necessary to identify ways in which it can uniquely impact Latinx students. Exploring this
impact via ethnoracial identity development allows for an in-depth look at a salient piece of the
Latinx student experience. In doing so, this study works to identify ways that this educational
activity can be developed to better serve students of this population and in the long term,
increase Latinx student participation in study abroad.
For the purposes of this study, the term Latinx is used to identify individuals in the US
that have heritage in Latin America as opposed to outdated terms referencing this population,
such as Hispanic and Latino. When referencing past studies or theories, the term used within the
study or theory will be used rather than Latinx. This may include but is not limited to the
following terms: Hispanic, Latino, Latina/o/x, Chicana/o/x. In addition, the study will use the
terms students of color and students of minoritized racial and ethnic groups interchangeably to
refer to students that do not identify as White. Lastly, this study will use the term ethnoracial
when referencing Latinx identity development. Ethnoracial is used as defined by Gallegos and
Ferdman (2012).
4
Statement of the Problem
Abundant research on the ethnic and racial identity development of Latinx college
students offers insight into the experiences of this population within higher education and
suggests that this aspect of their learning and development in college impacts myriad parts of
their college experience (Cronin, Levin, Branscombe, van Laar, & Tropp, 2012; Guardia &
Evans, 2008; Nuñez, 2004; Torres & Baxter Magolda, 2004). Unfortunately, the research on the
ethnoracial identity development of Latinx study abroad participants is scant, even when it is
demonstrated that for students of minoritized racial or ethnic groups, the impact of studying
abroad is closely tied to experiences related to their race or ethnicity (Guerrero, 2006; Lu et al.,
2015; Willis, 2016) and results in shifts in both ethnic and racial identity (Beausoleil, 2008;
Guerrero, 2006; Raymondi, 1996; Teranishi, 2007). Considering that Latinx students are one of
the fastest-growing undergraduate populations in the US, that their study abroad participation has
been continuously increasing (IIE, 2019; NCES, 2019), and that studying abroad is of significant
impact to students beyond college (Braskamp et al., 2009; Dwyer, 2004; Paige et al., 2004; Pike
& Sillem, 2018; Salisbury, An & Pascarella, 2013; Sutton & Rubin, 2004; Young, Natrajan-
Tyagi & Platt, 2014), it is imperative that attention is brought to the way that study abroad
participation impacts the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students. Otherwise, an
important aspect of the Latinx study abroad participant experience is overlooked, and
understanding of how participating in study abroad impacts students of this population falls
short.
Purpose of the Study and Research Question
The purpose of the study was to gain insight into the ways that study abroad participation
affects the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx college students. With a focus on the
5
themes between participants’ experiences, the study aimed to identify the ways that experiences
related to race, ethnicity and identity inform Latinx students’ study abroad experiences and
ethnoracial identity development. In addition, by focusing on ways that studying abroad impacts
the specific factors that define each Latino identity orientation, the study aimed at pinpointing
the specific ways participants’ ethnoracial identity development was impacted by participation in
study abroad. The study was guided by the following research question:
1. How does participating in study abroad affect the ethnoracial identity development of
Latinx students?
Importance of the Study
By centering ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students, the findings of this
study can inform study abroad educators on ways to build more culturally-relevant recruitment
and programming and offer better suited preparation and support for Latinx study abroad
participants. In doing so, the findings can address low participation rates of Latinx students
and address the unique needs of Latinx students that do participate in study abroad. Additionally,
centering the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students, the findings offer the
opportunity to offset further marginalization and inequity for students of this population,
especially when investigating its role in an educational activity that has historically served
privileged populations (Rose & Paisley, 2012). Outside of education, this study can serve to
inform US national and international interests, as made evident by the 2005 Lincoln Commission
and more so considering that Latinx students belong to one of the fastest growing populations in
higher education and are projected to be the largest ethnic group in the country (NCES, 2019;
U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). In a world that is becoming more globalized, gaining insight into the
6
experiences of Latinx study abroad participants is important to government agencies, higher
education institutions, and students alike.
Brief Description of Theoretical Framework
The study adopted Ferdman and Gallegos’ (2012) Model of Latina and Latino
Ethnoracial Identity Orientations to examine the ways that the study abroad experience impacted
various aspects of students’ ethnic identity. This model outlines six orientations to classify the
development of individuals. The orientations serve as a lens through which individuals interact
with their environment, and each is based on nine factors that account for internal and external
shaping forces of identity (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2007). The study focused on six of nine factors
independently to explore the impact that studying abroad had on participants’ identity
development. This model is fitting to the present study because it considers the complexities in
racial and ethnic identity for Latinx students, understands identity development as dynamic and
in flux, and accounts for the external shaping forces that form identity (Gallegos & Ferdman,
2012). An in-depth study with a fitting model of identity development is crucial for a greater
understanding of Latinx students’ study abroad experiences that can have implications for
practice of this educational activity.
Brief Description of Methodology
The study took place at a large, private, R1 institution in Southern California where about
14% of the domestic student population reports to be Hispanic/Latino. The study adopted a
qualitative design, allowing the opportunity to gain an understanding of the lived experiences of
Latinx students abroad and explore how Latinx students’ interactions with others and their
environments during study abroad informed their ethnoracial identity development.
7
Participants were selected via purposeful selection based on three criteria: current or
recent undergraduate student, identify as Latina/o/x, and have participated in at least one study
abroad program as an undergraduate. In addition, the researcher identified participants via
snowball sampling by asking participants for recommendations of other students who might fit
the criteria. Students meeting the outlined criteria were best suited to provide the data that
addressed the research question appropriately.
Data was collected via six one-on-one interviews following an interview protocol. The
interview protocol, presented in Appendix A, first gathered preliminary information via an online
survey and then used six open-ended questions to allow for participants’ expression of their lived
experiences (Creswell, 2018). Two interviews took place in private locations on campus, and
four took place online via Zoom, and online conferencing service, in response to State leaders
enacting safer-at-home directives during the COVID-19 pandemic. The audio of the in-person
interviews was recorded by the researcher’s password-secured cellphone and subsequently stored
in the researcher’s password-secured laptop to maintain confidentiality. The audio of the online
interviews was recorded with the Zoom software and stored in the researchers’ password-secured
laptop to maintain confidentiality. Pseudonyms were adopted in file names, in hand-written notes
and throughout data analysis to protect participants’ identity. Data analysis involved interview
transcription of audio recordings and annotations of hand-written notes. This was followed by
coding to find themes and categories in the descriptions provided by participants.
Organization of Thesis
In Chapter 2, literature on study abroad and Latinx students is presented to provide
insight into the history of study abroad, its current relevance and its connection to Latinx
students. The literature on study abroad begins a discussion on the relevance of study abroad
8
within higher education and continues with literature on the benefits of study abroad,
highlighting its importance for students. Literature on study abroad and students of color focuses
on the unique relationship students of this population have with this educational activity.
Following study abroad knowledge, background information on the Latinx student population
provides context for existing literature on the population’s ethnic and racial identity development
and study abroad experiences. Chapter 2 ends with a presentation of the theoretical framework
employed by the study and the way that it informed the research methodology and methods.
Chapter 3 begins with a description of the study’s research approach toward exploring the
ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students that have studied abroad. In addition, it
describes the methodology employed including sampling methods, data sources and collection
procedures. Following that, the chapter includes the researcher’s positionality as a Latina with
study abroad experience that comes from a low-income, mixed-status family. Chapter 4 includes
the data and findings of the study. It begins with a presentation of participant profiles focusing
on information participants shared that is relevant to the research question. Trends that arose
from the interviews are then discussed. Chapter 4 concludes with an analysis of the ways study
abroad had an impact on each of the factors that define Latino identity orientations. Chapter 5
analyzes the findings via an in-depth discussion and summarizes the impact of studying abroad
based on the findings of this study. In addition, it outlines implications for future research and
practice.

9
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
This chapter is a review of the existing literature relevant to study abroad and Latinx
student ethnic and racial identity development. The chapter begins with literature and context on
study abroad as an educational activity within higher education in the US, including its relevance
and benefits for students as reported in research. Additionally, this chapter outlines literature on
the participation of students of color in study abroad. In particular there is a focus on the
literature investigating the reasons students of color do not study abroad and the ways that this
educational activity is experienced differently by students of color. Chapter two also presents
context on the Latinx student population and their identity development in the US context and
within higher education. With more Latinxs studying abroad year by year, there is a growing
body of literature on their experiences in this educational activity. This chapter includes that
literature and in particular, the limited research on the impact that studying abroad has on ethnic
and racial identity development of Latinx study abroad participants. Lastly, this chapter
introduces Gallegos and Ferdman’s (2012) Model of Latina and Latino Ethnoracial Identity
Orientations, the theoretical framework used in this study.
Study Abroad: Brief History and Context
Study abroad can be defined in many ways but is generally understood today as an
experiential activity through which students take part in educational activities, such as college
coursework, and live abroad. This educational activity has roots in nonprofit organizations that
developed programs with philosophical underpinnings in discovery and exploration in the
beginning of the nineteenth century. Early in the history of higher education in the US, study
abroad became institutionalized within colleges and universities to engage in scholarly exchange
for students and faculty and encourage intercultural learning outside the US (Tillman, 2008;
10
Twombly et al., 2012). Twombly et al. (2012) describe study abroad as the vehicle to the
internationalization of colleges and universities and, being so, study abroad is now most
commonly associated with a higher education curriculum extending beyond an activity for
discovery and exploration. Over time, study abroad has become a common educational activity
in colleges and universities throughout the US serving varied purposes for students, faculty and
institutions in and out of the education sector (Twombly et al., 2012).
Increase in Relevance and Diversification of Study Abroad
In the late twentieth century, access to study abroad increased as entities in and outside
higher education noted its importance. Among the most prominent of these was the 2005
Commission on the Abraham Lincoln Study Abroad Fellowship Program (The Lincoln
Commission), which was established after 9/11 to identify ways the federal government could
facilitate a considerable increase in study abroad participation (Twombly et al., 2012). Upon the
establishment of this commission, the relevance of study abroad within higher education was
elevated because it highlighted the importance of international education to US international
interests at the federal level. Lawmakers identified that because of its myriad educational
benefits, increasing the number of students studying abroad would benefit in maintaining the
country’s economic competitiveness, political strength and international leadership in an
increasingly globalized world (Lincoln Commission, 2005). The commission noted that study
abroad not only has the potential to increase a globally-minded workforce, but also maintain the
status of the US worldwide, which in the wake of the September 2001 attacks was especially
pressing (Lincoln Commission, 2005; Twombly et al., 2012).
The Lincoln Commission highlighted the importance of diversifying study abroad to
ensure the success of this educational activity in an increasingly globalized world. Among other
11
things, the commission recommended that study abroad participant demographics reflect those of
the overall undergraduate population in the US. Primarily, this meant increasing the number of
participants that are of underrepresented ethnic and racial minority populations, or students of
color (Lincoln Commission, 2005). At the time of the Lincoln Commission report, White
students comprised 83% of study abroad participants (IIE, 2019), and in the 2017-2018 academic
year, White students comprised 70% of study abroad participants (IIE, 2019). For the last few
decades, the profile of the student that studies abroad continues to be White, female, and of
higher socioeconomic background (IIE, 2019; Twombly et al., 2012).
Increased access to study abroad and a call on its importance has led to more students of
diverse backgrounds participating every year. However, demographic representation gaps
endure. While the representation of students of color has consistently increased in the last 15
years, the current demographic representation of participants does not reflect the US
undergraduate population (IIE, 2019; NCES, 2019). Addressing the demographic representation
gap is important not only for the reasons outlined by the 2005 Lincoln Commission, but also so
that the myriad reported benefits of study abroad are made available to students of color like they
are for their counterparts.
Benefits of Studying Abroad
It is noted in research that study abroad has a unique impact on students’ experience in
college and beyond. There is a wealth of literature on the benefits that participating in study
abroad has for students. This section will briefly review literature outlining the reported benefits
of study abroad including intercultural competence, personal growth, academic and career
development, and holistic development.

12
Intercultural Competence
Intercultural competence is among the most reported benefits of studying abroad.
Research shows that participating in this educational activity led to decrease in ethnocentrism
and increase in ethnorelativism and intercultural sensitivity (Paige et al., 2004), increase in
confidence to communicate with others different from themselves (Braskamp et al., 2009),
increase in motivation to explore other cultures (Dwyer, 2004), stronger knowledge of global
interdependence (Sutton & Rubin, 2004), and development cross-cultural interpersonal skills
(Soria et al., 2012). These skills are among those that the Lincoln Commission (2005)
highlighted in the importance of studying abroad, and are becoming more relevant as student
populations in higher education institutions become more diverse and as the world and
workplace are becoming increasingly internationalized (Murray Brux & Fry, 2010; Salisbury et
al., 2013; Soria et al., 2012). Accordingly, scholars Twombly et al. (2012) note that for college
graduates, global competency and global understanding are perceived to be necessary.
An aspect of intercultural competence, linguistic development and second-language
acquisition is heavily reported as a benefit of studying abroad. This coincides with the fact that
historically, the purpose of study abroad has been to learn other languages (Tillman, 2008;
Twombly et al., 2012). Dwyer (2004) notes significant growth in the use of a language other than
English, and Paige et al. (2004) found that participants demonstrated greater frequency of using,
speaking and listening language learning strategies upon return.
Personal Growth
Scholars have found that study abroad participants experienced positive psychological
impact including higher measures of well-being, self-image, and self-concept (Braskamp et al.,
2009; Dwyer, 2004). Moreover, they gained knowledge, self-confidence and ability to interpret
13
and navigate new situations in unfamiliar environments (Braskamp et al., 2009; Paige et al.,
2004; Sutton & Rubin, 2004). Scholars also found that students that participate in study abroad
are able to apply what they have learned in that experience to tolerate ambiguity, navigate culture
shock, and employ coping strategies during stressful situations (Dwyer, 2004; Paige et al. 2004).
Academic and Career Development
Studying abroad has shown to impact the academic development of participants. As
reported in The Lincoln Commission (2005), research shows that there is educational value to
study abroad, as participants reported an increased interest in academic work and acquired career
skills. Braskamp, Braskamp and Merril (2009) found that students’ learning and critical thinking
skills were enhanced by their participation. Sutton and Rubin (2004) report that students
achieved better learning outcomes in functional knowledge, knowledge of cultural relativism and
knowledge of world geography. In addition to enhancing their intercultural competence, this
adds value to their academic achievements in college (Sutton & Rubin, 2004). Kuh, Kinzie,
Schuh, and Whitt (2011) noted that students bring learning from their experiences abroad to their
home institutions, consequently enhancing the learning environments for themselves and their
peers. In addition, Kuh (2008) notes that studying abroad is an experiential learning activity
correlated with increased student engagement and persistence, identifying it as a high-impact
educational practice.
Existing literature shows that studying abroad has an impact in students’ career
development. Dwyer (2004) reports that study abroad participants were more exposed to
internships through their participation, and reported that the impact of these experiences was
salient in their career development and decision-making long after having completed a study
abroad program. Additionally, Twombly et al. (2012) note that the Institute of International
14
Education of Students (IES) Abroad reported that its study abroad participants were more likely
to obtain career-related jobs and achieve higher pay than those that had not studied abroad.
Holistic Development
Informed by the work of Kegan (1994) King and Baxter-Magolda’s Theory of Self-
Authorship (2005), Braskamp, Braskamp and Merrill (2009) found that there are holistic growth
benefits to participating in this educational activity. The scholars report that participants develop
along the three dimensions of self-authorship with regard to global learning and development.
Gaining skills in interpersonal, intrapersonal and cognitive dimensions, the students experience
holistic growth, demonstrating that this educational activity is beneficial for the whole student
beyond college and aligns well with the goals and philosophies of higher education (Braskamp et
al., 2009; King & Baxter-Magolda, 2005; Patton, Ren, Guido & Quaye, 2016; Soria et al., 2014).
Considering that other scholars likewise find benefits in different aspects, it can be said that this
educational activity benefits students across various dimensions and holistically beyond college
(Salisbury et al., 2013; Soria et al., 2012).
Students of Color in the Study Abroad Context
As noted above, a call to diversify study abroad has increased access to and participation
in this educational activity. This has led to a growth of literature exploring the relationships of
students of color and study abroad including research that focuses on the factors that impact
student of color participation and research that explores the experiences of students of color
during study abroad programs. Much of this research speaks to the unique relationship that
students of color have with this educational experience, whether they participate or not.

15
Factors Impacting Study Abroad Participation
To address the enduring gaps in demographic representation in study abroad, there is an
abundance of literature exploring the factors that contribute to study abroad participation for
students of color. Much of the existing knowledge focuses on the reasons students of color do
not study abroad and highlights barriers that keep them from participating. Studies reveal that
students abstain from participating due to concerns including, financial barriers, the perception
that it will delay graduation, and little to no family support to participate (Lu et al., 2015;
McClure et al., 2010; Murray Brux & Fry, 2010; Salisbury et al., 2011). Moreover, for students
of color, experiences as members of racial or ethnic minorities in the US inform the decision-
making process for participation (Lu et al., 2015; McClure et al., 2010; Murray Brux & Fry,
2010). In one study, for instance, Black students expressed concern with experiencing a “double-
whammy.” They anticipated being the only student of color in a group of White American
students abroad and that that would put them in a position of being doubly minoritized and
discriminated—once within their cohort and a second time among people of the host country
(Murray Brux & Fry, 2010). Additionally, McClure, Szelenyi, Niehaus, Anderson and Reed
(2010) report that for Latina/o students, there is a perception that studying abroad is out of reach,
and found that the decision-making process was influenced by cultural factors, financial concern
and a disconnection from study abroad program content.
The Experiences of Students of Color Abroad
With more students of color studying abroad year by year, there has been a recent
expansion of literature that explores the experiences of students of color studying abroad. This
literature offers a look into the unique lived experiences of students in an international context
and in doing so, offers the opportunity for an in-depth understanding of the impact that
16
participating has on students of color in particular. Additionally, this literature indicate ways that
study abroad educators can better serve this population (Blake, Gasman, Esmieu, Castro
Samayoa & Cener, 2019; Soria et al., 2012). Existing literature reveals that the experiences of
students of color who participate in study abroad are unique to their positionality in the US, their
multiple identities, and how those intersect. Students’ experiences abroad are eye-opening with
regard to aspects of their racial and ethnic identity they had not considered and present new
challenges to their sense of self (Beausoleil, 2008; Lu et al., 2015; Davis-White Eyes, 2013;
Perkins, 2017; Willis 2016). There are a number of factors in this process, such as the
composition of their study abroad cohort and their program design, as noted in existing literature.
For instance, Davis-White Eyes (2013) found that negative experiences with White American
students in Europe impacted students’ self-concept, while Blake et al. (2019) found that students
of color in a predominantly student of color cohort experienced interacting with their peers as
empowering. In addition, Blake et al. (2019) found that interacting with other students of color
along with culturally relevant programmatic content led to a stronger sense of racial and ethnic
identity. Clearly, findings in existing literature suggest that studying abroad impacts students’
ethnic and racial identity (Beausoleil, 2008; Davis-White Eyes, 2013; Perkins, 2017). To better
serve students of this population, it is important to further explore the ways in which race and
ethnicity play a role in their experiences abroad and consequently, how it affects their ethnic and
racial identity development (Davis-White Eyes, 2013; Perkins, 2017; Soria et al., 2012).
Existing research reveals that the experiences of students of color are different than that
of their White counterparts, but oftentimes, their experiences are not accounted for in studies that
do not disaggregate for demographic differences (Lowe, Byron & Mennicke, 2014; Salisbury et
al., 2013). There is a need for comprehensive research focused on specific groups within this
17
student population, especially since much of the research discusses the central roles of race and
ethnicity on the experiences of students of color abroad while simultaneously highlighting
differences between students of different racial and ethnic groups (Davis-White Eyes, 2013;
Perkins, 2017). Research focused on specific racial and ethnic groups offers the opportunity to
gain an in-depth understanding of students’ experiences and the impact that studying abroad can
have on their identity. For instance, the research exploring the experiences of African-
American/Black students reveals that students of this population experience challenges when
they are confronted with both blatant and subtle forms of racism and discrimination while abroad
that is unique to their race (Davis-White Eyes, 2013; Lu et al., 2015; Perkins, 2017; Willis,
2016). For Korean-American students, study abroad showed to be important in search of ethnic
identity and contributed to more positive views of Korean language, culture and customs
(Beausoliel, 2008). Clearly, for students of distinct racial and ethnic groups, the experiences
related to race, ethnicity and identity are different.
The experiences of Latinx students related to race, ethnicity and identity are complex due
to the fact that their racial classification is complicated in the understanding of race within the
US. Both race and ethnicity play a role in Latinx students’ experiences in the US and,
conceivably, abroad (Davis-White Eyes, 2013; Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012). Unfortunately, there
is little knowledge about the role of race and ethnicity in the experiences of Latinx students in
study abroad programs. The limited research on this subject is outlined further in this chapter.
For the purposes of adding to existing knowledge on Latinx students specifically, this study
explores the experiences of Latinx participants through the specific lens of ethnoracial identity
development as used by Gallegos & Ferdman (2012) in their Model of Latina and Latino Identity
Development.
18
Latinx Students: Context
Latinx students belong to a cultural and ethnic group of people that reside in the US and
identify as having Latin American heritage (Comas-Diaz, 2001; Salinas & Lozano, 2019). This
group is heterogenous, with many subgroups that have varied history and socio-political
relationships between each other and with the US (Comas-Diaz, 2001). The terminology to
identify this group has changed over time and continues to be a challenging matter given that the
group is so complex and diverse (Comas-Diaz, 2001; Salinas & Lozano, 2019). In the 1980’s the
US government adopted the term Hispanic to designate the group in the US Census. By
definition, the term Hispanic is based on being from a Spanish-speaking country; it has been
widely criticized for excluding countries that do not speak Spanish, such as Brazil, as well as the
indigenous aspects of Latin American ancestry (Comas-Diaz, 2001; Salinas & Lozano, 2019).
The term Latino, among others, emerged in reaction as a self-designated term from the
population to challenge Eurocentrism in the term Hispanic, to account for the indigenous roots of
the populations, and to include non-Spanish-speaking groups in Latin America (Comas-Diaz,
2001).
The term Latinx is an emerging term to designate this group. In ending with an x rather
than being the gendered Latina or Latino, this term is gender-neutral, consequently accounting
for a plurality of genders, rather than a binary, and multiple identities (Salinas & Lozano, 2019).
For the purpose of this study, the term Latinx will be used when referencing individuals in the
US that identify as having Latin American heritage because it allows for the recognition of
intersectionality, avoids colonialist patriarchal gender constructs, and is inclusive of indigenous
populations as well as non-Spanish-speaking countries (Salinas & Lozano, 2019). As explained
in Chapter 1, Latinx will be used to reference this ethnic group. When scholars use terms other
19
than Latinx in their research, theory or model, their use of terms will be applied. Reports and
studies conducted by governmental organizations typically use Hispanic to identify this
population due to its use at the federal level—those statistics will be used to describe the Latinx
population in this study.
The Latinx community comprises the largest racial and ethnic minoritized community in
the US. With just under 60 million individuals, it makes up about 18% of the US population. By
and large, this population is composed of relatively young individuals in comparison to other
demographics, with the median age being 29.5 years of age (US Census Bureau, 2019). In higher
education, Latinx students comprise one of the largest growing populations. From 2000 to 2016,
traditional-age college student enrollment and degree attainment for this population has
consistently increased (NCES, 2019; PNPI, 2018). However, there are disparities in educational
attainment throughout the education pipeline. Much of this population is concentrated at the
community college, is underrepresented at four-year institutions, and demonstrates low
certificate and degree completion rates. While many Latinx students obtain Associate’s Degrees,
far less obtain a Bachelor’s Degree (NCES, 2018a; NCES, 2018b; PNPI, 2018). The number of
Latinx students attending graduate schools is among the lowest, with only about 10% attaining a
Master’s degree and about 8% earning a Doctoral degree (NCES, 2018c; NCES, 2018d).
Considering the demographic significance of this population, it is a national imperative that this
population is paid close attention with regard to educational success and attainment.
A Complicated Identity
Racial and ethnic identity for Latinxs in the US is as complex as the demographic group
itself. In the Census, Latinxs are those individuals deemed to be of Hispanic origin, and are thus
classified Hispanic. This makes it so that they are not classified as a race in a country where race
20
is a large component of social organization, which leads Latinxs to racially identify in various
ways. The US is informed by a racial paradigm that follows a Black-White dichotomy in which
individuals fall into either one racial group or another. For Latinxs however, race is understood
as a continuum that is constructed and understood differently even between Latinx sub-groups
(Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012). Much of this has to do with the group’s diverse cultural heritage
throughout the Latin American continent including European, African and Indigenous roots
(Comas-Diaz, 2001; Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012; Hayes-Bautista & Chapa, 2011). Additionally,
the identification Latinx constitutes a pan-ethnicity that complicates racial identity and can be
informed by elements other than race such as nationality and class (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012;
Delgado Bernal, 2002). For these reasons, among others, scholars Gallegos and Ferdman (2012)
employ the term ethnoracial to describe Latinxs as a group in their Model of Latina and Latino
Identity Development, further described later in this chapter. Use of ethnoracial as a descriptor of
the Latinx population offers an understanding that this group can simultaneously be both an
ethnic group and a racial group, acknowledging the coexistence of race and identity for
individuals’ identity development without conflating them (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012).
Ethnic and racial identity shows to be relevant in the experiences of Latinx college
students and their development, which makes sense considering that students outside of the
dominant culture are more aware of their culture and ethnicity (Ortiz & Santos, 2009).
Considering its complexity, there is much to be explored in this regard. The existence of a
growing body of research on racial and ethnic identity of this population in the higher education
setting demonstrates that it is an important aspect of the Latinx college student experience to be
explored.

21
Ethnicity, Race and Identity Development of Latinx Students
Existing literature on the identity of Latinx college students includes research on both
ethnic and racial identity. It is important to explore both given the complexity of Latinx identity;
much of the existing literature focuses on ethnic identity and ethnic identity development. In
some studies, race and ethnicity are conflated, making it hard to distinguish diversity within the
Latinx student group studied and account for the nuances of Latinx identity development
(Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012).
In a comprehensive review of existing literature exploring evidence of success outcomes
for undergraduate Latina/o students, Crisp, Taggart and Nora (2015) found strong ethnic and
racial identity is related to positive academic success outcomes, including course completion and
GPA, as well as persistence in college and degree completion. At PWIs in particular, it is
evidenced that Latino students with strong ethnic identity were more likely to be committed to
persistence (Castillo, Conoley, Choi-Pearson, Archuleta, Phoummarath, & Van Landingham,
2006). Further, scholars identified that a strong ethnic identity offered protective psychological
barriers for Latina/o and Mexican-American students (Iturbide, Raffaelli & Carlo, 2009; Torres
& Ong, 2010). Students that showed higher levels of ethnic identity experienced less depressive
symptoms related to acculturative stress. A stronger sense of ethnic identity facilitated their
psychological adjustment and served as a safeguard to depressive symptoms (Iturbide et al.,
2009). Likewise, ethnic identity commitment, an aspect of ethnic identity, worked as a stress
buffer for Latinos experiencing discrimination and is shown to be positively associated with
helping Latinos deal with recovery from discrimination (Torres & Ong, 2010).
Exploring Latino student race identity statuses using Helm’s (1995) People of Color
model, Carter, Yeh & Mazzula (2008) found that students in the “least mature” (p. 15) racial
22
identity status of Conformity have negative beliefs about their racial heritage, reject collectivist
values common in Latino culture and see human nature as evil. For students in the following
status, Dissonance, the scholars observed a change in which students endorsed traditional Latino
cultural values and saw human nature as good. The scholars found consistency for all identity
statuses following that, demonstrating that a transition into one status beyond Conformity is
strong enough to change students’ cultural value orientation to feel more positively about Latino
culture (Carter, Yeh & Mazzula, 2008).
In a study on ethnic identity development of Latino students, scholars found that students
with higher ethnic identity exhibited greater well-being and involvement in activism. In turn,
they found activism increased ethnic identity, which led to greater activism and well-being in the
long run (Cronin et al., 2012). Involvement in Latinx Greek-Lettered Organizations similarly
impacts ethnic identity development as it led to an increased ethnic identity for both sorority and
fraternity members, as shown by studies conducted by Nuñez (2004) and Guardia and Evans
(2008). Expressing that their involvement in Latinx Greek-Lettered Organizations provided
community and support based on ethnicity, students felt a stronger connection to their ethnic
identity (Guardia & Evans, 2008; Nuñez, 2004). Scholars Torres and Baxter Magolda (2004)
found that for Latina/o students, ethnic identity development is integrated within the three
domains that promote self-authorship, providing a holistic approach to Latina/o student ethnic
identity development. The scholars noted the importance of creating educational environments
where students are able to explore and express their ethnic identity because it is so integral to the
cognitive, interpersonal, and intrapersonal aspects of identity development. For Latina/o
students, thus, ethnic identity is vital to construct an internal sense of identity and move toward
self-authorship (Torres & Baxter Magolda, 2004).
23
Latinx Student Identity and Study Abroad
Existing research on the racial and ethnic identity development of Latinx college students
suggests that this aspect of their learning and development impacts myriad parts of their college
experience. While there is abundant literature on the racial and ethnic identity development of
Latinx students in the higher education setting, research on the racial and ethnic identity
development of Latinx students specific to the study abroad setting is scant. For students of
minoritized racial or ethnic groups, the impact of studying abroad is closely tied to experiences
related to their race or ethnicity (Guerrero, 2006; Lu et al., 2015; Willis, 2016) and results in
shifts in both ethnic and racial identity (Beausoleil, 2008; Guerrero, 2006; Raymondi, 1996;
Teranishi, 2007), demonstrating that it is important to further explore the relationship between
studying abroad and the ethnic and racial identity development of Latinx students.
Existing Ethnic Identity Development Research
The research exploring the experiences of Latinx study abroad participants related to
ethnic and racial identity development is limited but provides insight into the ways study abroad
experiences interact with Latinx students’ identity development and serves to inform practice. In
a 2008 study, Teranishi and Hannigan found no change in Latinx study abroad participants’
strength of ethnic identity but did observe a more complex understanding of the meaning of
ethnic identity in general. However, they acknowledge that the Latina/o students that participated
in the study already had a strong sense of ethnic identity before participating in a study abroad
program (Teranishi & Hannigan, 2008). Studies by both Raymondi (1996) and Guerrero (2006)
found that Latino study abroad participants experience being labeled American or White, which
elicited negative emotional responses because it put into question either their race or their
ethnicity due to being from the US. Yet, Raymondi (1996) observed a strengthened American
24
national identification after Dominican students’ participation in study abroad and attributed
ethnic identity progression to college in general. This was different for students participating in
study abroad for the purposes of heritage-seeking, whose experiences strengthened
understanding of their personal and ethnic identity (Guerrero, 2006; Teranishi, 2007).
It is important to note that the limited existing literature on the racial and ethnic identity
development of Latinx study abroad participants is primarily focused on ethnic identity
development. As noted above, it is important to explore both racial and ethnic identity
development for this population. The existing literature outlined above employs Phinney’s
Model of Ethnic Identity Development, which is not specifically designed for the Latinx student
population and presents linear stages of progression. Further, much of the existing literature is
not recent, meaning that it does not reflect the increased Latinx college student population and
study abroad participation, or current national and international sociopolitics as they are related
to Latinx students.
Ethnic Identity for Global Citizens
It is noted by scholars that the identity of global citizens, such as study abroad
participants, is constantly in flux due to their changing environment and the need to understand
and express their identity in international and intercultural settings (Young et al., 2014; Davis-
White Eyes, 2013). Young et al. (2014) observe that “individuals negotiate identity while
studying abroad” (p. 175) and conclude that identity for global members is dependent on context
and is not as stable as it has been previously understood. For that reason, the scholars note that
using Phinney’s Model is limiting for study abroad participants because it places individuals in
concrete stages. The ethnic identity exploration of global members calls for more nuance than
Phinney’s Model may offer (Young et al., 2014). Davis (2013) notes that additionally, for
25
students of color that participate in study abroad, their identity articulation is already flexible
considering their minoritized status in the US. In a global setting, they adopt strategies for
identity articulation that makes identity flexible and thus, useful in a global context (Davis-White
Eyes, 2013).
Theoretical Framework: Gallegos and Ferdman’s (2012) Model of Latina and Latino
Ethnoracial Identity Orientations
Earlier explorations on the ethnic identity development of Latinx study abroad
participants are limiting because they do not account for the complexities of identity for this
population. In addition, they employ linear models of identity development that are limiting for
Latinx students and global citizens. The current study used Gallegos and Ferdman’s (2012)
Model of Latina and Latino Ethnoracial Identity Orientations to explore the ways that study
abroad impacts Latinx students. This model is fitting because it is specific to the Latinx
population, which allowed the study to account for the numerous factors crucial to understanding
Latinx identity. Additionally, it presents orientations rather than linear phases of development,
which allows for an exploration of identity beyond unidimensional categories or stages of
progression. Finally, it constructs identity as dynamic and having adaptive functions based on
one’s environment. As such, it is a fitting model to obtain a greater understanding of Latinx
students’ study abroad experiences that can have implications for practice (Ferdman & Gallegos,
2001; Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012).
Latinx as an Ethnoracial Group
The model adopts “ethnoracial” as a descriptor for Latinos in a way that does not conflate
race and ethnicity but rather acknowledges their coexistence with the understanding that
discussions on ethnicity for members of this population are best understood in the context of the
26
US’s “race consciousness and racialized language” (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012, p. 54). By doing
so, it addresses the complexity of Latinx identity and works to close the gap between US
society’s and the Latinx community’s concepts of race, ethnicity and racial/ethnic identity.
Further, the use of “ethnoracial” acknowledges the varied social identities of Latinxs, who have
diverse perceptions and interpretations of race and ethnicity as it is applied to themselves, the
group with which they identify, and other Latinxs. Thus, the model presents an intersectional
approach to identity development that is applicable to this group. Overall, defining Latinxs as an
ethnoracial group complexifies Latinx identity to avert simplification of a diverse pan-ethnic
group in a way that is applicable and makes sense within US society (Gallegos & Ferdman,
2012).
Identity Orientations
From initial iterations of this model, Gallegos and Ferdman (2001) found that Latinx
development is better described with orientations than a linear progression of “predictable steps”
(p. 48). Orientations describe the ways that Latinxs view themselves, other Latinxs and
individuals of other racial and ethnic groups. Further, the model used in this study presents
orientations as adaptive strategies for individuals to navigate their context. Six orientations that
Latinx individuals adopt are identified: Latino-integrated, Latino identified, Subgroup Identified,
Latino as other, Undifferentiated/Denial, White-identified. Each orientation is based on the
following factors: lens toward identity, preferred self-identification, how Latinxs as a group are
seen, how whites as a group are seen, framing of race, key challenges, adaptive functions,
behavioral manifestations and limitations (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012).
The factors that describe each orientation capture the multifaceted characteristics of
identity for Latinxs including the context of identity formation such as social structures of power
27
and inequality and the ways that individuals adopt orientations to navigate their context (p. 56).
While it is possible for an individual to maintain one orientation throughout their lives, it is also
possible for individuals to move from one orientation to another (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012).
Importantly, Gallegos and Ferdman (2012) highlight that each orientation is valuable for an
individual and challenge notions that a particular orientation is better than any other. Rather, they
highlight the utility of each orientation for individuals in their context and identity development
(Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012).
For this study, this framework can serve to observe students’ identity development in a
way that is not simplistic because of its integration of race and ethnicity, which are constructed
and understood uniquely in the different countries that participants completed a study abroad
program and in ways that do not necessarily align with the US racial paradigm. In addition, it
serves to explore what a student’s orientation may be in relation to their study abroad
participation in a way that recognizes that identity is in flux for global citizens (Young et al.,
2014; Davis-White Eyes, 2013) given that it does not define linear phases of progression.
Further, in this iteration of their model, Gallegos and Ferdman (2012) present Latino identity
orientations as adaptive strategies; it accounts for the adaptability, utility and the dynamic
aspects of each orientation. Its focus on contextual factors that impact identity serve to take into
account the ways that the international context may impact students’ identity in ways that
account for power structures not only within the US, but also in a different country and within
study abroad. Moreover, it serves to not value any one orientation over another because of the
consideration to an individual’s circumstances. The various factors that describe each orientation
allow for a complex, in-depth account of students’ identity orientation and the ways their identity
may have been impacted, if at all.
28
Gallegos and Ferdman (2012) Key Questions
Considering the complexity of Latino identity, Gallegos and Ferdman (2012) present key
critical questions (listed below) to explore Latino identity and gather a more nuanced
understanding. According to Gallegos and Ferdman (2012), responses to these questions help
represent the ways that Latino individuals create and understand the world around them and thus,
help identify the factors through which they express their identity and determine their
orientation. Gallegos and Ferdman’s (2012) key questions informed this study as well as the
interview protocol, data analysis and results in an effort to address the study’s research question.
The key questions are as follows:
1. How does identity orientation affect Latinos' interactions with each other and with non-
Latinos as well as the ways in which Latinos see themselves as similar to or different
from other Latinos?
2. How are acculturation and enculturation filtered through a racially tinted lens?
3. Under what conditions will Latinos see themselves as linked to the larger community
around them? When will they make the effort, for example, to bridge their neighborhoods
and relatively homogeneous communities with the larger world? For Latinos embedded
in a highly Latina/o community: when will they venture out, and for what purposes? For
those Latinos embedded in a mostly non-Latino context, what will trigger or lead them to
reconnect (or connect) to the Latino world? And how do they feel about such
connections?
4. When and how do Latinos see (and experience) their differences from others as an
advantage and value, rather than as a hindrance? How do they make attributions of
difference?
29
5. How do Latinos understand and explain discrimination? (p. 63)

30
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This chapter presents the research methodology and the methods for data collection and
analysis. The study was informed by a constructivist epistemology and follows a qualitative
research design. Purposeful and snowball sampling techniques were used to collect data to
appropriately address the research questions. The method of data collection was semi-structured
interviews following an interview protocol with open-ended questions informed by the
theoretical framework.
Research Approach
Constructivism is a worldview in which individuals look to understand the world around
them and create subjective meaning through interactions with their environment (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). There is an understanding that meanings are complex and that they are
constructed via interactions with others and their environment situated within a societal and
historical context. In this worldview, the researcher is driven by the understanding that
participants are the holders of information and relies on participants’ views and the meanings
they have constructed (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Constructivism allowed for the ability to
explore Latinx students’ interactions with others and their environments during a study abroad
program with an understanding from the researcher that the knowledge gained in this study
comes from the participants and how they have constructed meaning about their ethnoracial
identity.
The current study was a qualitative research study, as this type of research allows for
exploration of the ways in which individuals create meaning concerning a social or human
problem. This type of research typically gathers data from research participants connected to the
problem in the participants’ setting. Data is gathered through open-ended questions and semi-
31
structured interviews. Data is then analyzed and interpreted by the researcher, who then presents
a final written report. The researcher is directly involved with the study and for this reason, the
role of the researcher is important to examine continuously in this process (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). The problem of inquiry this study focused on was the ways that Latinx students create
meaning about their ethnicity and race as a result of studying abroad and its impact on their
ethnoracial identity orientation.
Research Site and Sampling
Research Site
The study took place at a large, private, R1 institution in Southern California. In its
mission statement, the institution situates itself as part of a global community asserting it is a
provider of public leadership and service around the globe whose faculty develop knowledge and
practice used throughout the world. The institution presents Global Experiences as a tenet of the
undergraduate experience. It does not have a centralized study abroad or global learning center
but rather, study abroad programs are hosted by each of the schools within it.
About 14% of the domestic student population reports to be Hispanic. The institution has
a Latinx cultural center, a Latino Alumni Association, and over 20 Hispanic/Latinx-identity
organizations. It is situated in an urban setting where the demographics reflect a majority of
Latinx individuals. This site was chosen because Latinx students are underrepresented in
enrollment and because PWIs are reported to have campus climates that are unwelcoming and
unsupportive to minoritized populations, which can have an impact on educational activities such
as study abroad (Jones, Castellanos & Cole, 2002).

32
Participant Sample
The study employed purposeful and snowball sampling to accomplish rich participant input that
would properly address the research questions. Purposeful sampling was based on three criteria:
current or recent undergraduate student, identify as Latina/o/x, and have participated in at least
one study abroad program as an undergraduate. To build on the sample, those that participated in
the study were asked to refer any potential participants that would be willing and able to share
their experience. In particular, participants were asked to refer Latinx male students as it was
anticipated that there would be little to no participation from this demographic because Latinx
males are represented in study abroad at a far lower rate than Latinx women. Including Latinx
men would enrich the data sample and speak to varied experiences of Latinx students. One
student was recommended to participate from an existing participant student via snowball
sampling. This participant was purposefully selected as it was necessary that all participants meet
criteria to best address the research question. The intended participants for this study were
undergraduates or recent graduates that had completed a study abroad program and identify as
Latina/o/x. The reason is that their study abroad experiences would be recent, their
interpretations would be related to current national and international sociopolitics, and their
responses would serve to appropriately address the research question. Altogether, six
participants contributed to the study. All participants were women.
Procedures
The researcher created an electronic flyer to recruit potential participants. The flyer
outlined brief study information including: participant criteria, participant roles and rights, and
researcher contact information. The electronic flyer was distributed on social media platforms
including Facebook, Instagram, and Groupme. Further, the researcher contacted leaders for
33
Latinx affiliated student organizations and the institution’s Latinx cultural center on campus in
order to distribute the flyer on weekly newsletters via their email listservs. The researcher also
communicated with staff at academic departments that host study abroad programs and faculty
members that lead study abroad programs via email for assistance recruiting participants in
person and via email. Flyers and email communication gave a brief description of the study and
instructed interested students that met the criteria to email the researcher.
From the flyer distribution, five of the participants emailed the researcher expressing
their interest. A preliminary information survey (Appendix B) that was created by the researcher
via Google Docs was sent to all potential participants. This survey included a series of questions
that collected basic information and helped determine eligibility to participate in the study. After
being contacted by interested students, the researcher shared the survey link via email to collect
preliminary information survey answers for all potential participants. After it was determined
that interested students met participant criteria, they were invited to an interview either in person
or via Zoom. For the participant that was identified via snowball sampling, the researcher
emailed her to ask if she was interested in sharing her experience. She was given a brief
description of the study and the interview procedures. When the participant agreed to share her
experience, she was sent the preliminary information survey link. Her answers determined that
she met research criteria, and an interview date and time was set.
Data Sources and Procedures
This section will discuss data sources and procedures. It begins by outlining data
collection and proceeds with a description of data analysis procedures. Importantly, this section
describes how the COVID-19 pandemic impacted the data collection procedure and the
appropriate modifications for collecting interviews during the Safer-At-Home directives.
34
Data Collection
Data was collected via six individual semi-structured interviews following an interview
protocol composed of open-ended questions that allowed participants to express their views
openly (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Of the six interviews, two took place in a face-to-face
setting in a reserved on-campus classroom and four took place via the online video conferencing
platform Zoom. Although it was planned that all interviews would take place in a face-to-face
setting, the last four took place virtually because the institution closed in response to State
leaders enacting Safer-At-Home directives during the COVID-19 pandemic. The lengths of
interviews were as follows, listed in the order they were collected:
1. 7 minutes, 46 seconds
2. 22 minutes, 3 seconds
3. 36 minutes, 36 seconds
4. 22 minutes
5. 42 minutes, 29 seconds
6. 47 minutes, 7 seconds
Two interviews took place in a face-to-face setting in a reserved on-campus classroom, a
private setting that protected the participant’s identity and allowed for an environment where
they will be comfortable to speak on their lived experience. Prior to the scheduled interview,
participants received detailed information on the study as well as the on-campus classroom
where the interview was to take place. In addition, they were informed that although the
interviews were scheduled for 45 minutes, the classroom was reserved for one hour in case extra
time was needed. The researcher reviewed study information with each participant before
beginning the interview. With the consent of participants, they were recorded on the researcher’s
35
password-protected mobile device. Interviews were then transferred to the researcher’s
password-protected laptop. After careful review about any confidentiality issues with the
interview audio, interviews were sent to the transcription service rev.com for timely
transcription.
Four interviews took place via Zoom because they were scheduled during Safer-At-Home
directives at the time of the COVID-19 pandemic. Prior to the scheduled Zoom interviews, the
researcher sent participants an email with detailed information on the study as well as the
scheduled meeting Zoom link, the online location for the interview. By clicking on that link, the
researcher and the participant were able to meet via videoconference. To maintain each
participants’ privacy, the researcher asked participants to ensure they were in a private setting
during the interview where they felt comfortable to speak on their lived experience. Participants
were informed that although the interviews were scheduled for 45 minutes, one hour was allotted
for the interview in case extra time was needed. The researcher reviewed study information with
each participant before beginning the interview and obtained participant confirmation that they
were in a private location to ensure the study maintained participant confidentiality. After that,
the researcher obtained verbal consent of participants to record the interview. Interviews were
recorded using the Zoom platform record feature that records audio and video and collects
transcription of audio recordings. Participants were notified that this feature was to be used and
that they may keep their camera off throughout the interview, in which case only audio recording
and audio transcription would be available to the researcher. All participants decided to keep
their camera on, but video recordings were discarded. Interviews and transcriptions were saved
on the researcher’s Zoom profile and then downloaded to the researcher’s password-protected
36
laptop. To protect participant privacy, pseudonyms were applied immediately following the file
downloads, including in file names and within the text of the transcription file.
Data Analysis
Data analysis began with a detailed examination of each interview by closely reading the
verbatim transcriptions line by line. The researcher added detailed annotations, including notes
on relevant nonverbal language, repeated words or phrases, and phrases that were surprising to
the researcher. This was followed by an open coding process through which data was closely
examined and compared for similarities and differences. Codes were created based on observed
patterns within the interviews or between participant responses to identify key information
(Magilvy & Thomas, 2009). Similarities and differences between participants’ responses were
equally considered in the coding process for the possibility that each participant was impacted by
study abroad differently. Through careful examination of codes, categories based on abstract
concepts were created by grouping codes together (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Categories were
then established with consideration to their relevance of each to Ferdman and Gallegos’ (2012)
key questions that guided this study, as described in Chapter 2. Given that each question and its
matching participant response in the interview protocol corresponded with one or more of key
questions, the researcher established categories that connected data to the theoretical framework.
In addition, codes were examined to create categories that aligned codes with the concepts of
each of the six factors for identity orientations defined in Ferdman and Gallegos’ (2012) Model.
Connections were made between categories from which themes were identified to speak to
participants’ experiences and the relationship between their study abroad experiences and ethnic
identity development. These themes explain the concepts of each category in an effort to
describe themes from the perspective of participants (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
37
Credibility and Trustworthiness
The study was informed by a constructivist epistemology, a worldview in which
individuals look to understand the world around them and create meaning through interactions
with their environment (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). This study explored how Latinx students’
interactions with others and their environments during a study abroad program inform meaning
about their ethnicity and race and the ways that impacts their ethnoracial identity development.
Congruent with a constructivist epistemology then, Latinx student participants held the data that
served to answer the research questions of the study. Thus, conducting interviews using open-
ended questions to collect data is effective, as information will be collected from the source of
meaning-making (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
The study maintained trustworthiness by obtaining institutional review board (IRB)
approval, offering participants a detailed account on the purpose of the study, maintaining
participant rights and confidentiality, and awareness of the role of the researcher in the study
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Before each interview, participants were informed of their rights,
their role and the purpose of the study to ensure they were voluntarily contributing to the study.
Being directly involved with the data source, the researcher is aware that she approached the
study with her own worldview and experience, which had the potential to influence the
outcomes. To uphold trustworthiness, the researcher made a concerted effort to maintain
neutrality throughout interviews. This included control of verbal and nonverbal language and not
passing personal judgement on certain experiences participants shared about themselves, others,
and their environment. There were several instances in which a participant shared an experience
the researcher felt a strong emotional reaction to; the researcher managed emotional responses by
focusing on the content of response as it related specifically to the interview question being
38
addressed rather than any positive or negative valuation to a participant’s experiences. Lastly, the
interview protocol was followed with minimal flexibility in follow-up questions to maintain
consistency among interviews.
Role of the Researcher
The researcher interacted directly with research subjects in participant recruitment,
interview collection and data throughout the analysis and reporting of findings. The researcher’s
presence in all of these aspects has an influence on several aspects of the study. It was imperative
that the researcher maintain awareness of her role including her positionality and the biases she
may have carried throughout the research process.
An important consideration of the researcher’s role is the researcher’s positionality. The
researcher identifies as Latina and comes from a low-income family. While she has legal status
to live and work in the US, she is from a mixed-status family. Much of these identities align with
underrepresented student groups in study abroad and inform her passion for diversifying this
educational activity. Importantly, these identities inform the way that she experiences the world,
how she approached study participants and the data collected. Further, this lens informed her
interpretation of data and presentation of findings.
The researcher’s personal interest in the topic being researched plays a central role in the
study. The researcher studied abroad in Latin America in 2013, an experience she identifies had
an impact on her understanding of her own ethnoracial identity. The researcher worked to avert
confirmation bias in the process of data collection and data analysis by excluding her personal
experiences during interviews and the open coding process. In addition, there was no assumption
that participants’ experiences abroad had an impact on their ethnoracial identity at all. Rather a
focus on open-ended questions in the interview protocol allowed for responses to organically
39
indicate whether there was indication toward ethnicity, race or identity in their experiences.
Maintaining neutrality in this process was important, especially when interviewees shared
experiences to which the researcher could relate, held a strong opinion, or sensed an emotional
response. In order to properly capture the perspective of participants, it was equally important to
examine data with neutrality. The researcher did so by eliminating her personal study abroad
lived experience from the experiences shared by participants and focusing on the similarities and
differences between participants’ responses, as shown in the raw data.
Limitations and Delimitations
A considerable limitation for this study is that the data collection process was interrupted
by the Safer-at-Home order that happened at the research site location due to the COVID-19
pandemic. Only two out of the six interviews were in person while the rest were done virtually.
The ability to build rapport with participants virtually was limited given the use of a virtual
platform that restricted the nonverbal communication that takes place during in-person
interviews. In addition, there were a few instances of internet connectivity issues which required
repetition from the researcher and the participant, interrupting the natural flow of conversation.
By consequence, the way of gathering data was different for the two groups of participants,
which may have had an influence on interview responses. Interestingly, interviews collected
virtually were considerably longer than those collected in person. While there are a number of
reasons this may have occurred, it is notable in the interview collection process. A delimitation
to this was that in being qualitative, this study was able to adopt emergent design; the initial plan
was effectively modified with appropriate approvals from the Thesis Committee Chair and
Institutional Review Board. Further, participants were made aware of the same study information
and offered the same confidentiality as in-person interview participants (Creswell & Creswell,
40
2018). Similarly to the in-person interviews, the researcher introduced herself before beginning
the interview in an effort to build rapport through the virtual platform and allowed for
interviewees to ask any questions. Additionally, they were reminded that turning their camera on
was voluntary and to ensure they were in a private setting.
Another limitation for the study is that information regarding the topics discussed was
filtered through the participant’s lens and level of knowledge (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). It
was clear to the researcher that some participants held more sophisticated knowledge of race,
ethnicity, and national and international sociopolitics related to Latinx identity. As such, they
were able to discuss in-depth their experiences related to these topics since they were able to
recognize them while abroad and articulate them during the interview. Meanwhile other
participants had trouble recognizing experiences abroad related to race and ethnicity or
answering questions with instances they identified related to these issues. As a delimitation, the
different levels of articulation were navigated by the researcher by rephrasing interview
questions or asking for follow-ups to certain pieces of information shared to gather the whole
story. Moreover, interviewees were reminded to speak on their experience as they were
comfortable and that there was no right or wrong answer to interview protocol questions.
Being a new researcher had a considerable impact on this study and presented a limitation
in the collection of interviews. Most notably, three interviews were shorter than 30 minutes; the
first interview collected was the shortest at 7 minutes and 46 seconds. In consequent interviews,
the researcher gained skill in interviewing participants, but this limitation presented the challenge
of gathering an equitable amount of data from all study participants. In addition, being a new
researcher presented a limitation as far as capturing valuable data from participants that, as noted
41
above, may have been at varying levels of understanding and speaking on the concepts of the
study while answering the research questions.
Another limitation was a lack of gender diversity among participants. The study aimed at
bringing forth perspectives of Latinx students without focus on a specific gender, but all
participants in the study were women. The lived experiences of participants were filtered through
the perspectives of their multiple identities, including gender, and the data gathered for this study
is influenced as such. A delimitation for this was an active attempt to interview Latinx men that
met the criteria, although no men were identified for an interview by the researcher or the
research participants. In addition, careful attention was paid to instances where gender played a
role in identity development. Nonetheless, gender did not rise as salient finding for the study.
Two additional related limitations to this study are the time constraint and the inability to
collect multiple sources of data. The study took place in the last semester of a Master’s program,
making it difficult to consider the students’ experiences before, during and after a study abroad
experience to examine their ethnoracial identity development in real time. A long-term study
taking place in the course of various academic terms would be able to examine such a
development. Collecting multiple sources of data, such as ethnographic observations during a
study abroad program and daily or weekly journal entries, would supplement the reflections on
lived experiences shared during an interview taking place outside of the study abroad setting
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018).

42
CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION OF DATA
This chapter presents data from six one-on-one semi-structured interviews. Two
interviews took place in person at a private location on campus and the other four virtually via
Zoom. All participants were women, which is not surprising considering the demographic trends
in Latinx college student enrollment and study abroad participation, as outlined in Chapter 2
(NCES, 2019; IIE, 2019). Pseudonyms are used throughout the presentation of data to protect
participant identity.
This chapter will first present a profile of each participants’ study abroad experience
captured by the preliminary information survey and participants’ responses to the interview
protocol. Following that, this chapter will outline salient patterns between participants’ responses
that may speak to the lived experiences of Latinx students in study abroad contexts and that are
relevant to ethnoracial identity development. Finally, this chapter will present a summary of the
impact studying abroad may have had on participants’ ethnoracial identity orientation using
Gallegos and Ferdman’ (2012) Model of Latino Identity Development by examining how their
experiences impacted six relevant factors each orientation is based on.
Participant Profiles
To gain insight into the ways studying abroad may impact Latinx students’ ethnoracial
identity development, it is important to understand each participants’ lived experiences as
Latinxs in the US and abroad. This section presents a profile for each participant with details
important to their connection to the Latinx community, their experiences as Latinxs abroad, and
other salient pieces that arose from their interview. A table summarizing participant
demographics as collected from the preliminary information survey is included at the end of this
section.
43
Kate
At the time of the interview, Kate was an undergraduate that identified as Latina/o/x via
the preliminary information survey. She studied abroad in Chile for a semester and shared that
she chose to study abroad because she wanted the experience of studying in a university in Latin
America and for the opportunity to travel within South America. During the interview, Kate
shared that she grew up in a transnational setting and described herself as bicultural; she is from
Mexico, where she grew up and lived until she started college. Before college, Kate crossed the
border every day to attend school in Arizona, an experience that complicated her connection to
the Latinx community and her understanding of what it means to be Latinx. Kate shared that she
strengthened her understanding of Latinxs when she started at her undergraduate institution,
where she found community through on-campus involvement with other undergraduates through
Latinx-affiliated organizations.
Kate described her experiences as a Latinx abroad were complicated due to her
transnational bicultural experience and her phenotypic presentation. At the same time, though,
she attributed these factors as to what facilitated her ability to navigate an entirely different
country and culture with ease. It is important to note that Kate is aware of larger sociopolitical
issues that impact Latinxs in and out of the US. She described herself as a “White Mexican” but
recognized a difference between herself and her White student counterparts during her study
abroad program. Kate is aware of her privileges and expressed a passion to see other students of
color participating in study abroad.
Nancy
Nancy is an undergraduate that participated in study abroad programs in Spain and
France during two different summer terms. She identified as Latina/o/x and shared that she chose
44
to study abroad to fulfill class requirements and because of her love for travel. Nancy was born
in Germany to a Bolivian mother and a German father. She attributes her connection to the
Latinx community to her Bolivian heritage and her Spanish language fluency.
Nancy indicated a great difference between her connection to the Latinx community in
the US and during her experiences abroad. In the US, she does not feel connected to the Latinx
community because her fair appearance makes it so that she does not “fit in.” Meanwhile in
Spain she felt accepted as a Spanish-speaker because of her fair skin tone. While Nancy
demonstrated a desire to become more connected to the Latinx community, she expressed
ambivalent feelings about whether she might be accepted as a Latina in the US. The interview
with Nancy was the first one collected for this study.
Mirna
Mirna is an undergraduate that studied abroad in Italy during the summer term. In the
preliminary information survey, she shared that she chose to study abroad to meet course
requirements while travelling to countries she had always wanted to visit. During the interview,
she additionally shared that her family’s financial support allowed her the opportunity to
participate in this program. Mirna’s mother is Mexican and her father is White, and she attributes
her connection to the Latinx community via her Mexican identity. Additionally, she feels
connected through on-campus involvement in Latinx-affiliated organizations including a social
activist organization that works in the interest of university auxiliary staff, who Mirna identified
as being Latinx or Black.
Mirna shared that both in the US and abroad, her racial ambiguity led to uncomfortable
situations where she feels exoticized based on her phenotypic features. She is often asked
whether she is Asian or Latinx, and the questioning of her racial identity in and outside the US
45
elicits a strong emotional response from her. Mirna noted that she is proud to be Latinx and
recognizes her privileges within the Latinx community as well as the sociopolitical atmosphere
surrounding Latinxs and identity. She expressed a desire to see more students of color studying
abroad, with an acknowledgement of the barriers of low-income and undocumented Latinxs to
participate in this educational activity.
Sandra
Sandra is an undergraduate that identified as Chicana/o/x in the preliminary information
survey. She studied abroad during the summer term in Oman through the US Department of
Defense Project Global Officer (Project GO), an initiative that promotes language learning and
study abroad for Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) (Department of Defense, 2015). In the
survey, Sandra described her passion for experiencing new cultures and places and decided to
study abroad because the program was fully funded and it offered the opportunity to learn
Arabic. Sandra grew up in a predominantly Chicanx community and has Mexican parents.
Sandra has a strong grasp of her Chicanx identity but shared that she was not aware of Latinx
diversity until she started college, where she developed a connection to the Latinx community
beyond the Chicanx identity. At the same time, she experienced struggle with her identity due to
a feeling of not being Latinx enough within a diverse Latinx community. This led her to further
explore her Latinx identity in a desire to strengthen her connection to it.
Abroad, Sandra’s Latinx identity felt most notable to her with regard to the demographics
of her cohort. She was the only Californian and one of two Latinx students in a group of 20. The
rest of the students were White and from Texas. This difference resulted in a sense of rejection
from her cohort but a sense of acceptance from local Omanis, from which she felt a sense of
solidarity in opposition to White Americans. Overall, Sandra described that she gained a new
46
sense of what it means to be different and values her difference within the Latinx community in
the US as well as from people from other racial and ethnic groups, in particular those of the
majority.
Jasmin
Jasmin is a recent graduate that completed a study abroad program in Japan for an entire
year while she was an undergraduate. In the preliminary information survey, Jasmin identified as
both Hispanic and Latina and shared that she chose to study abroad due to her desire to become
fluent in Japanese, which she had been studying for about seven years. Additionally, she wanted
to take advantage that the program was fully funded and would help her complete Japanese
major requirements. During the interview, Jasmin shared that her cultural roots in Japan further
motivated her to become fluent in Japanese. Jasmin’s parents are from Mexico and she grew up
in a diverse minority community with a large Latinx population. She feels connected to the
Latinx community through a Mexican-American identity more than a Mexican identity, to which
she feels disconnected. Jasmin further described a feeling of disconnect from her community
because of her strong interest in Japan and Japanese culture, and expressed a desire to connect
with her Latina identity and learn more about it.
Jasmin’s experience abroad among a homogenous population made her Latinx identity
salient throughout her experience and was manifested in various ways. In interactions with
others, her difference was celebrated, which led to self-acceptance and a motivation to share
Latinx aspects of herself with others. Internally, however, she felt that her difference brought on
challenges, such as isolation attributed to Mexican cultural aspects of familismo, a term that
refers to a value orientation that prioritizes family and kinship relations, and culpa, a term that
refers to sense of guilt upon not abiding by expectations and cultural norms (De Mente, 1996; De
47
Mente, 2011). These were especially present for Jasmin in a country with different concepts of
family and familial obligations. For Jasmin, it is very important to see more Latinx students
study abroad, and she expresses that she encourages others in her community to do so.
Serena
Serena is an undergraduate who identifies as Latina/o/x and completed a one semester
study abroad program that started in Arizona and continued in several cities in Mexico. She
expressed that she chose to study abroad “to learn more about the roots of migration and how
neoliberalism impacts communities.” During the interview, she pointed at scholarships as the
reason that she was able to take on this opportunity. Serena is a second-generation immigrant of
Mexican and Honduran heritage. She grew up in a predominantly White community in Kentucky
and was first exposed to a large Latinx community when she started college in Southern
California. She became connected to the Latinx community via on-campus involvement in
Latinx-affiliated organizations.
Several aspects of Serena’s study abroad experience made her Latinx identity salient for
her including the program’s course content, her linguistic and cultural knowledge, and the
ambivalent feelings of having the privileges of a US Latinx while also being part of the Latin
American diaspora. It was evident that Serena had a strong hold on sociopolitical processes that
impact communities such as imperialism and capitalism, and an understanding of how they have
come to impact her own lived experience.
48
Table 1

Participant Profiles
Kate Nancy Mirna Sandra Jackie Serena
Undergradua
te status at
time of
interview
Recent
Graduate
Current
Undergraduate
Current
Undergraduate
Current
Undergraduate
Recent
Graduate
Current
Undergraduate
Racial/Ethnic
self-
identification
Latina/o/x Latina/o/x Latina/o/x Chicana/o/x Both
Hispanic and
Latina
Latina/o/x
Study abroad
location
Chile Spain &
France
Italy Oman Japan Mexico
Length of
study abroad

Semester Summer Summer Summer Year Semester
Reasons they
chose to
study abroad

To
experience
studying at
a university
in Latin
America
and the
opportunity
to travel in
South
America.
To fulfill a
class
requirement
and love for
travel
To travel to
Europe, to
meet class
requirements
To experience
a new culture,
learn a new
language, and
take the
opportunity of
a fully-funded
program.
To master
Japanese and
take the
opportunity
of a fully-
funded
program.
To learn more
about the roots
of migration
and how
neoliberalism
impacts
communities.

Salient Trends
Throughout the interviews, trends between participants’ responses arose that are relevant
considering the variety of programs and countries that interviewees participated in. The
commonalities outlined in this section speak to the unique ways that studying abroad may impact
Latinx students and inform its impact on ethnoracial identity development, as outlined later in
this chapter. Much of these commonalities were unexpected to the researcher, and were
highlighted because of their relevance to ethnicity, race, identity and the study abroad experience
49
that in the end, can speak to the impact study abroad may have on participants’ ethnoracial
identity.
Underrepresentation of Latinx Students in Study Abroad Cohorts
In almost all the interviews, participants shared that there was a low representation of
Latinx students in participants’ study abroad cohorts which had a great impact on their
experience abroad. Five of the six participants expressed being one of few Latinxs in their
program, which otherwise were mostly, if not entirely, composed of White students. Three of
these participants noted they were one of two Latinxs in their cohort. This underrepresentation is
not surprising given the yearly Open Doors Report on study abroad participant demographics
(IIE, 2019) and may additionally be attributed to the low number of Latinx students at the
institution of the present study, a PWI, apart from the various reasons presented in the literature
on Latinx student college enrollment and study abroad participation outlined in Chapter 2.
Nonetheless, this phenomenon is reflective of what Murray Brux and Fry’s (2010) study
participants described as a “double-whammy,” described in Chapter 2, in which students of color
felt concern regarding study abroad participation. Its salience in this study validates students’
concerns with taking part in this educational activity. The underrepresentation of Latinx students
in participants’ cohorts was significant in their experiences abroad. For most participants, it
elicited feelings of shock, isolation, and loss of community. Two participants explicitly stated
that they considered this the most challenging aspect of their study abroad experience.
The development of friendship with either fellow Latinx students or another student of
color aided participants in navigating being part of the underrepresented group in their cohort, as
expressed by five of the six participants. For instance, in talking about the one other Latinx
student in her cohort, Sandra expressed the following:
50
If it weren't for her, I would have probably had a really bad experience because being in a
group of 18 Americans studying in a school, I don't know who I would be friends with.
Like who would help me...and just being able to speak Spanish or go to the store and buy
spicy sauce or chips… [and] to be comforted with that.
For Sandra, it was essential to have another Latinx student with her because shared relatability
via ethnicity and language was comforting in a new environment among a majority White
student cohort. Similar experiences were expressed by other participants, who noted that they
were only friends with the few other Latinxs in their cohort. For example, Kate shared that she
and the other Latinx student in her cohort became friends from the time of the pre-departure
orientation. During the pre-departure orientation, they found that neither of them found the
orientation content relevant to their experience; a shared disconnect to the content created a
shared experience for both students. In addition to creating connection for relatability and
comfort, students connected with other Latinx students via critical conversations about what it
meant to be a Latinx student from the US in another country. For instance, Kate shared:
The way that poverty is experienced in Latin America as it is experienced in the United
States is so different…my friend who was on the trip…her parents are…Dominican but
she grew up in the United States…we had a lot of discussions about like what it meant to
be Latinx and in that space and like…how much privilege it is to be able to be there in
that [study abroad] program and how like we had to…understand what we were doing
there.
For Kate and her Latinx cohort member, their underrepresentation brought up unique questions
about their experiences not only in the US, but also in Latin America and their connection to the
51
continent to which they claim heritage. It resulted in a recognition of privilege that they have
experiences apart from and unique from those living in Latin American countries.
The phenomena described above is reflective of Beverly Daniel Tatum’s (2017) work
exploring the reasons for racial self-segregation. Daniel Tatum’s work reveals that, among other
reasons, students self-segregate as a way to connect with those who have a similar experience
since those connections serve as both a protective force and a way to affirm one’s identity. This
is especially relevant in a study abroad context, which is laden with unfamiliar experiences in
new places. Being one of few Latinxs in a majority White cohort exacerbates the feelings of
unfamiliarity not only because of being underrepresented, but because of the differential
positionings of White and Latinx student populations related to power and privilege in the US
and higher education. For participants, the need to connect with others of a similar experience
was amplified in this context.
Latinx Students in Opposition to White Students
There was a recognition across participants’ responses of an opposition between Latinx
students and White students in various forms. Participants expressed that the way White students
experienced study abroad—including programmatic content, leisurely travel, and perceived
access—was in opposition to their own experience and that of other Latinx students. In addition,
they observed White students as those that had a phenotype different than their own, denoting a
racial aspect in the difference between themselves and White students.
“It’s just a very clear divide”: Opposition in Relation to the Study Abroad
The participants described an opposition between Latinx students and White students
with regard to the way they experienced study abroad. Serena expressed that there was “a very
clear divide” in the way that White students experienced her program because the programmatic
52
content was related to the politics of immigration in Latin America. She shared that while the
content may have been emotionally taxing for all students, the way she and her Latinx peers
experienced this was different than their White counterparts. In discussing one of her obstacles
related to being Latinx while abroad, she expressed:
Most of my Latinx friends shared it was very exhausting to be in class when talking about
these heavy topics [of deportation and immigration]. And [for] our counterparts… it was
exhausting for them too because it was just lot of like emotionally heavy material. But I
don't think, in my opinion,…it probably just wasn't as heavy for them because they're
able to like leave class and, like, go back to their life, whereas like me and a lot of my
Latinx friends are like, yeah, this is the reality of a lot of our family members.
Latinx participants’ personal connection to immigration, deportation and the Latinx diaspora
made it so they could not leave course content in class as she perceived their White counterparts
could, meaning that their experience in the program was much different than that of their non-
Latinx peers. Serena mentioned that having an Oaxacan program director helped manage this
challenge, especially since he conducted periodic check-ins with her and her peers. It was her
understanding that in being Oaxacan, the program director understood the community that they
were visiting in Mexico as well as the Latinx student experience as it related to study abroad and
the course content.
Mirna and Jasmin noted a difference in the travel experience between themselves and the
White students in their program; while White students had no difficulty with leisurely travel,
they experienced emotional feelings in this regard. Mirna wanted to get as much travelling as
possible done while in Europe because she did not know if she would even be offered such an
opportunity. Meanwhile, she noticed her White peers showed to be casually visiting the
53
continent because they had been there various times. Likewise, Jasmin expressed that the way
she experienced leisurely travel in Asia was different than that of her White peers. She felt an
overwhelming sense of guilt at taking on leisurely travel because no one in her family had been
offered that opportunity; she had to continuously remind herself that it was okay for her to enjoy
experiences in other countries.
Yet another difference participants perceived between their experience and that of their
White peers was the lack of pre-orientation relevance and effectiveness. As noted above, Kate
found much of the pre-orientation content irrelevant. For instance, she was surprised to see that
in order to help students navigate interactions with their Chilean host families, her pre-departure
orientation included a PowerPoint presentation outlining cultural modes of respect similar to
those she was raised with and explaining that in Chile, “not all households have clothes dryers.”
These things were not new to Kate’s experience. She shared that it was not a surprise that a
household did not have that appliance, and that the first time she had an in-unit clothes dryer was
when she started college. She noted that throughout her time abroad, her experiences growing up
bicultural facilitated her transition to navigating another country to a greater extent than her
White peers, making much of the pre-departure orientation content ineffective to her experience.
Similarly, Serena expressed that she “didn't really experience like these, culture shocks that [are]
like predicted or like customary for students who study abroad.” She indicated that the pattern
outlined by John and Jeanne Gullahorn’s (1963) Reverse Culture Shock Cycle W-Curve was not
applicable to her experience because of her existing cultural knowledge and previous experience
travelling to Mexico. Serene expressed:
Having family members that are Mexican and Honduran...I didn't really feel culture
shock…I didn't have fear of language barriers, like [with] my host mom…It was easier to
54
understand cultural norms of like indirectness…I thankfully didn’t experience a lot of an
overwhelming sense [of culture shock].
Like for Kate, Serena’s experience having Latin American heritage made her study abroad
smoother because she was able to adopt her existing cultural knowledge in a new space. In this
sense, the use of John and Jeanne Gullahorn’s (1963) Reverse Culture Shock Cycle W-Curve in
her orientation was neither applicable or effective in her experience.
Another way that students found opposition between Latinx students and White students
was in perceived barriers and access to study abroad. Jasmin described herself as not the typical
student that studies abroad in Japan for one year, denoting White students as those who do. She
attributed this difference to the cultural value of familismo in Latinx culture, which she described
as what keeps students from leaving their family to participate in international study. Other
participants pointed at financial barriers that made the experience less attainable to Latinx
students as opposed to their White counterparts. For the interviewees, Latinx students were
associated with less socioeconomic status, while White students are perceived to possess
financial privileges and therefore, less barriers to study abroad. As noted in the student profiles
above, various participants pointed at financial support or scholarships as part of the reasons they
were able to study abroad, something they deemed necessary as Latinxs to be able to participate.
While it was salient for five of six participants that they were one of few Latinx students
in their study abroad cohort, for one participant, this was the most shocking aspect of her study
abroad experience. She passionately denounced the institution for not providing the necessary
support for Latinx students and students of color to access study abroad. Different than other
participants, she placed the onus of responsibility on the institution to make this educational
activity more accessible:
55
[The institution] has a lot of work to do when it comes to helping Latinx and Black
students study abroad, especially low-income students, first-generation [college students].
It was very unfortunate to see that there was only one other Latinx person and no Black
people in my cohort… I feel like more brown and black students deserve that, especially
those that don't have the opportunity or like the economic and social opportunity
to…That's the biggest lesson that I learned.
“You know, the blonde hair and blue eyes”: Opposition in Relation to Phenotype
Several interviewees used the term “blonde hair and blue eyes” to describe their White
counterparts in opposition to themselves, denoting a racial aspect in difference between the
groups. For them and those around them, these phenotypic features were associated with White
American students and set Latinx students apart. For instance, Kate, Sandra and Serena all
expressed that when they were on their own or with another Latinx student, they were able to
“blend in” but as soon as they were with those with “blonde hair and blue eyes,” they stood out
as Americans. For all three of them, “blending in” came with benefits while navigating a foreign
country. Kate expressed a sense of relief that her racialization as a “White Mexican” was relaxed
in Chile in contrast to her experience in the US, where her phenotype was often confusing to
those that had difficulty understanding how someone with light skin such as hers could be
Latinx. Serena and Sandra perceived that due to the phenotype, they were more accepted from
members of their host family to the locals they interacted with briefly in public settings. Sandra
noted that because of her phenotype “taxi fares were cheaper than the [White] Americans…we
would blend in easier with the crowd or like they wouldn't try and haggle us as much as our
blonde counterparts in the bazaar.” Not having the stereotypical White phenotype was an
56
advantage not only because it was easier to connect with others in a foreign country, but it
brought on convenience in everyday life expenses, such as lower taxi fares.
Nancy, who did not feel accepted as a Latina in the US, attributed her fair skin to this
reality. Even for her, having fair features was in opposition to being Latinx. Kate identified that
despite being fair-skinned, features that set her apart were her short height and dark hair, which
allowed for her to blend in. Likewise, dark hair also came up in Mirna’s experience, who was
often asked where she was from while abroad because of her dark hair. That dark hair and height
was a salient feature in participants’ responses demonstrates that there was more than skin tone
denoting racial difference for participants. In addition, it speaks to the fact that for participants,
race is understood as described by Gallegos and Ferdman (2012)—a complex spectrum rather
than a Black and White dichotomy.
The Role of Spanish
Throughout the interviews, it became clear that knowledge of the Spanish language was
important to participants’ Latinx identity. For five participants, Spanish served as a moderator in
defining a connection and sense of belonging to the Latinx community. For all participants, their
Spanish knowledge served as linguistic and navigational capital abroad. For the purposes of this
study, linguistic capital and navigational capital are used as in Yosso’s Community Cultural
Wealth Model (2005) as it offers an asset-based approach and allows for a fair analysis of the
capital possessed by students of marginalized communities such as Latinx students. Linguistic
capital is an individual’s ability to develop communication skills, including different languages,
through various experiences, use them across cultural boundaries and effectively navigate
different spaces. Navigational capital is the skills individuals develop to be able to operate in
57
different settings, in particular those in which there is a power differential that results in
oppressive forces to their cultural or ethnic group (Yosso, 2005).
A Moderator for Sense of Belonging
Nancy, Kate and Serena felt a sense of belonging to the Latinx community in the US and
abroad because of their knowledge of Spanish. This is particularly the case for Nancy, who did
not feel that she fit into the Latinx community phenotypically and had no other connection to the
community outside of her Bolivian family. Sandra and Jasmin shared that their lower level of
Spanish made them feel disconnected from their Latinx identity in the US. Abroad, however,
Sandra and Jasmin’s Spanish knowledge reconnected them to their Latinx identity and allowed
them the opportunity to find community with other Latinxs. In particular for Jasmin, she
expressed a clash between her strong interest in Japanese and a perceived need to be fluent in
Spanish. When discussing an experience that stood out to her related to being Latinx, she shared
that she finally found harmony between these conflicting interests during an experience abroad,
when she had dinner with two friends who were Latin American exchange students and her host
mom:
Those two exchange students don't speak Japanese as well…[and] my host mom doesn't
speak any English. So, I was translating the whole time between Spanish and Japanese
and English…it was so fun…I had the opportunity to bring…my culture and…combine it
with something that I love, which is Japanese. To be able to explain to my host mom in
Japanese like stuff about my friend [about] Mexican culture…and then share that
connection, it was really meaningful to me.
Having connected with other Latin American students in Japan allowed for Jasmin to have a
unique experience in which she translated between three languages and was able to bring her
58
interests together across a dinner table conversation. Through this experience, her connection to
the Latinx community via Spanish knowledge became reinforced in an international context.
A potential factor in the varied experiences between participants described above is that
Nancy, Kate and Serena studied in countries where Spanish is the dominant language, while
Sandra and Jasmin studied abroad in non-Spanish speaking countries and found commonality
with their peers via language. It is important to note that while Spanish is closely associated with
Latinxs in the US, there is a large portion of the population that does not speak it and most say
speaking Spanish is not necessary to be considered Latinx (Pew Research Center, 2016). Yet for
participants, it was central to their sense of belonging in the Latinx community.
Linguistic and Navigational Capital
For all participants, Spanish knowledge served as linguistic and navigational capital in a
new setting. Both Jasmin and Mirna expressed that their knowledge of Spanish facilitated their
learning a third language. For Jasmin, the phonetic commonalities between Spanish and Japanese
made it so that she spoke it seemingly without an accent. Spanish being a Romance language
helped Mirna quickly learn basic Italian and navigate Italy without needing to be fluent in the
local language. For Sandra, Spanish knowledge served to build community with the other Latinx
student in her cohort, who, as noted above, was essential to her prosperity during the program.
For Nancy, Kate and Serena, their Spanish knowledge allowed for them to easily communicate
with locals in a Spanish-speaking country and navigate a different country with ease. Kate
described her experience with Spanish:
It was so easy to communicate with my [host] family…with my classmates, with my
professors, like there was no difficulty there. And I feel like [White students] had a hard
time…because…the fact that they're trying to better their Spanish and the fact that it's not
59
the best yet...I think that's why, maybe I had a better like time in general because like it
was so easy for me to talk to people.
Interacting with Spanish as a primary language rather than a second language—which is what
she perceived her White peers doing—offered Kate an ability to communicate emotions with her
host family and build strong connections with Chilean individuals in and outside the classroom.
In various ways, not only was Spanish knowledge linguistic capital in a Spanish-speaking
country, but it also served as navigational capital amongst an unfamiliar culture that allowed for
her to gain more from the experience.
Agradecimiento y Orgullo/Appreciation and Pride
Another salient commonality between nearly all interviewees were strong feelings of
agradecimiento, or appreciation, for having the opportunity to study abroad.
Participants deemed this a life-changing, once-in-a-lifetime experience and their expressions
related to the opportunity were notably emotional. When Jasmin was asked if there was anything
else she would like to share about her study abroad experience, she discussed leisurely travel in
several countries within Asia, in the following manner:
I also felt that like everything I did, I felt like, wow, I'm so blessed to do this. So grateful
for this experience... like, wow, like I can't believe I'm able to do this like I felt like
spoiled…And then I was thinking, well, this is something that, you know, my friends can
do.
The feeling of being “blessed,” “grateful,” and “spoiled” demonstrated that Jasmin perceived the
study abroad experience to be extraordinary. Serena, Sandra and Kate shared similar feelings
about their experience, and like Jasmin, reflected on how, in Sandra’s words, “want[ed] others in
my community to experience that, too.” This was accompanied by a recognition of the privileges
60
they possessed to be able to participate including financial factors, documentation status and
proximity to whiteness. Much of these feelings arose from the realization that they were
underrepresented in their cohorts or that they were one of few in their family and community that
was able to take part in this educational activity. They identified challenges that came with being
able to participate and complete a study abroad program unique to Latinx students, including the
cultural aspect of familismo, a value emphasizing family, and culpa, the feeling of guilt, and
disadvantages associated with this group including low socioeconomic status and less access to
higher education and study abroad. Participants hoped for more Latinx students and students of
color to study abroad, which they communicated with passion during the interview, and shared
that they actively encouraged others in their community to at least “just apply” to a program.
Additionally, three participants shared a sense of orgullo, or cultural pride, in their study
abroad experience. Jasmin expressed a need to share her culture with others, especially after
having the new experience of her difference being celebrated. Sandra gained a newfound sense
of cultural pride after realizing how greatly her Mexican culture was appreciated in Oman. She
additionally expressed a strengthened solidarity with people of color in an international context;
among a majority group, she felt that like in the US, Omanis were able to connect with her and
her Latinx peer because of a shared understanding between people of color. Her experience
reflected what is found in research for other students of color studying in Europe, whose
immigration status brought similarity and fostered a sense of connection with Turkish
immigrants (Davis-White Eyes, 2013). Kate, who demonstrated a strong sense of cultural pride
prior to her study abroad program expressed that it was fun to share aspects of her Mexican
culture with Chileans while learning about theirs.

61
Study Abroad Impact on Ethnic Identity Orientation
Gallegos and Ferdman’ (2012) Model of Latino and Latina Ethnoracial Identity
Development proposes that Latinos adopt orientations that serve as lenses through which they
see themselves and the world around them. Orientations are based on the following factors: lens
toward identity, preferred self-identification, how Latinos as a group are seen, how Whites as a
group are seen, and framing of race. Based on these factors, six orientations emerge ranging from
an identity aligning with whiteness, as in White-identified, to an identity that considers the
complexities of Latino identity as an individual and as a group, as in Latino-integrated.
Additionally, this model presents orientations as adaptive strategies, adding four other factors
that account for external shaping forces for identity: key challenges, adaptive functions, and
behavioral manifestations. These last four factors were added to Gallegos and Ferdman’s original
2007 model to account for the fact that each orientation is dynamic and adaptable to an
individual’s context and to describe manifestations of the orientations. The scholars also note
that there is no need to add value to each orientation but to rather recognize its utility for
individuals depending on their environment (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012). This study observes
the ways in which study abroad impacted six of the nine factors, namely the following: lens
toward identity, preferred self-identification, how Latinos as a group are seen, how Whites as a
group are seen, framing of race, and adaptive functions. These factors are those that are relevant
to address the research question for this study. Observing for key challenges, behavioral
manifestations and limitations is beyond its scope, since this study does not look to examine the
way identity orientations are manifested but rather, indications of any potential impact study
abroad may have on them.
62
In a study abroad context, which involves constantly new and changing environments,
identifying an individuals’ orientation is complicated. To evaluate the impact studying abroad
may have had on students’ ethnoracial identity orientation, the following section will examine
participants’ responses in depth with regard to six factors listed above. Guided by the five key
questions that Gallegos and Ferdman (2012) presented, the following section provides an in-
depth perspective of Latino identity development with consideration to the complexity of Latino
identity. Since defining an ethnoracial identity orientation for each participant is beyond the
scope of this study, responses will be summarized as a group with special attention to indications
that study abroad did or did not impact each factor, as that more closely addresses the research
question.
Participants overwhelmingly reflected factors describing the Latino-identified orientation
from before and after studying abroad, an orientation through which individuals identify broadly
as Latino, view Latinos very positively and understand Latinos as a distinct category across
national-origin subgroups. They also showed characteristics of the following orientations:
Latino-integrated, an orientation that sees Latino identity in the context of other identities and
understands its complexity and dynamic nature; Subgroup identified, an orientation in which
Latinos identify with their national-origin group and see theirs as more positively than others;
Latino as other, an orientation in which individuals understand they are not white but without an
in-depth understanding of history or cultural markers to Latino identity; and
Undifferentiated/Denial, an orientation marked by a lack of awareness in which individuals
cannot or choose not to see cultural and ethnic difference (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012).

63
Orientation as a Way of Seeing the World
Orientations as a way of seeing the world serve as a lens for the way Latinos view
themselves and other Latinos, the way Whites are seen, and the way Latinos understand race
based on the factors listed above (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012). The following sections will
explore themes in participants’ responses regarding the way that they identified, the way they
viewed themselves in relation to the greater Latinx community, the way they viewed those of
other racial and ethnic groups and their understanding of race. The impact of studying abroad is
considered for each factor.
Nationality and Ethnicity as Identity: Lens Toward Identity and Self-identification
All of the participants initially identified their connection to the Latinx community as a
nationality that was either theirs or their parents’ and described their connection related to
migration and heritage in Latin America. These responses may indicate that they adopted a
narrow lens toward identity, aligning with the Subgroup-identified orientation, because their
preferred self-identification was within their own sub-group. However, further responses
indicated all participants had an understanding of Latinxs as a community, indicating a broad
lens toward identity characteristic of the Latino-identified orientation. This is especially evident
for those participants who showed an ability to build connections with other Latinxs in cultural
on-campus organizations and across nationalities while abroad, demonstrating that they see
Latinxs beyond a conglomerate of exclusive groups. For both Kate and Serena, it was clear that
they adopted a wide lens toward identity since they effectively integrated intersectionality,
whiteness and privilege into their understanding of the Latinx identity. This was apparent
throughout the interview to the extent that they identified a difference between themselves as
Latinxs in the US and Latin American individuals living in Central and South America. For all
64
participants, it was evident that participants’ lens toward identity was developed before their
study abroad experience. Kate, Sandra and Jasmin explicitly indicated that they gained an
understanding of Latinxs identity upon starting college; no participants indicated that studying
abroad played a role in developing or shifting their lens toward identity.
While participants’ self-identification was within their own sub-group, all participants
apart from Sandra, who identified as Chicana, also self-identified ethnically as Latinx in the
preliminary survey and the interview. Kate, Sandra and Serena mentioned they chose to change
this identification when they were abroad because it simplified their communication with those
not familiar with the complexities of the Latinx demographic. In those instances, participants
self-identified as Mexican rather than Chicanx or Latinx because explaining either of these terms
was too confusing for others; in the international context, they found a subgroup identification
more fitting, aligning with the Subgroup Identified orientation. While this served the purpose of
navigating a new environment, there was no indication that as a result of studying abroad, these
participants chose to change their self-identification upon returning to the US. For all
participants, it was demonstrated that their understanding of Latinx identity and self-identity was
more strongly linked to prior experiences in the beginning of their undergraduate program than
due to their study abroad experience.
The Advantages and Challenges of Difference: How Latinos as a Group are Seen
The way that participants viewed Latinxs as a group can be deduced from their perceived
advantages and challenges related to being Latinxs in a study abroad environment as well as their
feelings of belonging to the Latinx community. All of these things highlighted the perceived
difference between themselves and other groups and helped define how they understand Latinxs.
For Nancy, Mirna and Kate, it was clear that their understanding of how Latinxs as a group are
65
seen was consistent before and after their study abroad experience. Nancy, for instance, had
difficulty identifying advantages and challenges to being Latinx abroad, and she defined the
group as one associated with Spanish and a darker phenotype. Using broad strokes to define
Latinxs, it was clear that she maintained a generic view of Latinxs and lacked understanding of
the nuances within the group both before and after her experience abroad, coinciding with the
Undifferentiated/Denial orientation. Mirna and Kate expressed a positive view of Latinxs that
did not shift as a result of their study abroad experience. When asked about any obstacles
experienced while abroad related to being Latinx, Kate expressed: “I don't know if being Latinx
ever impaired anything in my experience.” She explained her Latinx identity as an advantage
beyond navigating a different country, because in being bicultural, she felt she had also gained
the ability to take on challenging experiences and navigate unfamiliar spaces. For these two
participants, a very positive view of Latinxs came from cultural pride and their association with
this identity offering linguistic and navigational capital that enhanced their study abroad
experience, reflecting the Latino-identified orientation. In addition to their knowledge of
Spanish, their knowledge of a culture outside of the dominant US culture offered these
participants the ability to navigate another country.
For Sandra, Jasmin and Serena, it was clear that their study abroad experience impacted
how they see Latinxs as a group. These participants demonstrated a shift toward seeing their
difference within the group as a positive as well as a more nuanced understanding of Latinxs.
Prior to their study abroad experience, Jasmin and Sandra held ambivalent feelings in connection
to the Latinx community because they lacked knowledge of Latinx cultural aspects. Two factors
constructed these feelings: 1) connecting with other Latinxs during their time abroad to engage
with their culture where it was not present and 2) their difference being celebrated by locals in
66
another country and within another culture. Compared to the rest of the study participants, both
Jasmin and Sandra studied abroad in countries with the least connection to Latin America,
whether culturally or linguistically. Upon return, these students developed a positive perception
of their difference within the Latinx community including a newfound pride in being Latinx. For
Jasmin, this resulted in the desire to reconnect with the Latinx community and develop her
Spanish knowledge. For both of these participants, their understanding of Latinxs as a group
went from being generic, reflecting a Latino as Other orientation, to being positive, reflecting a
Latino-identified orientation. Regarding how Latinos as a group are seen, Serena developed the
understanding that while Latinxs experience oppression in the US, the benefits of being part of
the diaspora come at the expense of communities in Latin America who are “left behind.” Rather
than seeing Latinxs as very positive, as in the Latino-identified orientation, Serena now sees
Latinxs as part of a larger system of imperialism, immigration and capitalism whose actions have
an impact on communities throughout Latin America, which closely aligns with the Latino-
integrated orientation.
In Opposition: How Whites are Seen
Evident in the salient trends outlined above, all participants perceived White students in
opposition to Latinx students in various magnitudes. Responses related to White students ranged
from not mentioning White students in their interview at all, to expressing that their interactions
with White students were the biggest challenge of their experience abroad. This is related to the
way that they view Whites as a group, which for the most part, was impacted by their study
abroad experience.
For Nancy, who did not mention White students in her interview, it can be deduced that
she holds a color-blind view of Whites, coinciding with the Undifferentiated/Denial orientation;
67
it was unclear that her perception of Whites was impacted from her study abroad experience. For
Sandra, Whites were perceived negatively, coinciding with the Latino as Other orientation.
Experiences of exclusion and rejection from the White students in her cohort played a role in the
development of this perception. For all other participants, stark differences in their interactions
with White students and other people of color created an opposition between themselves and
their White counterparts where Whites are seen as distinct, coinciding with the Latino-identified
orientation. This perception is associated with what participants perceived was White students’
socioeconomic status, its relationship to study abroad access and the way they experienced travel
and study abroad programs. Thus, their participation in study abroad directly impacted their
perception of Whites.
Blending In and Standing Out: Framing of Race
To have participants speak on their framing of race, each participant was asked what they
thought about the way that locals abroad perceived them, the way it related to the way they are
perceived in the US and the way they perceive themselves. Participants’ responses to these
questions led to discussions about “blending in” and “standing out.” Considering the trend
described above in which participants noted an opposition to White students based on phenotype,
most participants framed race as Latino/not Latino, aligning with the Latino-identified
orientation because of their understanding of the fluidity of race. This was attributed to their
ability to blend in and connect with communities of color abroad—despite those communities
having little to no understanding of participants’ complex Latinx identity—while also being
considered White when they were in a group with other White students. The value they ascribed
to being considered something other than White denotes a rejection of the US racial paradigm,
which further aligns with the Latino-identified orientation.
68
In Kate and Serena’s responses, there was evidence of a clear understanding of race as a
social construct. Their framing of race aligned clearly with the Latino-integrated orientation,
which was only strengthened from their study abroad experiences. Kate understood the
coexistence of a fluid perception of race in Latin America and the US racial dichotomy based on
prior experiences living in Mexico and the US; based on her experiences, it was clear to her that
she needed to navigate both Latin American and US constructs of race. Her study abroad
experience extended this understanding, as she observed similarity in the way that race was
understood by others in both of the Latin American countries she had lived in because of the way
she was racialized, which stood in stark difference to her experience in the US. Serena likewise
understood a coexistence of opposed racial constructs. With a complex understanding of race,
she observed similarities regarding colorism in her interactions with locals in Mexico during her
study abroad program and interactions with her family in the US. After her study abroad
program, she expressed a stronger understanding of herself as a person of privilege due to having
a lighter skin tone and hoped to use that privilege to challenge colorism in her home community.
Adaptive Functions
As noted by Ferdman and Gallegos (2012), each orientation serves a function for
individuals in the environment they are experiencing and is adaptable to an individual’s needs in
that environment. Participants shared experiences about the various environments they interacted
with, including their hometown, the communities within their PWI, and the international context
during their study abroad program. All of these played a role in developing participants’
understanding of their ethnoracial identity and the way it served an adaptive function in their
experiences. Because of the varied environments students interacted with, most movement was
observed within the adaptive functions of their identity orientation.
69
Two participants showed consistency in the adaptive functions of their identity. For Kate,
experiences in changing environments from before college led to the ability for her identity to
serve the function of navigating “highly diverse and changing environments” (Gallegos &
Ferdman, 2012, p. 67). For that reason, she was able to consistently use a Latino-integrated
orientation effectively during a study abroad program; studying abroad did not lead to a change
for her in this respect because of its nature in being a dynamic experience. For Nancy, her
identity served an adaptive function in spaces where she could not accentuate differences
because it would exacerbate the feeling that she did not belong within the Latinx community
while in the US, as in the Latino as other orientation. Abroad, her identity served to see
individuals organized by features other than ethnicity, likewise aligning with the Latino as other
orientation. The minimal impact on the adaptive functions of her identity denotes there may be
other factors influencing this aspect of her identity orientation.
Four participants showed a shift in the usefulness of their identity orientation in adapting
to new environments during study abroad and challenges associated with this experience.
Participants demonstrated that during and after their study abroad program, their identity served
an adaptive function of being in “highly diverse and changing environments,” aligning with the
Latino-integrated orientation, (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012, p. 67) and different than before
participating. Prior to studying abroad, Sandra and Jasmin were in environments where their
difference within the Latinx identity were not supported, as in the Latino as other orientation.
Meanwhile, Mirna and Serena experienced environments where they felt they had to advocate on
behalf of Latinos, as in the Latino-identified orientation. Their identity served different functions
than in their study abroad program and upon return, where their identity was more useful for
navigating challenging situations where the environment was constantly changing. This is
70
demonstrated by their ability to employ their ethnoracial identity to connect with other Latinxs
and Latin Americans in a new environment and expressions of a smooth transition back to their
community in the US, which is known to be challenging for study abroad returners (Gullahorn &
Gullahorn, 1963).
The findings show that various aspects impact the adaptive functions factor of an
individual’s identity orientation. With respect to study abroad in particular, experiences in
environments prior to this experience impacted the adaptive functions of a participants’
ethnoracial orientation. However, since study abroad is a conglomeration of new experiences in a
different environment, studying abroad results in students employing their identity to serve as an
adaptive function in highly changing environments, aligning with the Latino-integrated
orientation.

71
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION
This chapter includes a summary of the present study by restating the study’s purpose and
goals. This is followed by an analysis of the study’s findings and its implications for future
research and practice. Finally, it presents the conclusion by summarizing the key findings that
emerged from the study.
Discussion
The purpose of the study was to bring forth the lived experiences related to race, ethnicity
and identity of Latinx study abroad participants. By doing so, the study investigated the
ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students that participate in study abroad programs
during college. The goal of the study was to answer the following research question: How does
participating in study abroad impact the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students?
The following sections summarize the answer to this research question through an analysis of the
study’s findings and a summary of the impact of study abroad on ethnoracial identity orientation.
Analysis of Findings
Gallegos and Ferdman (2012) outline that Latinos develop their identity via orientations
which serve as a lens through which they experience and interact with their environment. These
are based on five factors that identify different aspects of each orientation. This study
investigated the way that participants’ ethnoracial identity development was impacted by study
abroad by analyzing the way that their experiences abroad had an effect on each factor, if at all.
Participants showed factors that aligned with the following orientations: Undifferentiated/Denial,
Latino as Other, Subgroup Identified, Latino-identified, and Latino Integrated. One student
aligned with most factors of the Undifferentiated/Denial orientation, while two aligned with most
72
factors of the Latino Integrated orientation. The other three participants mainly showed
characteristics from the Latino-identified orientations.
Three factors showed to be most impacted by participants’ study abroad experience:
preferred self-identification, the way Latinos are seen, and the way Whites are seen. While it was
evident that preferred self-identification was developed prior to students’ study abroad
experience, for two participants, the international context caused a temporary shift in self-
identification. The way Latinos are seen impacted all students, but caused a shift within the
identity orientation for three participants. Study abroad played a role in impacting the way
Whites are seen for five of the six participants, although it was only clear for one student that
there was a shift within the identity orientation for this factor. Except for two students, it is
unclear whether participants’ framing of race was impacted by their experiences abroad.
Other Elements That Played a Role
In the process of examining the ways that study abroad had an effect on the ethnoracial
identity development of participants, the data of this study indicated that elements within and
beyond their study abroad experience may have played a role in both the development of
participants’ orientations and the impact on the factors within the orientation they most reflected.
As outlined below, this included aspects of their study abroad program, initial college
experiences and on-campus involvement, and the intersectionality of their multiple identities.
The data of this study indicated that the regions, languages and programmatic content that
participants interacted with impacted factors within their ethnoracial identity orientation;
individual aspects of their study abroad program played a role in their identity development.
Students who studied abroad in Latin American countries demonstrated different impacts than
those who did not, in particular with regard to their framing of race and their preferred self-
73
identification while in their study abroad program. Students who studied abroad in Spanish-
speaking countries understood a framing of race in a different way than those who did not.
Spanish played a role in their overall understanding of fitting into the Latinx community, and
their experiences abroad strengthened the way they felt about their sense of belonging; for all
participants, sense of belonging was closely tied to a framing of race. For one participant,
programmatic content closely related to the Latinx experience—immigration and the Latinx
diaspora—played the greatest role in her framing of race and the way Latinos are seen to be both
in the Latino-integrated orientation. No other participant mentioned programmatic content or
reflected Latino-integrated characteristics in the same extent as this participant.
Participants attributed their understanding of Latinx identity to initial experiences when
they first started college. Much of their ethnoracial identity development may have occurred in
this time, and those factors played a role in the way they approached study abroad, including
programs of choice and geographic region, which in turn, impacted aspects of their ethnoracial
identity orientation, as described above. This may have also played a role in their self-selection
to provide an interview for this study, which might explain why a strong reflection of the Latino-
identified orientation among participants. Additionally, their involvement with culturally-
affiliated organizations played a role in their understanding of Latinx identity, and likely, their
ethnoracial identity development. While there was little evidence of a change in ethnoracial
identity orientation, different perceptions arose between those who were not involved with
Latinx-affiliated organizations and resources, those that were involved, and those that were
involved with other culturally-affiliated organizations. In evaluating the way that study abroad
may have had an impact in their ethnoracial identity development, it is essential to consider these
factors.
74
The data shows that students' multiple identities played a role in their identity
development, reflecting Gallegos and Ferdman (2012) extension of their original model to
include intersectionality in their model of Latino identity development. The most salient of these
were race and socioeconomic status. Awareness of their racial phenotype was present in all
participants’ responses, and that affected the way they identified with the Latinx community as
an ethnic group and the way that Latinos are seen within their identity orientation. In addition,
participants who demonstrated a strong understanding of intersectionality reflected more
characteristics of a Latino-integrated orientation. Socioeconomic status additionally played a role
in their identity development, in particular in the way that Whites are seen in opposition to
Latinxs. There is a necessity to include intersectionality in the evaluation of Latinx student study
abroad participation and its impact on understanding of race, ethnicity and ethnoracial identity
development. It is also important to consider the extent to which participants understand
intersectionality in their experience, since it played a significant role for participants of this
study.
Summary of Study Abroad Impact
It is evident that participants’ study abroad experience impacted some factors of their
ethnoracial identity orientation, but the data demonstrated that for each participant, their overall
orientation was actually consistent before and after their study abroad experience. While
studying abroad did have an impact on their ethnoracial identity development, the extent of it
was not as significant as to indicate an entire shift in their orientation. All in all, the fact that
participants’ ethnic identity did not remain stagnant speaks to the dynamic nature of identity
orientations and that identity is in a constant state of flux, as noted by Gallegos and Ferdman
(2012). Study abroad plays a role in some aspects of ethnoracial identity development but there
75
are many other factors that play a role, such as prior knowledge and initial college experiences. It
is important that future research investigating the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx
study abroad participants considers these factors to more clearly understand the way that study
abroad plays a role in Latinx participants’ ethnoracial identity development, especially
considering the reality that—as four participants explicitly stated—their race and ethnicity is
something that they constantly felt and reflected on while they were abroad.
Implications for Future Research
The current study’s findings brought about new questions related to the lived experiences
of Latinx students in the context of international study, the potential unique study abroad benefits
for Latinx students, and other factors that play a role. There is much more that can be learned in
future research to gain a clearer understanding of the ways studying abroad may impact
ethnoracial identity development. This section outlines the implications for future research
brought about by the current study.
Overall, more knowledge on the lived experiences of Latinx students that study abroad is
needed in study abroad literature. While it is well-known that Latinx students are
underrepresented in study abroad, little is known about their experiences in the lived
international context; data from this study revealed that underrepresentation is relevant to their
everyday experiences abroad. Future research related to this finding can explore the reasons for
and impact of students self-segregating in study abroad contexts, as occurred for nearly all
participants in this study. Moreover, studies can explore the social interactions between White
and Latinx students in and outside the classroom while on a study abroad program. Future
research can also investigate how cultural aspects unique to the Latinx experience, such as
familismo and culpa which were present in the data of this study, impact students’ experiences
76
abroad. There is evidence that Latinx cultural aspects impact motivation to study abroad
(McClure et al., 2010), but this study demonstrated that those aspects are likewise relevant
within the lived experiences of students in an international context. Future research on the
experiences of Latinx students abroad can additionally explore the specific differences in
experiences based on region and language of the country as well as programmatic content since
these demonstrated similarities and differences among participants’ responses.
Much of the research on students of color and Latinx students in relation to the study
abroad context employ a deficit perspective, discussing the reasons that they do not study abroad
and the challenges they face while participating. Data in this study revealed that students use
existing linguistic, navigational and cultural capital in study abroad contexts that became
relevant from their pre-departure orientation and through the extent of their program. For
participants in this study, varied levels of capital impacted the benefits they gained from their
program and their understanding of Latinx identity. Most notably, their knowledge of Spanish
presented linguistic and navigational capital that moderated their sense of belonging in and
outside of the US. Future research exploring students’ possession and application of capital can
shift the narrative for Latinx students to a more asset-based perspective. In addition, it can
examine the unique ways that this population can benefit from study abroad apart from all the
other well-known benefits outlined in Chapter 2, which are likely based on the experiences of
White students and the ways that this educational activity benefits that demographic.
Data in this study demonstrated that there are many factors that interact with a student’s
study abroad experience to impact ethnoracial identity development. Future research focusing on
these factors can contribute knowledge on the ways that study abroad program design, initial
college experiences, on-campus involvement and intersectionality interact with study abroad
77
experiences to impact ethnic identity development. It was not explicit in the data that being
enrolled at a PWI interacted with the study abroad experiences of participants, but future
research can shed light on the ways that this might play a role. An extension of this would be to
explore the differential experiences of Latinx study abroad participants enrolled at minority-
serving institutions related to ethnicity, race, and identity. In addition, a more whole picture of
the ways study abroad impacts Latinx students’ ethnic identity development would include the
experiences of women, men and gender nonbinary individuals.
This study revealed that studying abroad can impact aspects of students’ ethnic identity
orientation. Since it was not clear that it impacted the entirety of their orientation, future research
can look to understand the ways in which the ethnic identity orientation students have when they
begin a study abroad program informs the way they interact with their environment abroad, and
in turn, how studying abroad impacts their ethnic identity orientation. Considering that
participants in this study displayed characteristics of various orientations, future research can
investigate the things that may play a role in such an occurrence.
Implications for Practice
The findings of the current study present implications for study abroad educators and
leaders of colleges and universities that offer international study opportunities. The following
section outlines the implications for practice, in particular with regard to Latinx students in the
context of study abroad. Based on these findings of this study, implications for practice include
the importance of increasing the number of Latinx study abroad participants, developing and
providing relevant pre-departure orientation and program support, and focusing on Latinx
students’ existing assets to expand the potential benefits these students may gain from studying
abroad.
78
Increase the number of Latinx students that Study Abroad
The data in this study reflected the underrepresentation of Latinx students in study
abroad, as reported in IIE Open Doors Reports (IIE, 2019), since the majority indicated they
were one of few Latinxs in their study abroad program. The demographic composition of
participants’ cohorts emerged as a factor that greatly impacted participants’ experiences,
demonstrating that there is a need to increase the participation of Latinx students in study abroad.
Concerted efforts must be taken by university leaders and study abroad program administrators
to increase access for Latinx students taking into account the various factors that keep students of
this population from participating. Providing financial support is essential to these efforts, as
noted by the study’s participants, who perceived that many Latinx students were of lower
socioeconomic status, preventing them to study abroad. This includes making more scholarships
and grants available, or partnering with organizations that advocate for student of color
participation in study abroad programs, such as Diversity Abroad and the Frederick Douglass
Global Fellowship.
As noted in former research, cultural factors and lack of relevance play a role keeping
Latinx students from participating (McClure et al., 2010), which was also reflected in
participants’ responses. It is important for study abroad administrators to present study abroad in
a form that is culturally relevant to Latinx students. This can include designing marketing to
include the cultural particularities and values of Latinx students so that it is more connected to
their experience, which Pike and Sillem (2018) suggested has an impact in study abroad
participants’ perceptions and learning. Findings by Blake et al. (2020) demonstrated that
marketing should include values and motivations that drive students of color, such as learning
about their cultural heritage and ethnic background, as was done for the Frederick Douglass
79
program that successfully drew students of color to participate. Additionally, study abroad
administrators can host recruitment events that include families in the informationals and
decision-making process for study abroad.
Another way to make study abroad more relevant to Latinx students is to develop
programs that Latinx students are connected to, an example of which is Serena’s program, which
addressed immigration and the Latinx diaspora, two concepts important to her identity. As such,
Serena found value in this study abroad program, which motivated her to participate and, as she
shared in her interview, pursue a research study on the topic upon return. When students find
perceived value in an educational activity, they are more motivated to take part in it (Dembo &
Seli, 2016). If a study abroad program is designed with features in mind that students find value
in, such as their identity, they are more likely to be motivated to participate. The Frederick
Douglass Program is exemplary of this phenomenon in the study abroad context, as noted by
Blake et al.’s (2020) study on the importance of culturally relevant study abroad programs for
students of color.
Pre-Departure Preparation and Program Support
For Latinx students who have decided to study abroad, it is important that pre-departure
orientation is suitable to the unique needs they might have in the international context and that
impact on their identity development. Most study abroad orientations include an explanation of
the John and Jeanne Gullahorn (1963) Reverse Culture Shock Cycle W-Curve to prepare
students for the emotions associated with a study abroad experience. One participant explicitly
stated that this did not apply to her experience, noting that her pre-departure orientation did not
serve her sufficiently. Like Kate, she shared that the information in their orientations regarding
cultural adjustments in Latin America felt redundant. Yet, it is apparent throughout the data of
80
this study, that participants experienced various levels of emotionally-charged experiences for
which they had little to no preparation. This included Jasmin’s experiences with culpa, Sandra’s
feelings of rejection among a majority conservative White cohort of students, and Serena’s
challenges with emotionally-charged content. Study abroad pre-departure orientations are vital
for completing logistics such as obtaining visas in a timely manner. The work of scholars Blake
et al. (2019) speak to the importance and effectiveness of culturally relevant pre-departure
orientations for students of color; clearly, they should also be updated to be culturally competent
for the rapidly changing undergraduate demographics so that study abroad better serves diverse
student populations and enhances their experiences.
Participants in this study had to identify ways to navigate the challenges unique to their
Latinx identity on their own both because they were not prepared adequately during their pre-
departure orientation and because there was little to no structured support for them while abroad.
Jasmin shared that her parents’ support helped her deal with culpa, contradicting earlier studies
that students of color do not experience familial support in the study abroad process (Salisbury et
al., 2011); Sandra found solace in the other Latinx student in her cohort; and Serena found
support from her program director, a Oaxacan faculty member closely associated with the Latinx
experience. Clearly, there is a need to create structures of support for Latinx students that are
culturally competent and associated with their unique experiences in study abroad programs.
This can include incorporating students’ families as sources of support and increasing the
number of faculty of color leading study abroad programs, as it is evidenced that faculty of color
can play an important role in the study abroad experiences of students of color (Lu et al., 2015),
and like models improve outcomes for students’ learning.

81
Focus on Latinx Students’ Potential Unique Benefits
The data in this study revealed the use of students’ existing capital to increase their
potential benefits and learning outcomes. Likewise, Lu et al. (2015) showed that Black students
are able to use their existing capital in study abroad contexts to navigate new experiences. Study
abroad program leaders should design learning outcomes to consider the different forms of
capital students possess. This will allow for study abroad educators to be able to facilitate
students’ use of capital, potentially increasing the benefits for students of minoritized
backgrounds. This has the potential to impact the way students think about their race, ethnicity
and identity in a way that will empower them and allow for them to gain the most possible from
their abroad experience.
Conclusion
Two key findings emerged from this study: (1) studying abroad has an impact on aspects
of students ethnoracial identity orientations, which speaks to its potential impact on ethnoracial
identity development, and (2) various other factors play a role in ethnic or ethnoracial identity
development of Latinx students. While it was not possible in this study to show complete shifts
and drastic changes in ethnoracial identity orientation, the fact that participants in this study
explicitly stated that they felt and thought about their identity, race and ethnicity while abroad for
various reasons demonstrates studying abroad plays a definite role. Much more knowledge is
needed on the experiences of Latinx study abroad participants that explores in-depth and long-
term the ways that studying abroad interacts with students’ experiences to impact ethnic identity
development. Potentially, with more knowledge, studying abroad can be transformed to better
serve this population and increase the number of Latinx students that participate in what
participants of this study described as a “life-changing experience.”
82
References
Beausoleil, A. (2008). Understanding heritage and ethnic identity development through study
abroad: The case of South Korea. University of California, Santa Barbara.
Bernal, D. D. (2002). Critical race theory, Latino critical theory, and critical raced-gendered
epistemologies: Recognizing students of color as holders and creators of knowledge.
Qualitative Inquiry, 8(1), 105-126.
Blake, D., Gasman, M., Esmieu, P. L., Castro Samayoa, A., & Cener, J. (2020). Culturally
relevant study abroad for students of color: Lessons from the Frederick Douglass Global
Fellowship in London. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 13(2), 158.
Braskamp, L. A., Braskamp, D. C., & Merrill, K. (2009). Assessing progress in global learning
and development of students with education abroad experiences. Frontiers: The
Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad, 18, 101-118.
Carter, R. T., Yeh, C. J., & Mazzula, S. L. (2008). Cultural values and racial identity statuses
among Latino students: An exploratory investigation. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral
Sciences, 30(1), 5-23.
Castillo, L. G., Conoley, C. W., Choi-Pearson, C., Archuleta, D. J., Phoummarath, M. J., & Van
Landingham, A. (2006). University environment as a mediator of Latino ethnic identity
and persistence attitudes. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 53(2), 267.
Comas-Diaz, L. (2001). Hispanics, Latinos, or Americanos: The evolution of identity. Cultural
Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 7(2), 115.
Commission on the Abraham Lincoln Study Abroad Fellowship Program. (2005). Global
competence & national needs: One million Americans studying abroad. Washington,
D.C.
83
Creswell, J. W. and Creswell, J.D. (2018). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed
methods approaches 5th edition. Sage publications. ISBN-978-1-5063-8670-6
Crisp, G., Taggart, A., & Nora, A. (2015). Undergraduate Latina/o students: A systematic review
of research identifying factors contributing to academic success outcomes. Review of
Educational Research, 85(2), 249-274.
Cronin, T. J., Levin, S., Branscombe, N. R., van Laar, C., & Tropp, L. R. (2012). Ethnic
identification in response to perceived discrimination protects well-being and promotes
activism: A longitudinal study of Latino college students. Group Processes & Intergroup
Relations, 15(3), 393-407.
Tatum, B. D. (2017). Why are all the Black kids sitting together in the cafeteria?: And other
conversations about race. Basic Books.
Davis-White Eyes, A. (2013). (re) Presenting in a global village: students of color and the study
abroad international experience. (Doctoral dissertation, Oregon State University).
De Mente, B. (1996). NTC’s dictionary of Mexican cultural code words. Chicago: NTC
Publishing Group.
De Mente, B. (2011). The Mexican mind!: Understanding and appreciating Mexican culture!.
Cultural-Insight Books.
Dembo, M. H. & Seli, H. (2016). Motivation and learning strategies for college success: A self-
regulation approach (5th ed.). New York: Routledge.
Department of Defense. (2015). About Project GO. Retrieved from:
https://www.rotcprojectgo.org/about-project-go
Dwyer, M. M. (2004). Charting the impact of studying abroad. International Educator, 13(1),
14.
84
Ferdman, B. M., & Gallegos, P. I. (2001). Racial identity development and Latinos in the United
States. New perspectives on racial identity development: A theoretical and practical
anthology, 32-66.
Gallegos, P. V., & Ferdman, B. M. (2007). Identity orientations of Latinos in the United
States. The Business Journal of Hispanic Research, 1(1), 26-41.
Gallegos, P. V., & Ferdman, B. M. (2012). A dynamic and developmental Perspective. New
Perspectives on Racial Identity Development: Integrating Emerging Frameworks, 51.
Guardia, J. R., & Evans, N. J. (2008). Factors influencing the ethnic identity development of
Latino fraternity members at a Hispanic serving institution. Journal of College Student
Development, 49(3), 163-181.
Guerrero, E. (2006). The road less traveled: Latino students and the impact of studying
abroad (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles).
Gullahorn, J. T., & Gullahorn, J. E. (1963). An extension of the U-Curve hypothesis 1. Journal
of Social Issues, 19(3), 33-47.
Hayes-Bautista, D. E., & Chapa, J. (1987). Latino terminology: conceptual bases for
standardized terminology. American Journal of Public Health, 77(1), 61-68.
Iturbide, M. I., Raffaelli, M., & Carlo, G. (2009). Protective effects of ethnic identity on Mexican
American college students’ psychological well-being. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral
Sciences, 31(4), 536-552.
Institute of International Education. (2020). Benjamin A. Gilman International Scholarship
Program. Retrieved from: https://www.iie.org/programs/gilman-scholarship-program
Institute of International Education Open Doors Report. (2019). Profile of U.S. study abroad
students, 2004/05 - 2018/19. New York City, NY.
85
Jones, L., Castellanos, J., & Cole, D. (2002). Examining the ethnic minority student experience
at predominantly White institutions: A case study. Journal of Hispanic Higher
Education, 1(1), 19-39.
Kegan, R. (1994). In over our heads: The mental demands of modern life. Harvard University
Press.
King, P. M., & Baxter Magolda, M. B. (2005). A developmental model of intercultural maturity.
Journal of College Student Development, 46, 571–592.
Kuh, G. D. (2008). Excerpt from high-impact educational practices: What they are, who has
access to them, and why they matter. Association of American Colleges and
Universities, 14(3), 28-29.
Kuh, G. D., Kinzie, J., Schuh, J. H., & Whitt, E. J. (2011). Student success in college: Creating
conditions that matter. John Wiley & Sons.
Lowe, M. R., Byron, R. A., & Mennicke, S. (2014). The racialized impact of study abroad on US
students’ subsequent interracial interactions. Education Research International, 2014.
Lu, C., Reddick, R., Dean, D., & Pecero, V. (2015). Coloring up study abroad: Exploring Black
students’ decision to study in China. Journal of Student Affairs Research and
Practice, 52(4), 440-451.
Magilvy, J. K., & Thomas, E. (2009). A first qualitative project: Qualitative descriptive design
for novice researchers. Journal for Specialists in Pediatric Nursing, 14(4), 298-300.
McClure, K. R., Szelényi, K., Niehaus, E., Anderson, A. A., & Reed, J. (2010). “We just don't
have the possibility yet”: US Latina/o narratives on study abroad. Journal of Student
Affairs Research and Practice, 47(3), 363-382.
86
Murray Brux, J., & Fry, B. (2010). Multicultural students in study abroad: Their interests, their
issues, and their constraints. Journal of Studies in International Education, 14(5), 508-
527.
National Center for Education Statistics. (2019). Status and trends in the education of racial and
ethnic groups 2018 (Institute of Educational Sciences, NCES 2019-038). Washington,
DC: U.S. Department of Education.
National Center for Education Statistics. (2018a). Table 321.20. Associate's degrees conferred by
postsecondary institutions, by race/ethnicity and sex of student: Selected years, 1976-77
through 2016-17. Retrieved from
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d18/tables/dt18_321.30.asp
National Center for Education Statistics. (2018b). Table 322.20. Bachelor's degrees conferred by
postsecondary institutions, by race/ethnicity and sex of student: Selected years, 1976-77
through 2016-17. Retrieved from
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d18/tables/dt18_322.20.asp
National Center for Education Statistics. (2018c). Table 323.20. Master's degrees conferred by
postsecondary institutions, by race/ethnicity and sex of student: Selected years, 1976-77
through 2016-17. Retrieved from
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d18/tables/dt18_323.20.asp
National Center for Education Statistics. (2018d). Table 324.20. Doctor's degrees conferred by
postsecondary institutions, by race/ethnicity and sex of student: Selected years, 1976-77
through 2016-17. Retrieved from
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d18/tables/dt18_324.20.asp
87
Nuñez, J. G. (2004). The empowerment of Latina university students: A phenomenological study
of ethnic identity development through involvement in a Latina-based sorority.Iowa State
University.
Ortiz, A. M., & Santos, S. J. (2009). Ethnicity in college: Advancing theory and improving
diversity practices on campus. Sterling, VA: Stylus.
Paige, R. M., Cohen, A. D., & Shively, R. L. (2004). Assessing the impact of a strategies-based
curriculum on language and culture learning abroad. Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary
Journal of Study Abroad, 10, 253-276.
Patton, L. D., Renn, K. A., Guido, F. M., & Quaye, S. J. (2016). Student development in college:
Theory, research, and practice. John Wiley & Sons.
Perkins, C. (2017). Students of color studying abroad: A qualitative description of the factors
that influence participation and the perceived impact of participation. Widener
University.
“Is speaking Spanish necessary to be Hispanic? Most Hispanics say no.” Pew Research Center,
Washington, D.C. (Feb 19, 2016). https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/02/19/is-
speaking-spanish-necessary-to-be-hispanic-most-hispanics-say-no/
Pike, G., & Sillem, M. (2018). Study abroad and global citizenship: Paradoxes and possibilities.
In The Palgrave handbook of global citizenship and education (pp. 573-587). Palgrave
Macmillan, London.
Postsecondary National Policy Institute. (2018). Latino students in higher education.
Washington, DC. https://pnpi.org/latino-students/
Raymondi, M. D. (2005). Latino students explore racial and ethnic identity in a global context.
State University of New York at Binghamton.
88
Rodríguez, L. F., & Oseguera, L. (2015). Our deliberate success: Recognizing what works for
Latina/o students across the educational pipeline. Journal of Hispanic Higher
Education, 14(2), 128-150.
Rose, J., & Paisley, K. (2012). White privilege in experiential education: A critical
reflection. Leisure Sciences, 34(2), 136-154.
Salisbury, M. H., An, B. P., & Pascarella, E. T. (2013). The effect of study abroad on
intercultural competence among undergraduate college students. Journal of Student
Affairs Research and Practice, 50(1), 1-20.
Salisbury, M. H., Paulsen, M. B., & Pascarella, E. T. (2011). Why do all the study abroad
students look alike? Applying an integrated student choice model to explore differences
in the factors that influence white and minority students’ intent to study abroad. Research
in Higher Education, 52(2), 123-150.
Stebleton, M., Soria, K., & Cherney, B. (2013). The high impact of education abroad: College
students' engagement in international experiences and the development of intercultural
competencies. Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad, 22, 1-24.
Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of qualitative research techniques. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage publications.
Sutton, R. C., & Rubin, D. L. (2004). The GLOSSARI project: Initial findings from a system-
wide research initiative on study abroad learning outcomes. Frontiers: The
Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad, 10, 65-82.
Teranishi, C. S., & Hannigan, T. P. (2008). Impact of study abroad on Latino/a college students'
ethnic identity and cross-cultural adaptability. Multicultural Learning and Teaching, 3(1).
89
Teranishi, C. S. (2007). Impact of experiential learning on Latino college students' identity,
relationships, and connectedness to community. Journal of Hispanic Higher
Education, 6(1), 52-72.
Tillman, M. (2008). A history of US study abroad: Beginnings to 1965. International
Educator, 17(3), 16.
Torres, V., & Baxter Magolda, M. B. (2004). Reconstructing Latino identity: The influence of
cognitive development on the ethnic identity process of Latino students. Journal of
College Student Development, 45(3), 333-347.
Torres, L., & Ong, A. D. (2010). A daily diary investigation of Latino ethnic identity,
discrimination, and depression. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority
Psychology, 16(4), 561.
Twombly, S. B., Salisbury, M. H., Tumanut, S. D., & Klute, P. (2012). Study abroad in a new
global century--Renewing the promise, refining the purpose. ASHE Higher Education
Report, 38(4), 1-152.
U.S. Census Bureau. (2017). Projected race and Hispanic origin. Retrieved from:
https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2017/demo/popproj/2017-summary-tables.html
U.S. Census Bureau. (2019). Hispanic heritage month 2019. Retrieved from:
https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/newsroom/facts-for-features/2019/hispanic-
heritage-month.pdf
Willis, T. Y. (2016). Microaggressions and intersectionality in the experiences of Black women
studying abroad through community colleges: Implications for practice. In International
education at community colleges (pp. 127-141). Palgrave Macmillan, New York.
90
Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community
cultural wealth. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91.
Young, J. T., Natrajan-Tyagi, R., & Platt, J. J. (2015). Identity in flux: Negotiating identity while
studying abroad. Journal of Experiential Education, 38(2), 175-188.

91
Appendix A
Interview Protocol
1. Tell me about your connection with the Latinx community in the US.
1. How did your study abroad experience as a Latinx student abroad impact your
connection, if at all?
• Follow up if participant indicates there was a difference: What
were some differences after your study abroad experiences? Why
do you believe the differences occurred?
2. Can you share an experience that stood out while studying abroad related
to being Latinx?
2. Can you share an experience while abroad in which being Latinx served as an advantage?
Can you share an experience while abroad in which being Latinx served as an obstacle?
3. How do you think locals perceived you? Why?
1. How do you think it relates to the way you are perceived in the US?
2. How do you think it relates to the way you perceive yourself?
4. Is there anything else you would like to share with me about your experience studying
abroad?

92
Appendix B
Preliminary Information Survey

93

94

Abstract (if available)

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

¿Dónde están todos los hombres latinos? A qualitative exploration of barriers to and enablers of participation in study abroad for first-generation Latino male college students

PDF

A critical worldview: understanding identity and sense of belonging of underrepresented students' participation in study abroad

PDF

To be young, global, and Black: an evaluation of African-American college students’ participation in study abroad programs

PDF

The graduate school experience: exploring help-seeking behaviors of female South Asian international graduate alumni after experiencing sexual harassment or sexual assault

PDF

Persistence of first-generation Latinx engineering students: developing a better understanding of STEM classroom experiences and faculty interactions

PDF

Undergraduates in the developing world: study abroad program management in sub-Saharan Africa

PDF

Ethnic identity development, ethnic student organizations, campus racial climate, cultural integrity, and sense of belonging for Filipino American undergraduate students at a selective predominan...

PDF

Stress among undocumented Latinx students

PDF

Asian critical theory: Southeast Asian transfer student experiences at a predominantly White institution

PDF

Impact of study abroad on student openness to diversity: an evaluation study

PDF

Educators, experiences, and environment: exploring Doctor of Physical Therapy student perceived influences on professional identity formation

PDF

Nothing without us: understanding the belongingness of students with disabilities

PDF

The Cambodian American college experience: intergenerational transmission of trauma, intergenerational conflict, and multiple worlds and identities

PDF

Student perspectives on identity development: describing the experiences sorority members perceive influenced their identity

PDF

Developing a sense of belonging and persistence through mentoring for first-generation students

PDF

Teachers’ perceptions of student behavior and relationship quality: an exploration of racial congruence and self-identity development

PDF

Échale ganas: the transition experiences of first-generation Latinx students and their parents to college

PDF

STEM identity development: examining the experiences of transfer students

PDF

A pathway to persistence: perspectives of academic advising and first-generation undergraduate students

PDF

"Sino ka ba?" The impact of community gatherings on Pilipinx American students' identity formation and sense of belonging in higher education

Asset Metadata

Creator Delgado, Laura (author)

Core Title Study abroad and the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Master of Education

Degree Program Educational Counseling

Publication Date 09/17/2020

Defense Date 07/20/2020

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag ethnic identity,ethnoracial identity development,identity development,international education,Latinx,Latinx student,OAI-PMH Harvest,qualitative study,racial identity,student affairs,study abroad

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Seli, Helena (committee chair), Banuelos, Sheila (committee member), Hirabayashi, Kimberly (committee member)

Creator Email delgadol@usc.edu,delgadolaura411@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-372104

Unique identifier UC11666555

Identifier etd-DelgadoLau-8959.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-372104 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-DelgadoLau-8959.pdf

Dmrecord 372104

Document Type Thesis

Rights Delgado, Laura

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA