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California's adaptation to sea level rise: incorporating environmental justice communities along the California coastline
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California's adaptation to sea level rise: incorporating environmental justice communities along the California coastline
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Copyright 2020 Kevin M. Baron
California’s Adaptation to Sea Level Rise:
Incorporating Environmental Justice Communities Along the California Coastline
By
Kevin M. Baron
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
December 2020
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are far too many people to thank who have supported me during the last five years of
this doctoral program. First, I would like to thank my dissertation chair, Dr. Ange-Marie
Hancock-Alfaro for guiding me throughout this process. From the moment I started at the
University of Southern California in your Political Theory 600 course five years ago, you
challenged me to think critically in ways I never had before. You’ve been instrumental in
my intellectual growth. During all of our conversations in your office, you always instilled
confidence and inspiration. I am especially grateful to you for signing on to be my
committee chair at “halftime” of the game and trusting me to finish the Ph.D. program while
balancing my entrepreneurial and external interests.
I would also like to thank Dr. Dan Mazmanian for his mentorship at the Price School of
Public Policy and introducing me to the theoretical underpinnings of policy
implementation, particularly in our home state of California. I’ve thoroughly enjoyed all of
our conversations about writing, the environment, and life in general. Dr. Manuel Pastor,
your Urban Sociology course is the most impactful I’ve ever taken. Your multi-disciplinary
approach to academia, pushing students to blend academic writing with social justice
policy initiatives, had huge implications for the direction of this final project. I’ve sent your
syllabus out to family, friends, and other academics – everything is a must read. Thank you
to Dr. Jeff Sellers for your early lessons in local politics and governance. To all three of my
committee members, you’ve always encouraged your students to bridge the gap between
academia and policy, to make a real difference in the world – outside the confines of the
University setting. You’ve led with your actions. You are an incredibly distinguished group
of academics and influencers, and I couldn’t be luckier to have had the “Dream Team” on
my side throughout the Ph.D. process.
I would like to thank my beautiful new wife Kendra Desler for leaving me sticky notes on
my computer and supporting me through every step of the way. Your social justice
expertise and work as an LAUSD teacher are heroic. Thank you to Hannah Baron, my
iii
younger sister, who has always been an inspiration and huge source of motivation. Despite
being twenty-one months younger, I’ve always looked up to your unyielding intellectual
curiosity and passion for learning. Thank you for editing my work early on. You’re just a
year away from finishing your own Ph.D. in Political Science at Brown University. You got
this!
Last but not least, thank you to my parents for your love and support. Cutting out New
York Times articles and leaving them on my bed when I was eight years old was annoying
at the time, but it seems to have paid off. I am forever grateful and privileged to have loving
parents that have always challenged and uplifted me. You were both single parents
building your own lives, and I really don’t know how you made the time to always put
Hannah and I first. Thank you.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................................... ii
LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................ vii
LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................. viii
LIST OF IMAGES ................................................................................................................................. ix
ABSTRACT.......................................................................................................................................... xii
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION: CALIFORNIA’S ADAPTATION TO SEA LEVEL RISE ............. 1
BACKGROUND AND SIGNIFICANCE… ................................................................................................................................. ..1
SEA LEVEL RISE .................................................................................................................................................................... 1
IMPACTS ON ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITIES .................................................................................................... 4
LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................................................................................................... 6
POLITICAL INCORPORATION, REPRESENTATION, AND ENVIRONMENTAL COLLABORATIVE GOVERNANCE ................ 6
COMMUNITY ORGANIZING..............................................................................................................................................12
COASTAL ZONE MANAGEMENT AND COLLABORATIVE GOVERNANCE ........................................................................19
SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS ......................................................................................................30
RESEARCH DESIGN AND CASES ..........................................................................................................................................31
OUTLINE OF CHAPTERS ......................................................................................................................................................37
CONCLUSION........................................................................................................................................................................40
CHAPTER II: MEASURING SEA LEVEL RISE ADAPTATION GOVERNANCE ....................... 43
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................................................43
CALIFORNIA’S CZMP COLLABORATIVE GOVERNANCE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK ......................................................49
CONTEXTUAL FACTORS OF THE COLLABORATIVE PROCESS ........................................................................................49
COLLABORATIVE PROCESS COMPONENTS ....................................................................................................................51
COLLABORATIVE PROCESS OUTPUTS ............................................................................................................................52
RESEARCH DESIGN..............................................................................................................................................................55
SUMMARY OF RESULTS AND COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS....................................................................................................57
INTERSECTORAL GOVERNANCE .....................................................................................................................................84
MANAGEMENT AND SUPPORT.......................................................................................................................................85
DATA COLLECTION AND MONITORING .........................................................................................................................87
EQUITY CONSIDERATIONS .............................................................................................................................................88
v
CONCLUSION........................................................................................................................................................................90
CHAPTER III: INCOPRORATING ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITIES IN SEA LEVEL RISE
ADAPTATION GOVERNANCE ........................................................................................................ 92
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................................................92
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE LEGISLATION AND GOVERNANCE ..........................................................................................94
HISTORICAL INJUSTICES: MUNICIPAL AND REGIONAL LAND USE MEASURES ................................................................97
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE MOVEMENT ............................................................................................................................99
METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN ................................................................................................................................. 101
DEDOOSE ANALYSIS ......................................................................................................................................................... 102
CASE STUDIES: ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITIES ........................................................................................... 107
CONCLUSION..................................................................................................................................................................... 127
CHAPTER IV: BCDC, CCC, AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY ORGANIZING AROUND
SEA LEVEL RISE ........................................................................................................................................... 129
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................................................ 129
RESEARCH DESIGN........................................................................................................................................................... 133
PROVISIONS OF ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE AT CCC AND BCDC .................................................................................. 134
COMMUNITY ORGANIZING ............................................................................................................................................... 142
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND RESULTS ................................................................................................................... 144
CONCLUSION..................................................................................................................................................................... 163
CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................ 166
RESEARCH AND POLICY SIGNIFICANCE ...................................................................................................................... 166
CONTRIBUTIONS AND RESULTS SUMMARY ............................................................................................................... 168
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................................................................................................................... 170
CONCLUSION AND FUTURE RESEARCH ...................................................................................................................... 172
LIST OF REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................................... 174
APPENDICES ................................................................................................................................................... 211
APPENDIX A: RESEARCH LIMITATIONS ..................................................................................................................... 211
APPENDIX B: COMMUNITY ORGANIZING APPROACHES ........................................................................................... 213
APPENDIX C: DEDOOSE SOFTWARE OPERATIONS AND CODING ANALYSIS SCREENSHOTS ................................... 214
APPENDIX D: COMMUNITY ORGANIZING METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................... 217
vi
APPENDIX E: WORD CLOUD METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................... 218
APPENDIX F: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS .................................. 219
APPENDIX G: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR COMMUNITY ORGANIZING LEADERS ................ 221
APPENDIX H: RECORD OF INTERVIEWS ..................................................................................................................... 223
vii
LIST OF TABLES
DIMENSIONS OF COMMUNITY ORGANIZING FOR ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE WITHIN COLLABORATIVE
GOVERNANCE … ................................................................................................................................................................ ..19
RISING SEAS AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE DEMOGRAPHICS FOR CALIFORNIA’S COASTAL COMMUNITIES .............35
CALIFORNIA SEA LEVEL RISE ADAPTATION CASE EVALUATION TABLE ........................................................................83
RISING SEAS AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY ORGANIZING........................................................... 145-146
RISING SEAS AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY ORGANIZING.................................................................... 145
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
CALIFORNIA’S COASTAL ZONE COLLABORATIVE GOVERNANCE … ............................................................................... ..22
CALIFORNIA’S CZMP COLLABORATIVE GOVERNANCE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK ......................................................56
CALIFORNIA’S CZMP COLLABORATIVE GOVERNANCE POLICY OUTPUTS (ACTIONS) ........................................... 57-76
SCALED ENVIRONMENTAL GOVERNANCE INDICATORS BELOW................................................................................ 78-81
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE THEMES OF RICHMOND, CA PLANNING DOCUMENTS...................................................... 109
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE THEMES OF SAN DIEGO, CA PLANNING DOCUMENTS ...................................................... 111
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE THEMES OF OAKLAND, CA PLANNING DOCUMENTS ........................................................ 113
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE THEMES OF OXNARD, CA PLANNING DOCUMENTS .......................................................... 117
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE THEMES OF VALLEJO, CA PLANNING DOCUMENTS .......................................................... 119
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE THEMES OF LONG BEACH, CA PLANNING DOCUMENTS .................................................. 121
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE THEMES OF SAN FRANCISCO, CA PLANNING DOCUMENTS.............................................. 123
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE THEMES OF EAST PALO ALTO, CA PLANNING DOCUMENTS ........................................... 125
CALIFORNIA COASTAL COMMISSION ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE WORLD CLOUD ...................................................... 136
BCDC ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE WORLD CLOUD ........................................................................................................ 139
ix
LIST OF IMAGES
CENTRAL WEST BAY SHORE SEA LEVEL RISE EXPOSURE… ......................................................................................... ..26
CENTRAL WEST BAY SHORE SEA LEVEL RISE EXPOSURE ...............................................................................................27
CALIFORNIA COASTAL ZONE MANAGEMENT MAP OF JURISDICTION AND AUTHORITY ................................................29
STATE OF CALIFORNIA ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY MAP. ..........................................................................33
SEA LEVEL RISE VULNERABILITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY OVERLAP
MAP OF RICHMOND, CA. ................................................................................................................................................. 147
SEA LEVEL RISE VULNERABILITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY OVERLAY
MAP OF SAN DIEGO, CA .................................................................................................................................................. 149
SEA LEVEL RISE VULNERABILITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY OVERLAY
MAP OF OAKLAND, CA. ................................................................................................................................................... 151
SEA LEVEL RISE VULNERABILITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY OVERLAY
MAP OF OXNARD, CA. ..................................................................................................................................................... 153
SEA LEVEL RISE VULNERABILITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY OVERLAY
MAP OF VALLEJO, CA ...................................................................................................................................................... 155
SEA LEVEL RISE VULNERABILITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY OVERLAY
MAP OF LONG BEACH, CA ............................................................................................................................................... 157
SEA LEVEL RISE VULNERABILITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY OVERLAY
MAP OF SAN FRANCISCO, CA. ......................................................................................................................................... 159
SEA LEVEL RISE VULNERABILITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY OVERLAY
MAP OF EAST PALO ALTO, CA. ....................................................................................................................................... 161
x
ABSTRACT
This dissertation explores the potential adaptation responses of environmental justice
communities to sea level rise along California coastline. The accelerating rate of sea level
rise increases the likelihood of flooding and the severity of storm events, which will
damage existing and future coastal development and infrastructure if no adaptation is
undertaken. Many of these effects will disproportionately impact environmental justice
communities due to socioeconomic inequality and lack of inclusion in the governance
process. California is the only state with two Coastal Zone Management Agencies (CZMAs),
which are the major coast and shoreline oversight regulatory agencies, the San Francisco
Bay Area Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) and the California Coastal
Commission (CCC). Under BCDC and CCC’s supervision are at least eight environmental
justice communities from local jurisdictions that serve as case studies: Oakland, San
Francisco, East Palo Alto, Vallejo, Richmond, San Diego, Oxnard, and Long Beach.
This research asks the following questions: First, to what extent are state and affected local
jurisdictions along the California coastline developing land-use adaptation policies,
programs, and permitting decisions that align with the most recent scientific projections of
sea level rise and their cumulative consequences, and are they also identifying and
responding to the vulnerability of environmental justice communities within their
jurisdictions? Second, to what extent are local jurisdictions and community adaptation
plans incorporating environmental justice communities in the planning and policymaking
process? Third, what is the extent of environmental justice-focused community organizing
around sea level rise adaptation? What are the different environmental justice community
organizing approaches around climate change (and sea level rise adaptation), and how
does the variation in organizing strategies impact community incorporation into the SF Bay
shoreline and California coastline land-use planning and permitting process? To answer
these research questions, this project employs a multi-method approach. The empirical
analysis involves systematic, qualitative and quantitative coding of coast and shoreline
policies, guidelines, and local and community plans through Dedoose® software program.
xi
This is followed by in-depth interviews and case studies in the selected environmental
justice communities to determine actual implementation actions completed or underway
and, importantly, the extent of engagement with, and organizing strategies of,
environmental justice communities related to the decision-making and implementation
processes.
The findings of this study suggest that:
1) In California’s coastal zone management, higher levels of intersectoral governance
through vertical (local, regional, state, federal, etc.) and horizontal (across planning
departments and agencies) linkages are associated with more evidence of
environmental justice initiatives.
2) State agencies, local governments, and community organizations alike universally
suggest human and capital resource deficits regarding sea level rise adaptation
governance and mobilization.
3) Political incorporation for general planning or climate adaptation planning
generally does not imply political incorporation for sea level rise adaptation
specifically.
High levels of outreach and engagement initiatives from state agencies and local
governments does not necessarily lead to more politically incorporated environmental
justice communities for sea level rise adaptation governance.
1
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION: California’s Adaptation to Sea Level Rise
BACKGROUND AND SIGNIFICANCE
SEA LEVEL RISE
“ T h is is a l l in te r e s ti ng , b u t w h a t th e h e l l d o w e d o a b o u t it ?”
1
C a l ifo r ni a ’s G o v e r no r , G a v in Newsom, echoed the sentiments of many politicians and policymakers at a State Lands
C o m m is s io n m e e ti ng o n t h e in e v it a b l e a d v e r s e im p a cts o f s e a l e v e l r is e o n th e s t a te ’ s coastal communities. According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration
(NOAA), 39% of the United States population lives in counties along the coastline.
2
In
California, this number jumps to 75% of the population. Conservative estimates from the
International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) expect global sea levels to rise up to ten feet
by 2100 and continue to escalate thereafter.
3
I f no th in g c h a ng e s , C a l ifo r ni a ’s sea is expected to rise at a rate of thirty to forty times faster
than between 1900-2000.
4
These estimates do not account for potential natural disasters
that could destroy much of the coastline infrastructure and development. Scientifically-
1
M u l ke r n , A n n e C . “ Ri si n g S e a L e v e l s W i l l H i t C a l i f o r n i a H a r d e r Tha n O t h e r P l a c e s. ” E &E N e w s . S c i e n t i f i c American, April 27, 2017. https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/rising-sea-levels-will-hit-california-
harder-than-other-places/.
2
“ P o p u l a t i o n a l o n g U S C o a st t o H i t 1 3 4 M i l l i o n by 2 0 2 0 : N O A A Re p o r t . ” N a t u r e W o r l d N e w s. M a r c h 2 6 , 2 0 1 3 . http://www.natureworldnews.com/articles/1022/20130326/population-along-coast-hit-134-million-2020-
noaa-report.htm
3
Church, J.A., P.U. Clark, A. Cazenave, J.M. Gregory, S. Jevrejeva, A. Levermann, M.A. Merri eld, G.A. Milne, R.S.
Nerem, P.D. Nunn, A.J. Payne, W.T. Pfeffer, D. Stammer and A.S. Unnikrishnan, 2013: Sea Level Change. In:
Climate Change 2013: The Physical Science Basis. Contribution of Working Group I to the Fifth Assessment
Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [Stocker, T.F., D. Qin, G.-K. Plattner, M. Tignor, S.K.
Allen, J. Boschung, A. Nauels, Y. Xia, V. Bex and P.M. Midgley (eds.)]. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA
4
Gr ig g s, G , A rvai, J, Cayan, D, DeConto, R, Fox, J, Fricker, HA, Kopp, RE, Tebaldi, C, Whiteman, EA (California
Ocean Protection Council Science Advisory Team Working Group). Rising Seas in California: An Update on
Sea-Level Rise Science. California Ocean Science Trust, April 2017.
2
driven worst-case scenarios project that more than 42,000 Californian homes will be
underwater – seawater over roofs. The San Francisco and Oakland international airports
will be unusable. Los Angeles (LAX) and San Diego airports have slightly more time on their
side, but not perpetuity. LAX is on a bluff with elevation at 120 feet, and San Diego airport
does not sit directly on the water. While short- te r m r is k s to S o u th e r n C a l ifo r ni a ’s m a j o r airports are minimal, if a massive cluster of glaciers melt in Antarctica (a distinct
possibility), these airports too will be submerged underwater.
5
The global cost for sea-level
rise adaptation is estimated at $421 billion – annually. If we consider the aggregation of
p e o p l e a l o ng t h e co a s t in C a l ifo r n ia , th e v a l u e o f th e co a s tl in e ’s in f r a s tr u ctu r e a nd b u s in e s s to th e s ta te ’s e co no m y , a nd th e co s t o f m a s s r e l o ca ti o ns , th e p o te nt ia l l y in e v it a b l e conclusions are unthinkable. It is possible that lawmakers will determine the entire
coastline has to be abandoned. As climate-related data collection advances, sea level rise
scenarios worsen.
C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s t a nd s h o r e l in e , l in e d w it h c r it ica l in f r a s tr u ct ure and important public
beaches, are at a far greater risk to the impacts of melting ice and rising seas than the world
average. Over $150 billion worth of property along the California coastline and
immeasurable natural ecosystems are at risk. In fact, sea level rise is already causing
extensive coastal flooding, increased coastal erosion, and disappearing beaches in coastal
C a l ifo r ni a . T h e s cie nce a r o u nd s e a l e v e l r is e a c ce l e r a ti o ns is co ns i s te nt , “ m e a s u r e d e v e r y 6 minutes using equipment like satellites, floating buoys off the coast, and tidal gauges to
a ccu r a te l y m e a s u r e th e l o ca l s e a l e v e l a s it a cc e l e r a te s a nd ch a ng e s . ”
6
California has long been a domestic and international leader in climate change adaptation
and mitigation.
7
Adapting to the uncertainty and complexity of sea-level rise, however,
b r in g s ne w g o v e r na nce ch a l l e ng e s to C a l ifo r n ia ’s p o l it ica l a nd p o l icy a r s e na l . Wit h th e
5
“G o v e r n o r B r o w n C o r r e c t s S t a t e me n t a bo u t L A X a n d S e a L e v e l Ri se . ” L o s A n g e l e s Ti me s, M a y 1 5 , 2 0 1 4 . https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-brown-lax-remarks-20140514-story.html.
6
S e a L e v e l Ri se . o r g . “ C a l i f o r n i a 's S e a L e v e l I s Ri si n g . ” S e a L e v e l Ri se . https://sealevelrise.org/states/california/.
7
Mazmanian, D. A., Jurewitz, J., & Nelson, H. (2008). California's climate change policy: The case of a
subnational state actor tackling a global challenge. The Journal of Environment & Development, 17(4), 401-423.
3
largest number of coastal residents in the U.S., solutions are complicated. It is not too late
for California, and much of the rest of the world, to plan way ahead for sea level rise.
Unfortunately, the inability to experience surging oceans in day to day life makes it a
difficult political proposition.
Local politicians have historically had a difficult time allocating resources for the
environment beyond short-term planning because many of the adverse impacts of climate
change will not be realized during their term, or even lifetime, whereas incentives such as
new jobs that cause environmental degradation, but lead to economic boosts, are realized
immediately.
8
For example, the ability to claim credit for creating jobs through a new
pollution-emitting factory that employs workers within a jurisdiction is a short-term win at
the expense of the environment.
9
Indeed, the Trump Administration has rolled back over
90 environmental regulations (adverse long-term impacts), while touting energy
independence and a strong economy (short-term wins) at the expense of future
generations.
10
This contemporary example reinforces findings from legislative behavior
scholars on vote-seeking incentives – there has been a tendency to push environmental
problems down the road and avoid necessary, long-term planning. The irony of only
focusing on the short term is that it ’s a ctu ally more costly. According to Ainsworth, the
Executive Director of the California Coastal Commission (CCC), “ society as a whole saves $6
in avoided costs for every $1 spent to acquire or demolish flood-prone buildings before
d is a s te r h it s . ”
11
8
Measham, Thomas G., Benjamin L. Preston, Timothy F. Smith, Cassandra Brooke, Russell Gorddard, Geoff
Withycombe, and Craig Morrison. "Adapting to climate change through local municipal planning: barriers and
challenges." Mitigation and adaptation strategies for global change 16, no. 8 (2011): 889-909.
9
Crisp, Brian F., Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon, Bradford S. Jones, Mark P. Jones, and Michelle M. Taylor-
Robinson. "Vote-seeking incentives and legislative representation in six presidential democracies." The
Journal of Politics 66, no. 3 (2004): 823-846.
10
Popovich, Nadja, Livia Albeck-ripka, and Kendra Pierre- l o u i s. “ 9 5 E n v i r o n me n t a l Ru l e s B e i n g Ro l l e d B a c k
U n d e r Tr u mp . ” The N e w Yo r k Ti me s , Jun e 2 , 2 0 1 9 . https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/climate/trump-environment-rollbacks.html.
11
“ N a t i o n a l I n st i t u t e o f B u i l d i n g S c i e n c e s I ssu e s N e w Re p o r t o n t h e V a l u e o f M i t i g a t i o n . ” N a t i o n a l I n st i t u t e o f Building Sciences Issues New Report on the Value of Mitigation - National Institute of Building Sciences,
January 11, 2018. https://www.nibs.org/news/381874/National-Institute-of-Building-Sciences-Issues-New-
Report-on-the-Value-of-Mitigation.htm.
4
Policymakers have suggested cities begin incorporating climate adaptation into municipal
planning, but as of now, nothing is mandatory. The Bay Area Conservation and
Development Commission (BCDC) and CCC are resigned to guidance and suggestions for
updating city plans and policies. C a l ifo r ni a ’s m a j o r co a s ta l r e g u l a to r y o v e r s ig h t a g e ncie s , BCDC and CCC, are focused on approaching sea-level rise adaptation proactively, yet, the
governing bodies have limited staff and financial resources for planning for sea-level rise.
12
Moreover, the organizations have very little legal authority when it comes to mandating sea
l e v e l r is e a d a p ta ti o n. T h e C a l ifo r ni a C o a s ta l A c t, th e s ta te ’s f o r e m o s t r e g u l a to r y d o c u m e nt for coast and shoreline management, did not take into consideration sea level rise in 1976.
Wh il e w i l d f ir e s , d r o u g h ts , a nd t h e p o te nt ia l f o r “ th e b ig o ne ” o f te n m o n o p o l iz e C a l ifo r ni a ’s public discourse and policymaking due to their immediate and evident impacts, sea level
rise could cause more damage to the economy – and in human lives – than the other
climate catastrophes combined. The old adage, mother nature is undefeated, rings
e s p e cia l l y tr u e f o r s e a l e v e l r is e . I nd e e d , “ w e ’v e a l l p l a y e d b y th e s h o r e a nd b u il t ca s tl e s in the sand but s e e m to f o r g e t w h a t h a p p e ns ne x t: th e o ce a n a l w a y s w in s . ”
13
If this sounds
l ike a n i m m e d ia te cr is is , th a t’s b e ca u s e it is .
IMPACTS ON ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITIES
The distributional and equity implications of sea level rise impacts and adaptation
policymaking are the central focus of this research. Historically underrepresented
groups/historically excluded communities and other vulnerable populations are expected
to suffer the most from the consequences of environmental degradation, and sea level-rise
impacts are no exception.
14,15,16,17
There have been several domestic examples in the last
12
Lavine, E. (2013). Adapting Governance for Rising Tides. BCDC. Retrieved from: http://www.bcdc.ca.gov/
13
“ The C a l i f o r n i a C o a st I s D i s a p p e a r i n g u n d e r t h e Ri si n g S e a . O u r C h o i c e s A r e G r i m. ” L o s A n g e l e s Ti me s, Jul y 7, 2019. https://www.latimes.com/projects/la-me-sea-level-rise-california-coast/.
14
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Climate Change 2014–Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability:
Regional Aspects. Cambridge University Press, 2014.
15
Wilson, Sacoby M., Roland Richard, Lesley Joseph, and Edith Williams. "Climate change, environmental
justice, and vulnerability: an exploratory spatial analysis." Environmental Justice 3, no. 1 (2010): 13-19.
16
Mendelsohn, Robert, Ariel Dinar, and Larry Williams. "The distributional impact of climate change on rich
and poor countries." Environment and Development Economics 11, no. 2 (2006): 159-178.
5
fifteen years of climate catastrophes linked to sea level rise: New Orleans, Houston, and
Puerto Rico, to name a few. Hurricane Katrina highlights the lack of foresight in city
planning and how environmental justice communities, already socioeconomically
disadvantaged, are overlooked for equitable service provisions.
18,19
The story in New
Orleans is closer to the rule than the exception, though. Confronted with scarce resources,
coastal planners and federal governments have determined time and time again that it is
economically inefficient or cost prohibitive to protect environmental justice communities.
Without proactive policy solutions that prioritize environmental justice communities, these
neighborhoods will continue to bear the disproportionate costs of adaptation.
The New Orleans, Houston, and Puerto Rico cases illuminate three overlapping problems
w it h e nvir o nm e nt a l g o v e r na nce a nd s e a l e v e l r is e th a t s h o u l d a l e r t C a l ifo r ni a ’s policymakers. First, federal, state, and local planners have often ignored long-term
investment in climate adaptation and environmental justice communities. Second,
environmental justice communities have a horde of issues such as higher rates of
unemployment, incarceration, affordable housing, and under resourced schools, which
seem (and often are) more immediate needs, and therefore take prioritization for
policymakers with finite resources at their disposal. Third, even in policy frameworks with
progressive environmental justice gover na nce l a ng u a g e , th e s e p o l ici e s “ l a ck te e th ” d u r in g the implementation or execution stage when disaster hits. Recent examples of major flood
e v e nt s in th e U ni te d S ta te s s h o u l d ca u ti o n l a w m a k e r s in C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l co m m u ni ti e s to the adverse impacts they may face if sea levels continue to rise and environmental
governance remains devoid of requisite resources and collaborative planning.
17
Kim Steinhardt and Gary Griggs (2017). The EDGE: The pressured Past and Precarious Future of California’s
Coast, Craven Street Books. Gary Griggs et al (2017), Rising Seas in California: An Update on Sea-Level Rise
Science, California Ocean Protection Council Science Advisory Team Working Group, California Ocean Science
Trust, April
18
Horner, Mark W., and Michael J. Widener. "How do socioeconomic characteristics interact with equity and
efficiency considerations? An analysis of hurricane disaster relief goods provision." In Geospatial analysis and
modelling of urban structure and dynamics, pp. 393-414. Springer, Dordrecht, 2010.
19
Ehrenfeucht, Renia, and Marla Nelson. "Planning, population loss and equity in New Orleans after hurricane
Katrina." Planning, Practice & Research 26, no. 2 (2011): 129-146.
6
Environmental justice communities have also historically been burdened by toxic
contaminants, polluted soil, air, and water due to industrial and commercial activities.
Storm surges and more frequent flooding caused by sea level rise will exacerbate these
issues. The interaction of increased flooding and hazardous waste sites could lead to
mobile contaminants, intensifying exposure and associated health problems. Illustrating
the policy relevance and academic contribution of this dissertation, in 2016, California
amended the California Coastal Act under AB 2616 to explicitly incorporate the state
statutory definition of environmental justice: the fair treatment of people of all races,
cultures, and incomes with respect to environmental laws, regulations, and policies.
20
To
b e s u r e , th e C o a s ta l C o m m is s io n’s r e p o r t o n cl im a te ch a ng e a ck no w l e d g e s th a t p e o p l e o f color and low-income communities are disproportionately impacted by sea level rise.
Despite these initiatives, people of color and low-income communities are frequently
marginalized or absent from the discussion by mainstream environmental organizations,
academics, and government agencies spearheading the policy process, notwithstanding
being among the biggest supporters of environmental protections.
21
It should now be clear how important this line of research is, and how consequential the
outcomes of failing to address environmentally just sea level rise adaption could be. The
following literature review covers the relevant work on community organizing, political
representation, and collaborative governance, and how the intersection of these literatures
will ser v e a s th e f o u nd a ti o n f o r t h is d is s e r ta t io n’s a na l y s e s . T h is s y nt h e s iz e d l it e r a tu r e review also helps clarify key terms and concepts, and how they instruct this study. It then
identifies the gap in the literature and how this research project will help fill the academic
void, while simultaneously gaining a better practical understanding for how historically
underrepresented communities can gain access to, and become incorporated into, the
political process for adapting to sea level rise along the California coast.
22
20
Garcia, Robert, Cesar De La Vega and Erica Flores Baltodano (2016). The City Project. Coastal Justice and the
California Coastal Act: An Equity Mapping and Analysis. The City
Project. https://www.cityprojectca.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/Policy-Brief-Coastal-Justice-in-
California-20161208.pdf
21
Ibid.
22
While environmental justice themes are inherently intertwined in the community organizing, political
representation, and collaborative governance literatures, Chapter 3 delves into greater detail regarding
7
LITERATURE REVIEW
Political Representation, Incorporation, and Environmental Collaborative
Governance
This study rests on the normative assertion that a democratic public should provide
mechanisms for groups that are particularly oppressed or marginalized.
23
Community
organizing is one effective strategy suggested in the literature for political incorporation
for low-income and communities of color. Young (2011) asserts that the main goal of social
justice is equality not just through social goods, but also primarily through full
p a r ti cip a ti o n a nd in cl u s i o n in a s o cie ty’s m a j o r in s ti tu ti o ns .
24
It is through institutional
processes and relationships that social justice can be realized. This research concurs with
Y o u n g ’s co nt e nt io n th a t th e r e s h o u l d b e “ g r o u p g e ne r a ti o n o f p o l icy p r o p o s a l s in institutionalized contexts where decision makers are obliged to show that their
d e l ib e r a ti o ns h a v e ta k e n g r o u p p e r s p e cti v e s in to co ns id e r a ti o n. ”
25
Indeed, for sea level
rise adaptation efforts, research shows that local knowledge improves policy design.
26, 27
Young (2001) rethinks descriptive representation as inclusive in democracy, and that there
should be an attempt to include more political views.
28
According to Young, the legitimacy
o f a r e p r e s e nt a ti v e is no t p r im a r i l y a f u n cti o n o f co ns ti tu e nt s ’ s im il a r it ie s to th e represented, and the representative should not be treated as a mere substitute for the
C a l i f o r n i a ’ s e n v i r o n me n t a l j u st i c e l e g i sl a t i o n a n d governance, historical injustices in land use, and how the
environmental justice literature informs this research agenda.
23
Young, Iris Marion. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton University Press, 2011.
24
Young, Iris Marion. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton University Press, 2011.
25
Young, Iris Marion. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton University Press, 2011.
26
Douglas, Gordon CC. "The formalities of informal improvement: technical and scholarly knowledge at work
in do-it-yourself urban design." Journal of Urbanism: International Research on Placemaking and Urban
Sustainability 9, no. 2 (2016): 117-134.
27
There is a significant body of work in political theory that examines just what political representation
means, which, for the purposes of this research project, also begs the question of how representation is linked
to political incorporation, and which direction the causal pathway goes. For Mansbridge (1999), descriptive
representation – how much a representative resembles or shares characteristic with his or her constituency –
is needed when marginalized groups distrust members from relatively more privileged walks of society, or
when these group identities have not yet fully formed preferences in the political process.
27
28
Young, Iris Marion. "Activist challenges to deliberative democracy." Political theory 29, no. 5 (2001): 670-
690.
8
represented. Young does not concede that descriptive representation is adequate for
incorporating historically underrepresented communities. Instead, she recommends
reconceptualizing representation as a differentiated relationship.
29
There have been conflicting studies (Grose 2011, Tate 2003, Hero and Tolbert 1995) at the
congressional and state levels of whether descriptive representation leads to substantive
representation for Blacks and Latinos.
30, 31, 32, 33
At the local level, Spence et al (2009) found
that electing black mayors, which they define as political incorporation, had a positive
effect on political participation, or voter turnout.
34
In contrast, Marschall and Shah (2007),
testing the attitudinal effects of minority incorporation across 104 municipal governments,
found that descriptive representation had very limited effects on trust in government.
35
Where these studies fall short, however, is they all define what political representation and
incorporation mean without taking into account what these notions mean to the
constituencies they a r e s tu d y in g . S h o u l d n’t s ch o l a r s s tu d y in g p o l it ica l r e p r e s e nt a ti o n, participation, and incorporation give the constituents and communities themselves a say in
how these terms be defined? What does political incorporation mean for environmental
justice communities as it relates to coastal zone planning, sea level rise adaptation, climate
change, and the environmental collaborative governance models? Interview data from
environmental justice advocacy leaders help answer these questions.
Even Schmidt et. al ’s (2 0 0 2 ) w o r k , w h ich p r e s cr ib e s h o w h is to r ica l l y u nd e r r e p r e s e nt e d groups may become fully incorporated in democratic politics, fails to consider how
29
Young, Iris Marion. "Activist challenges to deliberative democracy." Political theory 29, no. 5 (2001): 670-
690.
30
Grose, Christian R. Congress in black and white: Race and representation in Washington and at home.
Cambridge University Press, 2011.
31
Tate, Katherine. Black faces in the mirror: African Americans and their representatives in the US Congress.
Princeton University Press, 2003.
32
Hero, Rodney E., and Caroline J. Tolbert. "Latinos and substantive representation in the US House of
Representatives: Direct, indirect, or nonexistent?." American Journal of Political Science (1995): 640-652.
33
Rocca, Michael S., Gabriel R. Sanchez, and Joseph Uscinski. "Personal attributes and Latino voting behavior
in Congress." Social Science Quarterly 89, no. 2 (2008): 392-405.
34
Spence, Lester K., Harwood K. McClerking, and Robert Brown. "Revisiting black incorporation and local
political participation." Urban Affairs Review 45, no. 2 (2009): 274-285.
35
Marschall, Melissa, and Paru R. Shah. "The attitudinal effects of minority incorporation: Examining the
racial dimensions of trust in urban America." Urban Affairs Review 42, no. 5 (2007): 629-658.
9
marginalized communities might recognize and express their own political incorporation.
To Schmidt et. al, this potential five-step political incorporation process includes: 1) full
access to participation; 2) representation in important decision-making processes and
institutions; 3) influence in/power over government decisions; 4) adoption of public
policies that address group concerns or interests, and; 5) socioeconomic parity.
36
Wolbrecht and Hero (2005) further develop these benchmarks and imply that there is an
a s p e ct o f “ l in e a r it y o r c u m u l a ti v e ne s s , ” a s a g r o u p is m o r e l ike l y t o a ch ie v e s u cce s s iv e benchmarks once the previous has been reached.
37
Wolbrecht and Hero view democratic
inclusion as the incorporation, influence, and representation of historically marginalized
social groups within American democratic institutions. These benchmarks are instructive
and are used as a theoretical framework for political incorporation throughout this
dissertation.
I f w e r e v is it Y o u ng ’s co nd it io ns f o r p o l i ti ca l r e p r e s e nt a ti o n, in co r p o r a ti o n, a nd s o cia l justice, then, it is evident that these theories are incontrovertibly manifested in the
environmental justice literature, but also potentially reveal the impetus behind local
community organizing and what it means to be represented and incorporated in an
environmental collaborative governance regime. For Young, distributive justice, political
in co r p o r a ti o n, a nd in cl u s ive ne s s in g o v e r na nce a r e o ne in th e s a m e : “ A s I u nd e r s ta nd it , th e concept of justice coincides with the concept of the political. Politics as I [define] it includes
all aspects of institutional organization, public action, social practices and habits, and
cultural meanings insofar as they are potential subject to collective evaluation and
decision- m a k in g . ”
38
Environmental politics and governance, then, ought to be inherently
inclusive, and therefore, just.
The multilevel and multi-scalar complexity of contemporary environmental governance
requires that state and local officials contribute to climate change policy and
36
Schmidt Sr, Ronald, Rodney E. Hero, Andrew Aoki, and Yvette Alex-Assensoh. "Political Science, the New
Immigration and Racial Politics in the United States: What Do We Know? What Do We Need to Know."
In Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Boston. 2002.
37
Wolbrecht, Christina, and Rodney E. Hero. The politics of democratic inclusion. Temple University Press,
2005.
38
Young, Iris Marion. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton University Press, 2011.
10
implementation in a collaborative nature.
39
In California, this is written into law. Indeed,
the literature suggests that collaborative governance regimes also include policy or
program-based intergovernmental program cooperation, nongovernmental stakeholders,
and private-public partnerships.
40
Scott (2015), using hierarchical linear modeling to
explore the relationship between collaborative governance and environmental outcomes,
found that environmental coalitions that engage in collaborative activities achieve greater
environmental gains than coordinating or planning activities.
41
Moreover , B o d a ns k y a s s e r ts th a t “ e nvir o nm e nt a l p r o b l e m s a r e in cr e a s in g l y e s ca p in g th e co nt r o l o f in d ivid u a l s ta te s ” a nd p o in ts to th e e m e r g e nce o f th e E u r o p e a n U ni o n a s a n example of where regulatory mechanisms have been transferred from the national to
regional and local levels.
42
However, Bodansky does not give enough attention to the
important role that local governments play in the environmental governance process.
Osofsky and Levitt (2010) do however emphasize the importance of local governance and
participation as strong indicators of success in environmental governance. The authors
employ a case study approach of Portland, Oregon, and Tulsa, Oklahoma to illuminate how
bottom-up local environmental governance activities can be an effective approach to
39
For the purposes of this study, I will assume that these hybrid dynamics of collaborative governance are
r e p r e se n t a t i v e o f C a l i f o r n i a ’ s C Z M P i n st i t u t i o n s. M o r e o v e r , I w i l l u se L e mo s a n d A r g a w a l ’ s (2 0 0 6 ) d e f i n i t i o n of environmental governance: environmental governance is synonymous with interventions aiming at
changes in environment-related incentives, knowledge, institutions, decision making, and behaviors. More
sp e c i f i c a l l y , w e u se “ e n v i r o n me n t a l g o v e r n a n c e ” t o r e f e r t o t h e se t o f r e g u l a t o r y p r o c e sse s, mechanisms and
organizations through which political actors influence environmental actions and outcomes. Governance is
not the same as government. It includes the actions of the state and, in addition, encompasses actors such as
communities, businesses, and NGOs. Key to different forms of environmental governance are the political-
economic relationships that institutions embody and how these relationships shape identities, actions, and
outcomes. International accords, national policies and legislation, local decision-making structures,
transnational institutions, and environmental NGOs are all examples of the forms through which
environmental governance takes place. Because governance can be shaped through nonorganizational
institutional mechanisms as well (for example, when it is based on market incentives and self-regulatory
processes), there is no escaping it for anyone concerned about environmental outcomes. Environmental
governance is varied in form, critical in importance, and near ubiquitous in spread.
40
Emerson, Kirk, Tina Nabatchi, and Stephen Balogh. "An integrative framework for collaborative
governance." Journal of public administration research and theory 22, no. 1 (2012): 1-29.
41
Scott, Tyler. (2015). Does collaboration make any difference? Linking collaborative governance to
environmental outcomes. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 34(3), 537-566.
42
Bodansky, D. (1999). The Legitimacy of International Governance: A Coming Challenge for IEL? The
American Journal of International Law, 93(3), 596-624.
11
environmental lawmaking.
43
Despite arguing f o r a “ b o tt o m - u p ne tw o r k in g ” a p p r o a ch to environmental collaborative governance, the authors do not specify what mechanisms
would be most effective to integrate local constituents, particularly historically excluded
citizens, in the governance process, or postulate ways that adaptation implementation
strategies could be both more effective and inclusive.
Many environmental governance scholars have asserted that state and domestic regulation
may be peripheral to local environmental policy implementation for achieving efficiency,
effectiveness, and equity.
44
While some scholarship argues that empowering NGOs is the
best mechanism for linking collaborative governance actors, Ribot (1999) persuades that
NGOs can undermine local governance.
45
In fact, Fox and Aranda (1996) contend that
bringing environmental decision-making closer to the citizenry is the best strategy for just
political governance. In a theoretically just democracy, then, facilitating transfers of power
to the constituents that are most affected should be the goal of political governance.
C ir cl in g b a ck to Y o u ng ’s d is tr ib u ti v e p a r a d ig m o f j u s ti ce , in cl u s ive ne s s in e nvir o nm e nt a l governance could be perceived to mean not only politics, policies, and state action, but also
any scope of participation in deliberation and decision making.
46
G u nn in g h a m ’s (2 0 0 9 ) w o r k o n th e ‘ne w ’ co l l a b o r a ti v e e nvir o nm e nt a l g o v e r na nce e m p h a s iz e s l o ca l iz a ti o n o f regulation, and emphasizes inclusiveness, participatory dialogue, and a shift from
hierarchy to heterarchy in the decision-making process.
47
This aspect of inclusiveness in the environmental governance process is championed by
C o r b u r n’s (2 0 0 2 , 2 0 0 3 ) w o r k a s h e a r g u e s th a t tr a d it io na l e nvir o nm e nt a l p l a nn in g a nd decision-making activities perpetuate environmental injustice. Indeed, Corburn (2003)
43
Osofsky, H., & Levitt, J. (2008). The Scale of Networks?: Local Climate Coalitions. Chicago Journal of
International Law, 409.
44
Ribot, Jesse C. "Accountable representation and power in participatory and decentralized environmental
management." UNASYLVA-FAO- (1999): 18-22.
45
Fox, J. & Aranda, J. 1996. Decentralization and rural development in Mexico: community participation in
Oaxaca's Municipal Funds Program. San Diego, California, USA, Center for US-Mexican Studies, University of
California.
46
Young, Iris Marion. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton University Press, 2011.
47
Gunningham, N. (2009). The new collaborative environmental governance: The localization of
regulation. Journal of Law and Society, 36(1), 145-166.
12
contends that local knowledge – when environmental communities draw on firsthand
experience to challenge expert-lay distinctions – can improve planning and augment
community participation in environmental decision-making.
48,49
Corburn finds that local
k no w l e d g e ca n im p r o v e p l a nn in g in a t l e a s t f o u r w a y s “ (1 ) e p is te m o l o g y , a d d in g to th e knowledge base of environmental policy; (2) procedural democracy, including new and
previously silenced voices; (3) effectiveness, providing low-cost policy solutions; and (4)
d is tr ib u ti v e j u s ti ce , h ig h l ig h ti ng in e q u it a b l e d is tr ib u ti o ns o f e nvir o nm e nt a l b u r d e ns . ”
50
Wh il e C o b u r n’s w o r k u nd o u b te d l y a id s th is d is s e r ta ti o n’s u nd e r s ta nd in g in l o ca l governance, political participation, and environmental justice, Coburn still views
g o v e r na nce f r o m th e p e r s p e cti v e o f “ h o w m a na g e r s ca n a d e q u a t e l y in cl u d e e nvir o nm e nt a l justice in decision- m a k in g , ” l e a v in g a p e r s is ti ng g a p in th e e xis ti ng r e s e a r ch . T h e q u e s ti o n remains as to how these environmental justice communities can become more
incorporated in the political and decision-making processes, and just how that should be
defined. What does incorporation look like to the environmental justice communities in
the coastal zone governance process? And what does the incorporation of environmental
justice communities mean for the planners and policymakers, used to the status quo,
involved in the collaborative governance regimes that make up coastal zone planning, sea
level rise adaptation, and climate change adaptation? What organizing strategies translate
into more inclusive politics and policy?
Community Organizing
Previous work on interest groups and social movements provides a foundation for
understanding how historically underrepresented communities may gain meaningful
participation, representation, and incorporation in the political process. S id ne y T a r r o w ’s (2011) comprehensive theoretical framework on contentious politics teaches how bottom-
up approaches like social movements might evolve into environmental justice community
48
Corburn, J. (2003). Bringing local knowledge into environmental decision-making: Improving urban
planning for communities at risk. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 22(4), 420-433.
49
Corburn, J. (2002). Environmental justice, local knowledge, and risk: the discourse of a community-based
cumulative exposure assessment. Environmental Management, 29(4), 451-466.
50
Corburn, J. (2003). Bringing local knowledge into environmental decision-making: Improving urban
planning for communities at risk. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 22(4), 420-433.
13
organizations gaining access to policymaking institutions and becoming vital participants
in the environmental governance process. A significant vein of recent political theory
literature has focused on association and civil society, looking beyond formal political
structures and into less traditional forms of politics and governance.
51
For example,
referencing the organizing tactics of Saul Alinksy and Robert Moses, Sabl (2002) argues
th a t “ th e m o s t d is ti ncti v e l y T o cq u e v il l e a n [ d e mocratic] politics is the politics of community
o r g a ni z in g . ”
52
Sabl claims that one of the primary problems of democratic politics,
according to his perception of Tocqueville, is the isolation of social classes; and that one of
the solutions is a Tocquevillean political action characterized by community organizing
that engages both the rich and the poor.
People of color and low-income communities have long been left out of the political
process, and many studies have shown that class-based political inequality is
increasing.
53,54
To address this systematic underrepresentation endemic to the American
political system, some communities have sought to empower and engage diverse and low-
income residents through neighborhood advocacy organizations. Research by Berry and
Arons (2003) rationalized that leaders of these organizations are often assumed to be
strong representatives of these communities for three primary reasons: First, they
u nd e r s ta nd th e co m m u ni ty’s ne e d s ; s e co nd , t h e y a r e o p e r a ti ng in th e co m m u ni t y ’s b e s t interests; and third, they have gained trust through long-term relationships.
55
In fact, Park
et al. (2018) supplement this and find that residents from low-income and diverse
communities trust neighborhood and community organizations to represent their interests
significantly more than local elected officials.
56
This dissertation uses these findings as
51
Sabl, A. (2002). Community organizing as Tocquevillean politics: The art, practices, and ethos of
association. American Journal of Political Science, 1-19.
52
Ibid.
53
Schattschneider, Elmer Eric. 1960 . The S e m i so v e r e i g n P e o p l e : A Re a l i st ’ s V i e w o f D e mo c r a c y i n A me r i c a . Hinsdale: The Dryden Press
54
Jacobs, Lawrence R., and Theda Skocpol. 2005. Inequality and American Democracy: What We Know
55
Berry, Jeffrey M., and David F. Arons. 2003. A Voice for Nonprofits. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution
Press.
56
Park, S., Mosley, J. E., & Grogan, C. M. (2018). Do Residents of Low-Income Communities Trust Organizations
to Speak on Their Behalf? Differences by Organizational Type. Urban Affairs Review, 54(1), 137-164.
14
theoretical leverage to explore what mechanisms may be most effective for local officials to
incorporate environmental justice communities in the policymaking process.
Indeed, because the United States lacks large-scale political organizations that directly
represent the needs and interests of low-income and diverse communities, it follows that
informal neighborhood networks and local political engagement may be an important
political resource for incorporation into the policy process. While low-income and
minority neighborhoods are often segregated, this geographical concentration may be
advantageous for facilitating organized political action.
57
The literature has established that
social capital, a network of relationships that helps an individual or group meet their needs
and goals, is critical, as is trust and reciprocity.
58
Moreover, scholars have suggested that
marginalized groups rely on like-minded elites as representatives to further their
participation in the political process and influence environmental policy that makes the
distribution of environmental risk more equitable.
59
In order to maximize objectives, the
network must be linked with powerful resources and individuals.
60
Elites help
marginalized groups with mobilization, communication methods, resources, and other
political strategies. Elites may also have influence in the political or policy arena, which
social movements and community groups can use to their advantage. This notion draws
parallels to the collaborative governance literature, which asserts that power imbalances
between stakeholders are a common issue in effective collaborative governance. Without
strong countermeasures to represent less powerful voices, collaborative processes are
skewed against environmental justice communities due to a lack of organizational
in f r a s tr u ctu r e . I n th e s e ca s e s , e f f e cti v e co l l a b o r a ti v e g o v e r na nce “ r e q u ir e s a co m m it m e nt
57
Hays, R. A. (2015). Neighborhood networks, social capital, and political participation: The relationships
revisited. Journal of Urban Affairs, 37(2), 122-143.
58
Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94, S95 –
S120.
59
Schlosberg, David. "Reconceiving environmental justice: global movements and political
theories." Environmental politics 13, no. 3 (2004): 517-540.
60
Briggs, X. (2004). Social capital: Easy beauty or meaningful resource? Journal of the American Planning
Association, 70, 151 –158.
15
to a positive strategy of empowerment and representation of disadvantaged
s ta k e h o l d e r s . ”
61
Putnam (2000), a leading scholar on social capital networks, has argued for a strong
connection between networks, collective action, and political participation.
62
According to
Bowles and Gintis (2002), good governance relies on strong social capital within
communities because they address problems that markets, government, and individuals
cannot.
63
Social capital affirms the vitality of collective action in social problem solving,
which is critical in governance, and environmental justice policy in particular. In many
aspects, the social capital literature borrows from sociology, studying the structure of
social interactions. When developing cases, it was important to consider, and reconsider,
how communities are more than merely changes in population statistics. Processes of
change lead to new communities and transformation of older ones. Where communities
may have historically had clear spatial boundaries and borders due to segregation, labor
market segmentation, housing discrimination, and political marginalization, new social,
cultural, and political spaces may have been formed that ignore physical spatial
boundaries. These developments may in turn alter social capital structures and lead to
new community organizations that leave spatial boundaries with limited value for
researchers. This dissertation seeks to explore how sea level rise impacts may both
supersede and exacerbate the changing dynamics of community formation, and how
geographical changes and the impacts of sea level rise could alter how environmental
community groups come together and mobilize.
Purdue (2001) finds that accumulating social capital can generate valuable resources for
neighborhood governance by gaining access to elite networks.
64
In neighborhoods where
61
Ansell, Chris, and Alison Gash. "Collaborative governance in theory and practice." Journal of public
administration research and theory 18, no. 4 (2008): 543-571.
62
Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and renewal of American community. New York: Simon
and er
63
Bowles, Samuel, and Herbert Gintis. "Social capital and community governance." The economic journal 112,
no. 483 (2002).
64
Purdue, Derrick. "Neighbourhood governance: Leadership, trust and social capital." Urban Studies 38, no. 12
(2001): 2211-2224.
16
community leaders failed to accumulate social capital with statutory partners or connect
with grassroots supporters, it was more difficult to gain progress in government initiatives.
The literature seems to have come to a consensus that local community groups are
important for low-income and communities of color to gain access to the political process,
but what political organizing strategies are effective for political incorporation within
C a l ifo r ni a ’s C ZM A s in f l u e ncin g e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce p o l icy ? Wh a t o u t r e a ch a nd engagement tactics from local governments have proven to lead to environmental justice
language in planning documents? This dissertation proposal seeks to answer these
questions.
There are several community organizing approaches in the literature that help describe
and compare models, which are used in this dissertation to examine variation in
environmental justice community practices and associated impact on policy outcomes
across selected cases. Kitschelt (1986) explains that cross-national comparative studies of
social movements and community organizing are rare in political science, and this is even
more true at the local level.
65
The selected cases offer opportunities to observe the rich
details of environmental justice communities and their forms of mobilization around
theoretically similar goals. Moreover, the nuances and distinctions among cases help
uncover the extent to which environmental justice community organizing along the
California coast and shoreline.
The major community organizing approaches that influence this dissertation both
theoretically and methodologically are Rotham (1968, 1996, 2001), Smock (2004), and
A l in k s y ’s (1 9 7 1 ) m o d e l s .
66,67,68
F r e u d e nb e r g (2 0 0 8 ) a nd M in k l e r e t a l . ’s (2 0 0 8 ) w o r k o n community-based participatory research (CBPR) a l s o co nt r ib u te s to th is p r o j e ct’s w o r k in g
65
Kitschelt, Herbert P. "Political opportunity structures and political protest: Anti-nuclear movements in four
democracies." British journal of political science 16, no. 1 (1986): 57-85.
66
Smock, K. (2004). Democracy in action: Community organizing and urban change. New York: Columbia
University Press.
67
Alinksy, S. (1971). Rules for radicals. New York: Random House.
68
Rothman, J. (1968). Three models of community organization practice. National conference on social
Welfare, social work practice, 1968. New York: Columbia University Press.
17
model on environmental justice community organizing.
69,70
Ro th a m ’s th r e e m o d e l s o f community organization are (1) community development, (2) social action, and (3) social
p l a nn in g . W h il e Ro t h a m ’s m o d e l s a r e a na l y t ically distinct in actual practice, their
orientations overlap. For example, the community development model punctuates using
g r a s s r o o ts o r g a ni z a ti o n to im p r o v e e co no m ic a nd s o cia l p r o g r e s s u s in g th e “ h a r m o ni o u s combination of government resources and peo p l e ’s e f f o r t.” T h e s o cia l a cti o n m o d e l a im s to reform major legal or functional systems of society by redistributing power resources and
decision-making. The social planning model emphasizes altering social conditions by
changing the policies of formal organizations, with an emphasis on wealth redistribution.
A l l th r e e o f Ro t h a m ’s m o d e l s a r ti cu l a te im p o r ta nt f e a tu r e s r e l e v a nt f o r e nvir o nm e nt a l justice community organizing, but the community development model is most closely
aligned with the working model in this dissertation.
Smock argues that social capital networks provide an opportunity for constituents to
engage in the political process and collaborate to solve common problems. Furthermore, in
S m o ck ’s m o d e l , s o cia l ca p it a l h e l p s co m m u n it y o r g a ni z in g (a nd v ice v e r s a ), in cl u ding
building connections for low-income communities that face diminishing responsibility.
Smock distinguishes community organizing approaches by how they differ in facilitating
social capital, the forms it can take, and functions it can serve. However, according to
Smock, community organizing serves the same function: developing social connections to
confront the erosion of civic engagement, especially among the politically marginalized.
S m o ck ’s e m p h a s is o n th e s o cia l ca p it a l a nd c o l l a b o r a ti o n a r e u s e d in th is d is s e r ta ti o n’s model for community organizing dimensions such as community power, and social and
organizational networks.
A l in s k y ’s conflict-confrontation model is not perfectly representative of the relationship
among BCDC, CCC, local jurisdictions, and communities, but that is not to suggest all
69
Minkler, Meredith, Victoria Breckwich Vásquez, Mansoureh Tajik, and Dana Petersen. "Promoting
environmental justice through community-based participatory research: the role of community and
partnership capacity." Health Education & Behavior 35, no. 1 (2008): 119-137.
70
Freudenberg, Nicholas. "Community capacity for environmental health promotion: determinants and
implications for practice." Health Education & Behavior 31, no. 4 (2004): 472-490.
18
components are irrelevant. For example, Alinsky brings forth the notion that self-interest
is a motivating factor for community organizing, which is implicit in sea level rise
a d a p ta ti o n p o l icy f o r m u l a ti o n. I n a d d it io n, M in k l e r e t a l . ’s b r e a k d o w n o f co m m u ni ty po w e r a nd ca p a cit y co nt r ib u te t o t h is p r o j e ct’s u nd e r s ta nd in g o f l e a d e r s h ip , r e s o u rces, and skills
as these dimensions relate to environmental justice within collaborative governance
processes. The environmental justice community case studies selected for this dissertation
have characteristics drawn from multiple organizing approaches and CBPR.
71
The working
analytical framework for dimensions of community organizing for environmental justice
within collaborative governance used in this dissertation is below.
71
A table summarizing these community organizing approaches can be found in Appendix B: Community
Organizing Approaches
19
Table 1: Dimensions of Community Organizing for Environmental Justice within Collaborative
Governance
Coastal Zone Management Program and Collaborative Governance
Central to this project is the degree to which the planning and decision processes actively
incorporate environmental justice communities in a range of collaborative governance
20
activities.
72
Established in 1972, the Coastal Zone Management Act is a voluntary
partnership between the federal government and U.S. coastal and Great Lakes states to
comprehensively address critical coastal initiatives such as planning and policy
development in response to climate change. While the CZMA includes requirements for the
states, it delegates program implementation and institutional design to states, which are
called Coastal Zone Management Agencies (CZMAs). CZMAs such as BCDC and CCC are
fundamentally collaborative governance arrangements. Therefore, in order to understand
how CZMAs incorporate environmental justice communities in the policymaking process,
and how communities and neighborhood organizations influence environmental policy, we
must first understand how coastal zone management and land-use decisions are made with
support from the collaborative governance literature. Environmental collaborative
g o v e r na nce te r m s a nd th e m e s in te g r a l to C a l ifo r ni a ’s C o a s ta l Zo ne M a na g e m e nt a r e operationalized from key literatures in Chapter 2 on Measuring Sea Level Rise Adaptation
Planning.
Federal law does not specify which state-level governmental bodies have regulatory
authority over coastline jurisdictions. California relies on a network of multiple state
planning and regulatory agencies and private organizations to manage sea level rise
adaptation. BCDC and CCC are interagency networks made up of state agencies, regional
planning commissions, and local planning departments that each play an important role in
the sea level rise adaptation governance process. Through federal and state funding, as
w e l l a s g r a nt s , b o th o f C a l ifo r ni a ’s p r o g r a m s a r e ta il o r e d to a d d r e s s l o ca l ch a l l e ng e s , l a w s , and regulations designed to prioritize critical components of coastal management. Sea level
rise adaptation policies are incorporated into existing flood, hazard, and erosion plans at
the discretion of local jurisdictions to create a cohesive approach to future and existing
challenges.
The prominence of environmental justice interests, policies, and initiatives varies
substantially from locality to locality in California, and their relationship within BCDC and
72
Daniel Faber and Deborah McCarthy (2001). The evolving structure of the environmental justice movement in
the United States: New models for democratic decision-making. Social Justice Research 14, no. 4: 405-421.
Christina Recht and Rodney E. Hero (2005). The politics of democratic inclusion. Temple University Press.
21
CCC and in the sea-level rise adaptation policymaking and implementation process also
fluctuates. Some of the key factors impacting environmental justice communities influence
on planning and policy are issue alignment around environmental justice within the BCDC
and CCC actors, resource capacity for local governments, and intergovernmental and
interagency collaborative governance. Figure 1: California’s Coastal Zone Collaborative
Governance displays the nature of multi-level governance in the sea level rise adaptation
process, including federal, state, and local actors, and collaborative relationships among
agencies and governing bodies.
73
73
There are governing bodies, private stakeholders, and other relevant actors noticeably absent from Figure
2. The purpose of this diagram is to give an illustration, not all encompassing, map of multi-level governance
i n C a l i f o r n i a ’ s se a l e v e l r i se a d a p t a t i o n p r o c e ss.
22
Figure 1: California’s Coastal Zone Collaborative Governance
23
BCDC and CCC operate within a substructure of institutional conditions and constraints
that influence the governance process.
74
They have regulatory frameworks and
governance approaches that are buried in a sea of formal and informal policies, programs,
and legislation. Within the collaborative governance regimes that make up CZMAs and
sea-level rise adaptation policies are interest groups, nonprofits, and community
organizations that represent environmental justice concerns. Environmental justice
activists that have built strong organizations occasionally have the standing to actively
lobby and negotiate with official government agencies and policymakers to promote their
collective cause. Indeed, some of these environmental justice organizations have even
become institutionalized and vital participants in the environmental governance
policymaking process at the international, federal, state, and local levels in the United
States. Interview data collected throughout this project indicates that environmental
justice networks may provide the most effective mechanism for representing historically
marginalized groups in environmental collaborative governance processes.
If we accept the findings in the literature that community organizing, if paired with a strong
network of like-minded elites, can be the most effective mechanism for low-income and
minority communities to gain access into the political process, then it seems intuitive that
environmental justice communities would be actively mobilizing around climate change
adaptation and sea level rise. This, however, has generally not proven to be true in the
selected environmental justice cases along the California shoreline for sea level rise.
Despite legislation in California that requires engagement of environmental justice
communities in the adaptation planning and policymaking processes, these communities
are not incorporated to the same extent across BCDC, CCC, and local jurisdictions.
BCDC’s Current Jurisdiction and Authority
Created by the McAteer-Petris Act of 1965, the San Francisco Bay Conservation and
Development Commission (BCDC) was the first coastal zone management authority in the
74
S e l l e r s, Je f f e r e y M . , A n d e r s L i d st r o m, a n d Yo o i l B a e . “ M u l t i l e v e l D e mo c r a c y : L o c a l I n st i t u t i o n s, C i v i l S o c i e t y a n d t h e S h a p i n g o f t h e M o d e r n S t a t e . ” (2 0 1 6 ). U n p u bl i sh e d M a n u sc r i p t .
24
United States. BCDC was originally established to prevent infill of the Bay and regulate
d e v e l o p m e nt o f t h e B a y ’s s h o r e l in e , b u t th e s c o p e o f B C DC ’s a cti v it ie s h a v e e xpa nd e d to include the protection of marshland and estuarine ecosystems, urban development, and
transportation.
75
BCDC draws authority from the McAteer-Petris Act, The Suisun Marsh
Protection Act (state legislation), and The Coastal Zone Management Act (federal
legislation).
76,77
B C DC ’s j u r is d ict io n is d e f in e d g e o g r a p h ica l l y . B C DC ’s j u r is d ict io n in c l u d e s a l l o f th e tidal
waters of the SF Bay, its managed wetlands, named tributaries of the Bay, and a shoreline
band extending 100 feet inland from mean high tide.
78
Additionally, BCDC reserves the
right to further clarify its jurisdiction through its regulations.
79
BCDC has broad authority over the areas under its jurisdiction. B C DC ’s legislative mandate
gives it th e p o w e r to d e l im it ne a r l y a l l d e v e l o p m e nt a l o n g th e S F B a y ’s s h o r e l in e a nd enforce its policies with fines and civil litigation.
80
While federal projects do not require
B C DC ’s a p p r o v a l , th e C o a s t a l Zo ne M a na g e m e nt A ct r e q u ir e s th a t f e d e r a l p r o j e cts b e co nd u cte d i n a m a nn e r co ns is te nt w it h B C DC ’s p o l ici e s .
81
The McAteer-Petris Act requires
that any person or party attempting infill or removal of resources exceeding $20 in value
f r o m a ny a r e a u nd e r B C DC ’s j u r is d ict i o n s e cu r e a p e r m it f r o m B C DC , in a d d i ti o n to a ny other required permits.
82
Permits are granted if a project is deemed necessary for the
health, safety, and welfare of the public, or is consistent with the provisions of the McAteer-
Petris Act and the San Francisco Bay Plan (SF Bay Plan), and Suisun Marsh Protection Plan.
The aforementioned planning documents were created by BCDC at the direction of the
75
San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (2013). History of the San Francisco Bay
Conservation and Development Commission. BCDC. Retrieved from: http://www.bcdc.ca.gov/history.html
76
San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission. (2013). 2013-2016 Strategic Plan. BCDC.
Retrieved from: http://www.bcdc.ca.gov/reports/strategic_status_rpt.pdf
77
San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission. (2016). BCDC Jurisdiction and Authority.
BCDC. Retrieved from: http://www.bcdc.ca.gov/bcdc-jurisdiction-authority.html
78
Ibid.
79
San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission. (2013). San Francisco Bay Plan. BCDC.
Retrieved from: http://www.bcdc.ca.gov/plans/sfbay_plan#5
80
San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission. (2016). BCDC Jurisdiction and Authority.
BCDC. Retrieved from: http://www.bcdc.ca.gov/bcdc-jurisdiction-authority.html
81
Ibid.
82
Ibid.
25
California state legislature a nd co d ify B C DC ’s p o l ici e s c oncerning issues related to
management of the SF Bay coastal zone. The SF Bay Plan is kept current by a process of
regular review.
83
The San Francisco Bay Plan revision process allows BCDC to adopt new policies and area-
specific plans as it deems necessary. In 2011, BCDC amended the SF Bay Plan to include
climate change adaptation policies. The amendment also included sea-level rise adaptation
s p e cific p o l ici e s . A cco r d in g to B C DC ’s r e g io na l e s ti m a te s , a 1 . 3 3 f o o t in cr e a s e in s e a l e v e l elevation will result in exposure of 218 square miles of the SF Bay shoreline to flooding,
while a 4.50 increase will result in exposure of 333 squares miles to flooding (SFBCDC,
2011). With no adaptation, a 4.50-foot increase in sea level will put an additional 270,000
people and $62 billion dollars of shoreline development at risk for flooding. Damage to
wastewater treatment and transportation infrastructure is of particular concern given the
potential these types of infrastructure failures have to compound the effects of a flood or
storm event (SFBCDC, 2011). BCDC identifies the San Francisco and Oakland Airports,
segments of regional highways, and compon e nt s o f th e S F B a y A r e a ’s r a il ne tw o r k a s vulnerable to damage from sea level rise (See Images 1 & 2 below).
The images below illuminate the extent to which sea level rise will impact transportation
infrastructure in the Bay Area. For example, at just 16 inches of projected sea level rise,
BART and major roads and highways will be vulnerable to flooding exposure, which will
s ig ni f ica nt l y im p a ct co m m u te r ’s a b il it y to g e t to w o r k , th e r e b y d a m a g in g th e l o ca l economy. Moreover, the images show the extent to w h ich S a n F r a ncis co a nd O a k l a nd ’s ports, bedrocks for industrial commerce and shipping, as well as transportation of goods
through railroads, will be vulnerable to economic damage.
83
Ibid.
26
Light Blue - Areas Exposed to 1.3 ft. (16 in.) of Sea Level Rise.
Dark Blue - Areas Potentially Exposed to 4.50 ft. (55 in.) of Sea Level Rise.
Source: San Francisco Bay Area Conservation and Development Commission, San Francisco (2011).
Image 1: Central West Bay Shore Sea Level Rise Exposure
27
Light Blue - Areas Exposed to 1.3 ft. (16 in.) of Sea Level Rise.
Dark Blue - Areas Potentially Exposed to 4.50 ft. (55 in.) of Sea Level Rise.
Source: San Francisco Bay Area Conservation and Development Commission, San Francisco (2011).
Image 2: Central West Bay Shore Sea Level Rise Exposure
28
CCC’s Current Jurisdiction and Authority and Variation in Local Governments
Along with BCDC, the California Coastal Commission (CCC) a cts a s o ne o f C a l ifo r ni a ’s appointed coastal management agencies under the federally administered CZMA and is
r e s p o ns ib l e f o r C a l ifo r ni a ’s e nt ir e co a s tl in e o t h e r th a n th e S a n F r a ncis co B a y .
84
CCC, an
independent, quasi-judicial state agency, was established in 1972 and made permanent in
1976 through the California Coastal Act.
85
The CCC partners with coastal municipalities to
plan and regulate the use of land and water in the coastal zone, including development
a cti v it ie s s u ch a s “ co ns tr u cti o n o f b u i l d in g s, divisions of land, and activities that change the
in te ns it y o f u s e o f l a nd , ” w h ich g e ne r a l l y r e q u ir e a co a s ta l p e r m it f r o m C C C o r a l o ca l government.
86
CCC and local governments use Local Coastal Programs (LCPs) as planning tools for future
development in th e co a s ta l z o ne a nd th e p r o te cti o n o f r e s o u r ce s . U nd e r C C C ’ s a u th o r it y a r e 76 coastal cities, some of which have elected to divide their jurisdictions into separate
geographic segments, resulting in 126 separate LCP segments.
87
The selected cases for this
dissertation show significant variation in governance structures, implementation
processes, and levels of environmental justice incorporation. For example, several of the
e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce co m m u ni ti e s r e p r e s e nt o nl y a f r a cti o n o f a g o v e r nm e nt ’s jurisdiction, such as in San Francisco, San Diego, and Oxnard. In other cases, such as
Richmond, East Palo Alto, and Long Beach, a larger share of the jurisdiction is an
environmental justice community.
84
California Coastal Commission. (2018). CCC Who We Are. CCC. Retrieved from:
https://www.coastal.ca.gov/whoweare.html
85
Ibid.
86
Ibid.
87
California Coastal Commission. (2018). CCC Local Coastal Programs. CCC. Retrieved from:
https://www.coastal.ca.gov/lcps.html
29
Image 3: California Coastal Zone Management Map of Jurisdiction and Authority
South Coast Region – California Coastal Commission Authority and Jurisdiction.
Central Coast Region - California Coastal Commission Authority and Jurisdiction.
San Francisco Bay Region - Bay Conservation and Development Commission Authority and Jurisdiction.
North Coast Region - California Coastal Commission Authority and Jurisdiction.
Source: California Coastal Commission (2018).
Note: This research edited this map to include the eight cases analyzed for this project.
30
The map above shows the eight cases analyzed throughout this dissertation. Chapter 4
depicts granular. As illustrated in Image 3 above, five of the eight cases fall w it h in B C DC ’s j u r is d ict io n, a nd th r e e f a l l u nd e r C C C ’s j u r is d ict io n. I n C h a p te r 4 , th is p r o j e ct systematically analyzes and compares the eight coastal communities in regard to
community organizing around sea level rise adaptation. This analysis includes BCDC and
C C C ’s r o l e a nd r e l a ti o ns h ip s w it h e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce co m m u ni ty o r g a ni z a ti o ns . C h a p te r 4 also includes disaggregated local maps of each municipality showing environmental
justice communities along the coastline designated by the California Environmental
Protection Agency. Populations identified in these maps and analyzed throughout this
dissertation are especially vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, including
disadvantaged and low-income communities (CalEPA).
SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The accelerating rate of sea level rise increases the likelihood of flooding and the severity
of storm events, which will adversely impact human lives and damage existing and future
coastal development and infrastructure if no adaptation is undertaken. Many of these
effects will disproportionately impact environmental justice communities due to
socioeconomic inequality, historical and systemic injustices, and lack of inclusion in the
governance process. For the purposes of this dissertation, I will examine the relationship
between implementing agencies, municipal governments, and environmental justice
organizations within the collaborative governance process, the consequences of legislating
environmental justice, and implications for political and policy incorporation. This
research project seeks to fill a gap in the literature that will ideally aid policymakers in
advancing environmental justice community interests. This dissertation seeks to
understand variation in environmental j u s ti ce in co r p o r a ti o n in C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l z o ne management governance processes, what role these environmental justice communities
play in connecting constituents, different agencies, and levels of government, and how they
31
represent and translate environmental justice concerns into policy. This dissertation seeks
to provide insight into the following research questions:
Research Question 1: To what extent are state and affected local jurisdictions along the
California coastline developing land-use adaptation policies, plans, and programs that align
with the most recent scientific projections of sea level rise and their cumulative consequences,
and are they also identifying and responding to the vulnerability of environmental justice
communities within their jurisdictions? (Chapter 2)
Research Question 2: To what extent are local jurisdictions and community adaptation plans
incorporating environmental justice communities in the planning and policymaking
processes? How does political incorporation of environmental justice communities vary
across localities? (Chapter 3)
Research Question 3: What is the extent of environmental justice-focused community
organizing around sea level rise adaptation? What are the different environmental justice
community organizing approaches around climate change (and sea level rise adaptation),
and how does the variation in organizing strategies impact community incorporation into the
SF Bay shoreline and California coastline land-use planning and permitting process?
(Chapter 4)
RESEARCH DESIGN AND CASES
The chapters of this dissertation provide a systematic, quantitative, and qualitative analysis
of the adaptation policies, initiatives, and plans promulgated by BCDC, CCC, and the eight
selected coastal municipalities as they relate to the aforementioned research inquiries.
88,89
88
Lawrence J. Goldzband and Lindy L. Lowe (2017). Commissioner briefing on summary and outcomes of
Commission Rising Sea Level Workshops 7, 8 and 9 (July);
http://www.bcdc.ca.gov/cm/2017/0720Workshops7-8-9briefing.pdf. San Francisco Bay Conservation and
Development Commission, Staff Report (October 2011). Living with a Rising Bay: Vulnerability and
Adaptation in San Francisco Bay and on its Shoreline, http://www.bcdc.ca.gov/BPA/LivingWithRisingBay.pdf.
89
California Coastal Commission, Sea Level Rise Residential Guidance;
https://www.coastal.ca.gov/climate/slr/vulnerability-adaptation/residential/
32
Importantly, the research documents to what extent the plans and decisions in coastal
jurisdictions address environmental justice communities within their jurisdiction, as well
as examine the extent to how and which state agency and local jurisdiction processes
actively engage environmental justice communities.
BCDC, CCC, and the eight coastal cities operate under the California legal system (and
therefore the supraregulatory state environmental law is constant), which proves
advantageous for studying the variation among policies, plans, and environmental justice
initiatives in selected local jurisdictions. Environmental justice initiatives have been
included in statewide climate change policy reaching back to AB32, including the need for
state and local level adaptation.
90
The specific localities, and thereby environmental justice
communities, selected as case studies for comparison in this dissertation were chosen
among a larger pool of coastal zone communities. The Coastal Communities: Rising Seas and
Environmental Justice Data Table displaying the demographics, sea level rise projections,
and critical policy documents for each case is shown on page 45.
90
Daniel A. Mazmanian, Hal T. Nelson, & John Jurewitz (2013). Climate Change Policy: A Race to the Top, Ch.
16, Governing California: Politics, Government and Policy in the Golden State, 3
rd
Edition, Berkeley Public
Policy Press, University of California, Berkeley. Little Hoover Commission (2014). Governing California
Through Climate Change, Report #221, July. Little Hoover Commission (2017). Improving State Permitting for
Local Climate Change Adaptation Projects, Report #238, June. Amy Lynd Luers and Susanne C. Moser (March
2006). Preparing for the Impacts of Climate Change in California: Opportunities and Constraints for Adaptation,
California Climate Change Center White Paper, CEC-500-2005-198-SF;
http://www.energy.ca.gov/2005publications/CEC-500-2005-198/CEC-500-2005-198-SF.PDF.
33
Image 4: State of California Environmental Justice Community Map.
There are several variables in this table worth highlighting, which are also indicative of the
reasoning behind case selection. First, as evident in the red overlay in Image 4: State of
California Environmental Justice Community Map, the number of municipalities along the
California coastline with environmental justice communities is relatively limited. However,
there are several red areas in the Bay Area and Southern California. These localities are
highlighted in maps at close range in Chapter 4. Indeed, all cities in this dissertation other
than East Palo Alto have a total urban population of at least 100,000 residents. The other
environmental justice coastal communities that were under consideration, such as Arcata,
Martinez, Del Mar, and San Rafael, either did not meet the 100,000-population threshold, or
34
were not minority-majority communities. Other than San Francisco and San Diego (the two
largest cities under study), all of the cases are minority-majority communities. Readers
may posit why Los Angeles was omitted. Los Angeles does not have a large environmental
justice community along the coastline, with Long Beach being the closest city in proximity
that fits these parameters.
The worst-case sea level rise projections of 10 feet by 2100 is constant across the entire
California coastline, which reveals interesting findings when comparing environmental
collaborative governance dynamics associated with sea level rise adaptation. Each of the
ca s e s ’ p l a nn in g d o cu m e nt s e xpl ici tl y r e f e r e nce e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce , w h ich is in tu it ive given Calif o r ni a ’s p r o g r e s s ive e nvir o nm e nt a l a nd s o cia l j u s ti ce h is t o r y , co u p l e d w it h th e number of low-income and minority populations in the studied municipalities.
35
Table 1: Rising Seas and Environmental Justice Demographics for California’s Coastal Communities
The territorial reach of BCDC is 100 feet from the shoreline (as well as on wetlands,
marshes and salt ponds) and the Coastal Commission's is 1,000 yards from the coastline.
This dissertation project identifies local coastal and shoreline city and county governments'
plans and policies that address sea level rise beyond BCDC and CCC's jurisdiction. This
enables the identification of environmental justice communities beyond the reach of BCDC
a nd C C C ’s j u r is d ict io n, w h ich a r e w it h in r e l a ti v e l y h ig h e r in co m e coastline communities. To
36
carry out this analysis, the project uses the latest projections of sea level rise included in
California's 4th Climate Assessment (2018)
91
and incorporates the NOAA's coastal storm
modeling system (CoSMoS) results.
92
It also includes the latest mapping from
CalEnviroScreen
93
and the California Air Resources Board
94
to identify environmental
justice communities (seen in the map above). This is followed by in-depth case studies of
engagement in the coastal zone governance process and environmental justice provisions
in the eight environmental justice communities.
In order to examine the dimensions and degree of environmental collaborative governance
around sea level rise adaptation planning, this project relies on Dedoose®. Dedoose®, a
web-based qualitative data analysis software, is used to compile and establish data pulled
from relevant planning documents. In addition to the software-assisted qualitative data
analysis (QDA) through Dedoose®, elements of thematic qualitative content analysis (QCA)
and systematic grounded theory are incorporated to further investigate the environmental
collaborative governance dynamics across the eight cases. The analysis covers local
jurisdiction and agency planning and programs from Climate Action Plans, General City
Plans, Sustainability Plans, and sea level rise or coastal planning policy documents. After
the document analysis and systematic coding, representatives from BCDC, CCC, and local
jurisdictions involved in the adaptation planning process were interviewed to elicit further
information about collaborative governance and environmental justice incorporation in sea
level rise adaptation policy from a top-down perspective.
95
The interviews also uncovered
additional information on the nature of past and existing relationships with environmental
justice communities, the level and type of public engagement and cooperation with these
91
C a l i f o r n i a ’ s 4
th
Climate Change Assessment (forthcoming).
http://resources.ca.gov/climate/safeguarding/research/
92
USGS. 2017.Coastal Storm Modeling System.
https://walrus.wr.usgs.gov/coastal_processes/cosmos/index.html
93
CA Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment (2018). SB 535 Disadvantaged Communities (2017)
using CalEnviroScreen 3.0 Results.
http://oehha.maps.arcgis.com/apps/View/index.html?appid=c3e4e4e1d115468390cf61d9db83efc4
94
California Air Resources Board. 2017. Disadvantaged and Low-Income Communities Investment.
Disadvantaged and Low Income Community Maps.
https://www.arb.ca.gov/cc/capandtrade/auctionproceeds/communityinvestments.htm
95
The scripts of semi-structured interview questions are located in Appendices G and F.
37
communities, and the current state of environmental justice-related adaptation efforts
from a governance perspective.
Data collected from the document analysis and systematic coding is used across the entire
dissertation, for identifying both collaborative governance dimensions related to sea level
rise adaptation, and for coding in terms of provision for environmental justice terms and
pertinent themes. However, the governance process is bidirectional, and this dissertation
also seeks to understand how different community organizing strategies and tactics impact
environmental justice communities becoming included in adaptation decision-making.
Interviews were conducted with environmental justice community organizers and
advocates. Interviews helped triangulate data collected through document analysis. The
interviews with environmental justice community organizers and advocates elicited data
regarding community organizing around environmental justice, incorporation into the
political process, building consensus and barriers to cooperation, and engagement.
Researching the individual level of politics uncovers structural changes that may have
transformed a community, and what that means through potentially heterogeneous
experiences. This mixed method approach is used across Chapters 2-4.
OUTLINE OF CHAPTERS
Chapter 2: Measuring Sea Level Rise Adaptation
Chapter 2: Measuring Sea Level Rise Adaptation serves as a foundation for this dissertation
in that its primary contributions are widely empirical and descriptive. Relying on the
environmental collaborative governance literature and the principles of Integrated Coastal
Zone Management (ICZM), this chapter leverages a new diagnostic model specifically
ta il o r e d to C a l ifo r n ia ’s C o a s t a l Zo ne M a na g e m e nt C o l l a b o r a ti v e G o v e r na nce P r o ce s s to analyze and compare what different municipalities along the San Francisco Bay shoreline
and California coastline are doing to adapt to the inevitable, adverse impacts of sea level
rise.
38
T h is is th e f ir s t s tu d y t o o r g a ni z e , co m p a r e , a nd a na l y z e d a ta o n w h a t C a l if o r ni a ’s co a s ta l cities are doing about sea level rise, and how environmental justice interests fit within the
coastal zone management process. Chapter 2 builds a database of sea level rise adaptation
policies and planning documents. In addition to this database, the second major
contribution is an empirical comparative analysis mea s u r in g th e v a r ia ti o n o f cit ie s ’ s e a level rise adaptation initiatives and efforts. Chapter 2 looks into the inquiries of which
cities are collaborating more effectively than others with state, regional, and local
governments, agencies, and organizations; which municipalities have departments
working closely to ensure policies are synchronized and include the most scientifically
accurate data monitoring procedures; and are some jurisdictions more effective than
others at public outreach, engaging constituents, and incorporating them into the planning
process? These questions and other similar lines of inquiry are uncovered through
exploratory, descriptive comparative analysis.
Chapter 3: Incorporating Environmental Justice Communities in Sea Level Rise
Adaptation Governance
Chapter 3: Incorporating Environmental Justice Communities in Sea Level Rise Adaptation
Governance takes the analysis on collaborative governance from Chapter 2 one step further,
exploring sea level rise adaptation planning on a granular level for environmental justice
incorporation into policymaking. This analysis examines the range of environmental
justice activities, such as community outreach and engagement, that local governments
along the California coastline have and are currently undertaking to increase political
incorporation for environmental justice communities in sea level rise adaptation
policymaking. Chapter 3 makes several important practical contributions for policymakers
and in academia to the environmental justice literature.
For example, this chapter seeks to answer through what mechanisms are local
governments along the California coastline attempting to address environmental justice
concerns? How have cities sought to incorporate historically underrepresented and
excluded communities into the policymaking process? Through data compiled from city
planning documents and input into Dedoose® software, as well as interview data collected
39
from city planners, local representatives, and state agency officials, this chapter answers
how cities are incorporating environmental justice communities in the sea level rise
adaptation process.
Chapter 4: BCDC, CCC, and Environmental Justice Community Organizing Around Sea
Level Rise
Chapter 4: BCDC, CCC, and Environmental Justice Community Organizing Around Sea Level
Rise transitions to analysis from a bottom-up perspective, examining the extent of
community organizing around sea level rise adaptation, what the varying organizing
strategies are, and how they impact political incorporation. Despite significant
improvements in environmental justice outreach efforts from the state agencies, sea level
rise adaptation planning has yet to fully incorporate environmental justice communities
across the state. Through exhaustive document analysis and interviews with BCDC and
CCC coastal planners, evidence suggests there is an institutionalized resource deficit for
both sea level rise adaptation and environmental justice outreach. BCDC and CCC have
both made significant strides in terms of tangible evidence of environmental justice
provisions in planning documents, but the governance process itself has not been inclusive.
For the most part, the me th o d o l o g y u s e d in C h a p te r 3 f o r th e e ig h t co a s ta l cit ie s ’ p l a nn in g documents carries over to this chapter, with one primary exception. In this chapter for the
BCDC and CCC analyses, word clouds are used for text visualization as opposed to tree
maps. This chapter asks: How are BCDC and CCC working with local constituents to ensure
sea level rise adaptation planning meets their future needs? What are environmental
justice communities, organizations, and advocacy groups doing to impact city planning and
policymaking? Do certain community organizing approaches and dimensions lend
themselves to more environmentally just policies and outcomes? Relying on a literature-
based analytical lens, document analysis, and interviews with community organizing
leaders, this chapter pursues these answers.
40
CONCLUSION
Findings from Chapter 2 suggest that BCDC and CCC are innovative and progressive as
coastal zone management agencies, but they have limited legal authority to mandate sea
level rise adaptation in city planning. The CZMAs provide data and technical support to
municipal governments, but overall, the local governments lack the human and fiscal
ca p a cit ie s ne ce s s a r y to m o v e b e y o nd th e “ p l a nn in g to p l a n” s ta g e a nd in to e f f e cti v e implementation of adaptation responses. Cities with close proximity to universities,
environmental organizations, and other wealthy private stakeholders with shared values
have generally built stronger consensus around the need for sea level rise adaptation than
the more isolated cases and localities. Even the cases that may be further along in the
adaptation governance process are still just beginning to accumulate and assemble
resources.
Community outreach and engagement initiatives related to sea level rise adaptation vary
s ig ni f ica nt l y a cr o s s th e ca s e s . A l l o f th e l o ca l m u ni cip a l it ie s ’ p l a nn in g d o c u m e nt s indicate
at least some type of outreach for informing constituents about climate change and future
adaptation. However, generating public awareness about sea level rise has proven to be a
challenge. Nearly all of the evidence from interviews suggests citizens cannot see or
experience rising seas in their daily lives, so obstacles remain for planners to determine the
most effective way to reach communities.
In addition to falling short in outreach and engagement, evidence finds that local
governments have largely failed to incorporate environmental justice communities in the
sea level rise adaptation governance process, too. Examined in further depth in Chapter 4,
one of the reasons environmental justice communities may not yet be incorporated in sea
level rise governance is that there is little to no data showing environmental justice
communities initiate or prioritize organizing efforts around sea level rise planning.
Congruent to findings on outreach and engagement, most environmental justice
organizations are, however, at least somewhat involved with local governments in general
climate change planning.
41
In Chapter 3, evidence from the eight cases indicates that tight networks of
intergovernmental and interagency collaboration, coupled with strong community group,
nonprofit, and research-oriented partnerships, can lead to more resource allocation for
environmental justice initiatives. Despite progress on climate change generally, these
findings have not led to political incorporation for sea level rise adaptation for all of the
local governments. Localities that did not show considerable environmental justice
policymaking efforts often lacked a well-connected intersectoral and holistic collaborative
governance process. These municipalities also consistently diagnosed a lack of available
resources for the cause. The extent to which local coastal governments have and are
currently undertaking environmental justice initiatives with regard to sea level rise
adaptation is in its inception.
Research results from Chapter 4 on community organizing strategies reveal that
C a l ifo r ni a ’s e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce o r g a ni z a ti o ns , ne ig h b o r h o o d a l l ia nce s , a nd a d v o ca c y coalitions have not yet initiated mobilization efforts around sea level rise, but are
beginning to recognize its adverse impacts on vulnerable communities. While community
leaders acknowledge the disproportionate, adverse health impacts that will occur from
storm surges and increased flooding due to proximity to hazardous waste sites, there
s im p l y a r e n’t e no u g h r e s o u r ce s to a d d r e s s th e is s u e . C o m m u ni ty o r g a ni z a ti o ns in California are facing a litany of immediate and urgent issues that impact daily lives in low-
income and communities of color. Because of past and existing environmental injustices,
organizing around an issue that feels far away, such as sea level rise, has not yet been a top
priority.
Instituted by coastal zone management agencies C C C a nd B C DC , C a l ifo r ni a ’s r o b u s t a nd cohesive environmental justice legal framework all but ensures progressive climate change
planning along the coastline. According to interview data, when officials conduct
community outreach measures and actively engage local community organizations,
planning documents are more likely to reflect environmental justice initiatives that are
42
inclusive and attentive to community interests. However, the intersection of
environmental justice and sea level rise adaptation governance remains in its infancy.
43
CHAPTER II
Measuring Sea Level Rise Adaptation Governance
To what extent do state and affected local jurisdictions along the California coastline
developing land-use adaptation policies, plans, and programs align with the most recent
scientific projections of sea level rise and their cumulative consequences, and are they also
identifying and responding to the vulnerability of environmental justice communities within
their jurisdictions?
INTRODUCTION
“ A nyth in g w e ca n d o o p p o r tu ni s ti ca l l y a t t h e s t a te l e v e l to b o l s te r th is is g o in g to b e cr it ica l . There is an interesting synergy of incentives at the local level because they need new
instruments. The politics are going to be messy. One of the big challenges is that you need a
set of incentives that moves everyone towards a policy goal while simultaneously having
lo ca l ne e d s m e t. T h e r e a r e n’t m a ny, if a ny e xa m p l e s o f t h is g e tt in g done. There is one
piece of the puzzle that may help, which is the need for financing and infrastructure. This
could give you a nexus between what people want for daily existence and policy incentives
f o r e xte r na l it y r e d u cti o n. ”
This interview quote from an expert in urban planning and spatial analysis refers to what
C a l ifo r ni a ’s p o l it ica l l e a d e r s ca n d o to a u g m e nt e nvir o nm e nt a l l y j u s t a d a p ta ti o n, w h il e simultaneously balancing often competing and fragmented politics and planning across
agencies and levels of government. One of the primary purposes of this dissertation is to
analyze what different municipalities along the San Francisco Bay shoreline and California
coastline are doing to adapt to the inevitable, adverse impacts of sea level rise. Which cities
are collaborating more effectively than others with state, regional, and local governments,
agencies, and organizations? Which municipalities have departments working closely to
ensure policies are synchronized and include the most scientifically accurate data
monitoring procedures? Are some jurisdictions more effective than others at public
44
outreach, engaging constituents, and incorporating them into the planning process? This
chapter attempts to answer these and other congruent lines of inquiry through an
exploratory, descriptive comparative analysis.
As mentioned in the opening chapter, California is the only state with two Coastal Zone
Management Agencies (CZMAs), which are the major coast and shoreline oversight
regulatory agencies, the San Francisco Bay Area Conservation and Development
Commission (BCDC) and the California Coastal Commission (CCC). All eight coastal
localities share an ambitious federal and state regulatory governance framework as it
relates to climate change, sea level rise, and environmental justice. This includes operating
under the same assembly and senate bills, executive orders, and state agency policies and
acts. Given the identical nature and presumed impact of legal mandates applied to many of
these issues, we should expect to see relatively little variation for environmental
governance indicators across the coastal communities. And yet, for many governance
elements related to sea level rise adaptation initiatives, there are significant deviations.
As a leader on climate change policy and politics, California has also led the way preparing
for sea level rise through Executive Order S-13-08. This executive order requires the
California Natural Resources Agency to develop a state adaptation strategy through
coordination with local, regional, state, and federal public and private entities. An
independent panel must complete and review the California Sea Level Rise Assessment
r e p o r t e v e r y tw o y e a r s . I n a d d it io n, A B 2 5 1 6 e s ta b l is h e d a “ P l a nn in g for Sea Level Rise
Da ta b a s e ” th a t p r o v id e s th e p u b l ic “ w it h a n e d u ca ti o na l to o l f r o m w h ich t o l e a r n a b o u t th e actions taken by cities, counties, regions, and various public and private entities to address
s e a l e v e l r is e . ”
96
AB2516 also requires the Natural Resources Agency organize the
database in a manner that best provides the public with clear, useful, and readily accessible
in f o r m a ti o n. A cco r d in g to th e b il l , “ s e a l e v e l r is e p l a nn in g in f o r m a ti o n” m e a ns “ s tu d ie s , programs, modeling, mapping, cost-benefit analyses, vulnerability assessments, adaptation,
a nd l o ca l co a s ta l p r o g r a m s … t h a t h a v e b e e n d e v e l o p e d f o r th e p u r p o s e o f a d d r e s s in g o r
96
California Coastal Commission (2018). Sea Level Rise Guidance Policy. Introduction. Retrieved from:
https://documents.coastal.ca.gov/assets/slr/guidance/2018/1_Ch1_2018AdoptedSLRGuidanceUpdate.pdf
45
p r e p a r in g f o r s e a l e v e l r is e . ”
97
This resource, along with many others available at the state
l e v e l , h a s m a d e cit y ’s j o b s much easier. Still, creating public awareness around sea level
rise adaptation is challenging because constituents do not necessarily experience impacts
on a day-by-day basis, only when catastrophe hits.
The first step to any proposed assessment of policy and governance frameworks for sea
level rise adaptation requires creating uniform measures and criteria for comparison. One
of the challenges inherent in comparing and evaluating sea level rise adaptation plans and
policies is that different cities and regions, especially in a state as large as California, have
distinct governing priorities, ideologies, cultures, and constituent needs. Sea level rise
adaptation plans are also both multi-jurisdictional and multidimensional, often bleeding
across a multitude of policy documents and localities. These variations can lead to
fundamental differences in programs, policies, plans, and implementation processes.
Within sea level rise planning and governance processes are considerations to make
climate adaptation more equitable. A key tenet of this project, environmental justice
concerns, are nestled within the collaborative governance process and explored in further
detail throughout this chapter and the remainder of this dissertation.
A sea level rise adaptation initiative is operationally defined in this dissertation as any
amalgamation of plans, policies, programs, activities, and related efforts whose clear
f u ncti o n is to l e s s e n a l o ca l it y ’s in e v it a b l e , a d v e r s e im p a cts to s e a l e v e l r is e . T h is in it ia ti v e may be the responsibility of an individual local agency, multiple city departments, a
collaboration of federal, state, regional, and local efforts, or an integrated endeavor with
research organizations and private-public partnerships. To be more explicit: for the
purposes of this research project, any plan, policy, program, activity, or related effort that
explicitly references sea level rise as a policy issue that requires adaptation is treated as a
sea level rise adaptation initiative. City planning documents and language that reference
other climate change related impacts but fail to recognize rising seas as a related policy
issue, do not qualify as sea level rise adaptation initiatives under this working definition.
97
Assem. Bill No. 2516, 2014. Reg. Sess., Ch. 522, Section 30961-30968. Cal. State Legislature.
https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB2516
46
An intuitive starting point is to identify whether or not sea level rise adaptation policies are
e xpl ici tl y in co r p o r a te d in to a cit y ’s p l a ns a nd p r o g r a m s . F o r t h e p u r p o s e s o f th is s tu d y , general plans, climate adaptation and action plans, and sea level rise specific adaptation
and vulnerability assessments are used as principal tangible evidence for sea level rise
adaptation initiatives. In short, whether or not sea level rise adaptation is explicitly
referenced in official planning documents. For example, neighborhood, specific area,
hazard mitigation, zoning, health plans, commission minutes, public meetings, and 990s are
also examined to uncover sea level rise associated planning efforts.
This chapter does not comprehensively examine the entire policymaking process, nor
measure whether cities are prepared for coastal flooding and other future climate-related
disasters – the effectiveness of adaptation policies. Instead, the focus is centered around
eliciting information from public documents and official informants as it relates to sea level
rise adaptation and environmental justice. Where and how does sea level rise adaptation
f it in to a C a l ifo r ni a co a s ta l cit y ’s e nvir o nm e nt a l g o v e r na nce in f r a s tr u ctu r e ?
Central to answering these questions then is also the operationalization of terms and
themes across environmental collaborative governance infrastructures, and, more specific
to this study in particular, coastal zone management. Several important contributions to
the literature on collaborative governance more or less delineate the characteristics of
what effective collaborative governance is.
98,99,100,101
Environmental governance must
naturally be collaborative, and administrating regulation around our oceans is no
exception. Indicators from the collaborative governance literature and the principles of
Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) are instrumental to support this study in
98
Emerson, Kirk, Tina Nabatchi, and Stephen Balogh. "An integrative framework for collaborative
governance." Journal of public administration research and theory 22, no. 1 (2012): 1-29.
99
Ansell, Chris, and Alison Gash. "Collaborative governance in theory and practice." Journal of public
administration research and theory 18, no. 4 (2008): 543-571.
100
Kallis, Giorgos, Michael Kiparsky, and Richard Norgaard. "Collaborative governance and adaptive
management: Lessons from California's CALFED Water Program." environmental science & policy 12, no. 6
(2009): 631-643.
101
Scott, Tyler. "Does collaboration make any difference? Linking collaborative governance to environmental
outcomes." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 34, no. 3 (2015): 537-566.
47
understanding, organizing, and measuring empirical observations of sea level rise
adaptation initiatives. This includes variations in interagency collaboration, overlapping
jurisdictions, and breaking down the individual components and innerworkings of cases
selected from the California coastline.
E m e r s o n e t a l . (2 0 1 2 ) a nd A ns e l l a nd G a s h ’s (2 0 0 8 ) w o r k is p a r ti cu l a r l y u s e f u l f o r analyzing the environmental governance arrangements that BCDC, CCC, and coastal cities
operate within. Both governance approaches and ICZM pull scholarship from political
science, public administration, and other interdisciplinary fields to combine several
conceptual frameworks, research findings, and practice-based knowledge into integrative
frameworks for collaborative governance.
102,103
Indeed, Emerson et al. and Ansell and
G a s h ’s a p p r o a ch e s s h a r e s o m e p r a cti ca l o v e r l a p , a s e f f e cti v e co l l a b o r a ti v e p r o ce s s e s o f te n rely on broad components, inputs, and dynamics that resemble one another. For example,
common variables include political dynamics and power relations, resources, leadership,
and shared trust and understanding. The two frameworks also have features that differ.
Where Emerso n e t a l . ’s m o d e l f a l l s s h o r t, A ns e l l a nd G a s h f o c u s o n c o nt e xtu a l v a r ia b l e s such as network connectedness, and institutional capacities. Moreover, Ansell and Gash
also incorporate socioeconomic diversity into their diagnostic approach to collaborative
governance, which is an important input for equity considerations. In addition, whereas
E m e r s o n e t a l . ’s r e s e a r ch is p r o ce s s -oriented, Ansell and Gash concentrate on collaborative
governance outcomes.
Ansell and Gash emphasize government-initiated engagement with community groups as a
critical dynamic in the collaborative governance process, which is also an important aspect
of this research. This, of course, leaves uncertainty about whether, how, and to what extent
community groups initiate collaboration with government agencies. Engagement is not a
one-way street. Cooper, Bryer and Meek (2006) adopt the phrase citizen-centered
collaborative public management, advancing a conceptual model with five approaches for
102
Emerson, Kirk, Tina Nabatchi, and Stephen Balogh. "An integrative framework for collaborative
governance." Journal of public administration research and theory 22, no. 1 (2012): 1-29.
103
Ansell, Chris, and Alison Gash. "Collaborative governance in theory and practice." Journal of public
administration research and theory 18, no. 4 (2008): 543-571.
48
how citizens can be the fundamental drivers in achieving the goals of effective collaborative
governance regimes.
104
T h e tw o a p p r o a ch e s w it h f e a tu r e s b o r r o w e d f o r th is p r o j e ct’ s environmental collaborative governance model are the civil society and deliberative
approaches. In the civil society approach, affecting policy and politics occurs through
volunteer organizations and other forms of association that bring people together for a
common cause. This approach is evident in environmental justice communities seeking to
impact policy change. The civil society approach is also ingrained in coastal zone
collaborative governance. Deliberative approaches are used to build the gap among
neighborhood associations and administrative agencies through consensus building,
including communicative exerc is e s a cr o s s d ive r s e “ s e cto r s o f s o cie ty, cl a s s e s o f p e o p l e , a nd type s o f in d ivid u a l s . ”
105
Wh il e th is d is s e r ta ti o n in co r p o r a te s co nce p ts f r o m C o o p e r e t a l . ’ s work into its own model, even the proposed citizen-centered collaborative governance
approaches rely on government initiation, and fail to consider how community organizing
and other mobilization tactics could infiltrate, and perhaps be the most effective,
collaborative governance regime that incorporates historically underrepresented
communities.
Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) fills a gap missing from the collaborative
governance literature with its practical guiding principles for effective coastal zone
management.
106,107
The ICZM originates from the 1992 United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro. These guidelines are a conceptual
presentation of how collaborative governance features can be applied to environmentally
sustainable development and climate adaptation. Indeed, ICZM relies on many of the same
dimensions as collaborative governance but fuses these variables with the substantive
topic of this dissertation – coastal management. For example, relevant guiding principle of
104
Cooper, Terry L., Thomas A. Bryer, and Jack W. Meek. "Citizen ‐centered collaborative public
management." Public Administration Review 66, no. s1 (2006): 76-88.
105
Cooper, Terry L., Thomas A. Bryer, and Jack W. Meek. "Citizen ‐centered collaborative public
management." Public Administration Review 66, no. s1 (2006): 76-88.
106
Post, Jan C., Carl G. Lundin, and Banco Mundial. Guidelines for integrated coastal zone management.
Washington: World Bank, 1996.
107
Cullinan, Cormac. Integrated coastal management law: establishing and strengthening national legal
frameworks for integrated coastal management. No. 93. Food & Agriculture Org., 2006.
49
I C ZM th a t a r e in co r p o r a te d in to th is d is s e r ta ti o n’s a na l y ti ca l f r a m e w o r k in cl u d e : 1 ) a
multidisciplinary, holistic systems perspective, which recognizes the interconnections
between coastal systems, people, and uses; 2) the input of all important stakeholders to
establish policies for the equitable allocation of space and resources; 3) an evolutionary
process, often requiring iterative solutions to complex economic, social, environmental,
and regulatory issues; 4) rational development and sustainable utilization of coastal
resources; 5) a dynamic and continuous process of administering the use development, and
protection of coastal zone resources towards democratically agreed objectives.
108
To put it
succinctly, the ICZM helps narrow the scope of a collaborative governance framework from
the entire political and policy spectrum down to the environment and coastal zone. The
fo l l o w in g s e cti o n ch a r a cte r iz e s C a l ifo r ni a ’s C ZM P C o l l a b o r a ti v e G o v e r na nce A n a l y ti ca l Framework, and operationalizes the factors, components, and outputs internal to the
associated diagnostic model in the Research Design section of this chapter.
CALIFORNIA’S CZMP COLLABORATIVE GOVERNANCE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
Contextual Factors of the Collaborative Process
The institutional conditions and contexts that exist before the CZMP governing process
begins play an integral role in the effectiveness of collaborative governance for sea level
rise adaptation. Planning, policymaking, and management are initiated and develop from a
multifaceted and multijurisdictional setting that varies by locality. Socioeconomic, political,
environmental, regulatory, and resources are a few of the influences that shape the sea
level rise adaptation collaborative governance process (Emerson et al, 2012).
The governance process can also affect these conditions and contexts, creating a cyclical
feedback loop of policy and politics. Institutional conditions and catalysts can influence
adaptation governance at any time throughout the collaborative process. External drivers
108
Post, Jan C., Carl G. Lundin, and Banco Mundial. Guidelines for integrated coastal zone management.
Washington: World Bank, 1996.
50
such as the economy, federal policy, or a natural disaster (among others) may alter the
collaborative trajectory in unexpected ways.
Institutional Conditions
● Socioeconomics - The intersection of social demographic and economic factors that
e xis t a nd e v o l v e w it h in a C ZM P ’s l o ca l it y a nd j u r is d ict io n m a y h a v e co ns e q u e nt ia l effects on the planning, policymaking, and implementation processes.
● Issue Alignment - This condition gauges whether local, state, and regional actors
and agencies have a shared recognition for the need to adapt to sea level rise and
climate change at large. Political partisanship and bipartisan agreement may be a
significant factor in issue alignment.
● Historical Environmental Cooperation - The successfulness and nature of the
collaborative process often depends on histories of voluntary participation and
engagement in the environmental policymaking and regulatory systems. The
historical context of collaboration between public and private stakeholders can
shape emerging sea level rise adaptation initiatives.
Catalysts
● Policy Network - Statutes or law may formally recognize multilateral processes and
modes of communication between public agencies and stakeholders, or they can be
informal public-private partnerships of deliberation and decision-making (Ansell &
Gash, 2008). The extent of integration among cross-organizational networks is
instrumental to effective sea level rise permitting, policy, and regulation.
● Leadership - Variation in leadership style at public agencies and private firms can
influence CZMPs and the collaborative governance process. Whether a governor,
mayor, consultant, or director takes a managerial, facilitative, or neutral voice in the
development of sea level rise adaptation can have direct implications on policy
making and implementation.
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Collaborative Process Components
The components that make up the sea level rise adaptation governance process are
continuously changing. The primary internal institutional variables that drive effective
g o v e r na nce o f C ZM P s a r e s ta k e h o l d e r s ’ l e v e l s o f co m m it m e nt a nd ca p a cit y f o r implementation.
Concerted Commitment
● Issue Identification and Consensus - This factor identifies if CZMP stakeholders
are united around a common problem definition and strategy for addressing sea
level rise adaptation challenges.
● Trust and Understanding - In general, mutual trust and understanding among
interagency CZMP networks is a precursor to concerted commitment and
consensus. Equity in trust and understanding can be built through consistent
communication via face-to-face dialogue, emails, and meetings (Ansell & Gash,
2008).
Capacity for Implementation
● Resources - The most basic and often cited resource that impacts and drives CZMPs
and the collaborative process is money. In addition to funding, knowledge or
expertise, technical skills, and human capital are critical inputs for effective sea level
rise adaptation.
● Institutional Arrangements - Institutional arrangements are central to
collaborative governance and incorporate partnerships among public agencies,
private businesses, community members, and non-governmental organizations.
There is no set formula for effective CZMP governance arrangements, as what works
for policymaking and implementation in one locality may not be as successful in
another.
52
● Empowerment - Empowerment has two connotations in the context of CZMPs and
both are closely related to leadership. The first is similar to representation or the
degree to which historically underrepresented groups are empowered to participate
in the policy process. The second is how extensive leaders empower other agencies
and stakeholders to engage in decision-making.
● Legislation - The existing policies, programs, and laws - both formal and informal -
that makeup the bodies of regulatory frameworks for CZMPs play a significant role
in the sea level rise adaptation governance process. The legal mechanisms that
guide environmental governance and policy fluctuate by locality and CZMP.
● Public Awareness and Perception - Through CZMPs, localities use a variety of
tools and approaches to build awareness on the challenges and potential risks
associated with climate change and rising sea levels. Education and outreach occur
through town hall meetings, the media, and trainings, among other events and
programs. sea level rise adaptation tools are often spread from agencies and
consultants to local planners and communities.
Collaborative Process Outputs
T h e o u t p u ts th a t r e s u l t f r o m C ZM P ’s a r e d iff icu l t to o p e r a ti o na l iz e b e ca u s e o f th e in tr ica te nature of collaborative governance regimes and identifying where tangible actions derive
from. Progressive policymaking and planning, coherent and consistent implementation
and execution of adaptation, and constant and comprehensive monitoring and updating are
cr it ica l o u t p u ts f o r C Z M P s ’ s e a l e v e l r is e adaptation governance.
Actions
● Policymaking and Planning for Intersectoral Governance - Effective CZMPs
frequently mobilize stakeholders to generate policies and plans that proactively
address the challenges and inherent uncertainty of sea level rise adaptation. This
intersectoral and intergovernmental output shows that localities are taking sea level
53
rise adaptation seriously by investing resources in developing capacity and
assigning responsibility for different facets of the challenge.
● Implementation and Execution (Management and Support) - Once plans,
programs, and policies are enacted, implementing and executing sea level rise
adaptation strategies can take multiple forms. Some CZMPs incorporate sea level
rise specific regulations and permitting authority, whereas other CZMPs address the
issue indirectly through disaster preparedness programs, coastal erosion
prevention, and infrastructure protection.
● Data Collection, Monitoring, and Updating - This output reflects whether a
l o ca l it y ’s C ZM P h a s access to and accumulates the most recent scientific information
on sea level rise adaptation throughout the governance process. Interagency
collaboration is often required for monitoring CZMPs and updating future plans,
programs, and policies.
● Equitable Considerations of All Stakeholders – Environmental justice concerns
a r e m a nd a te d in to C a l ifo r ni a ’s s ta te l a w . No ne th e l e s s , cit ie s a l o ng th e co a s tl in e showing varying degrees of equitable incorporation into the policymaking process
for sea level rise adaptation. This action measures whether a locality incorporates
communities into adaptation planning, the extent to which advocacy groups
organize, and whether vulnerability assessments reflect disproportionate impacts of
sea level rise.
While the precise materialization of sea level rise adaptation initiatives varies from one
coastline community to the next, for all intents and purposes, Californians do care about the
adverse economic, social, and ecological impacts of sea level rise. According to the Public
Policy Institute of California, 78% of Californians are very or somewhat concerned about
ocean warming and rising sea levels having an impact on flooding and beach erosion.
109
The notion that sea level rise adaptation initiatives are somehow tied to environmental
governance elements is a concept that is explored throughout this dissertation.
109
“ C a l i f o r n i a n s' V i e w s o n C l i m a t e C h a n g e . ” P u bl i c P o l i c y I n st i t u t e o f C a l i f o r n i a . P u bl i c P o l i c y I n st i t u t e o f California, September 2018. https://www.ppic.org/publication/californians-views-on-climate-change/.
54
Establishing that collaborative governance indicators are intimately connected to the
coastal zone management process, and thus sea level rise adaptation initiatives, does not
ne ce s s a r il y s u g g e s t t h a t a cit y is m o r e o r l e s s r e a d y f o r w h a t’s to co m e .
For example, city officials in San Francisco may be able to coherently articulate through
official planning documents that horizontal collaboration among departments is a top
priority. A planner in Oxnard may prescribe that the city is constantly monitoring and
updating its data and associated vulnerability assessments. However, these illustrations do
not equate to a prescription for effective implementation. Both the literature around
environmental governance, and the practical application of governance itself are often
divided concerning what variables and inputs lead to effectiveness. This has implications
for democracy itself.
Proponents of community-based collaborative environmental governance efforts suggest
that bottom-up, engaged constituents lead to optimal outcomes.
110
Yet, scientific and
technical expertise is also a necessary condition for effective sea level rise adaptation.
Indeed, capacity-building among communities, government, and scientific institutions will
only strengthen participatory efforts and environmental collaborative governance. Local
recommendations from environmental justice communities that likely have a much better
idea of what mechanisms and tools will be most effective for community outreach and
engagement, coupled with cooperation and technical expertise from scientists, can lead to
effective collaborative governance.
111
This implies, then, that the process of developing indicators to measure initiatives can offer
fundamental comparisons about collaborative governance elements, but not the outcomes
o f th e in it ia ti v e s . T h e co m p a r a ti v e a na l y s i s o f C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s tl in e co m munities on
110
Kearney, John, Fikret Berkes, Anthony Charles, Evelyn Pinkerton, and Melanie Wiber. "The role of
participatory governance and community-based management in integrated coastal and ocean management in
Canada." Coastal Management 35, no. 1 (2007): 79-104.
111
Kearney, John, Fikret Berkes, Anthony Charles, Evelyn Pinkerton, and Melanie Wiber. "The role of
participatory governance and community-based management in integrated coastal and ocean management in
Canada." Coastal Management 35, no. 1 (2007): 79-104.
55
environmental collaborative governance demands an approach that gauges the extent of
efforts to adapt to sea level rise through policies, plans, and governance activities.
RESEARCH DESIGN
T h e ch a p te r ’s f ir s t co nt r ib u ti o n i s l a r g e l y e m p ir ica l. Collecting and organizing data on what
eight Californian coastal cities are doing about sea level rise, and how environmental
justice communities fit within these collaborative governance frameworks, helps build a
database of existing sea level rise adaptation initiatives. There has yet to be a study
co l l e cti ng in f o r m a ti o n o n C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l c it ie s ’ sea level rise regulatory frameworks
and integration with environmental justice initiatives. In addition to this index, the second
m a j o r co nt r ib u ti o n is a n e m p ir ica l co m p a r a ti v e a n a l y s is m e a s u r in g th e v a r ia ti o n o f cit ie s ’ sea level rise adaptation initiatives and efforts. This comparative study relies on a
synthesized collaborative governance analytical framework specifically tailored to
California cities within coastal zone management programs (CZMPs) to compare policy
inputs and actions such as intersectoral governance, management and support, data
m o ni t o r in g a nd u p d a ti n g , a nd e q u it y co ns id e r a ti o ns . C a l ifo r ni a ’s C ZM P C o l l a b o r a ti v e Governance Analytical Framework incorporates scholarship from political science, public
policy, the principles of Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM), and other
interdisciplinary fields to fuse several conceptual frameworks, research findings, and
practice- b a s e d k no w l e d g e in to a n in te g r a ti v e a p p r o a ch f o r m e a s u r in g cit ie s ’ g o v e r na nce systems and policy processes for sea level rise adaptation initiatives within
CZMPs.
112,113,114,115
112
Emerson, Kirk, Tina Nabatchi, and Stephen Balogh. "An integrative framework for collaborative
governance." Journal of public administration research and theory 22, no. 1 (2012): 1-29.
113
Ansell, Chris, and Alison Gash. "Collaborative governance in theory and practice." Journal of public
administration research and theory 18, no. 4 (2008): 543-571.
114
Post, Jan C., Carl G. Lundin, and Banco Mundial. Guidelines for integrated coastal zone management.
Washington: World Bank, 1996.
115
Cullinan, Cormac. Integrated coastal management law: establishing and strengthening national legal
frameworks for integrated coastal management. No. 93. Food & Agriculture Org., 2006.
56
I n o r d e r to u nd e r s ta nd th e nu a nce o f co a s ta l cit ie s ’ s e a l e v e l r is e a d a p ta ti o n i nitiatives, this
r e s e a r ch u s e s in d ica to r s f r o m C a l ifo r ni a ’s C ZM P C o l l a b o r a ti v e G o v e r na nce A na l y ti ca l Framework, depicted in Figure 1 below.
Figure 1: California’s CZMP Collaborative Governance Analytical Framework
Source: The California CZMP Collaborative Governance Diagnostic Model borrowed
conceptual features of models and approaches from Emerson et al. (2002), Ansell and Gash
(2008), Cullinan (2006), and Post (2006). The model also integrates broad governance
elements and policy actions observed throughout this research process.
T h is d is s e r ta ti o n u s e s C a l ifo r ni a ’s C ZM P C o l l a b o r a ti v e G o v e r na nce A na l y ti ca l F r a m e w o r k
for evaluating the effectiveness of collaborative governance in coastal localities, and how
sea level rise adaptation efforts and environmental justice initiatives fit within each
m u ni cip a l it y ’s p r o g r a m . C a l ifo r ni a ’s C ZM P C o l l a b o r a ti v e G o v e r na nce A na l y ti ca l Framework demonstrates differences in political and institutional systems, power
relations, and network conditions, among other collaborative process components, across
eight select California coastal communities.
57
SUMMARY OF RESULTS AND COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
Dr a w in g f r o m th e C ZM P a na l y ti ca l f r a m e w o r k a nd E m e r s o n a nd Na b a tch i’s (2 0 1 5 )
performance matrix, this research created an exploratory, comprehensive evaluation tool
to a s s e s s th e m o s t s ig ni f ica nt p o l icy a cti o ns in e a ch cit y ’s C ZM P .
The left hand column of each table shows Collaborative Environmental Governance
Indicators , f o u r b r o a d ca te g o r ie s o f o u tp u t in d ica to r s (in b o l d ) f r o m C a l ifo r ni a ’s C ZM P Collaborative Governance Analytical Framework: (1) Intersectoral and Holistic Governance
Infrastructure; (2) Implementation and Execution (Management and Support); (3) Data
Collection, Monitoring and Updating; (4) and Equitable Consideration of All Stakeholders.
Endogenous to each broad indicator themes are multiple and precise CZMP collaborative
governance elements, which are represented by bullet points. These outputs, policy
actions specific to coastal zone collaborative governance, are displayed in Figure 2 below.
The righthand column of each evaluation tool represents evidence and innovative sea level
rise adaptation findings triangulated and validated from multiple data sources such as
interviews, legislation, program proposals, policy plans, and institutional reports. Evidence
is represented by check marks and is color coded to the appropriate indicator.
Figure 2: C a l ifo r n ia ’s C ZM P C o l l a b o r a ti v e G o v e r na nce P o l icy O u tp uts (Actions)
58
59
116,117,118,119,120,121,122,123,124
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After operationalizing the variables, collecting and organizing the sea level rise initiatives
into tables, the next step is measuring and comparing the elements of environmental
collaborative governance across the cases. Creating a typology for coastal zone
management processes from environmental governance indicators presents its own set of
challenges, such as scaling qualitative, abstract concepts. This analysis combines theory
and empirics, anchored in the range of observed outcomes from reported planning
document text analysis and interviews. The ordinal scaled variables are relative and
incremental, not absolute.
For example, within the policy action management and support is the governance indicator
public outreach and engagement. Each indicator is scaled between low, medium-low,
medium, medium-high, and high. No public engagement or outreach is considered low on
the scale. A medium-low ranking implies a municipality has identified relevant
stakeholders but has yet to consult them in adaptation policymaking. A city that holds
infrequent, open town hall meetings for climate adaptation, but not sea level rise
specifically is considered to have a medium ranking for public outreach and engagement.
Cities with a medium-high ranking hold workshops, meetings, and create committees
around sea level rise adaptation, but does not incorporate communities in the drafting of
plans. Finally, coastal cities that conduct outreach through community-based trainings,
rely on social media and other online sources, and actively seek community empowerment
through public comment and feedback receives a high score on the scale for the public
outreach governance indicator. This example illustrates only how this analysis scales the
public outreach and engagement indicator. For the entire index of scaled environmental
governance indicators and descriptive rankings, please see the Scaled Environmental
Governance Indicators below:
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Ranking the cities in terms of an environmental governance indicator such as public
outreach and engagement does indeed serve to compare and differentiate the cities on
these efforts. However, comparative measurements also lead to many more inquiries: Why
does East Palo Alto appear to care so much more about scientifically rigorous data than
Long Beach? How do you explain that San Francisco ranks highly on equity considerations,
and yet has some of the highest economic and social inequality rates on the planet? These
answers will be explored in further depth in the chapters that follow. The results of the
California Sea Level Rise Adaptation Case Evaluation Table on the following page:
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The action indicators used to describe and rank sea level rise adaptation policies fall into
four categories: Intersectoral Governance, Management and Support, Data Collection and
Monitoring, Equity Considerations.
Intersectoral Governance
There is a robust and long-standing culture of collaboration among state, regional, and local
a g e ncie s a nd a u th o r it ie s in C a l ifo r ni a . C a l i f o r ni a ’s s tr o ng s ta te -level climate change
governance infrastructure, led by CCC and BCDC for sea level rise adaptation, permeates
top-down to communities along the coastline. The coastal zone management agencies
actively coordinate with counties and cities to ensure adaptation plans and policies are
vertically integrated. CCC, through their Sea Level Rise Policy Guidance (Report) has been
very clear that local responses are increasingly necessary, and thus support updating Local
Coastal Plans (LCPs). Evidence suggests that the larger cities within the selected cases
(Oakland, San Diego, San Francisco) have the highest alignment and levels of coordination
a cr o s s l e v e l s o f g o v e r nm e nt . A s id e f r o m L o ng B e a ch w h ich h a s no t u p d a te d it ’s L C P s in ce the 1980, all of the coastal cities have relatively high multi-level governance support in
place, which can be traced to BCDC an d C C C ’s e f f o r ts .
CZMAs and regional planning commissions have taken on a supportive role in coastal
management and local governments are given autonomy over planning decisions within
their communities. Similar to the vertical integration governance indicator, data indicates
th e l a r g e r cit ie s ’ p l a nn in g d e p a r tm e nt s h a v e cl o s e r w o r k in g r e l a ti o ns h ip s f o r s e a l e v e l r is e adaptation. This can be partially attributed to planning departments with larger budgets
and more human resources, which enables officials to work across departments and with
more versatility, shifting from one municipal office to another to collaborate on projects. In
San Francisco, for example, the Sea Level Rise Coordinating committee includes thirteen
different city government departments and commissions. This evidence illuminates the
versatility that larger cities may have for sea level rise adaptation planning. In Oxnard,
where the most recent LCP update was 1982, a local planning director confirmed that
departments do not actively address sea level rise concerns due to significant funding
85
co ns tr a in ts : “ T h e C it y o f O xna r d d o e s no t h a v e a n e nvir o nm e nt a l o r e nvir o n m e nt a l j u s ti ce p l a nn e r . ” H o w e v e r , th e p l a nn e r d i d no te th a t O xna r d w a s a cti v e l y s e e k in g f u nd in g t o update the LCP by Q4 of 2020. The fiscal year 2019-20 Oxnard City Budget does indicate
intentions to hire a sustainability manager, but throughout the entire 375 page adopted
budget, there are no references to sea level rise or climate change. Based on the city
co u ncil ’s s tr a te g ic p r i o r it ie s , e v id e n ce suggests that funding constraints may imply an
alternative allocation of finite resources.
The extent to which cities incorporate public-private partnerships, non-governmental
organizations, and community members in the governance process varied widely across
cases. In the Bay Area communities, the presence of ART, local universities, and
environmentally friendly private stakeholders helps build consensus around the need for
holistic involvement in the sea level rise adaptation process. Local universities and NGOs
a r e a l s o a cti v e co nt r ib u to r s to S a n Die g o ’s a d a p ta ti o n e f f o r ts . I nt e r v ie w d a t a indicates that
O xna r d ’s l a ck o f in te r na l in it ia ti v e s f o r s e a l e v e l r is e a d a p ta ti o n a r e th e p r im a r y r e a s o n t h a t NGOs have not been recruited to help. Because Oxn a r d ’s cit y co u nci l h a s no t m a d e cl im a te change or sea level rise a strategic priority or allocated financial resources for adaptation, it
follows they would seek public-private partnerships that align with their priorities.
Management and Support
Jurisdictional boundaries often ignore how ecosystems function, and sea level rise impacts
are too large of an issue to combat unilaterally. Risk of flooding and coastal erosion may
overflow across political borders and imperil neighboring communities. In theory, CCC and
BCDC are coordinating and facilitating technical support, offering assistance in adaptation
planning, and helping promote awareness of the significance of sea level rise. The
co m m is s io ns , e s p e cia l l y r e l a ti v e to o th e r s ta te ’s C ZM A s , seem to be fulfilling their
legislative duties. The reality, however, is much more complex. With limited fiscal and
human capacities, the commissions can only offer so much support and resources.
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The burden of adaptation planning and implementation falls on the cities, and many
depend on research organizations, multijurisdictional planning bodies, and grant programs
to make ends meet. For example, CCC and the Ocean Protection Council (OCP), created
pursuant to the California Ocean Protection Act (COPA), offer annual grant funding to
support local governments in completing or updating Local Coastal Programs. Of the cases
in this project, San Diego, Oxnard, and San Francisco have all received grant funding for
between $100,000-$200,000. Results from the case analyses demonstrate that technical
s u p p o r t is g e ne r a l l y h ig h a cr o s s th e b o a r d , a s a l l m u ni cip a l it ie s ’ p l a nn in g e f f o r ts s h o w a t
least some evidence of local collaboration and assistance.
Executive Order S-13-08, signed by Governor Schwarzenegger, requires California to
develop a state climate adaptation strategy, including for sea level rise, in collaboration
with local and regional governments and agencies. The law also mandates all agencies
planning projects in areas vulnerable to future sea level rise to “consider a range of sea
level rise scenarios for the years 2050 and 2100 in order to assess project vulnerability
and, to the extent feasible, reduce expected risks and increase resiliency to sea level
r is e . ”
188
A B 2 5 1 6 e s ta b l is h e d a “ P l a nn in g f o r S e a L e v e l Ris e Da t a b a s e ” th a t th a t r e q u ir e s biannual updates for public and local governmental use. This resource, along with many
others available at the state level, has streamlined the responsibilities of local governments.
Still, creating public awareness around sea level rise adaptation is challenging because
constituents do not necessarily experience daily impacts. At the very least, every city other
than Oxnard showed a willingness to hold open climate adaptation meetings for the public.
Analogous to the logic behind Oxnard not allocating financial or human resources for sea
level rise, inevitably the city is not holding public meetings around the issue. Richmond
and Long Beach leverage workshops and online s o u r ce s to “ g e t t h e w o r d o u t,” a nd O a k l a nd ,
188
“C a l i f o r n i a E x e c u t i v e O r d e r S -13- 0 8 Re qu i r i n g S t a t e A d a p t a t i o n S t r a t e g y . ” C a l i f o r n i a E x e c u t i v e O r d e r S -13-
08 Requiring State Adaptation Strategy | Adaptation Clearinghouse. Adaptation Clearinghouse, November 14,
2008. https://www.adaptationclearinghouse.org/resources/california-executive-order-s-13-08-requiring-
state-adaptation-strategy.html.
87
San Francisco, San Diego, and East Palo Alto all incorporate constituents into the drafting of
planning documents.
In East Palo Alto, constituents are welcomed to climate-related community meetings with
public works, planning, transportation, and city council members throughout the year.
Similar to the other Bay Area communities, Richmond is equipped with outreach assistance
f r o m B C DC ’s A RT I ni ti a ti v e . I nd e e d , Rich m o nd ’s C A P f o r m a l iz e s th e cit y ’s co m m it m e nt to
culturally and linguistically sensitive outreach, emphasizing community participation and
benefits. Despite strong evidence of public meeting organization and nascent outreach
efforts regarding new sea level-rise related projects in San Francisco and Oakland, officials
e xpl a in e d th a t “ r e s o u r ce g a p s a nd l a ck o f s u p p o r t f o r s e a l e v e l r is e - r e l a te d p o l ici e s ” a r e b ig barriers to engaging constituents and gaining traction for increased public awareness.
189
This finding has larger implications for environmental collaborative governance
researchers. Municipal governments such as Oakland and San Francisco can allocate
resources toward outreach efforts, with planning documents indicating the cities are
determined to engage the public, but this does not imply these efforts are effective. Is
heightened public awareness a prerequisite for effective collaborative governance? As it
relates to sea level rise adaptation, how is civic engagement related to support for policy
change?
Data Collection and Monitoring
This output reflects whether a city has access to, accumulates, and applies the most recent
scientific information on sea level rise adaptation throughout the governance process. The
extent to which scientifically rigorous data is applied to planning and development of
coastal protection strategies varies little across Californian coastal communities. These
r e s u l ts a r e in tu it ive . C o a s t a l C a l ifo r ni a ’s p o l it ica l l e a d e r s a nd p o l icy m a k e r s , p a r ti cu l a r l y in environmental justice communities, almost unanimously believe in climate change and the
189
Lubell, Mark, Francesca Pia Vantaggiato, and Darcy Bostic. The Governance of Sea Level Rise in the San
Francisco Bay Area: results from a survey of stakeholders., The Governance of Sea Level Rise in the San
Francisco Bay Area: results from a survey of stakeholders. § (2019).
88
importance of applying scientific expertise to policy decisions. The data collection and
monitoring indicators are carefully intertwined. If rigorous data is applied to planning, it
follows that plans will be continuously updated as new data emerges. Present in all
communities, adaptation initiatives have protocols and programs in place to monitor and
update plans, including rough schedules for sea level rise adaptation. Richmond, Oakland,
San Diego, San Francisco, and East Palo Alto go further, exhibiting evidence of updated
drafts, and edits that incorporate new research.
Where logic deviates from intuition is regarding data collection on existing plans. Are
municipalities collecting qualitative and quantitative data on their own goals, strategies,
and objectives on existing plans, with evidence of applying them to future programs? Other
than San Francisco, there is little documented evidence of other coastal communities
effectively tracking and reviewing data collection procedures to apply to new working
solutions. Through interviews and document analysis, several explanations became
evident for this lack of internal program analysis across cases. First, cities rely on state and
national actors for data collection. As NOAA, CZMAs, and other research bodies update
scientific data associated with sea level rise adaptation, they pass it along to local coastal
planners who incorporate the findings into plans. Respondents suggested this dynamic
relieves local governments of the responsibility. Moreover, measuring implementation of
sea level rise adaptation initiatives is difficult unless catastrophe hits through severe
s to r m s o r f l o o d in g e v e nt s . A s o ne p l a nn e r p u t it , “ U nfo r tu na te l y , w e w o n’t r e a l l y k n o w if our adaptation responses work or not until worst- ca s e s ce n a r io h a p p e ns o r it ’s to o l a te . ”
Equity Considerations
Environmental justice and associated issues are coded in state law. Broadly defined under
SB 115, environmental justice issues must be addressed in local jurisdiction city general
plans. Despite these regulations, only three of the eight cases show evidence of explicit
references to environmental justice communities and their incorporation into the
p o l icy m a k in g p r o ce s s : O a k l a nd , S a n F r a ncis co , a nd S a n Die g o . I n S a n D ie g o , t h e cit y ’s G e ne r a l P l a n cl e a r l y s ta te s p o l ici e s “ to p u r s u e e n vironmental justice in the planning
process through greater community participation, to prioritize and allocate citywide
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resources to provide public facilities and services to communities in need, and to improve
mobility options and accessibility for the non-driving elderly, disabled, low-income, and
o th e r m e m b e r s o f th e p o p u l a ti o n. ”
190
Similar language is present in Oakland and San
F r a ncis co , a nd co r r o b o r a te d t h r o u g h r e s p o nd e nt in te r v ie w d a ta . F o u r o f t h e cit ie s ’ d a ta indicate references to environmental justice or associated themes but have not yet
in co r p o r a te d th e s e co m m u n it ie s in to s e a l e v e l r is e a d a p ta ti o n p l a nn in g . I n Rich m o n d ’s CAP, for example, the first agenda item in the community engagement plan is to overview
cl im a te ch a ng e a nd “ it s ne xu s w it h health and economic equity, environmental justice, and
o v e r a l l s u s ta in a b il it y in Rich m o nd . ” H o w e v e r , Rich m o nd h a s no t y e t p a r tn e r e d w it h environmental justice community organizations on sea level rise adaptation.
As of writing, there is very little data showing that environmental justice communities
initiate community organizing and mobilization strategies around sea level rise. There is,
however, evidence that environmental justice communities are involved in the sea level
rise adaptation planning process. The distinction is the origin of initiation. In the cases
showing an intersection between environmental justice communities and sea level rise
adaptation, political incorporation emanates from the government to the communities
through outreach and engagement efforts. For example, Nuestra Casa de East Palo Alto and
Literacy for Environmental Justice both have sea level rise dimensions to their work, but it
emerged from BCDC, not neighborhood organizing or mobilization efforts. Still, most cities
do have evidence that community organizations are at least involved in general climate
change planning. While this section of Chapter 2 elicits a brief, descriptive comparative
analysis of the extent of environmental justice initiatives and community organizing in
C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l co m m u ni ti e s , e q u it y co ns id e r a ti o ns in s e a l e v e l r is e a d a p ta ti o n
planning are the primary focus of the remainder of this dissertation.
190 “ G e n e r a l P l a n ” . 2 0 0 8 . The C i t y o f S a n D i ego Planning Department.
https://www.sandiego.gov/planning/genplan#genplan
90
CONCLUSION
The purpose of this chapter was to explore the extent state and affected local jurisdictions
along the San Francisco Bay shoreline and California coastline are developing land-use
adaptation policies, plans, and programs. Second, this chapter asked whether these
collaborative governance frameworks align with the most recent scientific projections of
sea level rise and their cumulative consequences, and if are they also identifying and
responding to the vulnerability of environmental justice communities within their
jurisdictions. This is the first project to organize, compare, and analyze data on what
C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l cit ie s a r e d o in g a b o u t s e a l e v e l r is e , a nd h o w e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce interests fit within the coastal zone management process. Relying on a database of sea
level rise adaptation policies and planning documents, the second major contribution of
C h a p te r 2 is a n e m p ir ica l co m p a r a ti v e a na l y s is m e a s u r in g th e v a r ia ti o n o f cit ie s ’ s e a l e v e l rise adaptation initiatives and efforts. Chapter 2 examined cities are collaborating more
effectively than others with state, regional, and local governments, agencies, and
organizations, which municipalities have departments working closely to ensure policies
are synchronized and include the most scientifically accurate data, and which jurisdictions
are more effective than others at public outreach, engaging constituents, and incorporating
them into the planning process.
Document analysis and interview data from Chapter 2 indicate that BCDC and CCC are
innovative and forward-thinking as coastal zone management agencies, but they have
limited regulatory power to mandate sea level rise adaptation in city planning. Despite the
CZMAs allocation of data and technical support to municipal governments, the local
governments lack the human and fiscal capacities necessary to implement many of the
adaptation strategies that emerge from BCDC and CCC. The coastal municipal governments
that seem to be advancing the sea level rise adaptation governance process the most are
still in the nascent stages of policy development and implementation. Several of the cities
do not rank sea level rise adaptation as a strategic priority, leaving a chasm of resource
allocation for the future adverse impacts of climate change.
91
Generating public awareness regarding the inevitability of sea level rise has proven difficult
for city planners and associated coastal governments. While community outreach and
engagement initiatives related to climate change adaptation have shown some progress,
sea level rise specific efforts are limited. Indeed, interview data and evidence from
p l a nn in g d o cu m e nt s s u g g e s ts th a t C a l ifo r ni a ’ s co a s ta l cit ie s a r e a t l e a s t a tt e m p ti ng to conduct climate-related outreach through various engagement mechanisms, but the distant
and obscure nature of sea level rise has suppressed initial outreach strategies. Linked to
shortcomings in outreach and engagement is evidence that local governments have largely
failed to incorporate environmental justice communities in the sea level rise adaptation
governance process. However, there is hope for future political incorporation on sea level
rise adaptation measures, as several environmental justice communities are included in
general city and climate change planning. In the next chapter, this dissertation delves
further into community outreach and engagement. Chapter 3 explores to what extent local
coastal governments are incorporating environmental justice communities in the sea level
rise adaptation planning process, and how these political incorporation approaches vary
across cases.
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CHAPTER III
Incorporating Environmental Justice Communities in Sea
Level Rise Adaptation Governance
To what extent are local jurisdictions and community adaptation plans incorporating
environmental justice communities in the planning and policymaking processes? How does
political incorporation of environmental justice communities vary across localities?
INTRODUCTION
In the preceding chapter, this dissertation filled a void in the political science and public
policy literatures by gathering, organizing, and analyzing data on the regulatory
frameworks surrounding sea level rise adaptation for eight local governments in
C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l co m m u ni ti e s . B u i l d in g u p o n th e co m p a r a ti v e a na l y s is in C h a p te r 2 , th e central focus in this chapter is on equitable considerations, one of the four primary policy
actions in the environmental collaborative governance model. As introduced and discussed
earlier, environmental justice policy initiatives and community organizing around sea level
rise adaptation fall within the equitable considerations policy output and vary significantly
across the selected cities. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the range of
environmental justice activities, such as community outreach and engagement, that cities
along the California coastline have and are currently undertaking to increase political
incorporation in sea level rise adaptation policymaking.
This chapter continues using the working definition of environmental justice from the
introductory chapter. Through what mechanisms are local governments attempting to
address environmental justice concerns? As it relates to sea level rise adaptation planning,
how have cities sought to incorporate historically underrepresented and excluded
communities into the policymaking process? Because cities act as the most intimate level
of formal government to the people, building local solutions and implementation of sea
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level rise adaptation efforts may be more effective than the status quo. Indeed, cities can
ta il o r e ng a g e m e nt , o u tr e a ch , a nd in ce nt ive s tr u ctu r e s to th e ir co m m u ni ti e s ’ e co no m ic a nd social needs in a way that state and federal governments may not be capable of.
This chapter makes several contributions to the environmental justice and political
incorporation literatures, as well as for practical governance and policymaking. First,
evidence gathered for this chapter initially finds that, while not universal across all cases,
coastal cities in California generally have a strong environmental justice infrastructure due
to s ta te m a nd a t e s a nd p r o g r e s s ive co a s ta l r e g u l a to r y a g e ncie s . C a l ifo r ni a ’s co l l a b o r a ti v e environmental governance processes for coastal zone management show that when local
governments actively engage these communities, environmental justice initiatives are
more likely to be present in planning documents, and inclusive and considerate of
community interests and needs. Focusing narrowly on reported environmental justice
initiatives and community outreach efforts on sea level rise adaptation within planning
documents, prioritizing political incorporation varies considerably across coastal
communities. Overall, it is clear that California ’s co a s t a l co m m u ni t ie s h a v e a l o ng w a y to g o to include environmental justice communities in sea level rise adaptation governance.
Cities without strong evidence of environmental justice initiatives can be traced to two
leading causes. First, the extent to which municipalities coordinate with state and regional
actors, incorporate public-private partnerships, and include community organizations and
constituents in the governance process impacts environmental justice policymaking. In
short, cities that lack a cohesive intersectoral and holistic governance infrastructure also
fall short on political incorporation for environmental justice communities. The second
cause, identified through interview data, is there were consistent findings of inadequate
resources – both allocated and available – for environmental justice initiatives.
T h is ch a p te r f ir s t e xpl o r e s C a l ifo r ni a ’s p e r ti ne nt e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce l e g is l a ti o n, a nd h o w th is g o v e r na nce in f r a s tr u ctu r e in f o r m s l o ca l co m m u ni t ie s ’ cit y p l a nn in g e f f o r ts . I n
addition, it also provides an overview of how municipalities have historically used zoning
and land use policies to disproportionately perpetuate environmental injustices on low-
94
income and communities of color, and how devastating this will be if the trend continues
for sea level rise planning. It then explores the relevant works on political representation,
environmental justice, and collaborative governance, and how this dissertation
operationalizes key terms, particularly environmental justice, to help fill a void in the
literature. Finally, using Dedoose®, a content analysis software, this chapter systematically
codes coast and shoreline policies, plans, and programs to reveal variation in the relative
occurrence of environmental justice and community organizing terms and themes. The
results section also uses historical and interview data to add to the Dedoose® r e s u l ts ’ narrative.
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE LEGISLATION AND GOVERNANCE
De s p it e th e cu r r e nt a d m in is tr a ti o n’s in s is te nc e o n cl im a te d e ni a l a nd r eversing affirmative
action initiatives, the U.S. federal government had previously pushed for an assessment
into the impacts of climate change on disadvantaged communities. At the federal level in
February 1994, President Clinton issued a Memorandum of Understanding on
Environmental Justice and Executive Order 12898.
191
In August 2011, the Obama
Administration recommitted to Executive Order 12898, which required 17 federal
a g e n ci e s to “ make achieving environmental justice part of its mission by identifying and
addressing, as appropriate, disproportionately high and adverse human health or
environmental effects of its programs, policies, and activities on minority populations and
low-income populations.
192
The most pronounced ramification of this federal legislative
infrastructure is increased civil discourse and dialogue surrounding environmental justice
issues, including in progressive state and local governments.
193
However, implementation
of Executive Order 12898 has shown obstacles commonly recognizable in climate
191
Memorandum of Understanding on Environmental Justice and Executive Order 12898, U.S.Government.
http://epa.gov/environmentaljustice/resources/publications/interagency/ej-mou-2011-08.pdf. Cited June 7,
2017.
192
Memorandum of Understanding on Environmental Justice and Executive Order 12898, U.S.Government.
http://epa.gov/environmentaljustice/resources/publications/interagency/ej-mou-2011-08.pdf. Cited June 7,
2017.
193
Murphy –Greene, Celeste, and Leslie A. Leip. "Assessing the effectiveness of executive order 12898:
Environmental justice for all?." Public Administration Review 62, no. 6 (2002): 679-687.
95
adaptation initiatives. Studies assessing the effectiveness of the executive order have found
three primary implementation issues: 1) weak monitoring system for environmental
justice communities and associated policy language at the state and local levels; 2)
inadequate resources to enforce existing legal frameworks; 3) need for more clear non-
compliance penalties. The progressive nature of the executive order, coupled with gaps in
e f f e cti v e im p l e m e nt a ti o n, a r e m ir r o r e d in C a l ifo r ni a ’s e nvir o nm e nt al justice governance.
194
A t th e s t a te l e v e l , C a l ifo r ni a ’s h is to r y in cl im a te l e a d e r s h ip te l l s a s im il a r s to r y , l e a d in g th e charge on environmental justice initiatives through state law.
195
The following paragraphs
in cl u d e s ne a r l y th e e nt ir e u ni v e r s e a nd h is to r y o f C a l ifo r ni a ’s e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce legislation. There are, however, a few omissions due to substantive deviations from this
p r o j e ct’s research aims. For example, SB 1542, AB 1497, and AB 1179 were omitted
because of the focus on waste and recycling related issues. AB 1550 and AB 1071 were left
out because the laws are modifications or addendums to the existing environmental justice
laws.
In 1999, California became the first state in the nation to codify environmental justice
co ns id e r a ti o ns in to l a w . C a l if o r ni a ’s l e g is l a tu r e p a s s e d th e s ta te ’ s f ir s t e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce l a w , S B 1 1 5 , w h ich d e s ig na te d th e “ G o v e r no r ’s O f f ice o f P l a nn in g a nd R e s e a r ch a s the lead agency for enviro nm e nt a l j u s ti c e p r o g r a m s . ”
196
Responsibilities include
recommending and implementing land-use planning and policies and aiding local
jurisdictions to meet state guidelines. Under SB 115, environmental justice issues must be
also addressed in local jurisdiction city general plans. SB 115 defines environmental justice
a s “ th e f a ir tr e a tm e nt o f p e o p l e o f a l l r a ce s , cu l tu r e s , a nd in co m e s w it h r e s p e ct to th e development, adoption, implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws,
194
Miller, Donald. "Methods for Evaluating Environmental Justice —Approaches to Implementing US Executive
Order 12898." In Beyond Benefit Cost Analysis, pp. 25-44. Routledge, 2017.
195
University of California Hastings College of the Law Public Law Research Institute (2010). Environmental
Justice for All: Fifth State Survey of Legislation, Policies and Cases. https://gov.uchastings.edu/public-
law/docs/ejreport-fourthedition.pdf
196
Ibid.
96
r e g u l a ti o ns , a nd p o l ici e s . ”
197
This working definition of environmental justice will be used
throughout this chapter and the entire dissertation. SB 115 also required CalEPA to
develop a model mission statement for local communities on environmental justice,
encouraging greater civic engagement in the development, adoption, and implementation
of environmental policymaking.
In 2000, SB 89 expanded on state-level environmental justice regulations by establishing
an Interagency Working Group on Environmental Justice to aid in identifying and
addressing gaps in existing programs, policies, and activities. SB 828 (2001) broadened this
scope by requiring all offices and departments within CalEPA to recognize cavities that may
impede the progress of environmental justice initiatives. AB 2312 (2002) established
C a l E P A ’s E nvir o nm e nt a l J u s ti ce S m a l l G r a nt P r o g r a m , w h ic h a w a r d s g r a nt s u p to $ 5 0 , 0 0 0 to community-based, grassroots nonprofit organizations that are involved in
environmental justice issues.
198
C a l ifo r ni a ’s 2 0 0 6 G l o b a l Wa r m in g S o l u t io ns Act, AB 32 established an environmental
justice focused advisory committee, which participates in local discussions of how different
adaptation and implementation approaches will impact environmental justice
communities.
199 , 200
SB 535 (2012) required CalEP A to “ identify disadvantaged
communities based on geographic, socioeconomic, public health, and environmental hazard
cr it e r ia . ”
201
SB 1000 (2016) requires cities and counties to adopt an environmental justice
element or to integrate environmental justice goals, policies, and objectives into other
elements of their general plans. A city or county must adopt or review the environmental
197
Legislation. Environmental Justice. California.gov. https://www.calrecycle.ca.gov/envjustice/legislation
198
Legislation. Environmental Justice. California.gov. https://www.calrecycle.ca.gov/envjustice/legislation
199
Working Definition of Environmental Justice Community from California EPA: Environmental justice
communities are commonly identified as those where residents are predominantly minorities or low-income;
where residents have been excluded from the environmental policy setting or decision-making process;
where they are subject to a disproportionate impact from one or more environmental hazards; and where
residents experience disparate implementation of environmental regulations, requirements, practices, and
activities in their communities.
200
“ E n v i r o n me n t a l Jus t i c e F A Q . ” C a l i f o r n i a E n e r g y C o mm i ss i o n . C A . g o v . https://ww2.energy.ca.gov/public_advisor/environmental_justice_faq.html.
201
Legislation. Environmental Justice. California.gov. https://www.calrecycle.ca.gov/envjustice/legislation
97
justice element, or the environmental justice goals, policies, and objectives in other
elements, upon the adoption or next revision of two or more elements concurrently on or
after January 1, 2018.
In 2016, California amended the California Coastal Act under AB 2616 to explicitly
incorporate the state statutory definition of environmental justice: the fair treatment of
people of all races, cultures, and incomes with respect to environmental laws, regulations,
and policies.
202
T h e C o a s ta l C o m m is s io n’s r e p o rt on climate change acknowledges that
people of color and low-income communities are disproportionately impacted by sea level
rise. Evident in the numerous environmental justice initiatives is that, at least at the state
level, California appears to take environmental justice seriously. However, despite the
robust regulatory framework, people of color and low-income communities are frequently
marginalized or absent from the discussion by mainstream environmental organizations,
academics, and government agencies spearheading the policy process, notwithstanding
being among the biggest supporters of environmental protections.
203
Obstacles such as a
lack of local funding, fragmented governance, and varying local priorities have left gaps in
the planning and implementation of environmental justice. Previewed in Chapter 2, gaps in
equity considerations and environmental justice are even more pronounced for sea level
rise adaptation governance activities.
HISTORICAL INJUSTICES: MUNICIPAL AND REGIONAL LAND USE MEASURES
Municipal and regional zoning codes have historically been a means to perpetuate
environmental injustices, keeping pollution sites concentrated in low-income and
communities of color.
204
Despite major progress that can largely be attributed to
neighborhood and community-level environmental justice advocacy organizations,
202
Garcia, Robert, Cesar De La Vega and Erica Flores Baltodano (2016). The City Project. Coastal Justice and
the California Coastal Act: An Equity Mapping and Analysis. The City
Project. https://www.cityprojectca.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/Policy-Brief-Coastal-Justice-in-
California-20161208.pdf
203
Ibid.
204
Arnold, Craig Anthony. "Land use regulation and environmental justice." ENVIRONMENTAL LAW
REPORTER NEWS AND ANALYSIS 30, no. 6 (2000): 10395-10433.
98
environmental justice communities continue to experience disproportionate and persistent
trends of injustice. Local governments are frequently the central arbiters among
aggressive land use conflicts that pit environmental justice communities against wealthy
stakeholders, polluting corporations, and municipal agencies that permit these practices.
205
In Environmental Justice from the Ground Up, Sheila and Foster (2001) establish how race-
neutral criteria for determining land use and municipal zoning ordinances, when examined
from a historical perspective, are in fact not race-neutral at all. For example, in large, urban
municipalities, environmental justice communities were segregated to less desirable
spaces near hazardous waste facilities with low value land.
206
To be sure, it is not only
intentionally racist land-use practices that have had adverse impacts on environmental
justice communities. Pulido (2000) suggests th e “ p r o ce s s e s that form the basis of
structural and institutional forms of racism include things like mortgage lending
discrimination, redlining, restrictive covenants, support for suburbanization, and
r e s is ta nc e b y w h it e p e o p l e to in te g r a ti o n. ”
207
It follows that the influence of municipal
zoning, and its consequences, are important not only where land use codes are in place, but
also where they fail to reign in environmental injustices, as well.
Land use planning is one of the most effective and direct mechanisms urban municipalities
can take to combat environmental injustices. Federal and state governance play an
important role in building a top-down infrastructure; however, they are also innately
limited in their capacity to impact local climate and socio-demographic community issues.
For sea level rise adaptation, the adverse impacts of failing to plan with a specific lens to
redress past environmental injustices are detrimental – the scale and scope of risk remains
indeterminate.
205
Bullard, Robert D. "Environmental justice: It's more than waste facility siting." Social science quarterly 77,
no. 3 (1996): 493-499.
206
Cole, Luke W., and Sheila R. Foster. From the ground up: Environmental racism and the rise of the
environmental justice movement. Vol. 34. NYU Press, 2001.
207
Pulido, Laura. "Rethinking environmental racism: White privilege and urban development in Southern
California." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 90, no. 1 (2000): 12-40.
99
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE MOVEMENT
T h e co nt e m p o r a r y e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce m o v e m e nt is d is ti nct f r o m “ m a in s tr e a m ” environmentalism, and its emergence is commonly associated with protests in 1982 in
Wa r r e n C o u nt y , No r th C a r o l in a o v e r th e s ta t e ’s d e cis io n to l o ca te a h a z a r d o u s l a nd f il l in a predominantly low-income, black community.
208
The protest was steered by a
combination of civil rights leaders and environmental activists, and increasing pressure
from the Congressional Black Caucus led to a study that analyzed the distribution of
hazardous waste facilities in the United States. The research team found that landfills and
hazardous waste facilities were indeed disproportionately located in minority
communities. These findings, coupled with increased local community activism over the
continued efforts of businesses and governments to place hazardous landfills in their
communities, helped accelerate the first People of Color Environmental Leadership
conference in October 1991.
209
It is important for this dissertation and chapter to create an analytical distinction between
environmentalism and environmental justice because much of the climate change activism
that has occurred, particularly regarding adaptation along the coastline and for rising seas,
has not focused on environmental justice communities, nor is there a significant organizing
culture around the issue. Preconceived notions of coastline adaptation generally jump to
the conclusion that only wealthy Californians own coastline property but fail to recognize
the significant population of environmental justice communities that will also be
economically, socially, and physically impacted.
According to Pastor (2002), there are several significant differences between the
environmental justice movement and traditional environmentalism. Whites have
predominantly led environmental activist groups in the U.S., with a focus on preserving
208
Sacoby M. Wilson, Environmental Justice Movement: A Review of History, Research, and Public Health
Issues, 16 U.S.C. JOURNAL OF PUBLIC MANAGEMENT & SOCIAL POLICY 19, 36 (2010).
209
Pastor, Manuel. "Environmental justice: reflections from the United States." International Conference on
Natural Assets. Conference Paper Series (November 2002).
100
natural landscapes and endangered species.
210
In contrast, the environmental justice
movement has been grounded in low-income and minority populations, with an emphasis
on equity in urban communities. While some mainstream environmental groups have
incorporated environmental justice as an agenda issue, many have not.
These movements have also generally had divergent methods for approaching the political
process. Traditional groups rely on scientists, experts, and conventional lobbying tactics,
whereas environmental justice groups are generally comprised of community activists and
utilize neighborhood mobilization strategies. These distinctions are key for understanding
the variation in environmental justice initiatives and activity in the selected cases, and have
implications for the challenges associated with integrating the movements, and for
environmental justice community incorporation in the sea level rise adaptation political
process.
The existing environmental justice literature has generally been reactive in nature,
exploring past or existing inequalities linking hazardous facilities and public health,
transportation, and access to green spaces. There is also a small vein of environmental
justice research that observes the role that socioeconomics play in relation to hazards and
vulnerability, particularly flood risks and recovery efforts.
211
Martinich et al. (2012) builds
upon these studies and quantitatively analyzes how sea level rise threats and the
associated costs of adaptation will be dispersed across various socioeconomic groups
within coastal communities. Relying on the Social Vulnerability Index (SoVI), Martinich et
al. identify socially vulnerable coastal communities that may be more likely to experience
the disproportionate impacts of sea level rise, with results showing the Gulf region will be
most impacted.
212
210
Pastor, Manuel. "Environmental justice: reflections from the United States." International Conference on
Natural Assets. Conference Paper Series (November 2002).
211
Bullard, Robert D., and Beverly Wright. Race, Place, and Environmental Justice After Hurricane Katrina:
Struggles to Reclaim, Rebuild, and Revitalize New Orleans and the Gulf Coast). ReadHowYouWant.com, 2010.
212
Martinich, Jeremy, James Neumann, Lindsay Ludwig, and Lesley Jantarasami. "Risks of sea level rise to
disadvantaged communities in the United States." Mitigation and Adaptation Strategies for Global Change 18,
no. 2 (2013): 169-185.
101
T h is ch a p te r r e l ie s o n Wo l c h e t a l . (2 0 1 4 ), Du th ie e t a l . ( 2 0 0 8 ), a nd M e r cie r ’s (2 0 1 5 ) findings that urban planning activities and governance strategies in coastal communities
have historically led to unequal outcomes.
213,214,215
To be sure, an environmental justice
case study in Boston, Massachusetts identified economic obstacles and counterincentives
inhibiting environmental justice community incorporation into the climate change
adaptation policymaking process.
216
While understanding the distributional inequities
involved in disaster recovery, public health, and access to green spaces are indeed
important scholarly and practical contributions, this research agenda focuses on
proactively understanding the political organizing and governance dynamics that affect
environmentally just sea level rise adaptation policies and plans, and demonstrates the
importance of considering environmental justice in coastal adaptation planning.
METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
As explained in the introductory chapter and previous sections of this chapter, the goal of
Chapter 3 is to explore the extent of environmental justice activities, such as community
outreach and engagement, that cities along the California coastline have and are currently
undertaking to increase political incorporation regarding sea level rise adaptation
policymaking. The research question regarding what mechanisms local governments are
using in an attempt to address environmental justice initiatives was considered by
triangulating data from general city plans, climate adaptation plans, sustainability plans,
and interviews with government officials and environmental justice advocacy coalition
members. The accentuation on environmental justice initiatives through policy and
213
Wolch, Jennifer R., Jason Byrne, and Joshua P. Newell. "Urban green space, public health, and
e n v i r o n me n t a l j u st i c e : The c h a l l e n g e o f ma ki n g c i t i e s ‘ j u s t g r e e n e n o u g h ’ . " Landscape and Urban Planning 125
(2014): 234-244.
214
Duthie, Jen, Ken Cervenka, and S. Waller. "Environmental justice analysis: challenges for metropolitan
transportation planning." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board
(2008).
215
Mercier, Jean. "Equity, social justice, and sustainable urban transportation in the twenty-first century."
Administrative theory & praxis 31, no. 2 (2009): 145-163.
216
Douglas, Ellen M., Paul H. Kirshen, Michael Paolisso, Chris Watson, Jack Wiggin, Ashley Enrici, and Matthias
Ruth. "Coastal flooding, climate change and environmental justice: identifying obstacles and incentives for
adaptation in two metropolitan Boston Massachusetts communities." Mitigation and Adaptation Strategies for
Global Change 17, no. 5 (2012): 537-562.
102
planning documents was analyzed to determine trends and variation associated with the
amount, frequency, and valence of environmental justice related themes across the eight
selected cases. This section describes the data collection, research methodology and
design.
DEDOOSE® ANALYSIS
Developed by academics from UCLA, Dedoose® is a web-based, qualitative data analysis
software application that helps create data visualizations derived from very large amounts
of text, content and document analyses. Dedoose® acts as an effective tool to compile data,
establish the data in multiple categories with subcategories, and distribute the data to fit
the analysis. Climate Action Plans (CAPs), Sustainability Plans, General City Plans, and
other sea level rise adaptation related planning initiatives were formatted, transcribed, and
uploaded to Dedoose®. The documents were then coded in terms of provision for
environmental justice terms and pertinent themes, drawn from relevant literatures and
policy documents. This analysis explores to what extent the plans and policies in coastal
municipalities address environmental justice within their jurisdiction, as well as the extent
to how and which CCC and BCDC actively engage and incorporate environmental justice
communities in the governance process.
Explained in depth in the introductory chapter, the process of establishing relevant
environmental justice themes for coding in Dedoose® relies on accepted understandings in
both the literature and across the policy spectrum in Ca l ifo r ni a ’s p l a nn in g d o cu m e nt s . While there is undoubtedly some variation in how environmental justice is contextualized
across communities and municipalities, the terms selected are representative of the range
of inputs to environmental justice expression in governance. For this dissertation, the
environmental justice, collaborative governance, political representation and
incorporation, and community organizing literatures informed our working definitions and
acceptance of selected terms. Moreover, the overlap of these same environmental justice
terms and themes found in coastal zone management and sea level rise adaptation
policymaking agendas further reinforced their conceptual application and importance to
103
this research agenda. As more data was collected and extracted from planning documents,
environmental justice associated concepts and elements became increasingly frequent and
evident, which created the foundation for tagging, coding, and grouping themes and
categories in Dedoose®. In short, the analytical approach can be best described as mixed
method using thematic content analysis and systematic grounded theory. Data collected
from documents and interviews on the most frequent environmental justice terms and
themes fall into four broad categories: equity, access, community, and sea level rise. Below
are the subthemes that were coded in Dedoose® associated with each primary theme:
Equity
Equitable Outcomes
Equity Analyses
Equitable
Inequity
Unjust
Access
Incorporation
Inclusion
Engage
Education
Outreach
Community Engagement
Community
Disadvantaged Communities
Communities of Color
Low Income
Social Justice
Sea Level Rise
Coastal Justice
Vulnerable
104
Vulnerable Communities
Vulnerability
These broad subthemes were identified in the literatures and policy documents and
triangulated through interviews with environmental justice advocacy experts as logical
extensions of the parent themes. Literature on substantive coding, specifically through
Dedoose®, shows that applying thematic analysis through documentary data can
effectively increase rigor and transparency, reducing bias from traditional qualitative
analysis.
217,218
Dedoose® was used to code the documents in ways that recognize varying
forms of verbs, nouns, and adjectives will produce the same results for content analyses
purposes. For example, coding for community and communities extracts the same results.
Similarly, coding for education and educate produces the same results. Based on text
analysis, relevance, and context for each theme, terms are assessed for pre-determined
criteria.
219
Data Analysis and Results
The opening chapter explains at length the approach used to select the eight cases along
the California coastline. It also explains the rationale behind narrowing the content and
text analysis – the documents eventually uploaded into Dedoose® – to Climate Action
Plans, General City Plans, Sustainability Plans, and sea level rise or coastal planning policy
documents. In this data analysis section, these justifications are broadly renewed before
delving into a comparative breakdown across cases that disaggregates environmental
justice initiatives from sea level rise adaptation and elaborates on the results previewed in
the preceding chapter. The eight case studies in this analysis were selected for comparison
based on their diverse political, economic, and social circumstances, and were chosen from
a m o ng a l a r g e r p o o l o f C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l co m m u ni t ie s d u e to th e e xi s te nce o f sea level
217
Mackieson, Penny, Aron Shlonsky, and Marie Connolly. "Increasing rigor and reducing bias in qualitative
research: A document analysis of parliamentary debates using applied thematic analysis." Qualitative Social
Work 18, no. 6 (2019): 965-980.
218
Salmona, Michelle, Eli Lieber, and Dan Kaczynski. Qualitative and Mixed Methods Data Analysis Using
Dedoose: A Practical Approach for Research Across the Social Sciences. SAGE Publications, Incorporated, 2019.
219
Wach, Elise, and Richard Ward. "Learning about qualitative document analysis." (2013).
105
rise adaptation efforts and variation in environmental justice initiatives. Of the eight cases,
f ive f a l l w it h in B C DC ’s j u r is d ict io n (Sa n F r a ncis co , O a k l a nd , V a l l e j o , Rich m o nd , E a s t P a l o A l to ) a nd th r e e a r e u nd e r C C C ’s j u r is d ict io n (S a n Die g o , Long Beach, and Oxnard).
This study uses Dedoose® to scale down the massive amount of data and elucidate
relationships and evidence of environmental justice initiatives that are not immediately
discernible by analyzing municipal documents and transcriptions of interviews by
themselves. To analyze the qualitative data first accumulated through content analysis, the
plans were uploaded into Dedoose®. The total number of plans, policies, and programs
resulted in 44 total documents and over 14,000 pages of policy content. The 44 planning
documents correspond to between three and nine official municipal plans per city across
the eight cases. An additional seven plans could not be uploaded into Dedoose® due to
software conversion incompatibility. These plans were nonetheless analyzed using the
same parameters as the documents evaluated in Dedoose® and are included in the
analysis.
220
Previewed in the previous section, the document extraction generated 228
different excerpts, with four primary themes and 19 subthemes. The environmental justice
themes and subthemes for each case are shown in tree map visual models that follow,
depicting the frequency and relationship of the context nodes coded in Dedoose®.
In other words, in order to determine keywords, themes, and the connotation of
e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce in it ia ti v e s in C a l ifo r n ia ’s co a s ta l m u ni cip a l it ie s , th is r e s e a r ch employs both top-down and bottom-up coding methodologies.
221, 222
Top-down and
220
Note: Software conversion incompatibility issues caused Dedoose® to be unable to read several planning
documents. Future software updates may fix this issue. There were no impacts on the results.
221
Kaefer, Florian, Juliet Roper, and Paresha Sinha. "A software-assisted qualitative content analysis of news
articles: Examples and reflections." (2015).
222
The first step in the top-down coding process is creating context nodes (text search queries), followed by
running a frequency query on the nodes to get a list of themes and subthemes. Once Dedoose® has the list of
environmental justice themes, the software runs a compound query for each keyword, which is essentially a
text search query within the context node. Finally, Dedoose® saves the results (frequency, salience, and
linkage) as new theme and subtheme nodes. Bottom-up coding is essentially qualitative content analysis that
be g i n s w i t h t h e su bt h e me s f r o m D e d o o se ® ’ s c o n t e xt nodes. Dedoose® then codes recurring themes and un-
codes text that may not be relevant to the research question after manually opening each context node and
reading the surrounding content. The next step to bottom-up coding is to use the model function to overview
context nodes, keyword nodes, and theme nodes. The last actions are to finalize each coded reference,
106
bottom-up coding methodologies are synonymous with inductive and deductive coding
approaches, or multi-level coding for short. These processes are similar in that they both
involve analytic and iterative procedures. Both processes are also data driven.
It is important to acknowledge that creating a rigid division between qualitative content
analysis and quantitative content analysis is not always useful or possible. As Krippendorff
(2 0 1 3 ) r e co g ni z e s , “ a l l r e a d in g o f te xts is q u a l it a ti v e , e v e n w h e n c e r ta in ch a r a cte r is ti cs o f a te xt a r e l a te r co nve r te d in to nu m b e r s . ”
223
Indeed, qualitative content analysis includes
q u a nt it a ti v e e l e m e nt s th a t h e l p a ns w e r th is d i s s e r ta ti o n’s r e s e a r ch q u e s ti o ns , s u ch a s th e extent of engagement and outreach, or the extent of environmental justice initiatives in
planning documents, through word frequency analysis.
The value of these methods for this dissertation projects are threefold. First, inductive
coding leverages preexisting theoretical knowledge, including creating coding criteria
based on research questions. Inductive coding begins with a meticulous, comprehensive
analysis of existing plans, policies, and other document sources, creating new themes as
they materialize. According to Bazeley (2007), this is the preferred strategy for research
following grounded theory strategy.
224
With deductive coding, research starts with themes,
keywords, and theoretical ideas, and then pivots to the nuance of how these are
incorporated in the available sources. Proponents of qualitative data analysis software and
coding also celebrate improvements for quicker and more efficient data management,
improving methodological rigor, consistency, and analytical transparency.
225
Third, coding
allows for making new data visualizations previously unavailable, which provides new
insights into the data itself. Examples of multi-level coding content analysis in the
environmental sphere have generally been limited to news reporting and corporate
confirm relationships to environmental justice initiatives, and use tree maps to visualize and present data
results. Screenshots of Dedoose® analysis and results is available in Appendix C.
223
Krippendorff, Klaus (2013). Content analysis: An introduction to its methodology (3rd ed.). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
224
Bazeley, Pat (2007). Qualitative data analysis with NVivo (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
225
Kaefer, Florian, Juliet Roper, and Paresha Sinha. "A software-assisted qualitative content analysis of news
articles: Examples and reflections." (2015).
107
disclosures, but given the nature of this project, the value of these methods should now be
evident.
226,227
This research found substantial variation in the extent of political incorporation and
environmental justice initiatives across the eight cases. Findings from this project
illuminate a wide range of environmental justice activities in localities across California,
institutional arrangements and relationships, financial and human resource capacities, and
governing priorities. This analysis finds that strong networks of interagency and
intergovernmental collaboration resulted in more resources allocated for environmental
justice initiatives. Evidence of environmental justice initiatives did not indicate or suggest
integration with sea level rise adaptation planning within communities throughout policies
and programs. Moreover, a relatively counterintuitive finding is several communities with
higher levels of outreach and engagement did not have more political incorporation for
environmental justice communities. Overall, the extent to which cities along the California
coastline have and are currently undertaking environmental justice initiatives to increase
political incorporation regarding sea level rise adaptation is relatively limited to date.
CASE STUDIES: ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE COMMUNITIES
The following section displays Dedoose® data analysis results through word tree maps
that depict environmental justice themes found across the eight cases. Accompanying these
data visualizations are analytical narratives derived from interviews and policy documents
that were beyond the software capabilities of Dedoose®. Representatives from BCDC, CCC,
and local jurisdictions involved in the adaptation planning process were interviewed to
elicit further information about environmental justice and sea level rise adaptation policy
that could not be uncovered from the Dedoose® approach. The interviews and content
analysis also unveiled additional information on the nature of past and existing
relationships among local municipalities and environmental justice communities, the level
226
Jose, Anita, and Shang-Mei Lee. "Environmental reporting of global corporations: A content analysis based
on website disclosures." Journal of Business Ethics 72, no. 4 (2007): 307-321.
227
Guthrie, James, and Indra Abeysekera. "Content analysis of social, environmental reporting: what is
new?." Journal of Human Resource Costing & Accounting (2006).
108
and type of public engagement and cooperation with these communities, and the current
state of environmental justice-related adaptation efforts from a top-down governance
perspective.
Exploring the bottom-up view, the extent to which environmental justice community
organizations impact sea level rise adaptation policies, and their different organizing
approaches around climate change, are the focus of Chapter 4. Nonetheless, it is important
to provide a brief historical preview of the environmental justice activity in each
municipality to understand the context and nexus of environmental justice and sea level
rise adaptation policies in each case.
Throughout each case analysis are contextualization of geographic, demographic, and
scientific data presented in the Environmental Justice and Rising Seas Data Table in Chapter
1. For each case, analyses include examining the relationship between interagency and
intergovernmental collaboration and resources allocated for environmental justice
initiatives. Each case study also analyzes the relationship between environmental justice
initiatives and sea level adaptation rise planning. Finally, case analyses explain the link (or
lack thereof) between outreach and engagement and political incorporation for
environmental justice communities. A brief summary of existing environmental justice
initiatives is then presented, followed by analysis explaining the current state of affairs in
each locality.
109
Richmond, California (BCDC)
Figure 1: Environmental Justice Themes of Richmond, CA Planning Documents
Richmond, California, located in the East Bay of the San Francisco Bay Area, falls within
C o nt r a C o s ta C o u nt y a nd is u nd e r B C DC ’s j u r is d ict io n. O f Ric h m o nd ’s 1 0 3 , 0 0 0 r e s id e nt s , over 70% come from minority communities, with 16% below the poverty line and an
average income per capita under $20,000.
228
According to Climate Central, over 750 acres
of land in Richmond are exposed to the adverse impacts of sea level rise by 2050, including
thousands of environmental justice community constituents.
229
228
"2010 Census Interactive Population Search: CA - Richmond city". U.S. Census Bureau.
229
Sea Level Rise and Coastal Flood Risk – Richmond, CA. Climate Central Risk Finder. 2016.
110
Richmond relies on a strong regional network of intergovernmental collaboration to plan
for sea level rise adaptation. BCDC acts as a nexus and liaison among local, regional, state,
and federal agencies and governing bodies. Through its ART initiative, BCDC has helped
Richmond collaborate with non-governmental and community organizations, as well as
private stakeholders to develop sea level rise adaptation plans. In Richmond, the close-knit
functions of its city departments have led to cohesive climate adaptation planning.
A cco r d in g t o th e C A P , th e p l a n “ u s e s co m m u n it y in p u t a nd cr o s s s e cto r co l l a b o r a ti o n to prioritize action and outcomes with the greatest community benefits for the Richmond
co m m u ni ty. ”
230
I n o th e r w o r d s , “ th e co l l a b o r a ti v e e nvir o nm e nt in Ric h m o nd h as stemmed
f r o m c o m m u ni ty in p u t,” a Rich m o n d p l a nn e r r e it e r a te d . Rich m o n d ’s co m m u ni ty composition, coupled with intergovernmental collaboration and inclusive strategic
p r io r it ie s , h a v e l e d to c o m p e l l in g e nvir o n m e n ta l j u s ti ce in it ia ti v e s in th e cit y ’s p l a n ning
documents.
Despite considerable prioritization of environmental justice community interests and
associated initiatives, there is little evidence of integration with sea level rise adaptation
planning. Figure 1: Most Frequent Environmental Justice Themes in Richmond shows how
planning documents are indeed reflective of progressive policy language related to both
environmental justice and sea level rise adaptation planning, with extensive
documentation of key terms and themes. However, the synthesis of these themes,
environmental justice and sea level rise adaptation, are noticeably absent. The Contra
Costa County Assessment and Adaptation Project includes exhaustive socioeconomic and sea
level rise scenario analyses, with particular emphasis on especially vulnerable
communities and neighborhoods throughout Richmond. The culmination of evidence from
policy documents and interviews with government officials in Richmond shows a keen
understanding of the increased risk to low-income and minority communities of sea level
rise, but so far, not politically engaging these communities in the adaptation policymaking
process.
230
City of Richmond (October 2016). Climate Action Plan. Richmond.
111
Richmond is a unique case in that public outreach has been effective for political
incorporation in climate change planning and governance. Figure 1 above depicts how
im p o r ta nt th e m e s s u ch a s e q u it y , e d u ca ti o n, o u tr e a ch , a nd co m m u ni ty a r e to Rich m o nd ’s planners. Richmond supports public outreach and education efforts through town hall
meetings, community-based trainings, website and public library information, and
awareness promotion of the potential impacts of sea level rise. This includes educating
property owners about adverse impacts so they can support bond initiatives for
infrastructure and assessments. The relationship between community engagement efforts
and political incorporation of environmental justice in Richmond surrounding general
climate change planning gives optimism for future inclusion in the sea level rise adaptation
process.
San Diego, California (CCC)
Figure 2: Environmental Justice Themes of San Diego, CA Planning Documents
112
The urban area of San Diego includes nearly 3 million residents, the third largest urban
area in the state. San Diego, particularly the inner harbor and east county regions, have
some of the largest concentrations of environmental justice communities in California.
M o r e th a n 4 0 % o f S a n Die g o ’s r e s id e nt s a r e no n -white, with over 20% below the poverty
line.
231
With oceans expected to rise at least 3 feet by 2050 in the area, nearly 4,000 of San
Die g o ’s r e s id ents are at risk of sea exposure, including over 2,000 housing units.
232
O f a l l th e ca s e s u nd e r C C C ’s j u r is d ict io n, S a n Die g o h a s th e s tr o ng e s t in te r s e cto r a l collaborative governance infrastructure for coastal zone management. CCC facilitates
cooperation among the Port of San Diego, the City of San Diego, and San Diego County.
C o m p a r e d to O xna r d a nd L o ng B e a ch , th e o th e r tw o ca s e s w it h in C C C ’s r e g u l a to r y a u th o r it y , S a n Die g o ’s cit y d e p a r tm e nt s co l l a b o r a te to th e g r e a te s t e xte nt o n cl im a te related planning. For example, Planning, Environmental Services, Transportation,
Sustainability, Public Works, and Economic Development departments all contributed to
S a n Die g o ’s m o s t r e ce nt C l im a te A cti o n P l a n. B a s e d o n f in d in g s a cr o s s th e th r e e C C C c a s e s for intergovernmental collaboration, it is unsurprising to also find that San Diego has the
most comprehensive evidence for environmental justice initiatives in planning documents.
Indeed, Figure 2: Most Frequent Environmental Justice Themes in San Diego illustrates at
least some level of concern for equitable outcomes and vulnerable communities, whereas in
Oxnard and Long Beach, planning documents show no evidence of these environmental
justice issues.
Distinct from the majority of cases in this dissertation, San Dieg o ’s p l a nn in g a nd s e a l e v e l rise specific documents show evidence of an integration of sea level rise adaptation policy
with environmental justice principles. For example, the Sea Level Rise Adaptation Strategy
for San Diego Bay (2012) explicitly states environmental justice as a guiding principle in
adaptation priorities. Moreover, San Diego requires all updated general, climate action,
and municipal plans to include a section on environmental justice. While updates for most
231
"San Diego (city) QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau". US Census Bureau.
232
Sea Level Rise and Coastal Flood Risk – San Diego, CA. Climate Central Risk Finder. 2016.
113
planning documents are still in the DRAFT phase, these mandates do show positive
momentum. San Diego Climate Collaborative, an interagency organization, advances equity
incorporation into the integration of adaptive planning for sea level rise and climate
change. Although these initiatives indicate progress, the policy documents do not tell the
whole story, most notably an inclusion of the communities themselves in the governance
process.
City planners for San Diego acknowledged that the Climate Action Plan adopted in 2015
lacked a significant equity emphasis. However, San Diego is currently in the early stages of
d e v e l o p in g a n u p d a te d C l i m a te A cti o n P l a n, w h ich p l a nn e r s cl a im in co r p o r a te a n “ e q u it y in d e x p r o j e ct. ” S a n Die g o h a s y e t to co nd u ct o u tr e a ch r e g arding the new updated plan but
recognizes the need to hold stakeholder advisory workshops tailored to vulnerable
communities. In order to achieve this goal, the sustainability team has hired an
environmental justice expert, formerly an advocate and organizer that comes from a local
environmental justice community. This expert acknowledged that the first step will be to
identify community groups as a liaison for the preliminary list of climate adaptation
planning strategies, and to seek their help in collaboration with constituents. The intent of
these outreach and engagement strategies are positive, but the existing relationship
between outreach and political incorporation for environmental justice communities in sea
level rise adaption planning is currently nonexistent.
114
Oakland, California (BCDC)
Figure 3: Environmental Justice Themes of Oakland, CA Planning Documents
With a population of 428,827 as of 2018, Oakland is the largest city in Alameda County and
the largest city in the East Bay of the San Francisco Bay Area region. Oakland is a majority
minority city, with over 65% of its population non-white.
233
It has a large and culturally
significant Black population, which makes up 28% of Oakland, and a 25% Latino
population.
234
Oakland has a 93% risk of a major flood (exceeding six feet) between 2016 –
2050, and a 100% risk of a major flood by 2100 due to sea level rise exposure
projections.
235
Oakland has 2,773 acres of vulnerable land exposed, much of which is
233
"2010 Census Interactive Population Search: CA – Oakland city". U.S. Census Bureau.
234
"2010 Census Interactive Population Search: CA – Oakland city". U.S. Census Bureau.
235
Sea Level Rise and Coastal Flood Risk – Oakland, CA. Climate Central Risk Finder. 2016.
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industrial in nature and could lead to the spread of toxic chemicals to nearby
neighborhoods.
O a k l a nd ’s e nvir o nm e nt a l g o v e r na nce f r a m e w o r k d e p e nd s o n v e r ti ca l co o r d in a ti o n a t s ta t e , regional, and local levels. With BCDC as the connecting agency and explicit environmental
justice la w s a t th e s ta te l e v e l , O a k l a nd ’s p l a nn in g d o cu m e nt s s h o w e v id e nce o f m u l ti -level
collaborative governance that has led to inclusive environmental justice policy language.
F o r e xa m p l e , A d a p ti ng to Ris in g T id e s ’ Oakland/Alameda Resilience Study (2016) on sea
level rise incorporated a consortium of leaders from community organizations, multi-
sector non-profit and private organizations, and multi-level governance to collaborate and
build local capacity for adaptation efforts and responses. City planners in Oakland have
suggested the presence of environmental justice initiatives in policy documents is the
result of shared strategic priorities and close working relationships across planning
departments.
In Oakland, environmental justice initiatives and sea level rise adaptation overlap.
O a k l a nd ’s E ne r g y a nd C l im a te A cti o n P l a n s p e cifica l l y r e f e r e nce s p a r tn e r in g w it h r e p r e s e nt a ti v e s f r o m O a k l a nd ’s d ive r s e ne tw o r k o f e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce o r g a ni z a ti o ns . I n
2016, CalEPA assigned an Environmental Justice Task Force to focus on environmental
enforcement and regulatory compliance in East and West Oakland. This task force led
project served as a catalyst for the West Oakland Environmental Indicators Project
(WOEIP), a resident-led, community-based environmental justice organization to aid in
d r a f ti ng a n a d a p ta ti o n r e p o r t, O a k l a nd ’s Sea Level Rise Road Map. The Sea Level Rise Road
Map developed strategies for ensuring that communities of color and low-income residents
have greater access to participation in the government process, including sea level rise
research adaptation design and decision-making. Through its Sustainability and Resilience
efforts, Oakland is seeking new ways to partner with community groups, including a
community engagement process focused on Sea Level Rise in West Oakland.
Figure 3: Most Frequent Environmental Justice Themes in Oakland details how serious the
city is about community outreach, education, and engagement. These efforts also include
environmental justice elements in sea level rise planning. This is uncommon under current
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co l l a b o r a ti v e g o v e r na nce p r o ce s s e s in C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l l o ca l it ie s . I n 2 0 1 8 , O a k l a nd adopted its Updated Energy and Climate Action Plan (ECAP), supporting the policies
id e nt ifie d in th e cit y ’s G e ne r a l P l a n. Wit h th e h e l p o f A RT , t h e B a y A r e a Re s il ie nt Communities Initiative (RCI), and the Oakland Climate Action Coalition (OCAC), Oakland is
committed to continuous plan amendments through community-based development to
co m b a t s e a l e v e l r is e im p a cts . T o b e s u r e , O a k l a nd ’s 2 0 1 8 Energy and Climate Adaptation
Plan incorporated community engagement, meetings, and focus groups, including
environmental justice organizations, businesses, nonprofits, and constituents at workshops
a nd e v e nt s . O a k l a nd ’s co m m it m e nt t o e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce is in h e r e nt in it s p l a nn in g priorities. The city is explicitly developing a new climate action plan, calling it the Equitable
C l im a te A cti o n P l a n 2 0 3 0 (ECA P ): “ T h e ne w 2 0 3 0 E C A P w il l be rooted in equity and a deep
community engagement process: it will identify ambitious actions we can take to combat
climate change while also ensuring that frontline communities – those that have been
harmed by environmental injustice and who are likely to be hurt first and worst by the
impacts of climate change – w il l b e ne f it f ir s t a n d f o r e m o s t fr o m cl im a te a cti o n. ”
236
236
“ O a kl a n d 2 0 3 0 E qu i t a bl e C l i ma t e A c t i o n P l a n (E C A P ). ” o a kl a n dca.gov. City of Oakland.
https://www.oaklandca.gov/projects/2030ecap.
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Oxnard, California (CCC)
Figure 4: Environmental Justice Themes of Oxnard, CA Planning Documents
Oxnard is the largest city in Ventura County with a population of 207,906. While the city is
recognized as one of the wealthiest in the United States, the income inequality gap is
significant as 15% of the population sits below the poverty line.
237
Oxnard also has a
majority Latino community, comprising two thirds of the total population. At the six-foot
sea level rise projection analyses, 1,500 people and $635 million in property are exposed to
risk.
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According to the National Research Council, floods above three feet pose
“ s ig ni f ica nt co nce r ns , ” w it h a 6 9 % r is k o f a t l e a s t o ne f l o o d e xc e e d in g th is h e ig h t b e tw e e n 2016 – 2050.
237
"2010 Census Interactive Population Search: CA - Oxnard city". U.S. Census Bureau.
238
Sea Level Rise and Coastal Flood Risk – Oxnard, CA. Climate Central Risk Finder. 2016.
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Oxnard has the lowest levels of vertical and horizontal coordination among all cases along
th e C a l ifo r ni a co a s tl in e . T h e C it y o f O xna r d f a l l s u nd e r C C C ’s jurisdiction, but does not
actively coordinate with state, regional, or local actors regarding sea level rise adaptation
p l a nn in g . Wh il e O xna r d ’s G e ne r a l P l a n d o e s in co r p o r a te s e a l e v e l r is e co nce r ns a nd considerations into all future planning decisions, the existing state of adaptation policies
shows disconnect and fragmentation among city departments. Oxnard still does not have a
comprehensive Climate Action Plan, a Sea Level Rise specific adaptation strategy, or an
updated Local Coast Plan. Limited collaborative governance processes have stunted
progress for environmental justice initiatives in Oxnard.
O xna r d ’s l o ca l g o v e r nm e nt h a s a l s o f a il e d to in co r p o r a te e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce communities into the planning process, and evidence suggests a lack of active progress:
“ Wh il e w e a r e a w a r e o f e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce a s a co nce p t, the City of Oxnard does not
have an environmental justice planner, or a strategic priority associated with
e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce s o f a r . ” I nd e e d , O xna r d ’s g e ne r a l p l a n d o e s id e nt if y conceptual
awareness of environmental justice and considers the possible inclusion of its principles in
future adaptation plans, but again, there is little evidence of progress. Figure 4: Most
Frequent Environmental Justice Themes in Oxnard depicts how O xna r d ’s Energy Action Plan
(2 0 1 3 ) h a s no r e f e r e nce to e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce o r s e a l e v e l r is e a nd O xna r d ’s S e a L e v e l Rise Vulnerability Assessment and Sea Level Rise Atlas similarly do not reference
environmental justice or equality.
Figure 4 also shows that Oxnard does in fact conduct public education and outreach
programs for climate change adaptation, but not for sea level rise specifically. It also shows
that these outreach programs are not aimed at the communities that will experience the
most disproportionate impacts of climate change. In Oxnard, higher levels of outreach and
engagement have not led to increased political incorporation of environmental justice
communities.
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Vallejo, California (BCDC)
Figure 5: Environmental Justice Themes of Vallejo, CA Planning Documents
Vallejo, the largest city in Solano County, is nestled between the north and east bay regions
o f th e S a n F r a ncis co B a y A r e a a nd h a s a p o p u l a ti o n o f 1 1 5 , 9 4 2 . V a l l e j o f a l l s w it h in B C DC ’s jurisdiction. 65% of Vallejo is non-white, including 24% Black and 16% Latino.
239
South
V a l l e j o h a s a s ig ni f ica nt e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce co m m u ni ty, w h e r e m u ch o f V a l l e j o ’s l o w -
in co m e r e s id e nt s a r e co nce nt r a te d . V a l l e j o ’s g e o g r a p h ic l o ca ti o n o n t h e B a y a nd Na p a River inherently increases its exposure risk to flooding. At six feet of sea level rise, 5% of
V a l l e j o ’s p o p u l a ti o n w o u l d e xpe r ie nce a d v e r s e im p a cts o f f l o o d in g , 8 7 % o f w h ic h a r e f r o m S o u t h V a l l e j o ’s s o cia l l y v u l ne r a b l e p o p u l a ti o n.
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A total of 690 acres of land and $672
million in property are exposed at these projection levels.
239
"2010 Census Interactive Population Search: CA – Vallejo city". U.S. Census Bureau.
240
Sea Level Rise and Coastal Flood Risk – Vallejo, CA. Climate Central Risk Finder. 2016.
120
Vallejo relies on BCDC, its ART initiative, and Solano County for mapping, data, and
adaptation strategies for sea level rise. While Vallejo City staff members regularly attend
meetings focused on adaptation and resilience, the city has not updated its CAP since 2012.
H o w e v e r , e v e n in 2 0 1 2 , V a l l e j o ’s nu m b e r o ne s tr a te g ic p r io r it y u nd e r a d a p ta ti o n w a s to improve regional coordination, to participate in efforts to analyze and prepare for the
impacts of climate cha ng e . B e ca u s e th is ch a p te r ’s r e s e a r ch r e l ie s o n e v id e nce o f e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce in it ia ti v e s w it h in p l a nn in g d o c u m e nt s a nd m u ch o f V a l l e j o ’s s e a l e v e l rise adaptation planning occurs at the regional level, the Figure 5: Most Frequent
Environmental Justice Themes in Vallejo m a y no t b e f u l l y r e p r e s e nt a ti v e o f V a l l e j o ’ s commitment to sea level rise and environmental justice communities. The constantly
evolving nature of climate science inherently leaves the 2012 CAP outdated. Given high
levels of collabora ti o n h o r i z o nt a l l y a cr o s s V a l l e j o ’s cit y p l a nn in g d e p a r t m e nt a nd v e r ti ca l l y with multi-level governance, we would expect both sea level rise concerns and
environmental justice initiatives to become increasingly prominent in future CAPs.
Figure 5 does illus tr a te V a l l e j o ’s d e e p -rooted focus on outreach, education, and
engagement efforts. The City of Valle j o ’s 2 0 1 2 C A P in cl u d e d th r e e p u b l ic w o r k s h o p s a s part of the policymaking and planning process. Vallejo also used its website, a newsletter,
television, and public hearings to inform the public on climate adaptation strategies.
However, these public outreach efforts did not lead to political incorporation of
environmental justice communities or planning initiatives. Vallejo does not currently have
plans to update its existing CAP, instead electing to rely on regional adaptation strategies
and resources. For example, the Solano County Sea Level Rise Strategic Program (2011)
has a specific section dedicated to Environmental Justice, noting that communities of color
would be disproportionately impacted. Moreover, Resilient by Design specifically
recognizes that adverse impacts of sea level rise on the Vallejo community due to sea level
rise and flooding on State Route 37, a main gateway for commuters to Marin. Efforts from
ne ig h b o r in g r e g io na l e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce o r g a ni z a ti o ns , co u p l e d w it h B C DC ’s no ta b l e local assistance and presence, has created a synthesis for progressive environmental
j u s ti ce in it ia ti v e s in V a l l e j o ’s p l a nn in g d e p a r tm e nt .
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Long Beach, California (CCC)
Figure 6: Environmental Justice Themes of Long Beach, CA Planning Documents
Long Beach is located within the Los Angeles metropolitan statistical area and has a total
population of 462,257, the seventh largest in California. Long Beach is a majority minority
city, with 70% of its residents Black, Latino, or Asian, including the largest ethnic
Cambodian population outside of Asia with 20,000 residents.
241
The city experiences high
levels of income inequality, with 23% of the population living below the poverty line.
242
Long Beach is the most ethnically diverse large city in the United States, but is also
segregated. If high-range sea level rise projections hold, Long Beach would experience
241
"2010 Census Interactive Population Search: CA - Long Beach city". U.S. Census Bureau.
242
"2010 Census Interactive Population Search: CA - Long Beach city". U.S. Census Bureau.
122
devastation: 14,000 people are at risk of exposure, with $3.2 billion in damages, and over
4,000 housing units.
243
Of all the cases examined in this project, Long Beach has the lowest levels of intersectoral
collaborative governance. Both multi-level governance and municipal departments in Long
Beach have low levels of policy synchronization for sea level rise adaptation. Efforts are
isolated and fragmented at each level of government, with inconsistent references to
coordination and collaborative governance across state, regional, and local planning
bodies. Long Beach has yet to fully incorporate community members or other private
stakeholders in the sea level rise adaptation process. The lack of cohesive governmental
networks in Long Beach has contributed to serious chasms in environmental justice policy
language across planning documents. However, planning documents in DRAFT status,
which were not included in the software, foreshadow stronger intergovernmental
collaboration, and thus more evidence of resources allocated for environmental justice
initiatives.
F o r e xa m p l e , L o n g B e a ch ’s u p d a te d General Plan explicitly references environmental
justice and the need to incorporate communities in both the governance process and to
ensure that the city invests in programs that help disproportionate environmental burdens.
I n a d d it io n, L o ng B e a ch ’s C A A P DR A F T in cl u d e s e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce o r g a ni z a ti o ns in t h e planning process, which led to issues related to communities of color, low-income, and
social vulnerability to be included in the DRAFT. The Port of Long B e a ch ’s C RP d o e s no t reference environmental justice or associated themes.
L o ng B e a ch ’s C l im a te Re s il ie ncy A s s e s s m e nt r e p o r t e xp l a in s th a t e nvir o n m e nt a l j u s ti ce organizations will be included in future planning, including low-income, minority, and
multilingual outreach methods. Community outreach and engagement efforts include
campaigns to aid the planning process, including with neighborhood associations and
community groups. Long Beach is relying on social media, public workshops, and other
community events to build momentum for inclusive climate adaptation planning, but not
243
Sea Level Rise and Coastal Flood Risk – Long Beach, CA. Climate Central Risk Finder. 2016.
123
sea level rise, yet. These results mirror a common theme – even when cities do incorporate
environmental justice communities in the policymaking process, an integration with sea
level rise adaptation has not reached the agenda.
San Francisco, California (BCDC)
Figure 7: Environmental Justice Themes of San Francisco, CA Planning Documents
San Francisco, the fourth most populous city in California with over 880,000 people, is
surrounded by water and has heightened vulnerabilities to sea level rise. While San
Francisco as a whole is one of the wealthiest cities in the world (and its appearance as an
environmental justice case study may have come as a surprise), the Bayview-Hunters Point
neighborhood is this central focus of this research. San Francisco has a minority-majority
population, with nearly 60% of its population non-white.
244
In Bayview-Hunters Point,
244
"QuickFacts: San Francisco County, California". US Census Bureau.
124
however, 88% of the population composition is minority, including the highest percentage
of Black citizens of any neighborhood in San Francisco at 34%. Moreover, over 40% of the
population lives below the poverty line, including 12% of the population that receives
federal assistance.
245
In the Bayview-Hunters Point community, every inch of sea level rise
will cover 50-100 feet of shoreline. Residents of the area already suffer from
environmental-related health problems such as air, water, and land pollution. Sea level rise
could flood existing hazardous waste sites, transportation infrastructure, and utilities.
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Figure 7: Most Frequent Environmental Justice Themes in San Francisco appears misleading
b e ca u s e m a ny o f th e cit y ’s s e a l e v e l r is e s p e cific e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce in it ia ti v e s a r e authored by BCDC, and thus fall within their planning documents and policy agenda as
opposed to the city itself. However, the institutions are located just blocks away, and
planners from both departments work closely on sea level rise adaptation and
environmental justice policymaking. In fac t, B C DC ’s Policies for a Rising Bay Project calls for
environmental justice and social equity to be incorporated in future Bay Area planning,
acknowledging that a lack of resources and public engagement can render disadvantaged
communities more vulnerable to s e a l e v e l r is e . S a n F r a nci s co ’s l o ng h is to r y o f collaborative governance for climate adaptation has led to interagency and
intergovernmental networks for both sea level rise adaptation and environmental justice,
including overlapping initiatives.
BCDC is currently in the process of amending the San Francisco Bay Plan to incorporate
environmental justice and social equity themes, which is not represented in Figure 7 due
to its DRAFT status. San Francisco is one of three cities, along with Oakland and San Diego,
that explicitly references environmental justice communities and attempts to incorporate
them in sea level rise adaptation policymaking. Unfortunately, these attempts have fallen
short. Despite collaboration across levels of government and municipal departments,
public outreach and engagement strategies have left political incorporation ineffective for
245
"San Francisco Neighborhoods: Socio-Economic Profiles; American Community Survey 2005 –2009". San
Francisco Planning Department. May 2011: 8.
246
Climate Change and Sea Level Rise: Impacts on Bayview Hunters Point. Green Action. 2015
125
sea level rise planning. BCDC planners suggest that while the municipalities are actively
working on environmental justice initiatives, there have been difficulties engaging
environmental justice communities in the policymaking process. As one planner put it:
“There are many barriers to this cooperation. First, there is a deep mistrust of government
in the Bay Area that results from historic injustices. BCDC has limited resources and staff to
conduct meaningful outreach and engagement needed to build this trust and cooperation
b u t is w o r k in g o n h o w t o o v e r c o m e th e s e b a r r ie r s … T o m y k no w l e d g e , v e r y l it tl e is b e in g d o ne s u cce s s f u l l y … U nt il cl i m a te a n d sea level rise practitioners can meet communities
where they are, public outreach and engagement in the most vulnerable neighborhoods
w il l b e d iff icu l t o r u ns u cce s s f u l . ”
East Palo, California (BCDC)
Figure 8: Environmental Justice Themes of East Palo Alto, CA Planning Documents
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East Palo Alto, a city of 28,155, is located between San Francisco and San Jose in San Mateo
County. East Palo Alto is over 90% non-white, including 66% Latino and 16% Black.
247
Per
capita income in East Palo Alto is $13,774, with 22% of the population living below the
poverty line.
248
The tech-boom in Silicon Valley has displaced over 25% of the community,
with over 400 acres of land bulldozed in the last decade.
249
Nearly 19% of the population is
vulnerable to moderate sea level rise projections, including $3.5 billion in potentially lost
property values.
250
At six feet of sea level rise, 6 schools and 42 EPA sites are projected to
be exposed.
Evidence from planning documents and interviews suggests East Palo Alto has effective
environmental collaborative governance for sea level rise adaptation planning. For
e xa m p l e , E a s t P a l o A l to f a l l s u n d e r B C DC ’s j u r i s d ict io n, a nd it s C A P , G e ne r a l P l a n, a nd S a n
Mateo County plans are synchronized for both climate adaptation and sea level rise
approaches. Within the city itself, departments are also integrated. Public Works,
Transportation, Planning, among other city departments, are all contributing to climate
change policy formulation. BC DC ’s e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce p r io r it ie s , co u p l e d w it h E a s t P a l o A l to ’s m u l ti -level governance collaborative networks, have influenced the extent to which
the city incorporates environmental justice initiatives in planning.
East Palo Alto and San Mateo County have partnered together to encourage citizen
participation. For example, the collaborative governance partnership lists media outreach,
briefings and presentations, social media, and public workshops as public engagement
actions to inform the public on sea level rise adaptation. Of all the cases in this research,
East Palo Alto is both the most progressive city on engagement and outreach initiatives
specifically designed for sea level rise, and also the most vulnerable to the
disproportionate, adverse impacts. The City of East Palo Alto has acknowledged that
environmental justice communities may resist traditional outreach and associated services
d u e to th e ir h is to r ica l d is tr u s t in g o v e r nm e nt . A l o ca l o f f ici a l in P a l o A l t o s a id , “ We m u s t
247
"2010 Census Interactive Population Search: CA - East Palo Alto city". U.S. Census Bureau.
248
"2010 Census Interactive Population Search: CA - East Palo Alto city". U.S. Census Bureau.
249
"Economic Development In East Palo Alto". City of East Palo Alto.
250
Sea Level Rise and Coastal Flood Risk – East Palo Alto, CA. Climate Central Risk Finder. 2016.
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come up with creative engagement efforts, and that starts with community-driven
s o l u ti o ns . ”
East Palo Alto is unique among the cases studied because the majority of the municipality
itself is an environmental justice community. This outlier status may explain why although
vulnerable communities are identified throughout planning documents, they are not clearly
given preference or empowerment to engage in the policymaking process. East Palo Alto
officials declared that local planners rely on external assistance and technical support, such
as data sharing and strategy development with BCDC and San Mateo County. For instance,
S a n M a te o C o u nt y ’s 2 0 1 8 Sea Level Rise Vulnerability Assessment recognizes the need for
disproportionate resource allocation to poor communities and people of color due to
h is to r ic a nd s y s te m ic p a tt e r ns o f in e q u it y . A l o ca l p l a nn e r p u t it s u ccinctl y , s ta ti ng , “ We s im p l y d o n’t h a v e th e r e s o u r ce s to th in k a b o u t, l e t a l o ne p l a n f o r , cl im a te ca ta s tr o p h e s th a t d o n’t i m p a ct o u r d a il y l ive s . ”
CONCLUSION
Chapter 3 explored to what extent local jurisdictions and community adaptation plans are
incorporating environmental justice communities in the planning and policymaking
process. Moreover, using document analysis through software and interviews with
planners, this research sought to understand the varying levels of political incorporation
for environmental justice communities across coastal localities. What outreach and
engagement mechanisms are local governments using to reach environmental justice
communities and improve political incorporation for sea level rise adaptation planning?
Chapter 3 found that in coastal municipalities with strong and effective environmental
collaborative governance processes for climate adaptation, there were more environmental
justice initiatives and policy language present in planning documents. Political
incorporation, especially for sea level rise adaptation, varies significantly across the cases.
For most local governments, evidence of environmental justice initiatives did not indicate
collaboration with the communities themselves, nor integration with sea level rise
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adaptation planning. Finally, this research found that community outreach and
engagement initiatives not only varied across cases, but so too did their impact on political
incorporation for environmental justice communities and sea level rise adaptation.
C a l ifo r ni a ’s l o ca l g o v e r n m e nt s h a v e m a d e significant strides in the last few years to
incorporate environmental justice communities in the climate governance process but
need to prioritize and produce creative solutions for sea level rise adaptation.
In the next chapter, this dissertation examines the extent coastal zone management
agencies BCDC and CCC are incorporating environmental justice communities in the
governance process. What outreach and engagement tools are the state agencies relying
on, and have they been effective? Chapter 4 then transitions to bottom-up, community-
organizing strategies for penetrating the sea level rise adaptation governance process. Are
community organizations mobilizing around sea level rise adaptation? If so, do certain
organizing strategies impact political incorporation to a greater extent than others? The
following chapter explores these inquiries.
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CHAPTER IV
BCDC, CCC, and Environmental Justice Community Organizing
Around Sea Level Rise
INTRODUCTION
“ Wh il e co a s ta l co m m u ni ti e s a r e o f te n t h o u g h t o f a s a f f l u e nt a r e a s , C a l ifo r ni a h a s l o w -
income communities of color along the coast often concentrated around ports and naval
bases. An environmental justice approach to sea level rise will prioritize the needs of these
frontline communities who have the least resources to respond to the threats of rising tides
a nd s to r m f l o o d in g . ”
The statement above, from a policy director at a central coast community organization,
reflects the concerns of environmental justice communities along the California
coastline.
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The previous chapters examined the extent to which sea level rise concerns
are included in local governance and city planning documents, followed by the extent to
which local governments engage and incorporate environmental justice communities in the
sea level rise governance process. Chapter 3 concentrated on a top-down perspective of
political incorporation for environmental justice communities. It identified the degree and
intensity of outreach and engagement initiatives emanating from local governments on
climate change and sea level rise adaptation. Expanding upon municipal governmental
efforts, this chapter continues top-down analysis by first analyzing how and to what extent
plans and policies for CCC and BCDC actively engage and incorporate environmental justice
communities in the governance process.
The next logical inquiry assumes the coastal zone collaborative governance process is
bidirectional, and thus so is environmental justice policymaking. Therefore, both a
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Maps in the case analysis section of this chapter depict the overlap of sea level rise vulnerabilities and
environmental justice communities. These maps show significant populations of environmental justice
communities along the Bay Area and Southern California coastline which will experience the
disproportionate impacts of sea level rise.
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practical and powerful vein of adjacent research seeks to understand what environmental
justice communities, organizations, and advocacy groups are doing to impact city planning.
Using a bottom-up political lens, this chapter leverages a synthesis of community
organizing strategies to tease out different modes of local activism around sea level rise
adaptation as a means to impact environmental justice policies. Across the eight California
coastal communities, there are meaningful differences in community organizing strategies
and how they influence environmental justice policy.
Results from investigating environmental justice grassroots activism and its impacts on
policymaking and implementation offer new insights into effective community organizing
s tr a te g ie s in C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l co m m u ni ti e s . I n a d d it io n to a u g m e nt in g th e p o l it ica l incorporation, representation, and collaborative governance literatures, organizing and
m o b il iz a ti o n a p p r o a ch e s p r o v e n s u cce s s f u l in C a l ifo r ni a ’s u r b a n g o v e r na nce e nvir o nm e nt s may be useful for other neighborhood groups seeking to persuade policymakers and
imprint on future legislation. For climate change and adaptation policy generally,
environmental justice organizations have left an equitable footprint. In several instances
detailed later in this chapter, community organizations in California have helped educate
legislators and directly impacted environmentally just public policy.
T h is s u g g e s ti o n is co ns is te nt w it h Ne w m a n e t a l . ’s (2 0 0 4 ) f in d in g s th a t co l l a b o r a ti v e g o v e r na nce d y na m ics c a n in h e r e nt l y l e a d to “ i ne q u a l it ie s o f p o w e r ” b e tw e e n o f f ici a l s a nd citizens, between statutory and voluntary organizations, and between local and state
governments.
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However, it is political organization and mobilization (social movement
theory), that can help open up political access and rebalance and disperse power
structures. The collaborative governance literature could undoubtedly benefit from
greater focus on social dimensions of community organizations and associated
relationships with officials and the policymaking process as a whole. Elwood (2015)
argues that community organizations may not even prioritize incorporation, as it may
disempower their plans and priorities as they become subsumed into official government
252
Newman, Janet, Marian Barnes, Helen Sullivan, and Andrew Knops. "Public participation and collaborative
governance." Journal of social policy 33, no. 2 (2004): 203-223.
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language that does not accurately reflect community needs.
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Elwood asserts that
community planning practices can intensify an d co m p l ica te te ns io n “ b e tw e e n
incorporation and autonomy that community organizations experience within
co l l a b o r a ti v e g o v e r na nce a p p r o a ch e s . ”
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To this end, what varieties of community
“ e m b e d d e d ne s s ” is p r e f e r a b l e f o r co m m u ni ty o r g a ni z a ti o ns ?
The notion collaborative governance often fails to analyze the role of political power and
inequality, in theory, practice and empirical research, is a common criticism.
255
In a recent
publication contributing to this discussion, Dobbin and Lubell (2019) argue that even in
collaborative governance settings where low-income communities and people of color are
incorporated, disparities in representation compared to affluent counterparts remain, and
sometimes even increase.
256
This chapter hopes to provide empirical analysis that
illuminates the possibility for incorporating environmental justice communities and goals
with collaborative governance in sea level rise adaptation.
This chapter first investigates the extent to which BCDC and CCC are currently
incorporating environmental justice communities in the planning and policymaking
process. Using a similar methodological approach to Chapter 3 for local coastal
governance, this analysis leans on interviews with state agency officials and Dedoose® to
systematically code coast and shoreline policies, plans, and programs to expose
environmental justice initiatives. There was a total of twenty-three interviews conducted,
through telephone and video communications, as well as face to face. Interviews include
officials and community organizing leaders from NOAA, BCDC, CCC, San Francisco,
Richmond, San Diego, Oakland, Los Angeles, Oxnard, San Clemente, and East Palo Alto.
257
253
Elwood, Sarah A. "GIS and collaborative urban governance: Understanding their implications for
community action and power." Urban Geography 22, no. 8 (2001): 737-759.
254
Elwood, Sarah A. "GIS and collaborative urban governance: Understanding their implications for
community action and power." Urban Geography 22, no. 8 (2001): 737-759
255
F o st e r , S h e i l a . 2 0 0 2 . “ E n v i r o n me n t a l Jus t i c e i n a n E r a o f D e v e l o p e d C o l l a bo r a t i o n . ” Harvard Environmental
Law Review 26: 459.
256
Dobbin, Kristin B., and Mark Lubell. "Collaborative Governance and Environmental Justice: Disadvantaged
Community Representation in California Sustainable Groundwater Management." Policy Studies
Journal (2019)
257
Please see Appendix H: Record of Interviews for further details.
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The results are shown through word clouds and accompanying interview narratives. This
chapter then transitions to an analysis of organizing strategies and capacities, policy goals,
and outcomes of environmental justice groups in the eight California coastal communities.
Finally, this chapter concludes with implications for future environmental justice
community political incorporation into the sea level rise adaptation process.
Through the Coastal Act and San Francisco Bay Plan, CCC and BCDC are both mandated by
law to ensure shoreline development reflects the most recent rising sea level concerns.
Compared to local governments, the state agencies have very different roles in sea level
rise adaptation planning and furthering environmental justice. For example, CCC and BCDC
are responsible for drafting guidance documents and principles, but they do not have a
formal role in writing city plans. The coastal zone management agencies are coordinating
organizations that facilitate collaboration across federal, state, regional, and local
governing bodies. CCC and BCDC are responsible for ensuring that local governments have
the requisite technical support and data for development coastal protection strategies. In a
s e ns e , th e a g e nci e s p l a y “ m id d l e - m a n, ” co n ne c ting stakeholders and educating local
p l a nn e r s o n “ b e s t p r a cti ce s ” f o r s e a l e v e l r is e a d a p ta ti o n a nd o th e r c o a s ta l z o ne management governance. As agents of the State of California, BCDC and CCC are required
to incorporate environmental justice concerns into policy.
Evidence shows that both agencies have policies within the Coastal Act and SF Bay Plan, as
well as other planning archives, that incorporate environmental justice concerns
throughout. For CCC, the SLR Guidance includes a specific section on consideration of
environmental justice and vulnerable communities that at the very least suggests
adaptation to sea level rise for these communities will be more difficult than more affluent
neighborhoods. More recently, in March 2019, CCC adopted its first Environmental Justice
Policy that includes a statement of principles on climate change, increased sensitivity to
rising seas, and consideration for permitting and planning decisions. While BCDC is
currently working to ad o p t m o r e p o l ici e s r e l a te d to e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce , “ v u l ne r a b l e co m m u ni ti e s ” a r e r e f e r e nce d in B a y P l a n Cl im a t e C h a ng e , F in d in g “ N. ”
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It should be noted, however, that many environmental justice communities do not wish to
b e co ns id e r e d “ v u l ne r a b l e . ” H o w t he term is conceptualized may ultimately impact
decision-making and risk evaluation. Social vulnerability is a much broader umbrella than
environmental justice and can lead to policymakers failing to consider important facets of
environmental justice when evaluating sea level rise risks (such as cumulative adverse
impacts). For example, conducting outreach to vulnerable communities could mean
reaching out to the senior citizen retirement community, which does have high social
vulnerability for various reasons, but ultimately is very different than an environmental
justice community that has been historically marginalized by government and already is
exposed to disproportionately high adverse environmental impacts.
RESEARCH DESIGN
Much of the methodology u s e d in C h a p te r 3 f o r th e e ig h t c o a s ta l cit ie s ’ p l a nn in g d o cu m e nt s carries over to this chapter, with one primary exception. In this chapter for the BCDC and
CCC analyses, word clouds are used for text visualization as opposed to tree maps. Word
clouds are used to depict the data coded in Dedoose®. These word clouds demonstrate the
relative occurrence of coding themes. The location and placement of the environmental
justice themes are not relevant, but the sizes of the words are representative of relative
occurrence. In addition to word cloud analyses from Dedoose®, BCDC and CCC officials
were interviewed on multiple occasions. The expressive and considerable nature of these
interviews led to stronger narratives, which elicited information and anecdotes that are
otherwise unavailable in planning documents and public record. The following section
analyzes provisions of environmen ta l j u s ti ce in C a l ifo r ni a ’s tw o co a s ta l z o ne m a na g e m e nt agencies, with express attention given to political incorporation, engagement and outreach,
obstacles, and leadership dynamics as it relates to environmental justice policies and
communities. The fol l o w in g in q u ir ie s g u id e d th is ch a p te r ’s r e s e a r ch :
To what extent are BCDC and CCC incorporating environmental justice communities in the
planning and policymaking processes? What is the extent of environmental justice-focused
community organizing around sea level rise adaptation? What are the different
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environmental justice community organizing approaches around sea level rise adaptation,
and how does the variation in organizing strategies impact community incorporation into the
SF Bay shoreline and California coastline land-use planning and permitting process?
PROVISIONS OF ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE AT CCC AND BCDC
“ G o v e r nm e nt is o f te n co nce p tu a l i z e d b y co m m u ni ty s ta k e h o l d e r s o r m e m b e r s o f th e p u b l ic
a s j u s t “ g o v e r nm e nt , ” r e g a r d l e s s o f w h e th e r it is l o ca l , r e g io na l , s ta te , o r f e d e r a l , ” s a id a director at BCDC. Multi-level governance, however, has very different roles for sea level
rise adaptation and environmental justice, determined largely by statutory authority and
other factors affecting regulation and planning of local land use development. As described
in the introduction of this chapter, state agencies play very different parts in sea level rise
adaptation planning and furthering environmental justice compared to local governments.
BCDC and CCC have shared values and consensus around sea level rise adaptation and
environmental justice, but do not have the legal clout or necessary enforcement
mechanisms to carry out policy implementation. This assessment is consistent with
interview data from a BCDC f e l l o w : “ T h e r e ’s o nl y s o m u c h im p l e m e nt a ti o n w e ca n d o . P o l icy e xe cu ti o n o ccu r s l o ca l l y . ”
A cco r d in g t o o ne B C DC p l a nn e r , “ Wh il e m a ny o f th e s a m e co ns id e r a ti o ns a nd p r in cip l e s should be adhered to for how we consider equitable adaptation, the way we can implement
th e m v a r ie s s ig ni f ica nt l y . ” F o r e xa m p l e , s ta te a g e ncie s a r e o f te n reviewing, or funding
projects and plans but much of the decision-making and project design or planning
happens before it reaches BCDC or CCC. Early coordination is generally encouraged, but
rarely the case. Under the Coastal Act, Local Coastal Programs (LCPs) must be approved by
C C C o r B C DC . L C P s co ns i s te nt o f “ land use plan (LUP) which may be the relevant portion
of the local general plan, including any maps necessary to administer it, and the zoning
ordinances, zoning district maps, and other legal instruments necessary to implement the
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land use plan .”
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C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l m a na g e m e nt p r o g r a m is s u p p o s e d to b e im p l e m e nt e d through a partnership between state and local governments. In practice, however, the buck
stops with local governments, as they are responsible for issuing development permits.
C C C ’s u p d a te to it s Sea Level Rise Policy Guidance and recent adoption of its Environmental
Justice Policy offer explicit evidence of its commitment to equitable climate adaptation. The
cr u x o f C C C ’s e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce p o l icy is th r o u g h ca r e f u l p l a nn in g , “ s tr o ng p u b l ic p a r ti cip a ti o n, e d u ca ti o n, a nd e f f e cti v e in te r g o v e r nm e nt a l c o o r d in a ti o n. ”
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These
fundamental pillars are evident in Figure 1: California Coastal Commission Environmental
Justice Word Cloud. Themes such as access, equitable, and inclusion, which are pronounced
in the word cloud, were also evident in interviews. One program ana l y s t no te d : “ We ’r e r e a l l y f o cu s e d o n m e a ni ng f u l e ng a g e m e nt . We ’r e tr y in g to id e nt ify o u t r e a ch s tr a te g ie s th a t w il l w o r k t o m a k e co a s ta l p l a nn in g m o r e e q u it a b l e . ” T h e e m p h a s is o n e nvir o nm e nt a l justice focused sea level rise adaptation is incentivized to local governments. CCC
encourages local governments with LCP planning grants to conduct outreach to
environmental justice stakeholders and communities.
To build consensus among other partners, CCC staff will often work with local government
partners, applicants, tribes, and environmental justice stakeholders to understand various
issues early in the planning or permit application process. If consensus is not reached,
o p p o r tu ni t ie s f o r p u b l ic co m m e nt a nd te s ti m o ny a l s o a r e a v a il a b l e d u r in g C C C ’s p u b l ic hearings. One coastal planner at CCC, insinuating that CCC is leading the charge on
environmental justice planning, said,
“ C C C ’s E J p o l icy in cl u d e s s ta te m e nt o f p r in cip l e s , p a r ti cu l a r l y a r o u nd m e a ni ng f u l engagement, accountability, and transparency, and an implementation section that
lays out goals and actions for the Commission to integrate environmental justice in
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C o a st a l C o mm i ssi o n . “ O u r M i ssi o n : P r o t e c t i n g & E n h a n c i n g C a l i f o r n i a 's C o a st . ” c o a st a l . c a . g o v . C a l i f o r n i a Coastal Commission. https://www.coastal.ca.gov/whoweare.html.
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C o a st a l C o mm i ssi o n . “ E n v i r o n me n t a l Jus t i c e & S o c i a l E q u i t y . ” c o a st a l . c a . g o v . California Coastal
Commission. https://www.coastal.ca.gov/env-justice/#about.
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its decision-making process. The goal of the policy is to help the process improve so
that there are fewer barriers for environmental justice communities to the
C o m m is s io n’s d e cis io n -making process and that outcomes achieve environmental
justice or equitable distribution of benefits or burdens when they cannot be
m it ig a te d . ”
As the word cloud for CCC illuminates, environmental justice initiatives are
indistinguishable from sea level rise planning, woven throughout all adaptation guidelines
and strategic plans.
Figure 1: California Coastal Commission Environmental Justice World Cloud
Evident in California Coastal Commission Environmental Justice Word Cloud, and reiterated
through interview data, is that CCC does not have targeted outreach on sea level rise,
disaster preparedness, or flooding in environmental justice neighborhoods. This is a key
distinction from BCDC, as BCDC relies on the ART initiative to conduct public engagement
efforts with local environmental justice communities. The implications for collaborative
governance, then, are that relying on an intermediary (such as ART) for coordination
efforts between government agencies and communities to establish planning approaches
may be the most effective avenue for political incorporation. ART includes constituents in
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its adaptation efforts, so the initiative has built trust within the environmental justice
communities.
CCC does, however, fund various LCP grants to support public engagement. Staff members
attend various local events to give presentations on sea level rise or engage with
stakeholders in the decision-making process. CCC meetings are open to the public, and as
o f th e l a s t f e w y e a r s , ca n a l s o b e s tr e a m e d f o r f r e e o nl in e . C C C ’s p u b l ic e d u ca ti o n p r o g r a m provides resources on sea level rise for teachers. Recent rounds of LCP grants have funded
sea level rise planning initiatives that incorporate a requirement for the local governments
to conduct targeted public engagement of environmental justice communities. Currently,
the CCC is partnering with OPC, BCDC, and the Coastal Conservancy for a sea level rise
public outreach and communications effort. Details of the effort are still being developed,
but environmentally just sea level rise adaptation planning is trending in the right direction
to incorporate the communities it will impact the most.
BCDC officials have also stressed challenges associated with implementation due to legal
l im it a ti o ns . A c o a s ta l p l a nn e r f o r B C DC a ck no w l e d g e d th a t “ B C DC ’s im p l e m e nt a ti o n o f it s climate change policies can be very reactive and on project-by- p r o j e ct b a s i s . ” I n a no n -
regulatory sense, B C DC ’s A RT te a m is p r o v id in g te ch ni ca l s tu d ie s a nd a s s e s s m e nt s r e l a t e d to sea level rise vulnerability and adaptation but has no legal authority or role to
implement them. Th e S F B a y P l a n’s C l im a te C h a ng e P o l icy 7 s ti p u l a te s th a t u nt il a r e g io na l sea level rise adaptation approach is completed, BCDC must also evaluate each
environmental justice associated project on a case-by-case basis. According to a director at
BCDC, the agency is currently in the earliest stages of a regional sea level rise adaptation
plan. BCDC has begun coordinating communication across local and regional governments
but drafting of the regional adaptation plan has not started.
While CCC has not reached out to communities itself, staff support local governments in
conducting outreach and evaluate local social vulnerability and environmental justice
concerns through the LCP planning grants and ongoing partnerships with local
governments in the planning process. Through LCP grant rounds, staff included specific
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criteria on consideration of environmental justice and meaningful engagement of
environmental justice communities. CCC has an environmental justice team that is working
on implementing its recently adopted environmental justice policy. Specific goals and
actions are included in the implementation section of the policy and will be integrated into
th e C C C ’s u p co m in g s tr a te g ic p l a n. T h e e nvir o n m e nt a l j u s ti ce te a m w o r k s in a l l a r e a s o f th e C C C ’s w o r k a n d coordinates with the sea level rise team.
B C DC ’s A RT p r o g r a m h a s cr e a te d r e g io na l c o m m u ni ty in d ict o r s f o r f l o o d r is k . T h e s e indicators include both socioeconomic factors and contamination factors. This work has
in f o r m e d B C DC ’s p r o p o s e d a m e nd m e nt to th e B a y P l a n o n e nvir o n m e nt a l j u s ti ce a nd s o cia l equity. BCDC relies on its NOAA 309 grant from 2018 to work on developing
environmental justice policies but has little other available resources to allocate toward the
issue. Figure 2: BCDC Environmental Justice Word Cloud depicted below shows the
diffe r e nce b e tw e e n C C C a nd B C DC ’s e n v ir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce p r o v is io ns , w h e r e e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce a p p e a r e d m o r e th a n t w o ti m e s a s m u ch in C C C ’s p o l icy d o cu m e nt s a s compared to BCDC, respectively. However, BCDC references incorporation, community,
and access sign ifica nt l y m o r e th a n C C C , w h ich r e f l e cts B C DC ’s co m m it m e nt to im p r o v in g environmental justice outreach through the ART initiative.
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Figure 2: BCDC Environmental Justice World Cloud
For BCDC, staff have published a background report detailing proposed policy amendments
on environmental justice and social equity, aimed at the intersection of environmental
justice communities and sea level rise. Moreover, the ART program is conducting the first
nine-county regional scale sea level rise vulnerability assessment and adaptation planning
process, aimed at identifying multi-benefit adaptation strategies to increase the resilience
of Bay Area environmental justice communities to rising sea levels and flooding. A coastal
p l a nn e r a t B C DC , d e s cr ib in g h o w th e s e r e p o r ts w il l b e im p l e m e nt e d , s a id , “ d e s p it e historical challenges, coordination with local governments and other regional and state
agencies will be essential in the implementation of the Environmental Justice Bay Plan
amendment. Cross-sector and agency collaboration and coordination will be a major key to
a n e f f e cti v e r e g io na l s e a l e v e l r is e a d a p ta ti o n p l a n. ” I nd e e d , s im il a r t o e v id e nce th a t
collaborative governance improves environmental justice initiatives for local governments,
the same appears to be true for state agencies. In fact, effective collaborative governance
may lead to political incorporation for environmental justice communities within coastal
zone management.
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C C C ’s s e a l e v e l r is e te a m g ive s various talks and participates in local events and workshops
to discuss sea level rise impacts. Staff provide review and guidance on environmental
justice and sea level rise for local government staff and other applicants. Staff also provide
information through interagency coordination with other state agencies, such as Caltrans,
on sea level rise. Additionally, CCC staff has a list of environmental justice stakeholders that
have been developed as part of efforts to increase information sharing to historically
underrepresented communities. When other agencies or private sector stakeholders are
working on projects with impacts to environmental justice communities, including work on
sea level rise vulnerability assessments or adaptation plans, staff share local environmental
justice stakeholder lists to encourage the partner to engage these groups and communities
in the planning process. This is another example of CCC not necessarily conducting
outreach themselves, but assisting community engagement efforts in other ways. State
agency outreach strategies are important, but promoting local leadership to incorporate
politically disadvantaged communities may prove to have the most impactful results.
Similar to findings across local governments, CCC staff has limited capacity (staff, time, and
money) to conduct meaningful engagement with environmental justice community groups
who are not active in the CCC decision making process. Moreover, many environmental
justice groups may not be aware of how the sea level ris e a nd C C C ’s a cti o ns h a v e im p a cte d them in the past, currently impact them, or will impact them in the future. According to
interview data with a Coastal Program Analyst with expertise in environmental justice
is s u e s , “ th e y m a y b e a w a r e o f o r d o no t f e e l w e l co m e to p a r t ici p a te in th e p r o ce s s . ” C C C staff are working towards building relationships with environmental justice communities
in o r d e r t o m o r e p r o a cti v e l y e ng a g e s ta k e h o l d e r s . T h e a na l y s t co nt in u e d , “ th e r e a r e barriers to cooperation because of how the decision-making process occurs. Meetings may
be at times or locations that people cannot attend. Lack of childcare and food might be
prohibitive if during non-working hours. Materials and information might be inaccessible
because of language or not in p l a in E ng l is h , w it h o v e r l y te ch ni ca l j a r g o n. ” A s a l e a d e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce co a s ta l p l a nn e r w it h C C C s u ccinctl y p u t it , “ T h e r e is a l a ck o f ca p a cit y on both ends. Neither communities nor government agencies have the requisite resources
to bridge the gap .”
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In regard to the nature and extent of public engagement on sea level rise adaptation with
e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce co m m u ni t ie s , a B C DC p l a nn e r s a id , “ We h a v e no t f o u n d s u cce s s reaching environmental justice communities. Part of the problem is that climate change,
sea level rise, and other future hazards are not often framed within daily life and are not
connected to their lived experience, but are instead framed as complex technical and
f u tu r is ti c is s u e s . ” L ike C C C , B C DC a l s o h a s l im it e d r e s o u r ce s and staff to conduct critical
outreach and engagement initiatives with environmental justice communities.
A d d it io na l l y , b a r r ie r s a r is e o u t o f B C DC ’s r o l e . BCDC is one of several permitting agencies
and is typically at the end of the entitlement process, often after input can be meaningfully
incorporated. BCDC also has limited authority and jurisdiction over issues related to
environmental justice. Of the aforementioned limitations, resource deficits undoubtedly
have the greatest impact on effective collaborative governance for sea level rise adaptation.
While there are indeed regulatory obstacles for coastal zone management implementation,
these are sufficient conditions for environmental justice community incorporation. As long
as environmental justice is a strategic priority for California, its state agencies, and local
governments alike, then fiscal and human resources are a significant missing necessary
condition for environmental justice community incorporation.
Data from interviews and document analyses suggest that while CCC has leadership in
support of this environmental justice, stronger leadership is required at all levels of
government, with many local governments trailing behind state and regional governance:
“ P o l it ics , f r a g m e nt e d p l a nn in g and permitting processes among multiple agencies,
limitations of existing statutes, and limited capacity of public agencies are often barriers to
f u r th e r in g e nvir o nm e nt a l l y j u s t s e a l e v e l r is e p l a nn in g . ” I n a d d it i o n, co m p e ti n g in te r e s ts such as local versus state, residents versus non-residents, make reaching a consensus and
prioritizing adaptation strategies challenging. There is a serious need for more meaningful
engagement of stakeholders and environmental justice community members who have less
political power and access to the decision-making process. This can be supported by
making the decision-making process less complicated.
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Finally, CCC and BCDC lack statutory and regulatory authority to enforce and require
environmental justice considerations that are consistent with environmentally sustainable
development. This duty remains with local coastal governments. Limited authority and
jurisdiction with fragmented regulation among multiple agencies, with different
consideration of impacts, makes the process complex and tricky to ensure that
environmental justice is being achieved. In general, planning processes take time and
resources. Thus, funding is an obstacle for many, if not most jurisdictions, as well as politics
and competing priorities for planning on limited budget. Competing stakeholder interests
and reaching a consensus may take many years, which increases the time to get plans
approved, adopted, and then implemented. As one prominent community organizer put it,
“ C o a s ta l is s u e s a r e typi ca l l y not associated with marginalized communities and the body of
public information about sea level rise adaptation includes few clear examples of how to
in co r p o r a te s o cia l e q u it y c o nce r ns . ” E nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce co m m u ni ty in co r p o r a ti o n requires collaboration, resources, and proper enforcement mechanisms.
COMMUNITY ORGANIZING
After in-depth analyses on how local governments and state agencies are incorporating
environmental justice communities in the sea level rise adaptation governance process,
this dissertation now pivots to community organizing and its impacts on environmentally
just coastal zone policies. To reiterate, most environmental justice literature and
community organizations focus on reactive solutions to systemic, historic injustices –
predominantly associated with environmental risks on health. Whether the Flint, Michigan
water crisis, Hurricane Katrina, or hazardous waste sites near environmental justice
communities, attention to environmental health disparities are often the result of
emergencies. Low-income and communities of color are often preoccupied with trying to
make ends meet, concentrating on issues that impact their daily lives, with community
organizations seeking retribution for past and existing inequalities. According to interview
data, if local and state governments lack the time, economic, and human capacities to
develop and implement equitable adaptation policies, then how could environmental
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justice communities, those with the least economic capital, be expected to mobilize and
fight for solutions that may not impact them for years? This is the catch twenty-two with
community organizing around sea level rise adaptation.
This section first revisits and builds on the introductory literature review. The
overwhelming majority of results in the environmental justice, community organizing, and
political representation literatures have found that the most effective means for historically
marginalized communities in the United States (black, Latino, and low-income in
particular) to gain access to the political process is through local activism and community
organizing. Similar to the inequitable distribution and provision of services in policy
sectors such as low-income housing and health disparities, community organizing for
environmental injustices is the most effective mechanism for political incorporation.
Social capital, a term with an ambiguous and contested meaning in the political science
literature, is used in this section on community organizing to mean a network of
relationships that help constituents or communities reach their needs and goals. Building
social capital with elites, those with economic, social, and/or political influence, is an
important resource for marginalized communities seeking to further political
incorporation. Moreover, inclusive planning, or drawing on local knowledge, has also been
found to heighten environmental justice community participation in the political process.
Because community members generally trust neighborhood and community organizations
more than local elected officials, and therefore theoretically use environmental justice
groups as liaisons to best represent their interests, it follows that active political
engagement among community groups and local governments will lead to more proactive
environmental justice initiatives in coastal zone management that reflect community
needs.
Before delving into the extent of environmental-justice focused community organizing
around sea level rise, it is paramount to explain several dynamics associated with
C a l ifo r ni a ’s co m m u ni ty o r g a ni z a ti o ns . J u s t a s o f te n a r b it r a r y p o l i ti ca l b o u n d a r ie s ig no r e
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the realities of climate change and sea level rise, community organizations also have fluid
geographical, political, and social networks. In California, many of the issues impacting
environmental justice communities, and thus community organizing efforts, are regional, if
not state or nationwide. For example, affordable housing, economic development,
workforce training – these are all central to community organizing efforts that go beyond
one neighborhood, city, or even region. The nature of organizing groups is that there is a
confluence of interests across multiple neighborhoods and coalitions.
The implications for this research, then, is that community organizations cannot be neatly
defined as belonging to one municipality or another, as being focused on one social
injustice, or another. Rather, most, if not all of the community organizations in California,
and thus the cases in this study, are multi-issue organizations. They cannot be
characterized as only environmental justice groups. Organizing alliances are constantly
evolving, with changes linked to time, geography, and alignment around relevant issues.
These community groups were assigned to coastal municipalities based on factors such as
headquarter location and where most organizing efforts occur. Please see Appendix B:
Community Organizing Methodology for more details.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND RESULTS
An encompassing model for community organizing strategies and capacities serves as the
underlying theoretical framework for this section of the dissertation. Building on the
Rotham (1968, 1996, 2001), Smock (2004), Alinksy (1971), Minkler et al. (2008) and
F r e u d e nb e r g ’s (2 0 0 8 ) m o d els referenced in the introduction, this study incorporates
collaborative governance and environmental justice specific dimensions such as political
incorporation and equitable policy outcomes. This research originally intended to analyze
variation in environmental justice community organizing around sea level rise. The results
were unforgiving. There were zero environmental justice groups found that had initiated
mobilization efforts around sea level rise. The few community groups with any sea level
rise dimension emanated from top-down engagement efforts by state agencies. Literacy
for Environmental Justice San Francisco and Nuestra Casa de East Palo Alto were both
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selected by BCDC to participate in the drafting of the Environmental Justice Amendment in
the SF Bay Plan, but there were no previous internal efforts to organize around the issue.
The follow section provides brief historical samples of environmental justice activity for
each coastal municipality. It then analyzes dimensions of community organizing for
environmental justice within collaborative governance frameworks for sixteen
environmental justice-focused community organizations in coastal California.
Table 1: Rising Seas and Environmental Justice Community Organizing
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Table 1, continued: Rising Seas and Environmental Justice Community Organizing
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Richmond, California (BCDC)
Image 1: Sea Level Rise Vulnerability and Environmental Justice Community Overlap Map of
Richmond, CA
Environmental justice groups have been active in the Richmond area since the late 1980s.
Still, environmental justice activism has not intersected with sea level rise adaptation at the
m u ni cip a l l e v e l in Rich m o nd . L e d b y T h e We s t C o u nt y T o xics C o a l it io n, Rich m o n d ’s citizens have been fighting corporate (namely Chevron) hazardous industrial chemical
accidents for over 30 years. In its victory, the West County Toxics Coalition relied on
community power, identity, and participation to mobilize thousands of local citizens
around the pollution problem. In addition, West County Toxics Coalition partnered with
Communities for a Better Environment (CBE), an environmental group based in San
Francisco Bay Area, to aid with scientific assistance and expertise. CBE has had direct input
o n Rich m o nd ’s G e ne r a l a nd E ne r g y a nd C l i m a te A cti o n P l a ns , a nd h a s w o r k e d in th e
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community for over 20 years.
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CBE attends city council meetings and has built strong
social and organizational networks with Richmond officials to further advance the
co m m u ni ty m e m b e r s ’ p o l it ica l in c o r p o r a ti o n. T h e r e a r e s e v e r a l o th e r a cti v e co m m u ni ty groups in the area, but none of them have a focus on incorporation into the sea level rise
adaptation planning process.
O ne e xpl a na ti o n s u g g e s te d b y Rich m o nd ’s p l a nn e r s is th a t “ b e c a u s e B C DC e xpl ici tl y incentivizes our community projects incorporate environmental justice initiatives in our
a d a p ta ti o n p l a ns , w e h a v e n’t f e l t u r g e ncy to co nd u ct o u tr e a ch o n th e is s u e . ” I nd e e d , Rich m o n d ’s cit y p l a nn e r s h a v e e m p h a s iz e d in co r p o r a ti ng e nvir o n m e nt a l j u s ti ce communities into the planning process through active community engagement, outreach,
and e d u ca ti o n p r o g r a m s , b u t no t f o r s e a l e v e l r is e . Rich m o nd ’s E ne r g y a nd C l im a te A cti o n P l a n s p e cifica l l y r e f e r e nce s p a r tn e r s h ip w it h th e Ric h m o nd ’s E nvir o nm e nt a l J u s ti ce Coalition in the drafting and development process. According to one city planner, these
victories show evidence of environmental justice communities not only participating in the
collaborative governance process, but also the adoption of policies that address group
interests. Despite progress to reconcile past environmental injustices in Richmond from
hazardous waste accidents, sea level rise adaptation planning at the city level has also yet
to fully incorporate advocacy groups and neighborhood coalitions.
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“ Ri c h mo n d . ” C B E A d v o c a t e s f o r a Jus t Tr a n si t i o n f r o m F o ssi l F u e l s t o B u i l d i n g a N e w H e a l t h i e r a n d Thriving Economy. Communities for a Better Environment. https://www.cbecal.org/organizing/northern-
california/richmond/.
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San Diego, CA (CCC)
Image 2: Sea Level Rise Vulnerability and Environmental Justice Community Overlay Map of San
Diego, CA
T h r o u g h m o b il iz a ti o n e f f o r ts a nd l e v e r a g in g l o c a l m e d ia , S a n Die g o ’s E nvir o nm e nt a l H e a l th Coalition (EHC) has helped spark an uproar in the Barrio Logan community about
environmental justice ini ti a ti v e s in th e a r e a . T h e C o a l it io n’s p r im a r y g o a l is to f i g h t e nvir o nm e nt a l r a cis m , d e f in e d a s “ policies and activities of governments, corporations,
educational institutions or other large organizations with the power to influence many
people that, either intentionally or unintentionally, result in people of color and/or low
income people being exposed to greater environmental hazards. ”
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EHC has a long history
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“ W h o W e A r e . ” E n v i r o n me n t a l H e a l t h C o a l i t i o n . https://www.environmentalhealth.org/index.php/en/who-we-are.
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of work in the San Diego Bay and San Diego Port, including securing a ban on toxic chemical
fumigation.
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E H C ’s p r im a r y co m m u ni ty o r g a ni z in g s tr e ng th is it s l o ng s ta nd in g a nd consistent leadership team with savvy political skills. In addition, ECH has relied on formal
political tactics such as government lobbying to navigate complex political terrain and
achieve environmental justice goals. To date, this focus has not encompassed sea level rise
adaptation, but rather the relationship between race, income, pollution, and health,
particularly the disposal of hazardous waste in environmental justice neighborhoods.
The second San Diego-based community organization, Groundwork San Diego Chollas
Creek, has built partnerships with city council and the California Energy Commission to
educate the community on climate change mitigation and adaptation. Furthering their
strategy to expand on social and organizational networks, Ground Work San Diego has
bridged horizontal linkages with the University of California San Diego and San Diego
Unified School District to create a new approach to participatory climate action. This
adaptation initiative includes learning through experiential science and environmental
literacy.
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Through vertical and horizontal coordination, Groundwork San Diego embodies
how environmental justice community organizations can become embedded in
collaborative governance for climate adaptation. Groundwork San Diego also employs a
community empowerment strategy, connecting families and youth with policy leaders and
elected officials around equity concerns.
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“ P o r t o f S a n D i e g o . ” e n v i r o n me n t a l h e a l t h . o r g . E n v i r o n m e n t a l H e a l t h C o a l i t i o n . https://www.environmentalhealth.org/index.php/en/where-we-work/san-diego-region/port-of-san-diego.
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“ I mp a c t . ” g r o u n d w o r d sa n d i e g o . o r g . G r o u n d w o r k S a n D i e g o – Chollas Creek.
https://groundworksandiego.org/impact/.
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“ I mp a c t . ” g r o u n d w o r d sa n d i e g o . o r g . G r o u n d w ork San Diego – Chollas Creek.
https://groundworksandiego.org/impact/.
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Oakland, CA (BCDC)
Image 3: Sea Level Rise Vulnerability and Environmental Justice Community Overlay Map of Oakland,
CA
Oakland has a strong and active history of environmental justice activism. The West
Oakland Environmental Indicators Project (WOEIP) was a resident, community-based
environmental justice organization that measured air quality in the area. WOEIP received
f u nd in g f r o m t h e E P A ’s f o r m e r C o m m u n it y A cti o n f o r a Re ne w e d E nvir o nm e nt (C A RE ) Program, which suggests high organizational and political skills among organizers. The
WO E I P ’s r e s u l ts w e r e e v e nt u a l l y p u b l is h e d in tw o C o m m u ni ty -Based Participatory
Research reports. The founder and director for WOEIP has leveraged strong community
identity and participation to advance environmental justice, including empowerment
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through problem-solving and hands-on training.
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Innovative among peer organizations,
WOEIP has just released a collaborative climate adaptation model that includes disaster
preparedness outreach and education for predicted sea level rise and resilience for
flooding.
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The Greenlining Institute, an Oakland based organization, is focused on policy, research,
organizing, and leadership for economic, health, and climate injustices. The Greenlining
Coalition boasts the oldest and most diverse coalition of Asian/Pacific Islander, Black, and
community leaders in the United States, including over 50 coalition members. Greenlining
has built national organizing communities that collaborate and share resources to impact
e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce . T h e ir s o l u ti o ns in c l u d e a f o cu s o n ta r g e ti n g “ d e cis io n -makers in the
California state legislature, local, state, and federal government agencies, and private
corporations in key parts of our economy, including energy, the environment, financial
s e r v ic e s , te ch no l o g y , a nd h e a l th . ”
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In 2017, Greenlining has joined the Climate Justice
Working Group (CJWG) in the Bay Area. CJWG organizes for climate resilience efforts,
including sea level rise adaptation and its impacts on disadvantaged communities.
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Ne e d l e s s to s a y , e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce is a k e y te ne t in O a k l a nd ’s cit y f a b r ic, w it h m a ny more active neighborhood coalitions and social organizations. Oakland is one of the few
cases in this research that incorporates environmental justice communities in sea level rise
adaptation planning, exemplifying effective collaborative governance.
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“ W e st O a kl a n d E n v i r o n me n t a l I n d i c a t o r s P r o j e c t : C i t i ze n E n g a g e me n t t o M e a su r e a n d I mp r o v e A i r Q u a l i t y . ” o b a m a w h i t e h o u se . a r c h i v e s. g o v . The W h i t e H o u s e . https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/blog/2013/06/26/west-oakland-environmental-indicators-project-
citizen-engagement-measure-and-improve.
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“ W e st O a kl a n d E n v i r o n me n t a l I n d i c a t o r s P r o j e c t . ” W e st O a kl a n d E n v i r o n me n t a l I n d i c a t o r s P r o j e c t . https://education.ucdavis.edu/sites/main/files/file-
attachments/margaret_gordon_woeip_overview_slides.pdf.
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“ O u r M i ssi o n & H i st o r y . ” g r e e n l i n i n g . o r g . The G r e e n l i n i n g I n st i t u t e . h t t p s: / / g r e e n l i n i n g . o r g / a bo u t / o u r -
mission-history/.
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“ C l i m a t e Re si l i e n c e . ” g r e enlining.org. The Greenlining Institute. https://greenlining.org/our-
work/environmental-equity/climate-resilience/.
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Oxnard
Image 4: Sea Level Rise Vulnerability and Environmental Justice Community Overlay Map of Oxnard,
CA
With over 80% of residents people of color, Oxnard is the largest and most diverse city in
the central coast region, and has a long history of community organizing. Unlike many
affluent communities along the coastline, Oxnard has been industrialized by power plants,
factories, Naval Bases, and toxic dumping sites.
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The Central Coast Alliance United for a
Sustainable Economy (CAUSE) and CEJA have tried to raise awareness for natural gas
power plants located near Latino and immigrant families in Oxnard, but the Ventura
County Planning Commission has permitted the projects to proceed. The State of California
assigned this community a score of 100 for pesticides, 97 for impaired water, and the 91
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“ O x n a r d . ” c a u se n o w . o r g . C e n t r a l C o a st A l l i a n c e U n i t e d f o r A S u st a i n a bl e E c o n o my . https://causenow.org/content/oxnard.
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percentile for pollution burden.
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However, CAUSE has also organized successfully in the
area, beating major polluting and oil gas projects through grassroots, community-based
mobilization strategies for environmental justice. CAUSE also utilized legal and scientific
e xpe r ti s e to cr it ici z e C C C ’ s s e a l e v e l r is e g u id a nce p o l icy f o r it s l a ck o f e nvir o nm e nt a l justice provisions through public review processes.
C l im a te F ir s t: Re p l a cin g O i l a nd G a s (C F R O G ) a r e V e nt u r a C o u n ty’s e nvir o nm e nt a l watchdogs. CFROG partnered with legal experts, scientists, and organizers to contribute to
V e nt u r a C o u nt y ’s 2 0 4 0 G e ne r a l P l a n DR A F T , w h ich i ncl u d e s e f f o r ts to a d a p t to th e f u tu r e threats of rising seas.
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CFROG is comprised of a strong leadership and advisory board,
and does not rely on community mobilization tactics to the same extent of other
environmental justice organizations in this dissertation. Of all the cases studies, Oxnard
was the least prepared for the effects of sea level rise and there were no findings associated
with a link between environmental justice and adaptation planning in the city itself.
Instead, Oxnard relies on environmental justice organizations with overlapping or broad
jurisdictions, such as CFROG and CAUSE that operate regionally a nd w o r k w it h O xna r d ’s communities on a case by case basis.
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“ V e n t u r a C o u n t y 's E n v i r o n me n t a l W a t c h d o g . ” Ventura County's Environmental Watchdog, July 23, 2019.
https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/cfrog/pages/599/attachments/original/1563811243/Renaissaanc
e_Petroleum_fact_sheet.pdf?1563811243
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Ventura County General Plan 2040. Retrieved from https://vc2040.org.
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Vallejo
Image 5: Sea Level Rise Vulnerability and Environmental Justice Community Overlay Map of Vallejo,
CA
Fresh Air Vallejo is relatively new, resident-led environmental justice organization that
helped defeat the Vallejo Marine Terminal and Orcem Project in May, 2019. Fresh Air
Vallejo benefited from social and organizational ties to other Bay Area community
organizations such as Communities for a Better Environment, CEJA, and UC Davis
Environmental Justice Project. Collective community organizing efforts also led to Vallejo
investing in private consulting analyses on environmental justice impacts for the project.
Indeed, Land Economics Consultants LLC prepared for the City of Vallejo an Environmental
Justice Analysis (2017) to understand the disproportionate effects on minority and low-
income populations of the Vallejo Marine Terminal and Orcem Project. Community
empowerment and local expertise have helped Fresh Air Vallejo gain political
incorporation in the city planning process. For example, many community members
contributed to Propel Vallejo, a climate adaptation vision. In addition, the environmental
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justice-based community organization has recently focused its attention to establishing an
Environmental Justice Policy in Vallejo that will guide all future planning decisions.
272
To
date, Fresh Air Vallejo has not integrated sea level rise adaptation into its strategic
priorities.
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“ H o me . ” f r e sh a i r v a l l e j o . c o m. F r e sh A i r V a l l e j o . h t t p :/ / f r e sh a i r v a l l e j o . c o m/ .
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Long Beach
Image 6: Sea Level Rise Vulnerability and Environmental Justice Community Overlay Map of Long
Beach, CA
The environmental justice organizing culture in Long Beach, similar to the majority of
environmental justice groups, is focused on environmental health and the disproportionate
negative impacts of industrial pollution on low-income and minority communities. The
East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice (EYCEJ) is a community-based
organization with arms that extend to the Long Beach area. EYCEJ, established in 2001 to
combat health impacts related to industrial pollution in Los Angeles communities, uses
grassroots organizing and community empowerment methods such as leadership training
to impact environmental justice policies. EYCEJ also works in collaboration with local and
state officials to influence policy. In 2018, Greenpeace partnered with EYCEJ to highlight
the negative impacts that refineries, oil drilling and freight transport have on the low-
income communities of color that surround the Port of Long Beach. This evidence, though
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tangential, was the only finding in Long Beach of environmental justice organizations
intersecting with sea level rise adaptation and was not present in municipal planning
documents.
Green Education is Long Beach based non-profit that works to create green sustainable
neighborhoods in environmental justice communities. Green Education has yet to organize
around sea level rise concerns. However, the community organization directs outreach and
educational programs for low-income communities of color on how to transform
neighborhoods into energy efficient. Green Education also hosts an Annual Green Price
Festival, the largest Earth Day festival in Southern California.
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The festival includes
outreach and engagement strategies such as community workshops, education through
guest speakers and demonstrations, and green urban farming. Green education leverages
relationships with attorneys, consultants, and other professional experts to help drive
environmental justice communities forward.
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“ O u r M i ssi o n & V i si o n . ” g r e e n e d u c a t i o n i n c . o r g . G r e e n E d u c a t i o n , I n c . h t t p :/ / g r e e n e d u c a t i o n i n c . o r g / o u r -
mission-vision/.
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San Francisco
Image 7: Sea Level Rise Vulnerability and Environmental Justice Community Overlay Map of San
Francisco, CA
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The Bayview-Hunters Point community has long histories of marginalization and
segregation from heightened levels of industrial pollution.
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According to a BCDC official,
due to the immediate impacts of hazardous waste sites on community health and
longstanding emphasis on these issues among environmental justice groups in the area, sea
level rise concerns are just beginning to permeate through the community. For example,
Green Action, a community organizing group working on environmental health, is
partnering with San Francisco and BCDC on the intersection of hazardous waste and sea
level rise issues. Through collaborative efforts with local, regional, state, and national
governing bodies, Literacy for Environmental Justice (LEJ) has built linkages for project-
based partnerships, including with the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Association
(NOAA) – one of the leaders in sea level rise adaptation science and planning. During a
participator y co m m u ni ty e ng a g e m e nt e f f o r t, o ne r e s id e nt s a id , “ s e a l e v e l ch a ng e is a no th e r l a y e r o n to p o f w h a t th is co m m u ni ty is a l r e a d y f a cin g . ”
275
As one of the most under-served
communities in San Francisco, community-driven sea level rise adaptation is critical.
People Organizing to Demand Environmental and Economic Rights (PODER) has been
organizing community movements in San Francisco since 1991, particularly with Latino
immigrants and other low-income families of color. PODER has built sustainable and
powerful relationships with governing bodies at all levels of government, receiving
f in a ncia l s u p p o r t f r o m s e v e r a l S a n F r a ncis co C it y a nd C o u nt y d e p a r tm e nt s . P O DE R’ s intergenerational fabric supports future leaders through cross cultural leadership
development pr o g r a m s . P O DE R’s civ ic e ng a g e m e nt in it ia ti v e s h e l p r e m o v e l a ng u a g e barriers and increase political participation and incorporation among traditional
nonvoters. PODER works on a variety of land use issues, but has yet to mobilize around sea
level rise. Other neighborhood groups such as Indian Basin Neighborhood Association and
Bayview Footprints have also contributed to environmental justice initiatives in the
274
Dillon, Lindsey (2 August 2011). "Redevelopment and the Politics of Place in Bayview –Hunters Point".
Institute for the Study of Social Change, UC Berkeley: 9 –34.
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Alexan d e r , K u r t i s. “ K i n g Ti d e s a t C a n d l e st i c k P o i n t O f f e r G l i mp se o f P l a n e t 's F u t u r e . ” s f g a t e . c o m. S a n Francisco Chronicle, February 19, 2015. https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/King-tides-give-Bayview-
a-glimpse-of-the-future-6087910.php.
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Bayview-Hunters Point community, but similarly do not organize around sea level rise
adaptation.
East Palo Alto
Image 8: Sea Level Rise Vulnerability and Environmental Justice Community Overlay Map of East Palo
Alto, CA
Founded in 1994, Youth United for Community Action (YUCA) is a grassroots community
organization created, led, and run by young people of color from low-income communities
in East Palo Alto. YUCA focuses on local community campaigns, leadership development,
and coalition building with major victories for rent control, hazardous waste site
placement, and other affordable housing developments. These qualities most closely
reflect the community power and identity and participation community organizing
dimensions, which lead to environmental justice initiatives in collaborative governance
processes. YUCA mobilizes around anti-displacement principles in land use planning
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policies, but to date has not inserted itself, nor been incorporated in, sea level rise
adaptation governance.
Nu e s tr a C a s a De E a s t P a l o A l to ’s (N C E P ) m is s io n is ce nt e r e d a r o u nd l e a d e r s h ip development, education, and advocacy for Latino families in the community. NCEP uses
collaborative efforts with neighboring community organizations for policy advocacy
beyond East Palo Alto to include broader San Mateo County. For example, the power of
these organizational networks influenced the creation of an Office of Immigrant Affairs for
San Mateo County.
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Outreach efforts from BCDC, including a staff-facilitated workshop,
incorporated NCEP into the sea level rise adaptation process. Despite no previous internal
efforts to organize around the issue, Nuestra Casa de East Palo Alto was selected by BCDC
to participate in the drafting of the Environmental Justice Amendment in the SF Bay Plan,
and other environmental justice-oriented policy formulation. With sea level rise
a d a p ta ti o n r e ce nt l y a d d e d t o NC E P ’s r a d a r , c o l l a b o r a ti v e r e g i o na l e f f o r ts h a v e b e g u n to organize communities for just adaptation policies.
In a dialogue regarding the Coastal Act with one of California’s leading
environmental justice organizers, the director posited the rhetorical question:
“ S h o u l d w e e xa m in e o n l y “ l a nd -use adaptation policies, programs, and permitting
d e cis io ns , ” a s generally stated in the draft? Or should we include more broadly other
“ p r o g r a m s a nd a cti v it ie s ” ? The legal question is this. Do the 2016 amendments to the
C o a s ta l A ct a d d r e s s e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce o nl y a s it r e l a t e s to “ l a nd -use adaptation policies,
progr a m s , a nd p e r m it ti ng d e cis io ns ” ? O r d o th e a m e nd m e nt s a d d r e s s “ p r o g r a m s a nd a cti v it ie s ” g e ne r a l l y ? T h e l a tt e r in cl u d e s , f o r e xa m p l e , tr a in in g f o r C C C m e m b e r s , s ta f f , a nd the public on the coastal justice amendments and how CCC is to implement them. This is
not a trivial question. The question arises from the 2016 coastal justice amendments to the
Coastal Act. CCC members and staff have stated at various times that the 2016 amendments
apply only to permitting decisions, or to permitting decisions and work force diversity. In
m y o p in i o n, th o s e in te r p r e ta ti o ns a r e to o na r r o w . ”
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“ O u r M i ssi o n . ” nuestracasa.org. Nuestra Casa. https://www.nuestracasa.org/mission-index-impact.
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The director then answered his own question:
“The short answer is this: In my opinion, the Coastal Act and California Government Code
section 11135 require CCC, BCDC, and local agencies to apply equal justice and
environmental justice laws and principles in all their programs and activities. This includes,
for example, providing training for CCC and BCDC members, staff, local agencies, and the
p u b l ic l e g a l s ta nd a r d s . T h is g o e s b e y o nd “ l a n d-use adaptation policies, programs, and
p e r m it ti ng d e cis io ns . ”
This discourse demonstrates a common disconnect among environmental justice
community organization leadership and government officials drafting legislation. Legalese
and policy language, especially around equity considerations, can often be too precarious,
even unintentionally discriminatory. This can lead to embedded injustices and disparate
outcomes. With sea level rise, environmental justice communities cannot take that risk.
CONCLUSION
In Chapter 4, this project went beyond local governance dynamics and examined state
coastal zone management agencies, BCDC and CCC, and to what extent these governing
bodies incorporate environmental justice communities in the planning and policymaking
processes. This chapter then shifted to environmental collaborative governance from a
bottom-up perspective, analyzing the extent of environmental justice-focused community
organizing around sea level rise. Moreover, it analyzed different community organizing
approaches and dimensions, and which factors have been most relevant to political
incorporation for sea level rise adaptation in California. What are environmental justice
communities, organizations, and advocacy groups doing to impact city planning?
Results from BCDC and CCC document analyses and interviews suggest that there are three
primary variables critical for effective incorporation of environmental justice communities
in sea level rise adaptation collaborative governance processes. First, assuming strategic
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priorities include environmental justice principles (codified in California state law),
requisite financial and human resources are a necessary condition for inclusive sea level
rise adaptation governance. To date, BCDC and CCC officials have stated they need more
coastal planners with environmental justice expertise, and higher budgets to effectively
implement initiatives. Second, BCDC and CCC lack regulatory authority and jurisdiction
over environmental justice issues. Indeed, the coastal zone management agencies can
guide and suggest adaptation initiatives, but local governments determine what language
and implementation strategies actually occur within their localities. Third, and tied to
available resources, are impactful outreach and engagement strategies with environmental
justice communities. Systemic and historical injustices inflicted on environmental justice
communities have left low-income and communities of color distrustful of government
intentions. Through creative and inclusive solutions, led by the communities themselves,
this is a significant obstacle that state agencies and local governments will have to
overcome.
Across the eight California coastal communities, there are meaningful differences in
community organizing strategies and how they influence environmental justice policy.
Evidence from interviews with community organizers and organizing approaches suggests
that no community organizations in this research projects began mobilization efforts on
sea level rise adaptation before government engagement. Indeed, the intersection of
community organizing and sea level rise adaptation governance has originated from BCDC
a nd C C C ’s o u tr e a ch e f f o r ts . No ne th e l e s s , s e a l e v e l r is e adaptation, coastal flooding, and
associated disaster preparedness are now on the agenda of several environmental justice
organizations along the California coastline. As mobilization efforts around the issue
increase, it will be interesting in the coming years to analyze what organizing approaches
environmental justice communities take to become more politically incorporated in sea
level rise governance, and to measure strategy effectiveness. In the next and final chapter
of this dissertation, I summarize the research results, discuss design and methodological
limitations, and provide policy recommendations. I conclude with recommendations for
future research.
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For experts in the California power-building landscape, and environmental justice
organizing in particular, CEJA is an obvious omission to the data table summaries from this
chapter. Because CEJA represents an alliance of a multitude of environmental justice
community groups and issues, it was inherently challenging to neatly fit the organization in
any of the cases. In response to an open-ended interview question, a senior leader of CEJA
s u m m e d u p t h e r e s u l ts o f th is d is s e r ta ti o n’s co m m u ni ty o r g a ni z in g in q u i r ie s :
“ U nfo r tu na te l y , I d o n' t th in k w e ' l l b e v e r y h e l p f u l a s to y o u r f o cu s a r e a o f s e a l e v e l rise. CEJA has not engaged on that specific policy issue in concerted manner.
Overall, EJ communities of course stand at grave risk from sea-level rise, and it's a
policy area that requires attention. Their local governments and residents are
under-resourced to properly prepare for and respond to climate catastrophes. So, in
addition to protecting natural infrastructure and providing access to beaches, it's
critical that disadvantaged coastal communities have the resources to protect
against safety and health risks posed by industrial operations on or near their
b e a ch e s . We f a ce a h o s t o f ch a l l e ng e s f r o m s e a l e v e l r is e , b u t h a v e n’t f ig u r e d o u t a way to allocate resources f o r th e is s u e . ”
The most prominent and impactful environmental justice advocacy organization in the
s ta te o f C a l ifo r ni a is n’t s u r e w h e r e to tu r n w h e n it co m e s to s e a l e v e l r is e a d a p ta ti o n. S im il a r to C a p e T o w n’s “ Da y Ze r o ” w a te r cr is is , l o ca l g o v e r nm e n ts, state agencies, and
environmental justice communities may experience capacity constraints to mobilize until
th e y ’r e l e f t w it h n o o th e r c h o ice . I nd e e d , a n e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce l e a d e r w it h m o r e t h a n
30 years of e xp e r ie nce s o b e r l y co ncl u d e d : “ O ne a cts w ithout hope. One acts for the sake of
acting. O ne a cts b e ca u s e it is b e tt e r to a ct th a n n o t t o a ct. ”
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CHAPTER V
Conclusion and Policy Recommendations
RESEARCH AND POLICY SIGNIFICANCE
According to a state-commissioned report by the California Ocean Protection Council, sea
l e v e l s a l o ng C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s tl in e w il l r is e 3 0 to 4 0 ti m e s f a s te r th a n in th e 1 9 0 0 s .
277
If this
is not cause for concern, consider that between 1950 and present day, sea levels have risen
6 inches. To put this in perspective, for every 1 inch of sea level rise, 50-100 inches of land
will be engulfed by the ocean. In California, this means that homes, transportation routes,
airports, and beaches will be underwater. Over $150 billion in property is at risk of the
adverse impacts of sea level rise in California alone. In just the next ten years, the ocean
could rise more than six inches. Proactive planning is critical. Jack Ainsworth, the
e xe cu ti v e d ir e cto r o f t h e C C C , is u r g in g l a w m a k e r s to d o s o m e th in g a b o u t th is “ e xis te nt ia l c r is is … a nd th e p l a nn in g ch a l l e ng e s a h e a d . ”
278
Of course, with finites resources there will be competing priorities. Funding is required for
wildfires, homelessness, among a host of policy issues. For sea level rise adaptation, the
failure to be proactive will be even more costly. In December 2019, a legislative analyst
produced a report, Preparing for Rising Seas: How the State Can Help Support Local Coastal
Adaptation Efforts, explaining that for many coastal residents and elected officials, sea level
rise adaptation is not a priority due to a lack of awareness surrounding the significance of
the inevitable.
279
This is especially true for low-income and minority communities –
277
Gr ig g s, G , A rvai, J, Cayan, D, DeConto, R, Fox, J, Fricker, HA, Kopp, RE, Tebaldi, C, Whiteman, EA (California
Ocean Protection Council Science Advisory Team Working Group). Rising Seas in California: An Update on
Sea-Level Rise Science. California Ocean Science Trust, April 2017.
278
“ C a l i f o r n i a O f f i c i a l s N e e d t o M o v e F a st e r o n S e a L e v e l Ri se , L e g i sl a t i v e S t u d y F i n d s . ” l a t i me s. c o m. L o s
Angeles Times, December 11, 2019. https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-12-10/sea-level-rise-
california-legislative-report.
279
P a t e k, G a br i e l . “ A n L A O Re p o r t . ” A n L A O Re p o r t . L e g i sl a t i v e A n a l y st 's O f f i c e , D e c e mbe r 2 0 1 9 . https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2019/4121/coastal-adaptation-121019.pdf.
167
environmental justice communities – those that have been historically excluded from the
political process.
The impacts of sea level rise are significantly different for environmental justice
communities than affluent communities. While coastal issues are not traditionally
associated with low-income and minority communities, this dissertation has shown that
C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s tl in e h a s a s ig ni f ica nt e nvir o nm e nt a l j u s ti ce p o p u l a ti o n. S o cia l e q u it y concerns integrated in sea level rise collaborative governance processes are vital for the
health and sustainability of these communities. To be sure, historical issues burdening
environmental justice communities such as toxic contaminants, polluted soil, air, and water
due to industrial and commercial activities will be exacerbated by storm surges and more
frequent flooding caused by sea level rise. The combination of increased flooding and
hazardous waste sites could lead to mobile contaminants, heightening exposure and
escalating health concerns.
The unanticipated challenges associated with sea-level rise adaptation require that
collaborative governance and policy frameworks evolve, and proactively incorporate
environmental justice communities in the adaptation process. Even if governments,
agencies, environmental groups, community organizations, and businesses in urban coastal
communities are relatively proactive in incorporating environmental justice into their
adaptation planning, they also must recognize that devising and implementing adaptation
strategies are a continuous process, often requiring innovative collaborative governance
arrangements and creative policies and programs. General plans, sustainability plans and
climate change legislation do not satisfactorily fight institutionally ingrained
environmental injustices, nor proactively account for distributional inequities in recovery
service provision efforts after climate catastrophes. California has taken the lead in the
United States for combating the adverse impacts of sea level rise, and the state has also
legislated progressive environmental justice policies. Now localities must incorporate
environmental justice communities in climate adaptation policy formulation and
implementation.
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CONTRIBUTIONS AND RESULTS SUMMARY
This research found several noteworthy findings that are indeed important academic
contributions, but possibly even more important for policymakers and practitioners. First,
environmental collaborative governance processes for coastal zone management and sea
level rise adaptation are different from traditional collaborative governance frameworks.
Ecosystems are blind to social and political boundaries. Sea level rise adaptation is a local,
r e g io na l , s ta te , a nd na ti o na l is s u e . I t’ s g l o b a l . I t is u nd e ni a b l e th a t a f a cto r y in C h in a emitting greenhouse gases actually impacts sea level rise along the California coastline. It
is also true innovative adaptation strategies originating in the San Francisco Bay may make
their way to Amsterdam in an effort to prepare for rising tides. In California, collaborative
governance processes are even more unique due to rich histories of socioeconomic
d ive r s it y , e co no m ic m o b il it y a nd e nt r e p r e ne u r s h ip , a nd p o l it ica l a cti v is m . C a l ifo r ni a ’s collaborative governance for coastal zone management is also plagued by structural and
economic inequalities.
Across the eight cases, this dissertation found that higher levels of intersectoral governance
was associated with more provisions for environmental justice initiatives in the sea level
rise collaborative governance process. This includes vertical coordination across municipal
planning departments, and horizontal coordination, networking, and linkages among local,
regional, and state governing bodies. These findings were confirmed and reinforced
through analyses of BCDC and CCC, the state agencies responsible for coastal zone
management. However, even the nature of collaboration is in its initial stages. For
example, while outreach, engagement, and knowledge sharing is strong across governing
bodies, official coordinating agreements and enforcement mechanisms are lacking. There
are differences in the necessary implementation and next actionable steps to take due to
diverging policy priorities among governments.
Second, the coastal zone management program, including BCDC, CCC, the eight local coastal
governments, and environmental justice community organizations are short on both
human and capital resources. This begins with federal budget cuts and emanates down to
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th e l o ca l co m m u n it ie s . T h e T r u m p A d m in is tr a ti o n r e q u e s te d cu ts to NO A A ’s b u d g e t b y 20% for 2019, including a 37% cut to the Office of Oceanic and Atmospheric Research. The
Administration also proposed to terminate research $72 million in research grants that
support coastal related research and education activities, reducing its ability to observe
global ocean programs and sea level rise projections.
This has trickled down to BCDC and CCC, and thus local governments as the Trump
Administration has slashed annual budgets by double digits. This dissertation found no
disagreement across governing bodies about the science of sea level rise adaptation and
associated risks, but consistently found a lack of financial and human resources to be a
barrier to implementing necessary policy tools. According to an environmental law
p r o f e s s o r a t U C Da v is , th e a g e ncie s h a v e b e e n o n a “ s ta r v a ti o n” d ie t, w h ich has resulted in
“ p e r p e tu a l b u r e a u cr a ti c tr i ag e. ”
280
T o p u t it in t h e w o r d s o f th e e xe cu ti v e d ir e cto r , “ W e h a v e w a nt e d to p r o v id e g o o d s e r v ice to o u r co ns ti tu e nt s , b u t w e h a v e n’t a l w a y s b e e n a b l e to d o th a t. I t’s b e e n f r u s tr a ti ng . ”
281
These findings were triangulated through interview
data and document analysis. This should not be a partisan issue, but a humanitarian one.
With a shortage of funding for both climate change and environmental justice initiatives at
the federal level, it is more important than ever to better understand how and why certain
environmental justice community groups are more effective than others at organizing and
achieving policy incorporation.
Third, this research found community outreach and engagement efforts did not necessarily
lead to increased political incorporation among environmental justice communities for sea
level rise adaptation. Generating public awareness about sea level rise has proven to be a
challenge. Interview evidence with coastal zone management agencies, local officials, and
community organizers alike suggested that because constituents cannot see or experience
280
“ C o a st a l C o m mi ss i o n I s o n a S h o e st r i n g B u d g e t , a n d Tr u mp W o n 't M a ke I t A n y B e t t e r . ” l a t i me s . c o m. L o s
Angeles Times, May 6, 2017. https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-funding-coastal-commission-
20170506-story.html.
281
“ C o a st a l C o m mi ss i o n I s o n a S h o e st r i n g B u d g e t , a n d Tr u mp W o n 't M a ke I t A n y B e t t e r . ” l a t i me s . c o m. L o s
Angeles Times, May 6, 2017. https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-funding-coastal-commission-
20170506-story.html.
170
rising seas in their daily lives, it is a challenge for planners to determine the most effective
way to reach communities. This obstacle becomes even greater with environmental justice
communities due to an historical distrust in government, language and cultural barriers, or
competing time priorities. Agencies and local governments must improve relationships
through creative engagement strategies. In order to effectively adapt to rising seas, there
must be fostered collaboration and mutual trust between communities and policymakers.
Ideally, environmental justice communities become incorporated in the governance
process and become informal policymakers themselves. A coastal justice organizing leader
p u t th e d is co nn e ct b l u nt l y , “ O u r goal has always been to work with agencies. We have a
love hate relationship. We love agencies because of what they can do to further justice.
T h e y h a te u s b e ca u s e w e te l l th e m w h a t th e y a r e r e q u ir e d to d o . T h e y ’d rather be left to
th e ir o w n s u b j e cti v e s e ns e th a t t h e y ’v e d o ne e n o u g h . ”
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
C a l ifo r ni a ’s co a s ta l co m m u ni ti e s f a ce g r e a te r th r e a ts to d a y th a n e v e r , a nd s e a l e v e l r is e projections suggest these challenges will only increase. At the same time the coastline is
receding due to surging seas, populations are expected to grow, putting more pressure on
lawmakers to analyze policy implications. This will require difficult decision-making that
incorporates the environmental justice communities most at risk of the accelerating
threats. The Coastal Zone Management Act and accompanying collaborative governance
infrastructure was signed into law in 1972, years before the scientific community had
accepted and analyzed the impacts of climate change and sea level rise.
This reality exacerbates the need for increased financial and technical resources to state
agencies, local governments, and the environmental justice communities themselves for
adaptation measures. The accelerating rate of sea level rise, coupled with gaps in
institutional mechanisms for effective and efficient adaptation, has made the need for
increased assistance even more pressing. Increased collaborative governance among
international, federal, state, and local actors in California, including businesses,
nongovernmental organizations, and communities, is also critical. There needs to be
171
sustained and coordinated efforts among all stakeholders. Specific policy
recommendations follow:
1) Sea level rise adaptation strategies must consider toxic chemical and
contamination risks to environmental justice communities.
Despite the assumption that coastal communities in California are all affluent, there are
significant populations of environmental justice communities along the coastline.
Politically marginalized communities in California often reside next to industrial
facilities, cleanup sites, and other toxic waste infrastructure near the ocean due to
historically discriminatory land use practices. Sea level rise threatens the spread of
toxic contamination from storm surges and increased flooding. Drawing on local
knowledge from the communities themselves, environmentally just sea level rise plans
should incorporate ways to mitigate these risks.
2) Sea level rise adaptation strategies must prevent displacement of environmental
justice communities.
Balancing the competing interests of removing hazardous waste sites and industrial
pollution from coastal areas with an understanding that low-income and communities
of color could suffer job losses will be a challenge, but necessity for lawmakers. There
must be focused economic stimulus packages to balance job and housing displacement
for communities of color during deindustrialization. While there are undoubtedly
environmental and health benefits to deindustrialization, there are strong economic ties
between environmental justice communities and polluting industries along the coast.
3) Sea level rise adaptation strategies must be particularly considerate of
environmental justice communities for service responses to increased flooding
and natural disasters.
History shows low-income and minority communities are frequently forgotten when
climate catastrophe hits. This includes access to information, resources, and service
provisions during disaster response. Adaptation policies must have specific articles and
language that recognize the disproportionate impacts of disasters on environmental
172
justice communities, and proactively be prepared to help these communities. This
includes readily available online resources in multiple languages, and environmental
justice community incorporation in the planning processes.
4) Community-based outreach and engagement strategies
Instead of conducting outreach and engagement efforts that local governments assume
will be most effective for incorporating environmental justice communities,
governments should empower the communities themselves. Local knowledge in regard
to which engagement approaches will work to mobilize communities could go a long
way for building capacities to resilient adaptation. Context is unique to each locality, so
outreach efforts must be tailored to specific community needs.
CONCLUSION AND FUTURE RESEARCH
Sea level rise adaptation requires a menu of policy instruments, not a one-size-fits-all
s o l u ti o n, g ive n th e d iff e r e nce s a cr o s s C a l ifo r ni a ’s cit ie s in g o v e r na nce s tr u ctu r e s , community cultures, and social and organizational capacities. Policy solutions should fall
o n a s p e ctr u m , w it h u ni q u e a p p r o a ch e s d e p e n d e nt o n a co m m u ni ty’s ch a r a cte r is ti cs s u ch as demographics, geography, local economy, and existing infrastructure. Neighborhoods
susceptible to sea level rise, and thus environmental justice communities, embody the
social, spatial, and economic dynamics of surrounding community linkages and are
inseparable from connecting social networks. Collaborative governance and political
incorporation research and policy strategies must be conscious of both people and place.
This research trajectory deserves far greater attention to sustainable adaptation, urban
planning, and environmental justice community organization in global cities from diverse
regions, not just the California and the United States. There is often a divorce between
policy and implementation that merits further consideration. I would like to eventually
conduct a comparative examination of the adaptation infrastructures and associated
variation in environmental justice organizing and initiatives in large, global municipalities
173
across Southeast Asia, Latin America, Africa, and Europe. But first, there is much work to
be done at home in the United States.
Finally, future research must examine the powerful role the media and partisan politics
have on environmental justice interests within sea level rise adaptation efforts. Moreover,
research should look into the politics of climate denial. Future research should examine
how strategic priorities originate and arrive on the policy agenda for both local
governments and for community organizations. Political and policy research can
contribute to how environmental justice co m m u ni ti e s ’ better access the adaptation policy
process, but also how policymakers and planners can become increasingly considerate of
their interests. As the great environmental justice community organizer Robert García told
m e th r e e y e a r s a g o w h e n I f ir s t b e g a n t h is p r o j e ct, “ So much injust ice , s o l it tl e ti m e . ”
174
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X ia , Ro s a nn a . “ C a l ifo r ni a A g a in s t t h e S e a ” . L o s A ng e l e s T im e s . https://www.latimes.com/projects/la-me-sea-level-rise-california-coast/
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(2001): 670-690.
Young, Iris Marion. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton University Press, 2011.
211
APPENDIX A: Research Limitations
This dissertation and associated methodology has a few limitations. First, time and
resource constraints limited the number of environmental justice organizations analyzed.
This analysis included only sixteen cases out of over 500 advocacy, grassroots, and
community organizations in California. Case selection was guided by communications with
CEJA and City Project leadership, as well as BCDC and CCC officials. For additional design
challenges, please see Appendix D: Community Organizing Methodology.
The greatest challenge in writing this project was the timing of the research. It seemed that
every day, new data, sources, and information would arise that would impact my research
and results. At times, new sea level rise related policies or programs would emerge, and
my data had to adjust instantaneously. Moreover, there were new and informal community
organizations appearing throughout the writing of this dissertation. Overall, it was difficult
to determine where to draw the line incorporating new findings or evidence. This reality
may impact the results of this project, as the empirical data collection should be updated in
real time.
In addition, while academic literature on climate adaptation governance and community
organizing suggests that much can be learned from studying cases outside of California,
limited resources and time-frame made it difficult go beyond data on California coastline
a d a p ta ti o n e f f o r ts . T h e r e f o r e , th is e v a l u a ti o n s u f f e r s f r o m s e l e cti o n b ia s . T h is s tu d y ’s methodology was designed with these considerations in mind so that further studies can
comprehensively incorporate domestic and international cases. Findings may not be
generalizable beyond California.
This analysis examined explicit climate change adaptation plans, sea level rise adaptation
policies, general city planning documents, transportation, land-use planning, and housing
agency documents, among planning documents, that included sea level rise adaptation
considerations. It is also possible that document analysis and semi-structured interviews
212
with representatives from private businesses, community members, and more than the
sixteen community organizations associated with CZMPs may have incorporated sea level
rise adaptation language into their plans. This study focused on the relationship between
public sector actors, community organizations, and governance arrangements, but coastal
zone collaborative governance, even in California, has more actors that were not closely
examined. Future studies should attempt to understand how the missing governing bodies
a nd o th e r a cto r s a s s o cia te d w it h C a l ifo r ni a ’s C ZM P im p a ct s e a l e v e l r is e a d a p ta ti o n a nd environmental justice.
Moreover, interview respondents were not randomly selected, and could have exhibited
response biases based on their positions or roles within agencies. It is possible interview
respondents were overly optimistic about sea level rise adaptation efforts, or the extent of
the collaborative processes, or pessimistic regarding resource limitations. However, a
simple random sample would have been insufficient for this project because the nature of
the research agenda required informants and experts. Both government officials and
community organizing leaders were difficult to contact, despite repeated follow-ups.
Finally, the interviews that did occur were conducted in several ways (telephone, email, in
person, written responses), which could have impacted the validity of responses.
Comparing sea level rise adaptation plans cross-regionally also poses its own problems.
Operationalizing and evaluating adaptation plans to fit within clearly defined indicators is
inherently subjective. The methodological approach adopted for this study relied on
previous literature and research as much as possible to guide the selection of indicators for
evaluating governance models and environmental justice dimensions. All sea level rise
adaptation and community organizing approaches were unlikely to fit perfectly within this
p r o j e ct’s r e s e a r ch f r a m e w o r k . No ne th e l e s s , th e s tr e ng th o f t h is p r o j e ct’s a na l y ti ca l framework is evident in its versatility to incorporate a wide array of governance
approaches.
Finally, some data sources and documents related to sea level rise and climate change
became unavailable during the course of this study. The political attitude of the incoming
213
Trump Administration toward climate change affected the availability of some resources,
in cl u d in g T h e Na ti o na l O ce a ni c a nd A tm o s p h e r ic A d m in is tr a ti o n’s (N O A A ) Dig it a l C o a s t Database. This project relied on equally rigorous scientific models and projections in lieu
of the missing data.
Appendix B: Community Organizing Approaches
214
215
Appendix C: Dedoose® Software Operations and Coding
Analysis Screenshots
216
217
Appendix D: Community Organizing Methodology
Community organizations are represented in overlapping jurisdictions, are members of
coalitions and alliances with other community advocacy groups, and are consistently
changing policy areas of focus. It is nearly impossible to distinguish among some
neighborhood coalitions, advocacy groups, and community organizations. Even
constituents within the same organization may have disparate responses for how they
want to be labeled. So, with all of these complexities, how did this dissertation narrow the
scope of all available cases to just sixteen environmental justice community organizing
groups and place them in specific municipalities for analysis?
To develop community organizing cases across the eight coastal municipalities, it is
important to keep in mind that communities are more than demographic data. Constantly
evolving neighborhood developments mean that social structures lead to new community
organizations that leave spatial boundaries. Despite these logistical challenges, the initial
information gathering to narrow down relevant environmentally justice community
organizations that may be mobilizing around sea level rise adaptation began with the
snowball method. Communications with the executive director of CEJA, coastal planners at
BCDC and CCC, and local officials across the eight cases led to the final list. Inquiries
included which communities organizations the agencies and governments were most likely
to contact first for outreach and engagement initiatives, as well as which environmental
justice community groups may be most likely to organize around sea level rise. Assigning
community groups to coastal municipalities was based on factors such as headquarter
location and the municipality where most organizing efforts occur.
218
Appendix E: Word Cloud Methodology
Word clouds have emerged as a straightforward and appealing visualization method for
text in the social sciences.
282
Similar to tree maps, the word clouds furnish a summary of
text by distilling the themes and terms that appear with the highest frequency. In this case,
th e s u m m a r i z a ti o n o f te r m s f o u nd in B C DC a nd C C C ’s p o l icy d o cu m e nt s a nd in te r v ie w s presents the number and type of identified environmental justice themes. The font size
correlates with the depicted tag word frequency. The generated word clouds also helped
form the basis for deeper understanding through qualitative content analysis, and the
starting point for data triangulation through interviews. Of course, compared to tree maps,
the limitation of word clouds is that they produce only a statistical summary of isolated
themes without taking linguistic knowledge about the words and their relations into
account.
283
Word cloud visual analysis is frequently used for mass communication
research, but is equally, if not more powerful, in social justice public policy work.
Second, the length (time) and depth (availability for follow-up questions) of interviews
with coastal planners and officials with coastal zone management agencies far exceeded
the availability of members in local municipality planning departments and environmental
justice organizations.
282
Heimerl, Florian, Steffen Lohmann, Simon Lange, and Thomas Ertl. "Word cloud explorer: Text analytics
based on word clouds." In 2014 47th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, pp. 1833-1842.
IEEE, 2014.
283
Heimerl, Florian, Steffen Lohmann, Simon Lange, and Thomas Ertl. "Word cloud explorer: Text analytics
based on word clouds." In 2014 47th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, pp. 1833-1842.
IEEE, 2014.
219
Appendix F: Semi-Structured Interview Questions for
Government Officials
1)
a) Do you have statutes or regulations in place governing shoreline
development that reflect rising sea level concerns?
b) Do these policies incorporate particularly vulnerable communities?
2)
a) H o w is y o u r C ZM A ’s d e cis io n -making setup and implemented both project
by project, and for policies and planning?
b) Do you see that process changing in the future?
3) Assuming we are going to get more water faster, how are you budgeting for
planning adaptation, disaster preparedness, and including environmental justice
friendly policies?
4) What steps, if any, have been taken to determine whether certain populations
within your locality are more vulnerable than others to the impacts of sea level rise?
Do you have explicit environmental justice initiatives?
5) How does your agency/locality attempt to build consensus around environmental
justice and the need to adapt to sea level rise?
6) What actions does your agency/locality take to share information about historically
underrepresented communities and sea level rise with other agencies, localities and
private sector stakeholders?
220
7)
a) Do there exist barriers to your agency's/locality's cooperation with a
environmental justice community groups on sea level rise adaptation? What
are the nature of these barriers, if they exist?
b) How are these barriers related to each other, if at all?
8) Is there a need for stronger leadership for environmentally just sea level rise
adaptation? What is currently lacking in your estimation?
9) What obstacles is your locality facing in transition from reaching policy consensus
to a ctu a l , ta ng ib l e im p l e m e nt a ti o n o f a d a p ta ti o n p o l ici e s ? I ’v e no ti ce d in t h e w r it te n
documents there has been a lot of "planning to plan" without specific budget line
items.
10) What is the nature and extent of public engagement on increased coastal
flooding/sea level rise and vulnerable neighborhoods? Education? Open meetings?
221
Appendix G: Semi-Structured Interview Questions for
Community Organizing Leaders
1)
a) Do you have statutes or regulations in place governing shoreline
development that reflect rising sea level concerns?
b) Do these policies incorporate particularly vulnerable communities?
2)
a) How does your CZMA or local government include your advocacy group in
decision-making, and implementation?
b) Is this project by project, and for policies and planning?
3) Do you see that process changing in the future assuming we are going to get more
water faster and do you know how your government is budgeting for planning
adaptation, disaster preparedness, and equitable policies?
4) How does your community attempt to build consensus around environmental
justice and the need to adapt to sea level rise?
5) What actions does your agency/locality take to share information with your
community about sea level rise and other climate change related issues? What are
these processes?
6) Do b a r r ie r s e xis t t o y o u r co m m u ni ty’s co o p e r a t io n w it h th e l o ca l g o v e r n m e nt o n s e a level rise and climate adaptation? What are the nature of these barriers, if they
exist?
7) Is there a need for stronger leadership in your community for climate change and
environmental justice issues? What is currently lacking in your estimation?
222
8) What is the nature and extent of public engagement on increased coastal
flooding/sea level rise and with your community and the local government?
Education? Open meetings?
223
Appendix H: Record of Interviews
Position Organization Location Date
Executive Team Bay Area Conservation
Development Commission
(BCDC)
Electronic, Video,
and Telephone
Communication
9/20/16
Policy Program
Manager
NOAA Office for Coastal
Management
Electronic, Video,
and Telephone
Communication
10/4/16
Coastal
Management
Specialist
NOAA Office for Coastal
Management
Los Angeles, CA
10/25/16
Director
NOAA Office for Coastal
Management
Electronic, Video,
and Telephone
Communication
11/8/16
Community
Organizing Leader
Los Angeles Based Community
Organization
Los Angeles, CA
2/15/18
Community
Organizing Leader
Los Angeles Based Community
Organization
Los Angeles, CA
03/19/18
Community Los Angeles Based Community
224
Organizing Leader Organization
Electronic, Video,
and Telephone
Communication
04/12/18
BCDC
Planner/Official
Bay Area Conservation
Development Commission
(BCDC)
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
10/26/18
CCC
Planner/Official
California Coastal Commission
(CCC)
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
11/4/18
BCDC
Planner/Official
Bay Area Conservation
Development Commission
(BCDC)
San Francisco, CA 1/4/19
CCC
Planner/Official
BCDC
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
1/9/19
CCC
Planner/Official
CCC
San Francisco, CA
6/5/19
City Planner
San Diego, CA
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
8/21/19
225
City Planner
East Palo Alto, CA
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
8/21/19
City Planner
San Diego, CA
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
8/29/19
City Planner
Oxnard, CA
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
8/29/19
City Planner
San Clemente, CA
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
8/29/19
City Planner
Arcata
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
9/5/19
City Planner
CCC
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
9/11/19
City Planner
San Diego, CA
San Diego, CA
9/13/19
226
City Planner
San Diego, CA
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
10/1/19
Community
Organizing Leader
Bay Area Community
Organization
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
9/26/19
Community
Organizing Leader
Central Coast Community
Organization
Electronic, Video
and Telephone
Communication
10/18/19
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California's adaptation to sea level rise: incorporating environmental justice communities along the California coastline
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