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Second-generation Korean-American students' mental health experiences in high school

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Second-generation Korean-American students' mental health experiences in high school

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SECOND-GENERATION KOREAN-AMERICAN STUDENTS’ MENTAL HEALTH
EXPERIENCES IN HIGH SCHOOL

by

Jeannie Kim

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Education

December 2020

Copyright 2020 Jeannie Kim

ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank Dr. Green and Dr. Gates for supporting me in my academic journey.
Dr. Green, your class changed my life forever. Dr. Tobey, you have been my rock throughout
this entire process. Your encouragement will never be forgotten. I appreciate your academic and
personal belief in me. I could not have done any of this without you and look forward to
continuing to learn from you.
I dedicate this paper to my family and friends who have guided me through this process
and cheered me on throughout my life. I love you so much! Mom and dad, you always believe in
me and provide me with the love, care, and motivation I need to move forward in my faith,
relationships, career, and academics. Thank you for teaching me about grit and showing me that
keeping higher moral ground at all times is the best way through and through. Oppa, you will
always be my number one oppa. Thank you for bringing Euna and Bora into this world. I love
them and you to the moon and back. Micky, I didn’t know that I can find a soulmate in someone
like I have in you. Thank you for making me feel safe, honoring me, validating me, and for
providing me with such a meaningful and special marriage. Mina, I cannot believe I am finishing
this dissertation before you come into this world. You are already so special to me and I cannot
wait to dedicate my life to you. Just a few more months! Molly and Mimi, my little rascals, thank
you for always making me laugh with your silliness and your nonstop affection.
Lord Father, my faith in You is constantly renewed. You give me courage and strength.

iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... ii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. vi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... vii
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ viii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study ...............................................................................................1
Background of the Problem .................................................................................................2
Statement of the Problem .....................................................................................................5
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................7
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................9
Limitations and Delimitations ............................................................................................10
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................10
Organization of the Study ..................................................................................................12
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...................................................................................................13
Second-Generation Korean-American Cultural and Racial Experiences ..........................14
Cultural Identity ...........................................................................................................17
Responsiveness of Second-generation Korean-Americans at School ...............................20
Acculturation Theory .........................................................................................................23
Ecological Systems Theory................................................................................................25
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................28
Research Questions ............................................................................................................28
Research Design.................................................................................................................28
Sample and Population ......................................................................................................29

iv
Location .......................................................................................................................29
Participants ...................................................................................................................30
Instrumentation ..................................................................................................................31
Data Collection ..................................................................................................................32
Data Analysis .....................................................................................................................33
Ethical Consideration .........................................................................................................33
Confidentiality .............................................................................................................34
Positionality .................................................................................................................34
Chapter Four: Results ....................................................................................................................35
Participants .........................................................................................................................38
Information About the School and School District ......................................................38
Participant Characteristics ...........................................................................................39
Results Research Question One .........................................................................................43
Expectations and Assumptions ....................................................................................43
Cultural Adaptation ......................................................................................................47
Perceptions ...................................................................................................................51
Discussion Research Question One .............................................................................54
Results Research Question Two ........................................................................................55
Priority .........................................................................................................................55
Resistance Due to Trust and Cultural Expectations .....................................................58
Recommendations for Support ....................................................................................60
Discussion Research Question Two.............................................................................63
Results Research Question Three ......................................................................................63

v
Grades Reflect Mental Health ......................................................................................64
Fear ..............................................................................................................................66
Pressure ........................................................................................................................69
Discussion Research Question Three...........................................................................72
Summary ............................................................................................................................73
Chapter Five: Discussion of Findings ............................................................................................74
Implications for Practice ....................................................................................................78
Recommendation for Research ..........................................................................................80
Conclusions ........................................................................................................................81
References ......................................................................................................................................83
Footnotes ........................................................................................................................................94
Appendix A Consent Form ............................................................................................................95
Appendix B Letter of Introduction ................................................................................................99
Appendix C Demographics Survey .............................................................................................100
Appendix D Likert Scale Data Table ..........................................................................................101
Appendix E Interview Protocol ...................................................................................................102

vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 Individual Participant’s Demographics ........................................................................... 40
Table 2 Family of Origin Demographics Table ............................................................................ 41
Table 3 Major Themes and Sub-Themes Identified ..................................................................... 42
Table 4 Themes and Subthemes Generated for RQ1 .................................................................... 43
Table 5 Themes and Subthemes Generated for RQ2 .................................................................... 55
Table 6 Themes and Subthemes Generated for RQ3 .................................................................... 63

vii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Berry’s acculturation theory. ......................................................................................... 24
Figure 2. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. ................................................................ 26

viii
ABSTRACT
This study investigated a mental health program and its effectiveness with high school second-
generation Korean-American students. The researcher explored how high school professionals
can reach a larger audience with current mental health practices through the lenses of these high
school students. The cultural experiences, challenges, and impacts of mental health issues of 12
participants who graduated from one high school in one California school district were
examined. Participants were asked about their identities, home lives, expectations of self,
parent/guardian expectations, observations, and understandings of mental health and its impacts
on their lives. The study identified a school-wide structure for mental health support that was
difficult for second-generation Korean-American high school students to participate in. It is
difficult for schools’ mental health programs to gain trust or buy-in from subgroups of students
who do not identify with the systems and structures that cater specifically to the support of one
large group. The researcher was unable to identify current mental health practices at the high
school to support these students because a successful system was not identified.
Keywords: acculturation, culture, identity, mental health, model minority, perfectionism, trust

1
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Mental health has become increasingly important to address among educators, parents,
students, and researchers as more social and emotional problems have become prevalent across
K-12 public schools. According to Vogel, Wester, and Larson (2007), high school adolescents
generally avoid seeking mental health help and underutilize provided school counseling support.
High school seniors are also reported to have fewer feelings of stigmatization regarding
counseling and psychotherapy than lower classmen (Vogel et al., 2007). As a result, K-12 public
schools are challenged to better understand how to remove stigma regarding mental health to
address and provide more academic, social, and emotional support to all students as needed.
While public schools show commitment to mental health through various school-wide, district-
wide and state-wide programs for the prevention of depression, anxiety, and suicide, a robust
understanding of the cultural influences in specific subgroups would shed light on how to handle
and support the needs of culturally diverse students (Cauce et al., 2002).
At East Unified School District (EUSD), a pseudonym used to protect the identity of the
district and its students, all Asian students completed high school graduation requirements in
2017–2018 (See Footnote
1
). At EUSD, there are five comprehensive high schools, with a total
of 2,183 Asian students (See Footnote
2
). Of those students, few were self- or peer-identified as
in need of mental health risk assessment in comparison to other subgroups during a school-wide
initial mental health risk assessment. Across the United States and the world, Asian-American
students have been labeled as model students and, as adults, they are eventually labeled as model
minorities due to their high academic and financial successes achieved (Bablak, Raby, &
Pomerantz, 2016). Bablak et al. (2016) also explain that school-wide and district-wide test scores
prove that Asian-American students thrive in K-12 academic settings.

2
However, the mental health climates and concerns of Asian-American students are
researched or treated for mental health less in comparison to students of other races (Abe-Kim et
al., 2007). Abe-Kim et al. (2007) note that the reason for this is that the vast majority of Asian-
American students perform well academically and minimize attention to their social and
emotional needs to parents, peers, and school staff due to guilt, shame, and cultural norms. The
“Asian” label represents a large diverse group of people from Asia that also includes Korean-
Americans. Though the conglomerate of ethnic groups includes different languages, culture,
history, and more, American society has generalized the many immigrant groups into one Asian-
American label. These Asian-American immigrant students have developed similar strategies to
cope with model minority stereotypes during the acculturation process into their new cultural
adaptations (Rong & Jo, 2002).
In general, the emphasis on mental health at the high school setting continues to increase
while second-generation Korean-American adolescents continue to be a subdivision of students
whose mental health concerns are commonly misunderstood or overlooked. To address the needs
of high school students, this study sought to understand the challenges, life experiences, and
impacts of mental health issues among them.
Background of the Problem
Students between the ages of 12 and 17 reported at least one episode of depression within
the last 12 months; this is an increase from 8.7% to 13.2% within the last year (Twenge, Cooper,
Joiner, Duffy, & Binau, 2019). Furthermore, up to 32% of students between the ages of 12 and
17 report at least one experience of a mental health issue annually (Patel, Flisher, Hetrick, &
McGorry, 2007). As a result of the identified mental health issues, the need for mental health
treatment has also increased. However, most students battling mental health issues, and their

3
families do not seek or receive treatment independently (Mojtabai & Jorm, 2015). Instead, the
limited mental health resources on campuses are utilized by already identified students ranging
from low to extreme mental health needs (Thompson, 2005).
The EUSD Local Control Accountability Plan (LCAP) indicates that schools will provide
a school environment that facilitates the emotional and physical safety of students (See Footnote
3
). As a result, at East High School (EHS), one of the five comprehensive EUSD high schools, an
annual goal was developed to create a school environment that is socially, emotionally, and
physically safe for all students through professional development opportunities for school
faculty, staff, students, and parents. These opportunities include parent and student training
presentations, mental health awareness small group presentations in classrooms for students, and
threat/risk assessment protocol training for faculty and staff. Training sessions assist the schools
and community to reinforce parents, administration, students, and counselors that the physical,
social and emotional needs of students are paramount to academic success (See Footnote
4
).
To identify and keep students safe from harming themselves or others, EUSD and many
other California school districts are participating in a program called “Signs of Suicide” (SOS).
SOS is a nationwide program that districts may purchase to train staff to “identify warning signs
of suicide and depression” in students and to enable schools to identify students who are at risk”
and get them the help they need (Sandy Hook Promise, 2019). The SOS curriculum is also
designed to raise understanding of mental and behavioral awareness in educational settings. At
EHS, a mental health program was established in 2016 and has not been adjusted since its
inception. Through this program, students are identified as having mental health concerns by the
way of self-identification or a referral.

4
Previously, schools emphasized academic success, and important stakeholders like
parents, students, teachers, administrators, counselors, school staff, and faculty were not properly
trained to work and communicate with students with mental health issues. School staff, students,
and parents often did not know how to handle specific situations concerning depression, anxiety,
and suicide. Due to the lack of training and oversight regarding signals that indicated that
students needed social and/or emotional support, inadequate preventative measures were put into
place. Prevention for and support of mental health were not utilized at school sites to the degree
necessary because of the lack of access to training and the challenges associated with putting a
high value on mental health needs.
At EUSD, all schools have committed to utilizing additional resources to support the
complex psychological needs of diverse students. Each high school hired two full-time mental
health professional licensed in either master’s in social work or marriage and family therapy and
experience in high school settings in addition to administering the SOS program. Due to the
complexities of mental health and the contributing factors of various household and cultural
backgrounds, these mental health specialists have been hired to help with currently identified
students and for prevention with newly identified students (See Footnote
5
).
Second-generation Korean-American students will contribute to the caseload of these
mental health professionals but not with the true value of students who genuinely need support.
Moreover, because many school districts are just now beginning to thoroughly investigate and
support students’ mental health, it will take additional time to delve into a better understanding
of appropriate services for diverse students.

5
Statement of the Problem
Second-generation Korean-American students are one of the many subgroups of Asian-
Americans who are often overlooked for mental health concerns due to the lengths they go
through to withhold mental health issues from others (Knifton, 2012). Despite district and
school-wide goals, the psychological support needed to meet their needs has not been properly
addressed at the high school level (Sue & Zane, 1987). According to Knifton (2012), anxiety and
depression are the most prominent mental health concerns in Asian-Americans but professional
services are not rendered to their full capacity at both the K-12 and university levels.
For educational institutions to effectively establish policies and programs that meet the
needs of all student groups, educators should understand the students’ prior educational
experiences, and find out what the current and future academic focuses of those students and
their families are (Freire, 1985; Lee, 1996). Students’ academic, social, emotional, and cultural
experiences negotiate their identities, making it crucial to understand the identities of these
students for school programs to operate adequately. According to Valenzuela (1996), the
educational equity of immigrant students has historically been compromised and continues to be
invalidated as students’ heritage cultures are not regarded when new programs are set in place.
The high school students who report their mental health needs to school faculty and staff
are provided both academic and social/emotional support; however, reports suggest that a
significant number of Asian-Americans break that barrier because they deal with mental health
disorders internally and do not display a shift in academic performance (Hartlep, 2013;
Townsend et al., 2017). Hartlep (2013) states that second-generation Korean-Americans have
been coined as one of the subgroups of the Asian “model minority” stereotypes because of their
academic and professional success as well as their perceived seamless assimilation into

6
American culture and living. Their emotional needs are overlooked because of their desire for
privacy, high academic achievement, and low behavioral issues on school campuses (Guo,
Kataoka, Bear, & Lau, 2014). Also, school teachers and counselors are not fully trained on how
to individually serve students based on multicultural differences, which contributes to the lack of
support and understanding provided to second-generation Korean-American students’ mental
health.
Schools do not often identify and assist second-generation Korean-American students
with their mental health needs due to limited referrals, positive behavioral reports, and high
academic achievement scores. The cultural competency training of school staff must increase for
students to seek support, shift existing cultural barriers and, and to truly examine the mental
health needs of socially oppressed minorities (Lee et al., 2009). Though this population has
proven to successfully acclimate into American culture and reach great academic achievement,
their high levels of psychological stress are overlooked at schools because of a large part of the
population’s preference to keep personal concerns to themselves (Gloria, Castellanos, Park, &
Kim, 2008; Lee, 1996). These personal concerns are often weighed by academic expectations
from parents, peers, and staff, their bicultural identities, and experienced racial microaggressions
(Sangalang & Gee, 2012). Coupled with underutilizing counseling services and minimally
sharing their psychological needs, these students may require school staff to acquire different
strategies to track and assist them.
In recent years, schools have shifted their focuses to not only academic achievement but
also onto mental health services. This study sought to learn about the experiences of second-
generation Korean-American students’ mental health as a way to understand how to create
practices that ensure that their mental health needs are addressed.

7
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to conduct qualitative research on the approach that
second-generation Korean-American students take towards mental health to better understand
how to serve them and provide them with open and safe avenues to seek help within a
comprehensive high school setting. The quality of research and understanding of cultural
competence in mental health support for this population is limited (Cho & Haslam, 2010). As a
population, these students are difficult for schools to find solutions for without properly
understanding the students’ cultures, causes for students to not look for mental health support,
and working towards solutions after truly understanding the population’s needs and current
school practices (Yee, 1992).
There are currently many models and approaches to providing mental health support for
students at school sites, but few focus on diversifying practices based on the culturally diverse
populations that need different models and approaches by culture to truly recognize and
understand them. The researcher conducted a qualitative study complete with interviews,
surveys, and Likert scales to validate targeted reasons for failures and to find solutions through
the acculturation theory.
Berry’s acculturation theory indicates that the process of a (home) population adapting to
another (host) dominant culture can shift the population’s given beliefs, values, identity,
behaviors, attitudes, and worldviews (Alamilla, Kim, Walker, & Sisson, 2017; Berry, 2005).
According to Oh, Koeske, and Sales (2002), some studies find that acculturation can be
associated with a wide variety of negative adaptation processes and feelings of abandonment,
while other studies find acculturation to reduce stress and depression because language

8
proficiency alone minimizes stress and depression. Stress and depression can also be associated
with acculturation experience (Alamilla et al., 2017).
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory guides public mental health interventions
(Eriksson, Ghazinour, & Hammarström, 2018). The theory suggests five microsystems within
each other: the microsystem or immediate environment (home), mesosystem or connections
(school), exosystem or indirect environment (peer group), macrosystem or social and cultural
values (community environment), and chronosystem or changes over time that impact how
children grow up. According to this theory, individuals’ microsystems influence their
mesosystems, their mesosystems influence their exosystems, their exosystems influence their
macrosystems, and their microsystems influence their chronosystems (Eriksson et al., 2018).
Based on Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory, during adolescence, many systems, cultural and
societal influences can influence and develop the way they approach and interact with the world,
and as such, it is important to demonstrate the diverse understanding of school students’
ecological systems (Fearnley, 2020).
The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine first-hand, the approach that second-
generation Korean-American high school students take to mental health. This study focused on
the analysis of responses and answers to interviews, surveys, and Likert scales to provide a more
thorough understanding of respondents’ needs. These efforts sought to help school sites gather
evidence for better mental health strategies and outcomes in supporting more of the student
population. The focus of the analysis was on high school second-generation Korean-American
students, though for a more extensive review, counselors, teachers, administrators, and other
student populations’ views and experiences would have been analyzed. To gain better insight
into these students’ mental health experiences, the following research questions were developed:

9
1. How does the perception of mental health support impact second-generation Korean-
American high school students?
2. How do second-generation Korean-American high school students perceive mental health
support?
3. How does academic stress impact second-generation Korean-American high school
students’ perceptions and attitudes about social and cultural expectations?
Significance of the Study
It has become a district mandate for school counselors at EUSD to do classroom
presentations on mental health, suicide prevention, anxiety, and depression through the SOS
program. Before the implementation of SOS, many school staff members conveyed frustration
with the limited services and referral systems at the school site for students with mental health
needs. The district now mandates schools to provide ample opportunities to all students to share
the mental health concerns for themselves and other peers on campus. Anonymous “see
something, say something” shoe boxes are scattered around office counters, an anonymous
online application allows students to report fights, bullying, and mental health issues for
themselves and their peers. School counselors, faculty, staff, mental health therapists, and
administrators are expected to receive ongoing training on how to handle the mental health
concerns of students. High schools are collaborating with feeder middle schools to ensure that
the high school counselors, faculty, staff, mental health therapists, and administrators are made
aware of students with existing mental health issues, social, emotional and behavioral history,
and support systems that have worked for them in the past.
As mental health continues to become a more widely known issue in high-school-aged
children, appropriate strategies and safeguards should be set in place to give diverse students the

10
services necessary for social, emotional, and academic success. In EUSD, Asian-American
students make up 27.55% of the high school population (See Footnote
6
). At EHS, Korean-
American students make up 10.9% of the population at a total of 226 students (See Footnote
7
).
The significance of this study is that it reinforces the literature and research on the
limitations of mental health literacy for the diverse needs of students in schools. This research
confers to school needs for additional professional development and training of faculty, staff,
parents, and students in differentiated and more robust mental health support for the diverse
subgroups at high schools, including second-generation Korean-American students (Choi,
Meininger, & Roberts, 2006; Chung & Bemak, 2002; Lee, 1996; Lee & Rotheram-Borus, 2009).
Limitations and Delimitations
The researcher had difficulty receiving institutional review board (IRB) approval to
interview minors as subjects for the study. As a result, current second-generation Korean-
American high school students from EHS could not be interviewed. The participants graduated
from EHS within the three years that the school’s mental health program was in operation: 2017
through 2019. Interviewing current students could have provided a more robust study about
current experiences for students and any additional reported mental health updates. During the
study, the COVID-19 pandemic made it difficult for the researcher to meet with participants in
person. The researcher interviewed eight participants in person and four over the phone.
Definition of Terms
Acculturation - The cultural adaptation process from one homogenous group (home) to a
dominant group’s (host) culture (Berry, 2005).
Culture – A person’s ethnic makeup (González et al., 2017).

11
Cultural identity - Self-identification established by variables of cultural values, customs,
beliefs, and attitudes (Cornell & Hartmann, 2006).
First-generation Korean-American: The first in a family to move to America from their
host country of South Korea in their adulthood.
FOB - “Fresh off the boat” - Rather than calling other Asians the “first-generation” from
their countries to come to America, second-generation Asians call them FOBs. It is a derogatory
term that pokes fun at their limited assimilation into American culture and is not openly repeated
in front of first or 1.5 generation Asian-Americans. All participants used it to distinguish their
second-generation Korean-American identity as a differentiator. The undertone exists but isn’t
open.
Mental Health Literacy - The understanding and opinions regarding mental disorder
prevention, recognition of disorders, and awareness to effectively use differentiated tools
according to the person in need (Na, Ryder, & Kirmayer, 2016; Townsend et al., 2017).
Model Minority - A stereotypical term used to describe Asian-Americans, including
second-generation Korean-Americans with high income, academic and career success, and
family stability due to perceived successful assimilation into American culture. (Bablak et al.,
2016)
1.5 generation Korean-American – Korean individuals who move to America during K-
12 school age.
Perfectionism - To set extremely high standards and aim to be flawless (Nilsson, Butler,
Shouse, & Joshi, 2008).
Race – The biological makeup of someone (Betancourt & López, 1993).

12
Second-generation Korean-American - Individuals born in America to first or 1.5
generation parents. A label for Koreans born in the United States to at least one Korean
immigrant parent whose origins are of Korea; Korean-Americans are a subgroup of Asian-
Americans who are defined by the history that contains decades of discrimination, racism, and
trauma (Lee, 1996).
Stigma - Negative attitudes and beliefs of others because of specific personality traits or
characteristics viewed as negative or disadvantageous (Knifton, 2012; Townsend et al., 2017).
Trust – The belief of honesty and reliability between one person and another.
Organization of the Study
Chapter One provides a synopsis of the entire study, including an overview, background
of the problem, and the purpose and significance of the study. Chapter Two provides a review of
current literature to understand the mental health issues of second-generation Korean-American
high school students. Chapter Three shares the methodology used for this study, the sample and
population, instrumentation, and data collection and analysis. Chapter Four reports the results
and themes that emerged. Chapter Five reviews the findings of the study and discusses the
implications of the practice and needed future research.

13
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Mental health in school-aged youth has become a growing concern because of the
difficulty it causes on students’ academic well-being. Currently, up to 32% of school-aged youth
experience at least one mental health scare annually, and the majority of them do not receive
proper counseling at school. Referrals are typically made through self-identification or from
peers or school teachers and counselors which indicates that the range of undocumented students
who need mental health support is greater (Eisenberg, Hunt, Speer, & Zivin, 2011; Patel et al.,
2007). The increasing rates of mental health concerns for high school students are reflected
across all ethnicities and socioeconomic statuses, but the stigma against mental health is
damaging to students who need help (Knifton, 2012). Those with mental health issues do not
want to be discriminated against or labeled because of the stigma that comes with receiving
health services, thus not seeking help (Schomerus & Angermeyer, 2008).
This chapter reviews literature that focuses on Asian-American students, particularly
second-generation Korean-American student’s challenges for seeking mental health support. The
purpose of this study was to conduct a critical analysis of their experiences of mental health
needs and supports. This research will contribute to understanding the obstacles that these
students face to identify a framework for schools to support their mental health needs.
This chapter is broken down into four sections. Section One reviews second-generation
Korean-American cultural and racial experiences. Section Two investigates research on cultural
identity. Section Three examines these students’ responsiveness at schools. Section Four
describes acculturation theory and ecological systems theory as the theoretical framework
guiding this study.

14
Second-Generation Korean-American Cultural and Racial Experiences
Second-generation Korean-Americans were born in the United States to at least one
Korean immigrant parent whose origins are of Korea. This population is a subgroup of Asian-
Americans who are defined by the history that contains decades of discrimination, racism, and
trauma (Chang & Smith, 2015; Lee, 1996; Liem, 1997; Tsai, Mortensen, Wong, & Hess, 2002;
Yoo & Kim, 2010). According to Choi, Kim, Kim, and Park (2013), first-generation and 1.5-
generation Korean immigrants have different emotional experiences regarding cultural beliefs
and practices of their home cultures than members of the second generation do. Asian
immigrants assimilate to American culture at vastly lower rates than American-born Asian
adolescents do because of cultural orientation, guilt, and shame regarding their culture of origin
(Lee & Johnson, 2017; Liem, 1997; Nguyen, 2008). Like many Asian families, the Korean home
culture values of group identity, family harmony, and relatedness are inconsistent with the
American host values of individuation and autonomy; thus, the cultural experiences of the
second generation are specific to each journey to assimilate into American culture and maintain
different interpersonal boundaries (Lee, 1996; Tuason & Friedlander, 2000).
The minority experience in the United States is developed and modified through the
social and historical racist and inclusive experiences the group experiences (Chávez & Guido-
DiBrito, 1999). In the work of Scheff and Retzinger (2001), Americans are prone to shame and
guilt, with prioritization of shame, ultimately provoking anxiety and fear over the ideology of
individualism and autonomy. This priority affects the self-concept and self-esteem of Americans.
Furthermore, Liem (1997) describes a phenomenon in Asian culture called “shame share,” which
are feelings of shame contrived through the behaviors or experiences of others from their
families or community. The studies of Markus and Kitayama (2003) describe Asian immigrants

15
as perceiving shame through a socio-centric lens. Korean-Americans experience interdependent
embarrassment and guilt for failing tasks because Asian culture identifies shame with
dishonoring and bringing harm to those close to them. Conversely, Americans are reported to
perceive shame through an egocentric lens: Americans experience emotions that are less
dependent on or completely independent of others, and their decisions and processes are what
makes them individuals.
Asian-American youth encounter emotional stress trying to relate to and understand their
parents because of the cultural disparity that naturally occurs due to acculturation (Nguyen,
2008). Relationships with their immigrant parents are impacted due to social and cultural barriers
alike (Kim & Park, 2011). Korean immigrant parents support the bilingualism and dual cultural
identities of their children but have differing shame and guilt experiences from them (Yasui,
Kim, & Choi, 2018).
The duality of the Korean and American cultures and societal structures are adopted by
second-generation Korean-Americans at different points of the spectrum of acculturation, but the
constructs of their cultural guilt and shame exist regardless (Yeh et al., 2005). The spectrum of
acculturation is dependent on the person’s personal experiences with the cultures. Those who
interacted more with their home culture reported experiencing more anxiety (Kim & Park, 2011).
External stressors such as racism, racial microaggressions, discrimination, and prejudice can and
frequently do shift this populations’ perceptions of bicultural identity and acculturation (Benet-
Martínez, 2012; Kim, Kendall, & Cheon, 2017; Oh et al., 2002). Racial discrimination is
reported by minority children as young as 8 years old, with data that indicates that negative
physical, social, and mental health issues manifest as a result of their discriminatory experiences
on a daily and ongoing basis (Pachter, Bernstein, Szalacha, & Coll, 2010). Perceived racial

16
stereotypes develop cultural meaning and build identity through the intercultural persons’
connections to their two identified cultures (Benet-Martínez, 2012). Benet-Martínez (2012)
articulates that bicultural individuals who have high cultural harmony, defined as the
compatibility of integrated dual cultural identities, have higher mental health literacy. Those with
less need for external approval are less emotionally reactive to the differentiation that others
create (Lee & Johnson, 2017).
Cultural mistrust is a form of felt discrimination against individuals or groups from the
host or main culture (Kim et al., 2017). Kim et al. (2017) suggest that cultural mistrust is the
intermediary between racism and mental health. Historic oppression, rate of experienced racism,
and sociocultural oppression are some reasons students of color develop cultural mistrust and
distance themselves from full immersion into the host culture (Helms, 1995). The experienced
mistrust and discrimination through racial microaggressions impact the social and emotional
relationships that people of color have with self, family, and Caucasians (Tsai & Pike, 2000).
The cultural differences in first, 1.5, and second-generation Korean-Americans present barriers
with communication due to language, views and navigation of academic and social settings, and
integration into mainstream society (Choi, Tan, Yasui, & Hahm, 2016). While American-born
Korean adolescents assimilate into American society through school and exposure to the host
culture in social settings, immigrants prefer enculturation, or to maintain their home culture, as a
strategy to protect and defend their culture and ethnic identity (Chae & Foley, 2010; Choi et al.,
2016). The cultural mistrust, discriminatory experiences, and perceptions of racism from
American-born and immigrant Asian students are linked to their experiences of interpersonal
shame and desire for self-control (Kim, Kendall, & Chang, 2016). Studies indicate that there is a

17
direct negative correlation minority groups between racial microaggressions and mental health
help-seeking attitudes (Townes, Chavez-Korell, & Cunningham, 2009).
Cultural Identity
The cultural and racial paradigms in the United States are best defined through
individuals’ formations of diverse interactions with others, the examination of their ethnic roots,
and the ability to view one’s identity in the world in which one lives (Reynolds & Pope, 1991).
The second-generation adolescent’s identity begins to form at childhood; the development of
social competence, self-worth, and sense of and attitude towards cultural belonging make up
cultural identity (Kim & Park, 2011; Shrake & Rhee, 2004).
Chávez and Guido-DiBrito (1999) state that racial and ethnic identity make up the core of
individual and collective identity. Minorities encounter differential treatment and openly
negative stereotyping through daily interactions and media; these collective experiences
construct and develop a person’s attitude, behavior, values, and identity (Chávez & Guido-
DiBrito, 1999). Second-generation Korean-Americans are a very diverse community of people
who come from a continent made up of 48 countries, but are minimally studied as a subgroup,
and are frequently studied through the one-dimensional lens of the Asian immigrant (Oh et al.,
2002; Reynolds & Pope, 1991; Sue, 1994). According to Reynolds and Pope (1991), individuals
lumped into one cultural context have complex identities and are not evaluated or measured by
the different identities that they possess. Though Asian-American students have perceptions,
cultures, and values similar to one another in the sense of collectivism and interdependence, they
are vastly diverse in terms of behavioral and attitudinal acculturation even within the same ethnic
background (Gloria et al., 2008). The intricacies of the bicultural student account for unique
feelings of face, culture, racial microaggressions, and viewpoints; these collective factors

18
influence this population’s cultural identity and orientation (Kim et al., 2017; Lee & Johnson,
2017).
Minority groups especially tussle with the idea of cultural and ethnic identity during
adolescence because of conflicting cultural standards during external exchanges at home and at
school or in their communities while Caucasians instinctively experience and observe the world
from a one-dimensional viewpoint (Chávez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999; Lee & Johnson, 2017).
Second-generation Korean-American students are less likely to seek mental health
support than their counterparts despite experiencing cultural, family, and academic stress (Abe-
Kim et al., 2007; Yasui et al., 2018). Pachter et al. (2010) conducted a study on 277 multicultural
children’s’ experiences with racism and the frequency, effects, and types of discrimination that
were experienced. The results of the study show that 88% of children experienced subtle or
direct racial discrimination from members of their groups, the majority group, or other minority
groups.
The generation status of the student and the students’ family plays a large role in the
second-generation Korean-American student’s cultural identity. There is no one linear way of
looking at a group or individual’s cultural identity because the similarities and differences of
each interaction, connection, identification, difficulties, and beliefs are complex and ever-
alternating based on experiences (Kim & Park, 2011; Reynolds & Pope, 1991; Yeh et al., 2005).
Cultural identities are formed through societal standards and ethnic distinctions. According to
Sanders (2002), Asian-Americans, Hispanics, and African Americans are bicultural groups that
are attached to their cultural roots and have strong ethnic ties to others who are a part of their
bicultural groups. Ethnic and cultural identity is fluid but highly influenced by the home culture
and the host culture’s expectations, acceptance, and social boundaries (Sanders, 2002).

19
Additional studies and research about the framework of the intersectionality for all
subgroups of the population will help institutions work against a hegemonic education or
counseling (Dhamoon, 2011). As Dhamoon (2011) notes, the collective relationships that
traditionally marginalized groups have served as a means to promote and facilitate justice and
agency, and for the group to develop their social constructs and identity. In the case of Asian
cultural values, mental health services are not considered appropriate for individuals to consider
because it would show signs of mental or emotional weakness, and ultimately shame the group to
which the individual belongs (Gloria et al., 2008).
Second-generation Korean-American students achieve a bicultural identity that
synthesizes their home culture with the host culture (Liem, 1997). Their cultural values progress
and shift as their perceptions and treatment and relationships with others delineate their self-
identified racial identity (Chávez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999; Yeh et al., 2005). These students
adhere to the cultural values of their parents but are warranted to acculturate into American
culture as desired. The focus of many of them lies heavily on fulfilling the label of “model
minority” and building an identity out of it (Lee, 1996). The described model minority is a
monolithic and stereotypical approach that is confusing and difficult for Asian-American
students to navigate through (Kiang, Witkow, & Thompson, 2016).
The commonplace model minority stereotype is negative discrimination that illustrates
Asian-Americans to be socially awkward and competitive, and it dominates the societal
viewpoint of Asian-Americans (Kiang et al., 2016; Lee & Rotheram-Borus, 2009). Many
second-generation Korean-American students adhere to the given stereotype and representation
of model minority as described by others and struggle to maintain this promoted and appointed
identity (Gloria et al., 2008). The hindrance of ethnic-based stereotypes is that these students

20
choose not to create their own identity when the stereotype brings honor and perceived power to
the cultural group that they identify with (Gloria et al., 2008; Kiang et al. 2015; Lee &
Rotheram-Borus, 2009). These adolescents are among the many Asian-American subgroups who
frequently develop perfectionism, setting extremely high standards and aiming to be flawless
(Nilsson et al., 2008). This stress leads to depression and anxiety because of the desire and
presented pressure to perfect the bicultural standards to which they create and adhere to fit in
with their Asian roots and American culture (Chae & Foley, 2010). Conversely, the stressors of
the bicultural identity, language barriers with parents and relatives, and pressures to be the model
minority lead some Asian-American youth to partake in risky behaviors like unprotected sex and
drug-use (Lee & Rotheram-Borus, 2009).
Responsiveness of Second-generation Korean-Americans at School
Second-generation Korean-Americans make up a large population of 1.8 million, or 0.6%
of the total population in the United States, but they are still widely affected by racial and ethnic
discrimination, and studies about their mental health are limited in comparison to others
(Alamilla et al., 2017; Kim & Park, 2011; Townsend et al., 2017).
The goal of schools is to give all students the same access to school activities, resources,
and experiences, but, because the baseline is created through the lens and experience of
Caucasian males, many resources are inaccessible to marginalized groups (Iverson, 2007). The
emotional and educational experiences of second-generation Korean-American students is
dependent on the cultural climate and fit of the school, which should be measured with the
understanding that different subgroups require different variations of support because they
possess different skills, values, cultures, and perspectives (Gloria et al., 2008; Iverson, 2007).

21
However, these students utilize mental health services less often than Caucasian students do,
though the latter students have higher stress levels (Blanco et al., 2007).
The second-generation Korean-American culture prefers to keep mental health issues
private; counselors and school teachers cannot rely solely on the self-identification of this
population’s mental health concerns because the overall culture avoids seeking help and
stigmatizes therapy, depression, anxiety and other emotional problems (Vogel et al., 2007; Yasui
et al., 2018). These students and their parents are among the many Asian-Americans who risk
losing face if others learn that mental health services were utilized (Vogel et al., 2007). One of
the highest values of Asian culture is to not disgrace family members; identification and
disclosing of beliefs that differ from the ideologies of the home culture, depression, and anxiety
break the invisible rules and norms (Vogel et al., 2007). The second-generation Korean-
American student’s position on the scale of acculturation determines the comfort, stigmatization,
tolerance, and open-mindedness toward disclosing raw social and emotional sentiments to
someone in a formal setting (Atkinson, Lowe, & Matthews, 1995).
Diversity action plans for academic, social, and emotional support at school sites can be
characterized and promoted through the differentiated and culturally sensitive facilitation of
programs and initiatives (Guo et al., 2014; Iverson, 2007; Na et al., 2016). Asian-American
students utilize school-based mental health resources less than Caucasian students because they
are not as frequently identified by self, staff, faculty or peers even though studies find that they
have a higher level of anxiety than Caucasian students (Chu, Hsieh, & Tokars, 2011; Yeh, 2002).
Additionally, second-generation Korean-American students internalize their mental health
problems or share emotional duress with peers or trusted group members in informal settings

22
instead of in a formal setting with a professional who is considered part of the other (Brice et al.,
2015).
According to Brice et al. (2015), school settings are the most natural places to identify
students with anxiety. Second-generation Korean-American students are among the Asian-
American students who are not fully truthful in self-indicated mental health surveys provided at
school in fear of embarrassing their ethnic and cultural background (Brice et al., 2015; Vogel et
al., 2007). Vogel et al. (2007) state that the lack of responsiveness to school-based psychological
support is partially due to avoidance but that it is also the responsibility of the counselors and
school staff to understand and facilitate help-seeking behavior.
There are a variety of cultural barriers that impact minority students from the
identification of mental health needs, including their levels of acculturation, misunderstandings,
or stigmas of mental health and shame, and only 7% of minority students with mental health
concerns receive counseling of any sort (Thompson, 2005). Some primary reasons that second-
generation Korean-American students limit identification of and recognition of mental health
issues are keeping negative emotions to self, stigmas against mental health support, and
acculturation (Choi et al., 2013; Iwamasa & Hilliard, 1999). Iwamasa and Hilliard (1999) state
that Asian-Americans also do not share emotional distress or other mental health issues with
others as a means to not bring perceived shame to the family or ethnic background. Seeking
professional psychological help has a social stigma that penetrates various ethnic and cultural
groups (Townsend et al., 2017).
According to Vogel et al. (2007), students who are aware of their mental health disorders
are more likely to seek help. However, second-generation Korean-American students often do
not seek mental health support because their understanding of mental health may be limited, and

23
mental health issues may be unrecognizable even to themselves. As a result, their mental health
support has been marginalized and limited solutions have been provided within the school
environment (Kim & Omizo, 2005; Yasui et al., 2018).
Acculturation Theory
Acculturation is the cultural adaptation process from one homogenous group (home) to a
dominant group’s (host) culture (Berry, 2005). According to Berry (2005), immigrants often ebb
and flow through the four levels of acculturation include integration, assimilation, rejection, and
marginalization (See Figure 1). Berry’s (2005) framework of acculturation theory identifies
integration of the culture of origin and the secondary adopted culture as geometrically identical.
Assimilation into a new culture occurs when a person or group minimally retains the culture of
origin and adopts the secondary culture as the primary form of identity. Rejection refers to the
maintenance of the home culture and the separation of identity from the secondary culture.
Marginalization occurs when the home culture and the host culture are both rejected.

24

Figure 1. Berry’s acculturation theory.
Second-generation Korean-American students have anxiety, stress, and complex feelings
of confusion regarding identity. Their experiences and feelings of dual culture differ from what
their parents experienced because their scales of acculturation differ by generation (Choi et al.,
2013; Vogel et al., 2007). Despite the language, social, and cultural barriers, these students retain
aspects of their family’s home culture and ethnic roots and viewpoints. Seeking mental health
support remains stigmatized, and these adolescents maintain feelings of shame and group
mentality regardless of where they identify on the acculturation scale (Gloria et al., 2008; Yoo &
Kim, 2010). Gloria et al. (2008) shares studies that reveal that attitude, behavior, and historic
cultural ties are congruent with acculturation.

25
Chae and Foley (2010) indicate that acculturation has evolved from acculturated or not
acculturated, to the current acculturation scale that exists today. The multidimensional, complex
discernment of second-generation Korean-Americans’ identities is not as simple as a binary
label. The blended cultures focus on the psychological well-being and belonging to a group or
multiple groups (Chae & Foley, 2010).
The understanding, values, behaviors, and cultural identity shifts as individuals socialize
with others who share the native cultural norms versus those whose cultural norms are of the
opposing or new culture (Alamilla et al., 2017). A person’s identity is molded and built through
the combined experiences and intersections of cultures and eventually, bits and pieces of each
culture develop an individual’s acculturation (Reynolds & Pope, 1991). The identity of a person
in society is often framed around ethnic, racial, gender, and cultural identifications (Sanders,
2002).
Ecological Systems Theory
Bronfenbrenner developed the ecological systems theory to study the relationships that
individuals have within specific communities and the wider society (Eriksson et al., 2018). In the
ecological systems theory, five systems shape an individual’s development.

26

Figure 2. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory.
His theory is often utilized in the mental health field to examine how the five systems can
impact children within their ecological contexts (Fearnley, 2020). In the most inner system, the
microsystem, a person’s immediate groups, and affiliations impact them first. This can include
family, church, and other close groups that can directly impact the individual. The next system is
the mesosystem, which is interconnected with the microsystem. In the mesosystem, an
individual’s parents or someone within his or her microsystem may connect with someone from
his or her mesosystem, such as school faculty and staff. The exosystem is the individual’s
indirect environment and its connection and impact on the individual’s life. For example, if an
individual’s parent gets into a car accident and is no longer able to work, the individual may
experience changes in the parent’s interactions with the individual due to stress or due to trying
to find a job. The macrosystem is made up of the individual’s social or cultural values. These
values are seen throughout the individual’s microsystems and mesosystems. The macrosystems

27
shift between different generations. External contexts such as location and socioeconomic status
can differ, but members within the same cultural or ethnic groups will often share values, rules,
history, and identities alike. Lastly, the chronosystem encompasses all of the systems and
illustrates how a series of events can change an individual’s circumstances and attitude within
the individual’s culture.
Second-generation Korean-American high school students experience the world from
their ecological systems because of the attitudes and beliefs that their families have instilled
within them (Yoo & Kim, 2010). The acculturation experiences of their parents have helped to
mold their cultural identities, which retain much of their family’s home culture, ethnic roots, and
viewpoints; the generational gap does create a divide within their macrosystems but the ethnic-
cultural norms are framed around their microsystems (Amailla et al., 2017; Choi et al., 2013;
Fearnley, 2020).

28
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
This chapter explains the qualitative research done to understand the challenges, life
experiences, and impacts of mental health issues in second-generation Korean-American
students to address their needs. This examination of these students’ needs and current mental
health issues is important to understand and support the development of mental health literacy at
school sites.
Research Questions
The study design explores strategies to develop a more robust and diverse mental health
approach by concentrating on the following research questions:
1. How does the perception of mental health support impact second-generation Korean-
American high school students?
2. How do second-generation Korean-American high school students perceive mental health
support?
3. How does academic stress impact second-generation Korean-American high school
students’ perceptions and attitudes about social and cultural expectations?
Research Design
Exploration of second-generation Korean-American high school students’ perspectives
and experiences with mental health support at the school site through the qualitative case study
approach is congruous to the understanding of best practices for mental health support. Merriam
(2009) states that qualitative research is conducted to understand and give meaning to others’
experiences because the examination is centered on the demonstration of understanding of the
processes and learning of the researcher. This study focused on interviews, surveys, and current
practices to triangulate the data (Maxwell, 2013). The researcher utilized three research questions

29
to guide this qualitative multiple case study. Surveys and interviews were recorded in great detail
as a form of data for analysis (Merriam, 2009). According to Merriam (2009), qualitative
research intends to create meaning for the researcher through data collection and analysis. The
results exposed the information collected, including interviews, surveys, and analysis (Merriam,
2009).
This qualitative case study explored the experiences, understandings, and feelings of
second-generation Korean-Americans toward mental health and mental health supports in high
school. The researcher incorporated the students’ mental health and mental health support
experiences to help schools further expand and modify procedures for mental health support
according to the individual’s needs.
Sample and Population
The researcher conducted 12 interviews. These participants previously attended a
comprehensive high school that had implemented a mental health program. They were
interviewed to examine ways to differentiate mental health counseling according to the
population supported. The following section will provide an overview of the location,
participants, data collection, and data analysis of the study.
Location
East High School (EHS) is a comprehensive 9–12 grade high school located in Southern
California with a total student enrollment number of 2,067. The school serves a mixed
population of at-risk and high achieving students. The at-risk students include 8.1% of students
with disabilities, 11.9% English language learners, and 53.1% socioeconomically disadvantaged
or on free and reduced lunch (See Footnote
8
). EHS is one of five comprehensive high schools
under the umbrella of EUSD.

30
Participants
The researcher contacted the Principal of EHS for consent to interview current students.
The researcher had thorough in-person discussions about the objective of the study to ensure the
study would not negatively affect the school or school district brand. However, due to IRB
restrictions with guidelines regarding research on minors, the researcher interviewed 12
participants who graduated from EHS between 2017 and 2019 and participated in a mental health
support program. Emails and letters were sent to 25 prospective participants who met the study
criteria. Participants were verbally provided the purpose of the study, and given paper copies of
the consent form, and a signature page. Convenience sampling occurred to ensure that sufficient
participation took place.
Participants were carefully and purposely selected, and the study was conducted with
transparency to all participants (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). Case study participants
provided important information regarding their mental health challenges, life experiences, and
their impacts on mental health. They were given anonymity for information collected on all
portions of their participation. They were asked to dedicate approximately three hours in total to
the case study for one month to interview, and complete surveys and a Likert scale survey. The
interview questions and answers were open for review by participants.
Appointments were set up in person or over the phone with participants. Phone call
reminders were provided to them at least one to two days before the interview took place as
reminders. Interviews data were coded and analyzed for patterns (Merriam, 2009).
Verbal reminders to potential participants for this qualitative case study were provided.
They were notified that their participation was voluntary and that they would be identified with

31
code names, and that their participation would require no risks. The potential participants were
also reminded that the study is in no way tied to the school site or the school district.
Instrumentation
A qualitative case study was utilized for this study with carefully and purposefully
chosen participants (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009; Patton, 2002). Convenience sampling took
place because the researcher’s prior relationship with the students and families would allow the
researcher to gain access to a community that typically desires to keep their personal lives as
private as possible.
The researcher analyzed their responses to research questions addressing the need to
understand second-generation Korean-American high school student mental health and the need
for schools to train staff in differentiated and more robust mental health support for diverse
subgroups served. Acculturation theory (Figure 1) provides insight into the relationship between
acculturation and measures of psychological functioning (Chae & Foley, 2010). Berry (2005)
defines acculturation theory as the cultural adaptation process from one homogenous group
(home) to a dominant group’s culture (host). Individuals who have low acculturation are more
likely to discuss personal concerns (Atkinson et al., 1995; Berry, 2005). The researcher
investigated case study participants’ experiences through interviews to identify samples for
relationship measures of acculturation to their psychological state. Ecological systems theory
(Figure 2) also provides insight into the long-term effects of cultural and environmental
influences. Participants’ beliefs and attitudes of regarding mental health were explored to further
learn about how their acculturation experience may have affected their viewpoints (Choi et al.,
2013; Fearnley, 2020). Questions were formulated to generate beliefs, feelings, responsiveness to

32
mental health counseling, and approaches to the best methods to offer support for their unique
needs.
Data Collection
Once the IRB at the University of Southern California (USC) reviewed and approved of
the researcher’s investigation, the researcher evaluated and revised interview questions with
dissertation chairs. This study required the researcher to have direct interaction with second-
generation Korean-American students. Because the participants were interviewed and surveyed
at the locations of their choice, participants felt more comfortable in their natural settings and
allowed the researcher to ask questions that could otherwise be difficult to obtain answers to
(Creswell, 2012).
The researcher collected results and compared participants’ needs, beliefs, and use of
campus mental health counseling resources in high school. Comparisons between the different
participants’ needs, beliefs, and use of campus mental health counseling resources were analyzed
for trends. The researcher examined the type, and level of mental health support received by
participants.
One-on-one interviews took place in person or over the phone. The interviews were semi-
structured to allow participants to share and explore topics (Appendix E). Follow-up questions
asking for examples of past experiences and why participants felt the way they did about probing
interview questions were asked. One-on-one interviews allowed the researcher to experience the
students’ tone. The researcher audio-recorded interviews with the participants’ permission. The
researcher asked open-ended and yes/no questions to gather clear, purposeful answers (Merriam,
2009).

33
The researcher also asked participants to fill out one Likert rating scale and survey before
conducting interviews. The interviews were transcribed for accuracy. The interviews, scales, and
surveys were intended to discover what specific challenges second-generation Korean-American
high school students faced that created barriers in receiving mental health counseling and to
explore how they currently handle and would like to handle mental health needs.
The measures included demographics and measurement instruments. The researcher
shared the purpose of the study and how the participants were chosen. The researcher asked
demographics questions to participants to ensure that they had an understanding of their cultural
identities. These questions were open-ended and allowed the researcher to gain as much
information from participants as possible (Merriam, 2009).
Data Analysis
Transcripts from the interviews were coded by major themes and subthemes that emerged
from the focus areas of the research questions. The researcher used open coding to formulate
themes and patterns regarding best practices for subgroups of students within a school to receive
equitable mental health supports (Merriam, 2009).
Ethical Consideration
Interviews and surveys were conducted outside of the school site and were done within
the desired locations and times of the participants. Participants understood that their participation
in the study would have no impact on the school, district, or themselves. The researcher went
over the study and consent form for study participation with each participant (Appendix A).
Participants were provided opportunities to ask questions regarding the study and understood that
they would incur little to no risk by participating in the study.

34
Confidentiality
All participant names were altered into pseudonyms of their choices. Interviews and
survey collection occurred within the boundaries of the participants’ desired location. No parents
were contacted throughout the study.
Positionality
As a second-generation Korean-American who grew up in the United States, the
researcher understands and is aware of the cultural responsibilities and rules that Korean-
American high school students adhere to. The researcher is interested in how respondents
participate in a high school mental health program. The experiences, perceptions, and
understandings of mental health and mental health supports for these students have shifted as the
researcher did not have mental health programs while in high school.

35
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
The purpose of this case study was to explore the diverse needs of the second-generation
Korean-American high school student population. Data were collected through 12 one-on-one in-
depth interview and survey data analysis. The interviews and surveys were completed through
convenience and purposeful sampling over one month. The research questions examined
participants’ mental health experiences.
This study used a case study methodology to collect data from 12 graduates, eight female
and four male, of one high school who self-identified second-generation Korean-American
students between the ages of 18 and 20. This chapter will describe the participants in the case
study and their demographic data. Through this case study, thematic findings emerged from the
research questions.
Before collecting data, permission to collect data from the USC IRB was obtained. Once
the USC IRB granted permission to collect data, phone calls were made to potential participants
inviting them to voluntarily participate in the study. In the phone call, the researcher shared an
overview of the study and the length of time the potential participants would potentially commit
to if they considered participating in interviews and filling out surveys. Once phone calls were
made, potential participants were given 48 hours to decide if they would like to participate.
Fifteen phone calls were made, and 12 calls boded success. Each potential candidate contacted
the researcher within 24 hours or committed to participation during the initial phone call.
Candidates received the IRB consent form to sign, survey questions, and a Likert scale to fill out
and send back to the researcher. The survey included demographic questions including gender
and age, parent professions, parent highest degrees, and preferred language of parents and
participants (Appendix C). The Likert scale contained statements that participants can

36
individually measure regarding mental health and the identity of the second-generation Korean-
American (Appendix D). Face-to-face interviews were scheduled at the participants’ preferred
times and locations (Appendix E).
The Likert scale data indicated that the participants had varied opinions of their second-
generation Korean-American identities and about mental health (Appendix D). The researcher
completed a mean distribution of the findings. The mean score 0.01 to 1.00 indicates that the
participants strongly disagree with the statements, 1.01 to 2.00 demonstrates that participants
somewhat disagree, 2.01 to 3.00 specifies that participants neither agree nor disagree, 3.01 to
4.00 indicates that participants somewhat agree, and the mean score of a 4.01 to 5.00 reveals that
participants strongly agree.
The Likert scale mean data illustrate that participants strongly agreed with 1 statement,
somewhat disagreed to 5 statements, neither agreed nor disagreed to 5 statements, somewhat
agreed to 3 statements, and strongly agreed to 1 statement. Participants strongly disagreed with
the statement “Only people who are weak and sensitive let mental health affect them.” The mean
score was 4.58 for the statement “It is important for me to identify as a second-generation
Korean-American,” and “I am proud to be a second-generation Korean-American.” “Mental
health can be understood and treated with therapy” had a mean score of 4.08 indicated that
participants somewhat agree with the statement. The Likert scale data also suggested that the
only statement that all participants strongly agreed to unanimously was that “mental health is
real.”
All participants completed the survey and Likert scale before participating in the
interview. The initial plan of the researcher was to meet each participant at their preferred times
and locations to conduct face-to-face interviews. However, in January 2020, a new strand of

37
coronavirus that causes COVID-19, which affects the lungs and airways and could potentially
lead to death, made its way to the United States and across the world. As a result of the COVID-
19 pandemic, on March 19, 2020, Gavin Newsom, Governor of California ordered a shelter-in-
place. During this period, there were school closures and all non-essential businesses were closed
for the safety of the community to contain the spread of the virus. The researcher was able to
conduct eight face-to-face interviews before the shelter-in-place order. The remaining four
interviews were conducted over the telephone due to limitations from COVID-19 instead of face-
to-face interviews.
By March 13, 2020, the high school that the participants graduated from had moved into
virtual learning platforms, and other states had already enacted shelter-in-place regulations. For
the safety of the participants and the researcher, the eight participants who were interviewed in
person asked the researcher to conduct interviews in their homes before the shelter-in-place
order. Three of the participants asked for assurance regarding their anonymity before the
interviews began. The researcher ensured that their identities would be kept anonymous
throughout the entire process. The researcher used a participant recruitment script to read to
participants that the researcher had written, with detailed information regarding the study
(Appendix B). Participants reviewed and signed informed consent forms to participate in the
study and to be audio-recorded. The researcher conducted 12 interviews, ranging between 45 and
60 minutes in length, which were recorded on the researcher’s telephone through the recording
application to understand the diverse needs of the second-generation Korean-American high
school student population. Then through the Rev application, a transcription service, all audio
interviews were transcribed. The researcher used pseudonyms that the participants chose and
edited the transcriptions to ensure its accuracy.

38
Throughout this chapter, the research questions are discussed. Creswell’s (2012) data
analysis steps were used to analyze data. Research Question One addressed how the perception
of mental health supports impact second-generation Korean-American high school students.
Research Question Two examined how second-generation Korean-American high school
students perceive mental health support. Research Question Three explored how academic stress
impact perceptions and attitudes about social and cultural expectations. The results of the study,
emergent themes, and data analysis are described here.
Participants
To uphold the confidentiality of all participants, pseudonyms were used for each
participant, the school, and the district to decrease the probability of unintentionally revealing
their identities.
Information About the School and School District
At EUSD, all Asian students completed high school graduation requirements in 2017–
2018 with the current EUSD high school Asian student total being 27.55% of the total district
population (See Footnote
9
). At EUSD, there are five comprehensive high schools, with a total of
2,183 Asian students (See Footnote
10
). The specific high school is a traditional high school that
consists of one principal, three assistant principals, four alpha counselors, two mental health
therapists, eight main secretaries, 74 certificated teachers, and over 200 support staff and
coaches.
The EUSD LCAP indicates that schools will provide a school environment that is
physically, emotionally, and socially safe for all students (See Footnote
11
). As a result, at EHS,
an annual goal was developed to create avenues to physical, emotional, and social safety for
students through professional development opportunities for school faculty, staff, students, and

39
parents. These opportunities include parent and student training presentations, mental health
awareness small group presentations in classrooms for students, and threat/risk assessment
protocol training for faculty and staff. Training sessions assist the schools and community to
reinforce parents, administration, students, and counselors that the physical, social and emotional
needs of students are paramount to academic success (See Footnote
12
). As previously
mentioned, a mental health program was established in 2016. Students are identified as having
mental health concerns by self-identification or a referral.
Participant Characteristics
All 12 participants graduated from high school with an unweighted GPA of 3.6 or above.
Five participants were 18 years old, three were 19 years old, and four were 20 years old. The
preferred language of all of their parents is Korean, and the preferred language of all of the
participants is English.
Table 1
Individual Participant ’s Demographics
Participant Participant’s
Pseudonym
Gender Age Attending University Year in
University
Student 1 Erin Female 19 University of California,
Berkeley
2
Student 2 Lany Female 18 University of California,
Los Angeles
1
Student 3 Leah Female 18 University of California,
Berkeley
1
Student 4 Charles Male 19 University of California,
Los Angeles
2
Student 5 Natasha Female 20 University of California,
Berkeley
3
Student 6 Jenny Female 18 University of California,
Los Angeles
1
Student 7 John Male 18 University of California,
Berkeley
1
Student 8 James Male 18 UC Riverside 1

40
Table 1, continued
Participant Participant’s
Pseudonym
Gender Age Attending University Year in
University
Student 9 Susan Female 20 University of California,
Berkeley
3
Student 10 Frankie Female 20 University of Southern
California
2
Student 11 Jenny Female 20 University of California,
Los Angeles
2
Student 12 Hunter Male 19 University of California,
Berkeley
2

All 12 participants were born in the United States to first-generation Korean parents. Of
the participants, five of their parents are divorced. The five students are completely estranged
from the parent they no longer live with. Most participants were still able to identify the
professions and degrees that both of their parents hold. Four of those students live with their
fathers while the other one lives with her mother. Two of the parents are truck drivers, two of the
parents are church reverends, one parent plays the piano at church, and two of the parents are
fashion business owners. The other parents’ professions include chef, systems engineer,
pharmacist, bank manager, produce manager, logistics manager, real estate agent, pattern maker,
aerospace engineer, nurse, and surgeon. Two of the parents hold high school diplomas, one
parent has an associate’s degree, 12 parents hold bachelor’s degrees, two parents have master’s
degrees, and four parents hold doctorates.

41
Table 2
Family of Origin Demographics Table
Participant Parent Relationships Highest Degrees Professions
Erin Single
Lives with Father
Father – G.E.D.
Mother – Unknown
Truck Driver
Lany Single
Lives with Father
Father – B.A.
Mother – B.A.
Father - Business Owner
Mother - Designer
Leah Married
Lives with Mother and
Father
Father – B.A.
Mother – Pharm.D.
Father - Bank Manager
Mother - Pharmacist
Charles Single
Lives with Father
Father – G.E.D.
Mother – B.A.
Father - Truck Driver
Mother - Manager
Natasha Single
Lives with Father
Father – B.A.
Mother - Unknown
Father - Produce Manager
Mother - Unknown
Jenny Single
Lives with Mother
Father – Doctorate
Mother - Unknown
Father - Unknown
Mother - Logistics
Manager
John Married
Lives with Mother and
Father
Father – B.A.
Mother – A.A.
Father - Systems Engineer
Mother - Real Estate Agent
James Married
Lives with Mother and
Father
Father – D.Min
Mother – M.Div
Father - Pastor
Mother - Church Pianist
Susan Married
Lives with Mother and
Father
Father – B.A.
Mother – B.A.
Father – Aero-engineer /
Programmer
Mother – Pattern Maker
Frankie Married
Lives with Mother and
Father
Father - B.A.
Mother – B.A.
Father - Chef
Mother – Fashion Designer
Jenny Married
Lives with Mother and
Father Jenny
Father – Ph.D.
Mother – M.A.
Father – Pastor
Mother – Sales Manager
Hunter Married
Lives with Mother and
Father
Father - B.A.
Mother – B.A.
Father – M.D. Surgeon
Mother - Nurse

42
Research Questions
Three research questions guided the interview and survey questions, coding, and analysis
of participants’ responses. Through each question, additional themes, and subthemes were
revealed. Those themes will be explained in the study.
Research Question 1: How does the perception of mental health support impact second-
generation Korean-American high school students?
Research Question 2: How do second-generation Korean-American high school students
perceive mental health support?
Research Question 3: How does academic stress impact second-generation Korean-American
high school students’ perceptions and attitudes about social and cultural expectations?
Table 3
Major Themes and Sub-Themes Identified
Research Questions Category Theme
RQ1: How does the perception of
mental health support impact second-
generation Korean-American high
school students?
Cultural Influence on
Mental Health
Expectations and Assumptions

Cultural Adaptation

Perceptions
RQ2: How do second-generation
Korean-American high school students
perceive mental health support?
Provided High School
Mental Health Support
Priority

Resistance due to Trust and
Cultural Expectations

Recommendations for Support
RQ3: How does academic stress impact
second-generation Korean-American
high school students’ perceptions and
attitudes about social and cultural
expectations?
Effectiveness of High
School Mental Health
Support
Grades Reflect Mental Health

Fear

Pressure

43
Results Research Question One
To address Research Question One, results revealed that the perception of mental health
supports impact second-generation Korean-American high school students. Three themes
emerged.
Table 4
Themes and Subthemes Generated for RQ1
Theme Subthemes
Expectations and
Assumptions

Conform to expectations from intergroup members

Conform to expectations from outer group members

Academic performance and mental health conflict
Cultural Adaptation

Pressure to perform

Marginalization from support systems

Expectations from immigrant parents
Perceptions

How not to break from group identity

Added pressure to produce and perform academically and socially

Model minority stereotype

Expectations and Assumptions
All 12 participants indicated that their Korean cultural beliefs highly affect their
behaviors and opinions on mental health and mental health supports and have more of an overall
influence over decisions than their American cultural beliefs. Participants shared that rather than
accepting American perceptions of mental health and supports, second-generation Korean-
American students take on the perspectives of Korean culture. For example, John stated that
“working hard and making sure I showed that I was trying my best was most important. My
parents made sure I understood this was an important element of being a Korean, especially in

44
America.” In this regard, these students can uphold the expectations and assumptions of both
groups. They equally stressed the importance of not bringing shame to Koreans as a group entity
and to their parents or family members.
Conform to expectations from intergroup members. Participants indicated that academic
expectations exceed receiving good grades to go to a good college. The perceptions of others
upon the adolescent immigrant students and their cultural and ethnic backgrounds are
emphasized within the various Asian communities (Nguyen, 2008). The expectation is for
school-aged second-generation Korean-Americans to concentrate primarily on academics, and
this expectation is embedded in them from a young age. According to Erin, she “felt pressured to
be at the same level or even higher level academically to [her] other Korean-American friends.”
Charles was openly compared to his cousins who had better grades than him so that the “pressure
to be better than the rest of [his] siblings and be the student [his parents] wanted [him] to be
would help [him] succeed.”
Five of the participants shared that, if they received grades below an A, they would be
considered failures. They also expressed that the Korean-American community considers future
success to be determined strictly by academic achievement. If they do not receive straight As,
they feel like failures because it means that they have not met the expectations that have been
openly shared with them within their community and family members. The relationship between
success and perfectionism is widely accepted within Asian communities, so students are
responsive as a culture to these types of expectations (Na et al., 2016; Nilsson et al., 2008).
Though it is challenging to meet the expectations of their community, Joanne reported
that she believed in this “study hard and you will find success” mentality because she said that it

45
is proven that graduating college can create opportunities, especially for minority Korean-
Americans who feel like they have to try harder in everything they do to get a break.
Conform to expectations from outer group members. The expectations for Korean-
American students to highly perform academically are not covert. James revealed that, before
state exams during his junior year, teachers, students, and administration told him that they were
counting on him to do well. He stated that he was nervous because he was not as academically
successful as his Korean-American peers and knew that, if he did not do well, he would not only
let down his inner group members but also his outer group members. The model minority
stereotype daunts all 12 participants because they do not dare to openly share any type of
weakness with others on campus due to the shame it could bring upon the Korean-American
group. The typical second-generation Korean-American high school student conforms to the
model minority stereotype even if it risks their physical health as a result of not expressing their
stress through verbal communication (Lee, 1996).
James ended up exceeding standards on the math portion of the exam but did not meet
standards on the English portion. He said that when results came out, his English teacher told
him that he was “shameful to his people.” James was not the only participant to hold such a
narrative. Natasha shared that she received a B on an exam and, when the teacher passed tests
back, he loudly said that she was “disgracing the Asian background by not getting the grade he
expected.” In Charles’ experience, he could feel his teachers giving him a harder time compared
to other non-Asian students because they had already developed specific academic expectations
for him.
Hunter said that, when university acceptance season rolled around, Caucasian, African-
American, and Latino students would tell him that he probably got a full scholarship to

46
university and that he was lucky. He went to a California university sans scholarship but never
told anyone because he felt that he was letting down the name of Korean-Americans and the
model minority stereotype. This experience left him feeling humiliated because he knew that
although he tried his best, his best was not good enough. He had failed to meet the expectations
of the outer group. His is an example of the acculturative stress that Asian-Americans face as a
result of trying to overachieve and place a priority on the collective culture’s identity over his
identity (Kim & Omizo, 2005).
Academic performance and mental health conflict. Korean-American students’
academic performance remains the same or even excels in times of mental strife, and, as a result,
the participants feel that schools cannot look at the academic performance of Korean-American
students to identify their mental health needs since it is not indicative of such, according to
Jenny, Leah, Erin, and John. Frankie stated that, when the majority of students’ academic
performance declines, faculty and staff believe there may be changes at home or mental health
concerns to address because of obvious displays of behavioral changes. There is a limited
understanding from school faculty and staff about the different stressors in second-generation
Korean-American students’ lives, as they perceive the students’ academic success as overall
well-being which is far from the truth (Kiang et al., 2016).
Lany, Charles, and Natasha collectively mentioned that these behavioral changes usually
look like disrespecting the teacher by talking back, getting into trouble with other students by
getting into fights or getting caught with vaporizers or drugs, and showing little to no academic
efforts. However, in all 12 participants’ experiences, they stated that they are overlooked at
school for mental health because they do not display those more typical signals that teachers pick
up on or report to the school dean, administrators, or counselors. Most of the participants

47
suggested that when Korean-American students become depressed, most try harder and often
excel even more in their academic studies. Because these students are not taught to share their
feelings, they find other productive outlets to cope with their emotional struggles. Eden said,
The rare few that rebel may stop going to class as much or claim they are feeling sick, but
it doesn’t happen often and even if it does, it seems like a far cry for help in comparison
to other kids so it’s not often that the adults on campus or even the kids recognize that
something is up.
Cultural Adaptation
The 12 participants disclosed narratives that indicated that adapting to the American
culture was not necessarily hard but that they chose to maintain a strong relationship with their
Korean culture because of their upbringings. Frankie said,
I would use my American identity to connect with and be friends with other people but I
never talked about things I cared about because they wouldn’t understand me or my
background. I just had to figure out a way to fit in.
They felt pressure to perform above the school’s standards and were successful at that. As their
performance stayed constant, the participants felt they were marginalized from support systems
because they did not display negative behaviors. The set cultural structures of over-performing
and under-expressing have become the norm for Korean-Americans (Choi et al., 2016). Charles
revealed that the school systems were not fair to Korean-American students who “do the right
thing because they don’t create a fuss at school.” The pressure to perform, the sensed dismissal
of support from the school system, and the expectations from their parents consisted of some of
the ways that the participants individually adapted to their Korean-American culture.

48
Pressure to perform. The high pressure to achieve is part of the measures that students
like Jenny take to feel like they deserve the “model minority” title, the good grades, and the
recognition by others on school grounds as being intelligent. All participants conveyed that the
pressure to perform at the level that everyone around them sets is hard. Charles’ experience was
that he received pressure from both his Korean community and his American community. He
said,
I always felt like I had pressure from my hard-working parents so that it’d be worth it for
them to struggle in America. I felt like I always had to get better grades than my other
Korean-American friends because they were competitive, and I always had to excel
above my American friends because they thought I was smarter than them. I needed to
prove my worth as a second-generation Korean-American and I still do.
Lany shared that in her experience, the people around her, including her parents, friends,
and teachers pressured her, and then it turned into internal pressure to become successful. She
expressed,
it turns into the pride of being labeled ‘Korean-American’ and I have a stereotype to
uphold. It’s like a stereotype that I don’t like because I don’t fit in all the time but then
the fact that I don’t fit in also hurts my pride. I want to fit in but I know that I don’t, so I
eventually pressure myself to be stronger and get the best grades that I can.
The collective cultural constructs to over-perform consume any interactions that second-
generation Korean-Americans can have with expressing their internal pressures (Yoo & Kim,
2010). In Jenny’s case, she shared that the pressure paid off because she now attends UCLA and
because she feels that she “can do anything and under intense pressure, because of the pressure I
got within my school, friend, and family community.” This sociocultural framework is made up

49
of the model minority from a young age and they struggle to find ways to seek help as it may
potentially shift the good name of Asian-Americans and humiliate the communities (Kim et al.,
2016).
Marginalization from support systems. School leaders across Southern California have
realized that there is a need to create mental health support systems within schools. As a result,
they started programs on campuses including the creation of mental health therapist positions,
and the implementation of programs such as SOS. East High School began implementation three
years prior to this study. Through mental health support identification systems, many students
were able to share their mental health struggles and receive invaluable support. However, the
participants mutually revealed that they felt that it was a last-ditch effort and that the system does
not understand their needs or how to help them if they cannot identify them. “People just assume
that everyone is one hundred percent mentally healthy in Korean society,” revealed Hunter.
According to Guo et al. (2014), the model minority stereotype can negatively affect the
view of Asian-American and can create a disparity in the provided mental health programs at
school as they will not directly seek support. The participants disclosed that, because of their
involvement in school activities and high achievement, they were overlooked and even
marginalized from the mental health support systems provided at school. “Support systems
should look different based on the different students that schools are trying to help,” Jenny
reported. She also stated that “second-generation Korean-American students’ grades do not
reflect our mental stability. We focus on our academic performance, and then people at school
don’t even recognize that we have needs, too.” James shared that sentiment: “There are high
expectations and lots of pressure but no real tell-tale signs of mental health need so counselors
and teachers just assume that Korean kids don’t need help, but I know so many second-

50
generation Korean-American kids that are sad and would share if they found someone that they
trust to talk to.”
Expectations from immigrant parents. The sentiment that the pressure to achieve
academic success was and is still incredibly important to all participants because of their
immigrant parents’ experiences is deeply seeded. The Korean parent style may be viewed as
controlling and harsh, but, within the participants’ community, it is seen as honorable (Choi et
al., 2013). According to Lany, her father never yelled at her or used excessive force to get her to
study. His stories of immigration, racism, and his requests to study instead of rest were shared
with her since as far back as she could remember. With these ingrained stories of her father
having to struggle to come to the United States and endure “racist comments or quiet racism,
[she] wanted to do well for the sake of [her] parents since [she] knew that he didn’t come here
for his comfort but for [her] future.” Erin said that she would cry over stress to over-perform at
school, but, when her father came home from work, she would pretend that she was not crying
because her “job was to be competitive.” She also mentioned that she was told that she is
expected to be the first in her family to graduate from college since she was given a better life.
Being a second-generation Korean-American student has been an experience that Jenny said
perhaps other Asians can understand. According to Jenny,
I believe that second-generation Korean-American students experience some pressure at
home because to their parents, they are Asian parents and grades equal success and as a
second-generation, that’s something that they need to maintain to prove to the parents
that they will be successful and that’s how their parents perceive success.

51
Natasha further explains,
I think I always try to overachieve and be successful in everything that I do and that’s ...
Those kinds of pressures. I just feel like I’d put myself under a lot of pressure and so did
my mom and just my background in general.
Natasha was sent to expensive institutions outside of school to prepare her for the SAT
exams and college and went to after school tutoring. Her father told her, “If I invest money in
you, you have to repay me by getting good results.” Her second-generation Korean-American
friends also had first-generation Korean parents who shared similar stories of coming to America
and providing opportunities for academic success. She asserted,
The pressure was always felt among my friends and me. I know my parents struggle as
immigrants. There was an internal pressure also that I had to make it up for my parents.
And, because my father risked his whole life and money for us and my siblings, there is a
pressure for me to do the best I can.
Charles always felt like he had pressure from his parents and claimed that “no matter how hard
[he] tried, [he] was a failure.” He shared that the pressure from his parents was felt all the time
because he saw how hard they worked and how frequently they shared their expectations of
academic success with him.
Perceptions
Second-generation Korean-American students have multifaceted identities and can
belong to many different groups. It becomes a complex process to learn about their group
identities and how to produce and perform academically and socially according to the groups
with which they identify. As coined model minorities, the stereotypes can be daunting and unfair
to burden youth with but it is trickled down from the parents’ generations down to the children.

52
How not to break from group identity. According to the participants, all of them feel a
deeper connection with other second-generation Korean-Americans. Susan conveyed that there
are norms and standards within groups that are usually followed:
It is important to try our best as second-generation Korean-Americans to not bring shame
onto our families or cultures. Our family and cultural backgrounds are so important to us
and I am proud to be a Korean. I feel like we’ve come so far but at the same time, I don’t
like the stereotypes because they aren’t always helpful to us.
Although the views of the first and second generations are different, the core value
systems are established within the family units of parents who are first-generation or 1.5-
generation immigrants. As a result, James shared that he does not want to change his family or
cultural customs or hang out with a more diverse group of people at school. After all, they do not
understand his struggles or triumphs because they simply cannot relate. Still, the acculturation
gap exists among the first, 1.5, and second generation, which creates a distressing relationship
between the different generations (Kim & Park, 2011). Due to the feelings of not feeling
understood at home or school, Frankie shared,
When I was in elementary and middle school, I wanted to hang out with other kids that
were Mexican or African-American because that was whom I saw at school. There were
no other Koreans. I couldn’t talk about what we eat at home or how strict my parents
were. We talked about soccer and music.
All of the participants shared that their core group of friends are fellow second-generation
Korean-American students and that they do not have a desire to break from their group identities
because it feels safe and because they feel understood.

53
Added pressure to produce and perform academically and socially. The data revealed
that participants felt added pressure to produce and perform academically and socially. Eleven
participants were in their high school’s associated student body (ASB) and found it important to
participate in sports, clubs, and other large organizations on campus. Charles said,
I had straight As, was on the volleyball team, ASB, Korean Culture Club, and so many
other clubs because I wanted to make sure that I get into a good school and gain
leadership skills. Through these clubs and organizations, I met lots of people and I kept
feeling like I needed to do more.
James proposed that, because of school teachers, peers, and the Korean community’s
perceptions of them, he and his friends took it upon themselves to “not disgrace or disappoint our
parents or our community of Koreans, whether they are FOBs, 1.5, first or second-generation
Koreans.” Leah’s grades were high, but she had to work hard to maintain them and shared that
“the pressure was because everyone just assumes I will get good grades. What? Because I am
small, skinny, I follow rules, and I have black hair and brown eyes?” The frustration in Leah’s
voice was palpable. Erin reported that the teachers’ and other non-Korean students’ perception of
her “getting straight As instead of a non-Korean getting average scores like Bs and Cs” was hard
for her because she already “had pressure at home to get good grades.” She said that this added
academic stress to her daily life.
Model minority stereotype. The expectations and assumptions of participants are based
on “model minority” stereotypes as follows: gets good grades, does not speak up or out of line, is
submissive, is a rule follower, is hard-working, does not complain, and lives the “American
Dream.” Though the stereotypes sound positive, the participants’ experiences and feelings
indicate that the model minority stereotypes negatively impact their perceptions of mental health

54
and mental health support and carry negative weight with extreme assumptions and expectations.
Second-generation Korean-American students particularly exhibit strong competitiveness and
desire to conform to the stereotype of the model minority (Lee, 1996). Natasha shared that her
classmates and teachers always assumed she was smart, so they would always try to be in
projects or study groups with her. She felt that the stereotype was so “obvious and so racist,” but
she also said that she would not take on a “victim mindset because she was taught that people
will always be racist towards Koreans.” Based on her physical appearance, the assumption was
made that she was anything other than smart. She had black hair, black eyes, yellow skin, and
she was skinny and small in stature. She did not wear revealing clothes and this alone seemed to
make people think she would get good grades. There were times when she struggled
academically, but she “never really talked about it.” Another assumption that Hunter brought up
was that, because Korean-Americans are docile and soft-spoken, faculty, staff, and peers
“assume that we’re all 100% mentally healthy in Korean society because we don’t complain and
we get good grades and good jobs.”
Discussion Research Question One
Second-generation Korean-American high school students’ perceptions of mental health
are significant to the study. Three themes were cultivated from the participants’ answers to
interview questions: expectations and assumptions, cultural adaptation, and perceptions. Students
shied away from mental health supports to preserve the view of themselves from both inner and
outer community members. Faculty and staff are stymied from assisting these students with their
mental health because they do not display typical signals that are representative of obvious signs
of distress.

55
Results Research Question Two
To address Research Question Two, participants divulged that they felt that current
mental health practices do not effectively support their needs. Three themes emerged.
Table 5
Themes and Subthemes Generated for RQ2
Theme Subthemes
Priority

Academic success

Maintain perceived model minority stereotype

Rejection of mental health to look strong
Resistance due to
Trust and Cultural
Expectations

Faculty that understands culture / trustworthy

Perceived efforts of faculty

Cost/benefit analysis for students to share feelings
Recommendations for
Support

Clear, overt misunderstanding of diverse populations

Find adults who look similar to students

Create mental health support that isn’t one-size-fits-all

Priority
Within the participants’ community, academic success is the most effective way to show
respect to the community and family. The group-think of less communication and expression of
feeling, and more academic growth to further future success is a priority to members of different
ethnic groups, including Koreans (Blanco et al., 2007). Jenny said,
Our parents had to deal with the ‘yellow peril’ and we’re dealing with it even now. I
think that our way of overcoming racism is not by being loud. We may be polite and
submissive but we will get good grades and show our worth to others so they can’t mess
with us the way they did with our parents.

56
Erin’s family maintained that emotions and feelings are not a priority because every
focus should go towards success. Although there was a sense of disdain for the model minority
stereotype from the participants, there was also a sense of pride in maintaining the perceived
model minority stereotype. The participants also displayed rejection of mental health to look
strong in furtherance of maintaining their academic standing and preserving their perceived
model minority stereotype.
Academic success. The study data indicate that good grades are the expectation from
both inner and outer groups for participants. Lany disclosed,
Growing up as a second-generation Korean-American student, I grew up under tiger
parents who are known as being super strict with grades, so my parents are very strict
with grades and for them, A’s were never good enough. It always had to be 95% or
above. It does sound exaggerated, but as a Korean-American growing up, I think it’s
something we all know is our standard.
She shared that she was categorized as being smart by teachers and they always saw her
on campus since she was in classrooms getting tutoring, helping teachers, or at the library. Leah
always earned “great grades no matter what the circumstances were since getting below an A
was never okay and there would be no excuses for dipping grades.” She said her parents always
compared their childhood experiences with hers. When her parents earned bad grades, their
teachers hit them, but now students get away with disappointed looks. Natasha, John, and Susan
expressed that, until they get careers, their only jobs are to get good grades. Charles said, “No
matter how dumb you are, you have to go to school, put in the effort, and get good grades.” With
this type of prioritization, the weight that these students carry on their shoulders to get good
grades cannot be regarded by anyone within or outside of the community.

57
Maintain perceived model minority stereotype. Upholding the model minority stereotype
for its title does not seem to be important, but what it encompasses is embedded in the moral and
cultural perspective of the participants. The participants felt that they have family and cultural
obligations to uphold. This stereotype includes being submissive, polite, soft-spoken, hard-
working, and high achieving (Kiang et al., 2016). All participants said their parents were openly
slandered for their accents and physical features, and the participants were told that, to limit
being singled out or made fun of for their racial or cultural makeup, they needed to make up for
it through their wits and academic achievements because it will pay off through their future
careers and financial and social status. Susan said,
I don’t know what’s going to happen because of coronavirus, but I do know that I don’t
want to go through what my parents went through. It scares me to think that we have
been working so hard but now who we are will be diminished and we will only be seen as
bad because of the spread of the coronavirus.
Aside from the actual label “model minority,” all participants took pride in getting good
grades and being model students at school. They all enjoyed school activities and wanted to be as
active as possible in sports, dances, and clubs. “In the Korean culture, we just don’t talk back to
people or speak up unless it’s important and necessary,” John expressed.
Rejection of mental health to look strong. The priority of second-generation Korean-
American students is to receive good grades; mental health is not as important to them.
Culturally, it is unacceptable to show weakness to outer groups because of the type of historical
discrimination that the students’ parents and relatives overcame. The group mentality of
maintaining cultural values and collectively regulating and controlling emotions is an important
element of the culture (Kim et al., 2016; Yoo & Kim, 2010). Jenny told the researcher that she

58
finds herself holding back when it comes to mental health because she does not want her parents
to think that it is their fault or that her family is weak “because while my siblings were going
through that, they were blaming themselves and they were wondering why these things were
happening to our family.” She added that “it is taboo to talk about your mental health because
you don’t want to be seen as a weak person or you don’t want your parents to think that they
wasted their money coming to America and their efforts.”
Through the lenses of Natasha, Hunter, and Frankie, if they show any signs of depression,
sadness, or other mental health concerns, then it will diminish their academic accomplishments
because it will look like they are weak and flawed. Erin said, “Korean-Americans are known to
risk our mental health and physical health to get into college.” According to Lany, she
understands that mental health concerns are not a weakness but that first-generation Korean-
American parents consider it a weakness. Natasha once told her father after a bad car accident
that she did not want to go to school anymore. He told her to overcome her mental block or else
she would be considered weak. Susan shared a similar sentiment and shared that she is not
comfortable being vulnerable in front of people at school because then she will look weak.
Resistance Due to Trust and Cultural Expectations
As revealed through the narratives of the participants, sharing feelings that could come
off as weak is unacceptable within their culture or their communities. Coupled with this cultural
perspective, the participants affirmed that there is a resistance to receive mental health support in
a school setting due to trust (Appendix E). They desire faculty who understand their culture and
feel trustworthy, they want to see perceived and differentiated efforts of faculty members, and
they need to weigh the pros and cons of sharing their feelings with others.

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Faculty that understands culture / trustworthy. As immigrant first-generation Koreans
moved to America, they faced hardships that included working in labor fields even with college
degrees. Several participants’ parents worked as truck drivers or worked in factories before
learning enough English to work in the fields for which they studied in Korean universities.
Knowing the hardships and struggles that they went through, and having had their
microaggressive interactions with non-Korean adults and students on school campuses has led to
distrust in others (Yeh et al., 2005; Yoo & Kim, 2010). The participants felt that it was
uncomfortable to trust a program like SOS when the program was developed as a one-size-fits-
all model for the entire campus. Leah said that she does not open up to others easily and does not
trust adults on campus to keep her secrets. Charles and James divulged that it is hard to trust non-
Korean adults on campus to understand their hardships and struggles. Charles said that he does
not “expect any non-Korean on campus to understand my culture or my identity struggles
because they never do in class.” Additionally, the participants shared that they cannot trust that
the adults on campus could understand the fragile balance of being a second-generation Korean-
American and what the struggles to be the child of an immigrant family feels like.
Perceived efforts of faculty. Participants believe the faculty and staff at their high school
genuinely cared about the students but did not feel that they were equipped with the knowledge
or understanding of the multicultural needs of students to properly help them. John’s feelings
were that he could try to open up about his feelings but he questioned whether the adult’s efforts
would equal a connection to the cultural struggles. Lany believed that because such a big project
was being implemented at the school site, she challenged the authenticity of the support that was
provided to students. The effort was obvious to James because he saw counselors and teachers
attend assemblies, they brought in guest speakers to talk about depression and suicide,

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counselors went into classrooms to do a presentation and show a video but he said, “every guest
speaker was White, every person in the videos were White, and they struggled with things that I
don’t care about. I just can’t relate.” Frankie felt that the efforts were good but that it will take
time before second-generation Korean-Americans would accept help because it is foreign to the
culture.
Cost/benefit analysis for students to share feelings. The cultural expectations of second-
generation Korean-American students are strongly tied to being a model citizen, getting good
grades, and acclimating well to any situation. According to James, “It is a huge risk to expose
anything negative. I have fears of judgment or exposing my family and Korean community to be
criticized. I can’t trust anyone unless it’s a family member.” The consensus was that participants
would not want to disclose private information about their families or cultural dynamics in fear
of being judged. Additionally, Erin stated that she does not know that if she shared her feelings,
they would be received as intended. She did not and does not know if someone outside of her
cultural background could understand her feelings.
Recommendations for Support
The participants hope that their recommendations to differentiate the mental support
provided on campus to accommodate the needs of varied populations on campuses would be
implemented in the future to better carry the diverse population that they serve. Their
recommendations would mean that school faculty and staff will need clear and overt
understandings of their specific, diverse populations, find adults on campus who are relatable to
students, and create mental health plans that fit the needs of diverse groups. The participants do
not believe that the current model will effectively reach the majority of students on site.

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Clear, overt misunderstanding of a diverse population. Many participants felt rejected
by the SOS program because it reminded them of the same noticeable distinction between the
help that they want versus the help that is provided for students. Hunter said that it lacks an
understanding of cultural diversity. For example, he said,
When students misbehave in class, it can look like talking back to the teacher or being a
class clown. These students get called out of class to see their counselors or the dean but
the quiet, well-behaved students are disregarded. The teachers only seem to be able to
identify that the student requires help.
In the SOS program, the counselors showed videos of extreme examples of students with
suicidal ideation or the desire to hurt others and how adults can help on campus. He said, “I don’t
want to kill myself or others. I am stressed about getting good grades. I don’t want to let down
my parents. These are not reasons to go identify me as needing help from an adult on campus.”
Lany said that when she got depressed, she missed two days of school because she did not get
out of bed. Nobody called home because her absences were not excessive. However, as a student
who never missed class, she felt that it was disheartening that none of her teachers checked in on
her through the many avenues available now. These examples indicate that the SOS program
simply has not distinguished ways to help the less obvious student in need of mental health
support.
Find adults who look similar to students. For students to feel safe enough to share their
mental health and feelings with an adult on campus, they need to feel empathy and a wide
understanding of discrete cultural backgrounds. The participants relayed that, while the videos
and guest speakers for the SOS program were all Caucasian, the majority of teachers on campus
are also Caucasian. Charles suggested that he would have loved to have, “Korean counselors we

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could relate to. This makes us feel like we’re more connected just simply by race because we
share a similar culture and thoughts, which just helps us feel more connected and that we could
more trust our counselors, which would get more second-generation Korean students to open up
to mental health professionals.” Jenny stated that having the option open for Korean-American
students or just Asian-American students, in general, to seek support from a second-generation
Asian-American would help students open up because they would feel like the counselor can
relate to them. Hunter said that he does not care about the ethnicity of the counselors on campus
but that he cares about their attitudes to learn about different groups and acknowledge them from
a non-judgmental standpoint.
Create mental health support that is not one-size-fits-all. Mental health is a topic that all
participants felt strongly about. Jenny’s statement regarding the current mental health support on
campus encompassed what the participants felt. She stated that as a beginning point, she is happy
that schools are putting time and energy into a program to support the mental health needs of
students. However, she also shared that given the diverse populations of students, the cultural
backgrounds should be accounted for in the future to help a larger population of students. To
further her explanation, she said,
I think it would help if there were more Korean counselors or just Asian counselors in
general. Because in high school, I found myself talking mostly to my Korean teacher if I
had a problem or my Korean friends. I think having that option open for Korean-
American students or just Asian-American students in general, would help them to open
up because they would feel like the counselors can relate to their problems.

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Discussion Research Question Two
Results revealed that second-generation Korean-American high school students perceive
mental health supports as limited and that current mental health practices do not effectively
support their needs. Three themes emerged: prioritization of academic success, resistance to
mental health supports due to trust and cultural expectations, and their recommendations for
mental health support on campus. The participants were not completely against receiving help
and learning about mental health. They were inclined to want assistance from only those who are
genuinely aware of their cultural backgrounds and desired support from someone who came
from similar backgrounds.
Results Research Question Three
To address Research Question Three, how second-generation Korean-American high
school students’ perceptions and attitudes about social and cultural expectations are impacted by
academic stress will be discussed. Three themes emerged.
Table 6
Themes and Subthemes Generated for RQ3
Theme Subthemes
Grades Reflect Mental
Health

Self-confidence

Identity

Success is academic overachievement
Fear Meeting expectations

Assimilation (sharing what makes participants fit into the American
way)

Minimize understanding of own culture
Pressure Stress outcomes

Social constructs from others outside of the community

Classism between first, 1.5, and second-generation Korean-Americans

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Grades Reflect Mental Health
If students show a sudden change in academic performance, school faculty and staff often
correlate their decline in academic performance with mental health issues or large changes in
students’ home or social lives. However, within the second-generation Korean-American
community, an unspoken rule is that grades are not to falter regardless of mental health concerns
or life changes. An important component of the second-generation Korean-American student’s
identity is built upon the foundation of academic achievement. As such, it is infrequent that
students’ grades will reflect mental health or even incredible hardship. Even if a student lacks
self-confidence, or has identity issues, that student will likely exhibit an academic success.
Self-confidence. Participants’ self-confidence is highly associated with academic
success. Natasha states, “at least for me, I feel like a lot of my identity is rooted in academic
success or failures.” Nonetheless, they and their peers rarely display low self-confidence because
it is a sign of weakness or failure. Additionally, James said,
Second-generation Korean-American kids are so shy anyway, so it’s not like teachers
will feel like anything is wrong since we always do what we’re told and show little
resistance to anything adults ask us to do. We also usually get along with everyone since
we don’t like to bother others.
According to James, his grades in high school were not as high as his second-generation Korean-
American peers or his brother, which embarrassed him. He said that no matter how hard he tried,
he could not excel and get the grades that they were getting. He stated,
My self-confidence was low when it came to my grades. I knew that everyone else knew
my grades sucked, so I made jokes about it. If I were borderline smart, then I think I
would be even more embarrassed than I am as someone who just can’t compete. I feel

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bad for my parents, though, because they came for me, and, even with my American
education, I didn’t get into UCLA, UCB, or USC like all of my friends. I go to a lower-
tier UC, and that’s embarrassing.
James was the only participant who did not go to one of the three aforementioned schools post-
high school. The rest of the participants shared that their self-esteem and self-regard would be
reduced if they did not demonstrate enough academic success to get into at least UCLA, UCB, or
USC. Charles stated that being well-rounded is highly important within his community but that
popularity and involvement in clubs and ASB are mere stepping stones to learn social tools for
post-college career success as advised by relatives and elders at church groups.
Identity. The participants all shared that their identity is largely made up of being proud
children of parents who immigrated to the United States for their children to get good American
educations and to gain successful white-collar careers through going to their academic success.
Mental health is not mentioned once as participants recount their high school identities. John
disclosed that
Academics and success are used synonymously to explain second-generation Korean-
Americans’ identities and ambitions. Academic grades determine second-generation
Korean-Americans’ success in life. There is no point in coming to America if we don’t
have a successful future. I felt like being able to get straight As would make everyone
think that I would be successful, and that’s what I believed in and accomplished until
recently. I realized that my grades don’t determine my entire identity or my complete
success. I’m nice, honest, and hard-working. I like pizza and all Korean food.
John’s experience is a familiar one to all of the participants who explored their identities post-
high school. In participants’ high school lives, their entire life purpose is to get good grades, and

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being a student with accelerated grades is their main identity and purpose. Their narratives reveal
that they begin to develop a familiarity with their dual cultures by high school, and that they do
not delve into their individual lives’ greater purposes or interests outside of academics until they
attend university.
Success is attained through academic overachievement. Participants believe that the
only appropriate way to be successful is through academic overachievement. James’ parents and
community members instilled in him that they “expect all second-generation Korean-American
students to get straight A’s, get into a good college, and get a high paying job that gives them a
lot of prestige because that is the standard of success in Korean culture.” Erin contributes to
these Korean cultural hopes and dreams of prestige and success by explaining that her family
members and church elders told her that students must study hard to succeed. She stated that, if
she received a B on any progress reports or report cards, she was told to study harder or she
would fail to get into a good university. Ten participants expressed that their parents expected
them to study to be a doctor or an attorney. Eleven currently attend UCLA, UCB, or USC and
have suggested that, if they attended any university that was ranked beneath those, it would have
meant that they were not academically successful enough.
Fear
The interviewees shared fears of not being able to meet the expectations of everyone
around them, assimilating into the American culture in a way that makes them genuinely feel that
they fit into the American way, and minimizing their understanding of the Korean culture. The
word “fear” was never used, but the participants inferred fear of not meeting expectations or not
doing enough to “make it worth it for their parents to come to America,” and not meeting the
expectations of the model minority stereotype.

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Meeting expectations. The interviewed participants shared the onus of trying to meet
expectations from several different inner Korean and outer non-Korean groups. They all
expressed the difficulty of trying to keep up with the assumptions and views that people had on
them to be quiet, well-behaved, academically high achieving, and well-spoken. Charles
articulated,
The first-generation and 1.5-generation Korean-American students are unaware of mental
health because all they care about is success, money, and the good colleges that we get
into, but that’s because of the expectations that our first-generation Korean parents and
relatives have of us since we are young. So as a second-generation Korean-American
student, I always felt like I had pressure from my hard-working parents because I felt like
I always had to meet this expectation for them, or else I failed them. I also felt like my
teachers always had higher expectations of me from the beginning because of my ethnic
and cultural background. I’m sure it’s because all of the other second-generation Korean-
American students that graduated before me showed them how hard we work and how
much school and grades matter to us, but it’s really hard to make everyone happy by
meeting incredibly high expectations.
Additionally, Lany expressed,
The standards people have for us include eventually having a STEM job, having a
doctor’s or law degree and just thinking that one success is only a stepping stone to
achieve something greater and that being a second-generation Korean-American doesn’t
only mean being smart but it’s also being a good student, being pretty, being skinny,
having good manners.

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The participants all indicated that they tried their best to meet the expectations of everyone
around them as they knew that they represented a collective group.
Assimilation (sharing what makes participants fit into the American way). There was
an underlying fear within the participants to assimilate into American culture. All participants
shared that part of fitting into American culture meant playing a stereotypical role. Although
every participant was born in America, their first language was Korean, and they grew up in a
home where their parents and caretakers were all first-generation. In school, though they asserted
that they were well-liked by their peers, they still felt most understood by others of their same
generation. According to Jenny,
Second-generation Korean-American students feel more accepted in Korean culture
because, personally, academic successes and hard work is a big part of my identity, and
those traits are something that Koreans strongly believe in, so I just think more like a
Korean. Also, White kids put us in a different category of students, so it’s hard to fully
immerse ourselves into other people’s cultures when we are trying to figure out how we
fit in anyways.
Jenny’s sentiment was shared by all the students interviewed. All expressed that they
related mostly to others who were second-generation Korean-Americans and that they never
fully felt accepted by others outside of their cultural community even if they were involved in
clubs, sports, ASB, and were generally popular amongst their school peers.
Minimize understanding of own culture. The participants conveyed difficulty with
sharing the pressures that come with their Korean cultural expectations to others because it could
create shame for the culture. All participants’ answers also indicated that they cared about what
non-Koreans thought of them and their family upbringings and those perceptions also affected

69
how much of the Korean culture and expectations they were willing to divulge or share that they
adhere to. Leah expressed discomfort with sharing anything deep about her culture
because I don’t know how people will interpret or judge me or my Korean brothers or
sisters. I act like I am not as affected by wanting to protect my roots but I am very
protective. Instead of being overtly out there about my culture, I do what most Koreans
do. We hide anything we can to not make it look like we are as American as the person
next to us.
The fear of being shunned as a group entity is clearly expressed by Leah and endorsed by other
participants. As a result, they conform to the expectations of the groups around them while
subtly taking on the norms dependent on the setting that they are in.
Pressure
The pressure participants experienced to perform according to others’ expectations
weighs heavily on them. These expectations can lead to various stress outcomes that may seem
unfamiliar to the faculty or staff member vigilant for obvious signs of distress. These pressures
are passed onto them by social constructs from both inside and outside of their community. The
pressures to perform according to expectations have created classism among the first, 1.5, and
second generations.
Stress outcomes. The pressure that second-generation Korean-American students acquire
to exhibit academic excellence and concede to the model minority stereotype is passed down
from their families and cultural backgrounds but also from the society that they live in. They
typically do not demonstrate their stress in an obtrusively obvious manner. According to Lany,
All second-generation Asians feel like this, but they think that feeling stressed is just
normal and that feeling upset is just part of the process of becoming successful so they

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don’t show it their stress in any way. Plus, you don’t want to look weak. That’s
embarrassing to your family and Koreans in general. I know my parents came a long way
for me and so did my community.
Similarly, Erin revealed,
With the academic stress that becomes a pressure of having to get straight As instead of a
non-Koreans and non-Asians being able to get average scores like Bs and Cs. However, if
Koreans were to get those, “failure rates” or those academic grades, it would mean that
we’re not going to succeed in life. Our parents believe that our academic grades
determine our success in our life, and if we were to get grades that they don’t want, it
would mean that coming to the U.S. would just be useless and that there was no point of
being able to come here to have a more successful future, and have more opportunities
here than in Korea. I’m already lucky to be here. I’m not going to complain or make
people think I’m ungrateful for everything I have. I’m lucky. These feelings of having
stress are normal so why would I talk about them, especially to someone who doesn’t get
me?
The rest of the participants shared similar sentiments of feeling stressed by the
assumptions to be successful in the academic setting and to adhere to the stereotypes of the
model minority. They all equivalently conveyed that they tried their best to adhere to these
stereotypes and academic standards without complaining because the expectations would be set
upon them regardless of how they feel. Lastly, there was an undertone of feeling that it was
unacceptable to share their feelings with others, especially a non-Korean faculty, staff, or student
because they would be placing shame upon their community.

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Social constructs from others outside of the community. The existing social constructs
that students live in day-to-day at school are clear cut and not difficult to navigate globally. They
typically surround themselves with other second-generation Korean-American peers who
actively try to achieve academic excellence. They participate in school activities and can fit in
with non-Koreans but from a distance. The students feel pressure to fit in with the other non-
Korean, Americanized kids because they know that the world they live in is different from those
around them. The participants coincided with Jenny’s explanations about the social constructs
from others outside of their community. She said,
I believe that second-generation Korean-American students experience some pressure at
home because of their parents. They are first-generation Korean-American parents and
grades equal success and as a second-generation Korean-American, that’s something that
we need to maintain to prove to the parents that we will be successful. Other than that, I
think I always try to overachieve and be successful in everything that I do and that’s
because everyone around us that isn’t even Korean expects the same from us ... Those
kinds of pressures. I just feel like I’d put myself under a lot of pressure, from my mom to
my teachers and friends on campus, and just my background in general, I guess. I believe
that I should be like, “Oh Nah, I should overachieve, I should be successful academically.
I should be submissive, make sure that I don’t slander our good name.”
It is believed within the participants’ community that sharing their feelings of stress or other
mental health concerns would negatively affect their community and that these openly shared
feelings of stress do not belong in a setting where expectations should simply be executed.
Classism between generations. A distinction exists among the first, 1.5, and second
generations. They adhere to the same rules and expectations, but classism takes place between

72
them. The term FOB was used 10 times by five of the participants to distinguish this identity as a
differentiator. The undertone of classism exists within the culture, as shared by Erin:
In general, Koreans in Korea, or FOBs aren’t as successful in Korea. I would have to say
our first-generation Korean-American parents’ expectations and what they believe or how
their definition of success is usually mostly accomplished by second-generation Korean-
American students like me because we do better in school. Of course, it is easier for us to
graduate college and get a degree, but also have a very stable job that provides a lot of
money than someone who doesn’t understand American culture or came later with a
degree from Korea. With my dad, success for him means money, and having a lot of
money equals success. I kind of feel like I want to prove to other people that success
doesn’t always have to mean about money, but I can say that I am more privileged than a
FOB since I just get it. I want to make my father proud, especially by going to graduate
school. Of course, going to a well-known college also means he can tell other people
where I go and how successful I am, which makes my father look well or I guess to look
good to kind of have like a perfect family in a way.
These distinguishers within the Korean community are markers of success.
Discussion Research Question Three
To address Research Question Three, participants’ perceptions and attitudes about social
and cultural expectations were discussed. Themes emerged regarding how little their grades
reflect the state of their mental health, and their fears and pressures of not meeting social or
cultural expectations. The participants’ responses reflected that it is highly stressful for them to
achieve and keep up with their Korean and American cultural expectations. Their perceptions
and attitudes about social and cultural expectations indicated that they would work through their

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stress with limited complaints because their high school identities are largely made up of
fulfilling the obligations of a model minority in both the Korean and the American aspects.
Summary
The data indicate that the cultural and behavioral effects on mental health are greatly
influenced by both the heritage culture and the adapted culture. However, heritage culture has
more clout. Additionally, the relationship between the students and mental health supports is
weak, and second-generation Korean-American high school students do not highly prioritize
mental health.
The current format of the SOS program is not differentiated enough or accommodating to
different populations. The mental health supports at school do not help students discuss their
feelings with faculty and staff because they feel that the support person understands them and
that their Korean community and they, as individuals, will be judged for their mental health
struggles. In Korean culture, the belief exists that you can “fix” your mental health problems.
The second-generation Korean-American believes that it is weak to share mental health problems
and there is no benefit in sharing their feelings because it will burden others.
The mental health support experience that students went through with SOS was not
entirely helpful because of the way that it was constructed. However, it became an eye-opener
for these high school students because the program validated the cultural differences that impede
them from participating in it. Internally, personal and academic stress heavily impact their
attitudes about social and cultural expectations. They do not want Americans to think they are
disrespecting their culture and they work tremendously hard to show assimilation.

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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
Berry’s acculturation theory reveals the processes of populations conforming to another
dominant culture. As the shifts transpire, the conforming population’s beliefs, values, identity,
behaviors, attitudes, and worldviews shift towards the dominant culture’s beliefs, values,
identity, behaviors, attitudes, and worldviews (Alamilla et al., 2017; Berry, 2005).
Acculturation theory discusses the four types of acculturation: integration, assimilation,
rejection/separation, and marginalization. Populations that integrate into the dominant culture
have high cultural adaptation and keep high maintenance of their heritage cultures. Populations
who assimilate into the dominant culture have high cultural adaptation and low maintenance of
heritage cultures. Populations who reject or separate from the dominant culture have low cultural
adaptation and have high maintenance of their heritage cultures. Populations who marginalize
the dominant culture have low cultural adaptation and have low maintenance of the heritage
culture. There are a variety of factors that could trigger the type of acculturation that populations
experience, including multiculturalism, melting pot, segregation, and exclusion.
Multiculturalism occurs when society values and fosters diversity within the community,
a melting pot occurs when society seeks assimilation, segregation occurs when society forces
separation, and exclusion occurs when society imposes marginalization. Individuals from a
subgroup of society can experience multiculturalism, melting pot, segregation, and exclusion all
at once depending on their ecological systems and the institutional barriers that are created by the
larger society around them (Berry, 2005; Fearnley, 2020).
The interconnectedness within an individual’s systems can be analyzed to examine the
acculturation process and impacts of the individual’s experiences (Berry, 2005; Fearnley, 2020).
The three research questions (RQ) that drove this study were as follows:

75
1. RQ 1: How does the perception of mental health support impact second-generation
Korean-American high school students?
2. RQ 2: How do second-generation Korean-American high school students perceive mental
health support?
3. RQ 3: How does academic stress impact second-generation Korean-American high
school students’ perceptions and attitudes about social and cultural expectations?
For a large scale mental health awareness and support program to work on a
comprehensive high school campus with a diverse student population, the faculty and staff
administering the program and the tools they use must feel relatable to the students served. It is
very difficult for schools to help these students seek and receive mental health support without
the appropriate persons and tools that feel relevant to the students and what they are going
through. Without understanding the diverse cultural backgrounds of the students, only a limited
number of students will benefit from a mental health program that is not differentiated by the
students’ identified groups or their needs. The student group bears the responsibility to adhere to
unwritten expectations of their ethnic and cultural group to the model minority stereotype
personal characteristics and to perform academic excellence by faculty, staff, and peers on
campus. They are also expected by their community members to disregard mental health and
mental health supports to overachieve in school. Findings also indicated these students believe
that discussing their mental health with others could smear the good name of the Korean
community and the hard work and dedication they put into their academic overachievement.
The first finding that emerged was that a one-size-fits-all mental health program for
students in a comprehensive high school setting will not successfully elicit responses for help
from varied student populations. The SOS program’s current model may not have any effect on

76
students’ mental health or yield any support if the students are not provided ample opportunities
to connect to the program or the people running it. The students, staff, and faculty may be
responsible for identifying the students’ needs with a limited understanding of how to pinpoint
their needs.
The second finding demonstrates that it is very difficult for schools to help students seek
and receive mental health support without the appropriate persons and tools that feel relevant to
the students and what they are going through. Although the school site organized a school-wide
mental health support program, this research focused specifically on second-generation Korean-
American students. The existing structure of the mental health program includes a school-wide
presentation once per year, videos and school-wide assemblies with guest speakers twice per
year, and classroom presentations once per year. As important as it is to identify the students
who want support, it is critical to understand the ethnic and cultural aspects that could affect the
cooperation of students in the program. Those students may want help but feel unsupported
based on the current systems of the program.
The third finding reflects that, without understanding students’ diverse cultural
backgrounds, only a limited number of students will benefit from a mental health program that is
not differentiated by the students’ identified groups or their needs. The program’s in-class
presentations to students are followed-up with giving students index card-sized questionnaires to
self-identify or identify a peer with the desire to talk to an adult about a mental health concern.
Unfortunately, the service providers lack the understanding, training, and resources necessary to
receive more appropriate responses from the diverse populations served. Though additional and
more diverse staff members would need to be hired to properly create a program that does meet

77
the needs of students from diverse backgrounds, it will allow for a more in-depth program that
captures the needs of more students.
The fourth finding explains that the participants felt the responsibility to adhere to
unwritten expectations of their ethnic and cultural group to the model minority stereotype
personal characteristics and to perform academic excellence by faculty, staff, and peers on
campus. They are also expected by their community members to disregard mental health and
mental health supports to overachieve in school. If the function of the mental health program is
to ensure that students’ mental health needs are being met, the program should create a more
comprehensive process that creates a higher likelihood for students to participate in the program.
The program must be meaningful for the students or they will disregard it. The program should
have a shared vision between students, parents, administrators, faculty and staff, and community
members. The adults in charge of the program must have clear understanding of cultural
awareness and individual differences within and between cultural groups. Additionally, rapport
building through the cultural lens of the students and the community served will support mental
health awareness.
Findings also indicated that participants believed discussing their mental health with
others could smear the good name of the Korean community and the hard work and dedication
they put into their academic overachievement. These students are faced with the predicament of
possibly losing face and the opportunity to learn about mental health due to the lack of
programming to support their cultural needs.
Several findings relevant to the research questions were revealed during this study.
During the collection of the data, COVID-19 occurred which interrupted the study. The original
purpose of the study was to examine mental health awareness but this historical event altered the

78
results (Creswell, 2012). The implications for mental health and mental wellness, sense of self in
a community and identity as a person of color has been severely impacted. Some participants’
perceptions and experiences with those who are not second-generation Korean-American after
COVID-19 impacted their communities reinstated genuine fears of being outsiders.
Susan shared that since COVID-19 was spread from China, non-Asians immediately
assume she is Chinese because she has black hair, almond-shaped eyes, and fair skin. They stare
at her and put a face mask on immediately upon being in her vicinity. Other participants’
perceptions and experiences since COVID-19 included being called racial slurs, being told to go
back to their home countries, and the more covert skirting away from being near them or their
family members in fear of COVID-19. The model minority that is so highly preserved by these
participants was shattered by a natural disaster. Whether collectively or individually, James said,
“we’re back at square one and of course, nobody understands us or even tries even though we try
so hard.”
Some limitations to the study included the researcher’s inability to interview current
students. It was difficult to obtain IRB approval to utilize minors as subjects for the study. If the
researcher had been able to interview current students, then learning more about the experiences
between their teachers, and mental health updates would have been beneficial. Additionally, due
to COVID-19, it became difficult to meet with participants in person for the safety of both the
researcher and the participants. As a result, the researcher was limited to in-person interviews
with eight of the participants and phone interviews with four of the participants.
Implications for Practice
This study aimed at the demand for schools to support the culturally diverse needs of
students when providing them with a school-wide mental health program. The research was

79
conducted with individuals who participated in the program in high school. The results of this
study may be useful for future mental health program practices when supporting students from
diverse backgrounds.
If an outside entity is hired to work with the students on a school site, ample research
should be done before the execution of a large scale mental health program. This way, they can
prepare activities and supports according to the specific population at hand. School staff should
allow students to self-identify into specific student populations so that both larger presentations
and tools used in a small group or one-on-one settings can specifically adhere to the student
groups supported. Regular check-ins with students by a specific group of faculty and staff will
allow students to grow a bond with and trust the adults involved in the program even if it is a
large scale mental health awareness and support program.
Suggestions should be received from previous years’ participants to increase the
performance of the program, understand where to make changes, and work towards creating the
best mental health program possible for diverse populations. Additionally, specific cultural
groups have different levels of exposure to mental health and will need the organization to cater
to their attainability of support. Second-generation Korean-American students, for example, will
not receive support if they can sense that the faculty or staff member does not understand their
culture or that many of these students have limited exposure to learning about and exploring their
mental health.
Faculty and staff should be provided with ongoing mandatory classes on equity and
diversity to provide the most equitable learning experience possible for students. Diverse
students can thrive without preconceived expectations and stressors to perform to what their
faculty and staff think they should perform at due to ethnic or cultural makeup. Additionally,

80
faculty, staff, students, and parents should participate in ongoing mental health classes in small
groups to learn what to look for and how to help students with mental health needs. Ongoing
classes could assist with improving the foundational understanding of the mental health of
teachers.
Faculty and staff should receive training on institutional racism. The microaggressions
that students experience can negatively affect their academic and social growth. With COVID-
19, the participants expressed concerns of covert and overt racism, and disrespect that triggered
additional concerns over stereotypes and comments by their teachers in one-on-one and large
classroom settings. Also, with school closures in place, mental health professionals and the
programs that they run become even more limited. Mental health professionals could use
different secured online platforms to provide interventions for students. Many different secured
platforms could be utilized with students. Educators and mental health professionals should be
aware that these professional conversations will not be in person but they still are necessary and
must continue. Communication will become more important between school students, parents,
faculty, staff, and administrators to ensure that continued efforts are being made to build on the
existing mental health programs in place. With students’ distance learning for several months,
many have developed depression and other trauma such as family’s loss of income, protests
related to the Black Lives Matter movement, and family members and loved ones contracting
COVID-19. When students return to campus, mental health services will be even more
necessary.
Recommendation for Research
The study began with an investigation of the SOS wraparound services provided at one
comprehensive high school, but it was not the appropriate model for all subgroups on campus.

81
Moreover, the experiences of second-generation Korean-Americans during the COVID-19
pandemic include racist injuries and traumas. Mental health will be at the forefront as students
are provided their education online and in a significantly more isolated environment than the
typical brick and mortar classroom setting. Research should be done on the impact of the
pandemic on racist injuries and traumas that students experienced and continue to experience
both in the school setting and their personal lives. Overt racist comments have been made by
people in power and many in the community. As a result, many students of color could be
negatively impacted. Their trust in their school and the community’s physical and emotional
safety could be in jeopardy. Schools should be prepared to turn their approaches around to be
more supportive of mental health. School counselors, faculty, staff, and other stakeholders must
be prepared to turn their approaches around to support the mental health of students according to
the environment we are living in. Research on best practices and professional development
opportunities for faculty, staff, teachers, and administrators should be done based on this current
cultural climate.
Conclusions
School districts across the United States and the world are beginning to create programs
for mental health. They are also beginning to hire additional mental health therapists to support
students. It is difficult to create a school-wide mental health program that meets the needs of all
students. However, research has reflected that students from different backgrounds that are
willing to share less of their home life should still be provided appropriate resources that allow
them to relate to and choose to participate in such a program. Telehealth has become a popular
alternative to face-to-face therapy. For second-generation Korean-American students, telehealth
may be helpful because nobody can see them walking to and from mental health centers. They

82
can also contact their therapist with their cellular phones or laptop devices if they are having
difficulty. With current online portals for educational supports, more mental health professionals
are getting trained on telehealth. The school system should offer it to the students and the
community members that they serve.
A case study was conducted with 12 participants who graduated from one comprehensive
high school. Each participant was interviewed at least once and a qualitative analysis was
constructed through the findings. The findings of this study determined that a mental health
program is currently in practice on a comprehensive high school. However, the program is in its
preliminary stages and must be further developed to affect larger groups of diverse student
populations. The researcher was unable to establish a mental health program that successfully
supports students from diverse cultures because a current successful system was not found.

83
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FOOTNOTES
1. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
2. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
3. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
4. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
5. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
6. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
7. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
8. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
9. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
10. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
11. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.
12. The actual URL was not provided because that would reveal the identity of the organization.

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APPENDIX A
Consent Form

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APPENDIX B
Letter of Introduction

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APPENDIX C
Demographics Survey

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APPENDIX D

Likert Scale Data Table
(n=12)

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APPENDIX E
Interview Protocol

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study investigated a mental health program and its effectiveness with high school second-generation Korean-American students. The researcher explored how high school professionals can reach a larger audience with current mental health practices through the lenses of these high school students. The cultural experiences, challenges, and impacts of mental health issues of 12 participants who graduated from one high school in one California school district were examined. Participants were asked about their identities, home lives, expectations of self, parent/guardian expectations, observations, and understandings of mental health and its impacts on their lives. The study identified a school-wide structure for mental health support that was difficult for second-generation Korean-American high school students to participate in. It is difficult for schools’ mental health programs to gain trust or buy-in from subgroups of students who do not identify with the systems and structures that cater specifically to the support of one large group. The researcher was unable to identify current mental health practices at the high school to support these students because a successful system was not identified.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Kim, Jeannie (author)

Core Title Second-generation Korean-American students' mental health experiences in high school

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 09/04/2020

Defense Date 08/04/2020

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag acculturation,culture,identity,Mental Health,model minority,OAI-PMH Harvest,perfectionism,Trust

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia (committee chair), Gates, Issaic (committee member), Green, Alan (committee member)

Creator Email jeanniekim72@gmail.com,kimjeann@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-368820

Unique identifier UC11666487

Identifier etd-KimJeannie-8940.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-368820 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-KimJeannie-8940.pdf

Dmrecord 368820

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Kim, Jeannie

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA