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Conserving Compton: Identifying potential landmarks and recommendations for conservation

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Conserving Compton: Identifying potential landmarks and recommendations for conservation

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CONSERVING COMPTON:
IDENTIFYING POTENTIAL LANDMARKS
AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR CONSERVATION

by

Camille Elston

A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF HERITAGE CONSERVATION (M.H.C.)

AUGUST 2018

Copyright 2018 Camille Elston

ii

Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I would like to thank my committee: Trudi Sandmeier, Amy
Murphy, and Rochelle Mills for their support, advice, and guidance. This thesis would
not exist without their help and encouragement.
Secondly, I would like to thank my parents, who taught me that no place is lesser
than another. They taught me not to shy away from the fact that my home is Compton.
Thanks to that, I have never stopped being proud of my hometown.
Last, but not least, I would like to thank my fiancée Laura Leger, who supported
me throughout graduate school and generally kept me sane and motivated. I love you,
Petunia.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................... ii
LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................... v
LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................... vi
ABSTRACT .............................................................................................. viii
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................ 1
CHAPTER 1: The History of Compton ..................................................... 4
1867 – 1940: Compton’s Beginnings .................................................................... 4
1940 - 1990: Compton’s Rapid Changes ........................................................... 12
1990 - 2000: Latino Population Growth in Compton .......................................... 21
2000 - Present: Contemporary Compton ........................................................... 22
CHAPTER 2: Heritage Conservation in Compton ................................. 26
CHAPTER 3: Places of Importance ........................................................ 34
Richland Farms .................................................................................................. 34
East Rancho Dominguez Park............................................................................ 39
Compton Woodley Airport .................................................................................. 41
Compton Post Office and Mural .......................................................................... 45
Compton City Hall and the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial .............................. 48
Compton High School ........................................................................................ 51
CHAPTER 4: Strategies for Conservation in Compton ........................ 55
Elements of a Traditional Conservation Program .............................................. 55
Precedents ........................................................................................................ 59
Traditional Conservation Program Recommendations ...................................... 62

iv

Elements of Non-Traditional Conservation Strategies ....................................... 67
CONCLUSION .......................................................................................... 73
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................... 77

v

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.01 Example Landmark Grading System .......................................................... 66

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.01 “Fishing” from truck on flooded street .......................................................... 5
Figure 1.02 Sugar Beet Harvesting ................................................................................ 6
Figure1.03 Beet Dump ................................................................................................... 7
Figure 1.04 Willowbrook Ave .......................................................................................... 8
Figure 1.05 School building with students ...................................................................... 9
Figure 1.06 Compton Blvd ............................................................................................ 11
Figure 1.07 Section of the Gateway Center ................................................................. 22
Figure 1.08 The Brickyard ............................................................................................ 24
Figure 2.01 Heritage House ......................................................................................... 26
Figure 2.02 “The Story of Heritage House” ................................................................... 27
Figure 2.03 Eagle Tree today ....................................................................................... 29
Figure 2.04 Eagle Tree Plaque .................................................................................... 30
Figure 2.05 L.A. Conservancy Preservation Report Card Methodology ....................... 32
Figure 3.01 Richland Farms Boundary ......................................................................... 34
Figure 3.02 Compton Cowboys .................................................................................... 37
Figure 3.03 Richland Farms and Freeway Borders ...................................................... 38
Figure 3.04 East Rancho Dominguez Park .................................................................. 39
Figure 3.05 East Rancho Dominguez Park Aerial including tennis courts .................... 40
Figure 3.06 Compton Woodley Airport ......................................................................... 41
Figure 3.07 Tomorrow's Aeronautical Museum ............................................................ 42
Figure 3.08 Compton Post Office ................................................................................. 45
Figure 3.09 "California Natives" mural .......................................................................... 46
Figure 3.10 Compton City Hall ..................................................................................... 48

vii

Figure 3.11 Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial ................................................................ 49
Figure 3.12 Compton High School ............................................................................... 51
Figure 3.13 Original Building ........................................................................................ 52

viii

Abstract
Compton has a rich heritage, amplified by the fact that changing demographics
gives different areas of importance multiple histories. The city is home to the
Compton/Woodley Airport, the impressive architecture of a Modernist City Hall, and an
agricultural area that is still functioning today. It is important to identify, celebrate, and
protect these places, as well as identify places that may be eligible in the future for
protection. Doing so will not only imbue a sense of pride in Compton’s residents, but
enhance any future planning by the city government.
With the election of Mayor Aja Brown, the city of Compton, CA has begun to see
successful attempts at revitalization. New apartments and condos have begun to spring
up near the Metro Line, old industrial buildings are being renovated and reused, box
retailers are moving in, streets are being improved, and real estate prices are going up.
This all spells good things for Compton, a city that has been ravaged by low tax revenue
since the Watts Riots. Compton is on the road back to middle-class stability.
Sometimes newness brings with it a sense of disregard for places that made a
place special in the first place. Compton in particular is in danger of this thanks to the
reputation it gained in the 1970s-‘80s as a dangerous and poverty-stricken city. Now
that Compton is moving into a new era of stability, it is vital now more than ever to pay
homage to all the layers of history in Compton, and analyze how areas of importance
can be further protected and enjoyed by residents and visitors alike.
This study will examine Compton’s development, identify areas of importance,
and look at the challenges and benefits of conservation in Compton.

1

Introduction
Heritage conservation, otherwise known in the United States as historic
preservation, is inherently bourgeois. The tradition was started by wealthy white women
who sought to protect the mansion of possibly the most famous white American man,
George Washington. From there, preservation sought to protect the homes and
landscapes of importance to other rich white men, primarily on the East Coast.
1

It is no surprise, then, that most landmarks in the United States have little to do
with women or people of color (unless of course, you include plantations.) It should also
be no surprise that the processes required to protect important places legally can be
costly, involving a high level of expertise in rehabilitation and expensive replacement
elements like windows, shingles, or original decorative accessories.
However, important places in the United States encompass more than white
people’s mansions. Furthermore, often the activities that happen within a place or
landscape are more important than whether or not the windows have vinyl or wood
sashes. The humblest places can be just as impactful, if not more so, as places like
Hearst Castle, because everyday people use them every day.
These places are often sequestered in small cities such as Compton CA, a
suburb located in Los Angeles County, eight miles from Los Angeles and ten miles from
Long Beach. Since its founding, the city has been home to working class and lower-to-
moderate middle-class citizens. Even though they were not wealthy, Compton's citizens
have always strived towards excellence and autonomy.
2
Sometimes this worked well.
Other times, this led to economic difficulties and rampant racism. Regardless, the city
did manage to create a unique home base for its residents.
Negative media representation from the 1980s has given the city notoriety that is
known throughout the United States.
3
Compton has been, and to a degree still is known
for being, dangerous, edgy, and poverty-stricken. It is also a place that has been known

1
Norman Tyler, Ted J. Ligibel, and Ilene R. Tyler, Historic Preservation: An Introduction to its History,
Principles, and Practice (Second Edition), (W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 2009).
2
See Chapter 1.
3
Ibid.

2

to produce exceptional talent.
4
Over the past forty years, Compton's negative
reputation, along with real economic hardship and gang violence, has negatively
affected Compton's ability to grow.
5

However, it has also guaranteed Compton's ability to capture and hold
nationwide media attention, whether that attention is harmful or not. It has also allowed
for the de facto "protection" of significant places in the city since little development has
taken place in the past forty years.
6
To this day, Compton has an agricultural zone, an
airport, its own school district, a Junior College, and many other significant landmarks.
Although Compton has a handful of buildings that are architecturally unique, most of its
historic resources are culturally significant.
In the past two decades, the city has begun to evolve, with new housing
complexes, a shopping center, companies, and popular franchises setting up locations
in Compton. These new developments show the incremental changes in attitude
towards the viability of the city. A healthy economy can help ensure Compton's ability to
continue providing unique, useful, and some new resources to its citizens. Furthermore,
it shows a gradual change in attitudes towards the city.
Although traditional conservation is the best way to protect an important place
due to its legal repercussions, it is by no means a city's only way to showcase its
landmarks. It may not even be the best way to make sure that people remember that a
place exists and is open to use, especially when those places gain their value from
culture instead of architectural integrity. With a little organization, the city of Compton,
as well as interested individuals, can use non-traditional forms of conservation such as
social media, public art, and touring to keep the city's landmarks at the forefront of the
public's mind as resources that can and should be used.
Conservation gives us the opportunity to see the United States in all its colors
and understand the whole of its history. A little flexibility concerning how landmarks are
designated and protected can ensure that that opportunity becomes a reality. The city of
Compton - small, complicated, diverse, and with a limited budget - serves as an

4
Ibid.
5
Ibid.
6
“Age of Los Angeles,” City Hub LA, last modified 2015,
http://cityhubla.github.io/LA_Building_Age/#13.1/33.9020/-118.2209.

3

excellent case study as to how both traditional and non-traditional conservation can be
adjusted and blended to serve not only Compton residents but also to help create a
more inclusive history of Southern California and the United States.

4

Chapter 1: History of Compton

1867-1940: Compton’s Beginnings
Before Compton was a city known for violence, it was part of a 4,600 - acre piece
of land that originally belonged to Don Manuel Dominguez, as part of a Spanish land
grant. In 1850, he gave the land to his niece. By the mid-1860s, the land had gone into
foreclosure, and was bought by American investors Francis Temple and Fielding Gibson
at a police auction.
7

In September 1867, 3.52 acres of the Temple and Gibson Tract was sold to
Griffith Dickenson Compton and William Morton. By December of that same year, a
small group of thirty white Methodist families from Stockton had settled on the land and
called it home. The new village was the third oldest in the Los Angeles County area,
behind El Monte and San Pedro and not counting Los Angeles.
8
The tract proved to be
difficult, filled with swamps, sloughs, and bogs. To make matters worse, the area was
prone to flooding on a regular basis. It was William Morton who convinced the settlers to
stay, despite a clear desire by many to leave.
9
Despite the regular cycles of flooding,
artesian wells provided the ample water, allowing the farmers to eventually become
wildly successful with their crops. (Figure 1.01)

7
"City Of Compton - History Of The City,” City of Compton, last modified 2018,
http://www.comptoncity.org/visitors/history.asp;
Emily Strauss, Death of a Suburban Dream: Race and
Schools in Compton, California, (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014).
8
Emily Strauss, Death of a Suburban Dream: Race and Schools in Compton, California, (University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2014).; Bigger, Richard, and James Kitchen, Metropolitan Los Angeles: A Study In
Integration, Vol. 2: How The Cities Grew, (Los Angeles: The Haynes Foundation, 1952).
9
Yesterdays of Compton, Robert C. Gillingham Working Papers Collection, Courtesy of the Department
of Archives and Special Collections. University Library. California State University, Dominguez Hills.

5

Figure 1.01 “Fishing” from truck on flooded street. South Bay Photograph Collection.
http://digitalcollections.archives.csudh.edu/digital/collection/southbay.

The town was originally named Gibsonville, after F.W Gibson, then Comptonville.
However, while establishing a post office it was discovered that there was already a
Comptonville in Northern California. As such, the name was shortened to simply
“Compton”.
10
In 1888, Compton voted to incorporate as a sixth-class city in Los Angeles
County, becoming the seventh city to do so.
11

Compton would never be a rich city, but its fertile land, ample water, ideal
location between Los Angeles and San Pedro, and its two railways from Los Angeles to

10
Name of Compton, Robert C. Gillingham Working Papers Collection, Courtesy of the Department of
Archives and Special Collections. University Library. California State University, Dominguez Hills.
11
A sixth-class city is one that has 500 or more inhabitants. The maximum number of residents a city
could have to incorporate as a sixth-class city was 3,000;
Richard Bigger and James Kitchen, Metropolitan Los Angeles: A Study In Integration, Vol. 2: How The
Cities Grew, (Los Angeles: The Haynes Foundation, 1952).

6

the San Pedro harbor allowed for its inhabitants to create a comfortable living for
themselves. Compton quickly became known for its alfalfa, sugar beets, squash, and
dairy product.
12

Railroads
The Southern Pacific Railroad, and previously the Los Angeles and San Pedro
Railroad, traversed the city and included a depot. The train route and depot allowed
Compton farmers to easily ship their crops and goods to Los Angeles and the San
Pedro harbor. Compton farms consistently produced high yields, and in the early 1900s
it took more than 2000 freight cars to ship the city’s harvest of sugar beets each year.
13

(Figure 1.02)

Figure 1.02 Sugar Beet Harvesting. South Bay Photograph Collection.
http://digitalcollections.archives.csudh.edu/digital/collection/southbay.

12
In fact, in 1882 the Anchor Company in Compton produced about 5,000 lbs. of cheese per month.
“Our Neighbors,” Los Angeles Times, 1882.
13
Stories of the Rancho San Pedro, Robert C. Gillingham Working Papers Collection, Courtesy of the
Department of Archives and Special Collections, University Library, California State University,
Dominguez Hills.

7

The Southern Pacific Railroad not only had tracks for freight, but for commuters
as well. In 1902, the completion of the Pacific Electric Railway from Los Angeles to
Long Beach enabled Compton citizens to travel with ease to the larger cities in the north
and south. (Figure 1.03, 1.04)

Figure 1.03 Beet Dump, 1910. South Bay Photograph Collection.
http://digitalcollections.archives.csudh.edu/digital/collection/southbay.

8

Figure 1.04 Willowbrook Ave., 1914. South Bay Photograph Collection.
http://digitalcollections.archives.csudh.edu/digital/collection/southbay.

Schools
Early in the city’s founding, it became evident that schools needed to be built for
Compton’s youth. The first elementary school opened in 1868. Compton’s first grammar
school opened in 1871 to house the expanding class sizes. The city’s first high school,
Compton Union High School, started instruction in 1896. In 1904, its first building was
completed. The campus also included a junior college. With the building of the high
school/junior college, Compton became one of the few cities in the area with its own
school district, a district that is still intact to this day.
14
(Figure 1.05)

14
Stories of the Rancho San Pedro, Robert C. Gillingham Working Papers Collection, Courtesy of the
Department of Archives and Special Collections, University Library, California State University,
Dominguez Hills.

9

Figure 1.05 School building with students. South Bay Photograph Collection.
http://digitalcollections.archives.csudh.edu/digital/collection/southbay.

Utilities
By 1910, Compton was known as a prosperous agricultural town. Its streets were
illuminated by electric lights serviced by the Compton Consolidated Utilities Company,
who also provided home telephone services.
15
Compton was slowly modernizing, but
that would reach breakneck speed in the ‘20s.

Rapid Growth, Rapid Destruction
The discovery of oil in the nearby Dominguez Hills led to a population boom in
the city as workers moved in to work for the Shell Oil Company, the Union Company

15
“Compton A Large Dairying and Beet Raising Center,” Los Angeles Times, 1910.

10

and the Julian Company. Other industries that attracted labor to Compton were packing
plants, a milling company, a toy manufacturer, and many other factories situated around
the city. By this time, many of Compton’s roads had also been paved, thus helping to
ease transportation throughout the city. In 1923, the city gave out 680 building permits;
by mid-1924, 249 building permits had been parceled out.
16
Between 1920 and 1927,
the population of Compton increased from 1,478 to 13,309.
17

Despite the fast development of Compton, the city remained a tight-knit
community, a fact clearly illustrated during the Long Beach Earthquake of 1933. On the
evening of March 10, 1933, the Newport-Inglewood fault ruptured, resulting in a
magnitude 6.3 earthquake that violently shook Southern California. The quake hit
Compton particularly hard. Nearly all of Compton’s 3000 buildings - offices, businesses,
schools, and residential areas - were damaged or destroyed.
18
(Figure 1.06)

16
“Industrial Communities Between City and Beach Open New Fields of Activity, Compton, Lynwood, and
Watts,” Los Angeles Times, 1924.
17
“Compton’s Rapid Rise,” Los Angeles Times, 1927.
18
Emily Strauss, Death of a Suburban Dream: Race and Schools in Compton, California, (University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2014).

11

Figure 1.06 Compton Blvd. South Bay Photograph Collection.
http://digitalcollections.archives.csudh.edu/digital/collection/southbay.

Comptonites started rebuilding their city almost at once. During the
reconstruction, business did not stop. The business district moved into the Oil
Exposition Building.
19
While clean-up and rebuilding went on, school classes took place
in improvised tents, and some citizens camped outside their home. Within six months,
Compton had completely rebuilt its downtown center, the city rejoiced, and life went on.

19
“Plans Laid at Compton To Carry On,” Los Angeles Times, 1933.

12

1940-1990: Compton’s Rapid Changes
By 1940, the population of Compton reached 16,198 residents.
20
Most of the
inhabitants were white, and this was not by accident. Like many of its neighboring
cities, Comptonites were not willing to share their city with people of other races. This
homogenous attitude often showed itself in the form of threats, violence, and
racial covenants.
Negative attitudes towards any sort of racial integration was present as early in
Compton’s history as the late 1800s. In 1893, there was a riot in Compton over the
employment of about thirty Chinese workers on a farm within the city. After pushing for
the white rancher to fire them and his subsequent refusal, other white citizens of
Compton threatened violence.
21

Latinos were always present in the city, but they were restricted to a small barrio
in East Compton. Whites in the city kept them “priced out” of the rest of the city by
continuously improving the area adjacent to where Latinos were able to afford housing,
thus keeping prices out of their range. To further aid their invisibility in the city, Latinos
were counted as “white” in the census.
22

While Latinos were tolerated, African Americans were entirely undesirable in
Compton.
23
Like many neighboring cities, Compton had strong restrictive covenants that
kept African-Americans out. Eventually though, despite significant and continual
resistance, shifts in the late 1940s – 1950s would pave the way for black people to
settle in and find middle-class comforts in Compton.

The Second Great Migration
The first Great Migration took place between 1910-1930. Blacks left small, rural
cities in Southern states and went primarily to larger Southern cities, to the North, and

20
"City of Compton - Demographic Information,” City of Compton, last modified 2018,
http://www.comptoncity.org/visitors/demographics.asp.
21
Emily Strauss, Death of a Suburban Dream: Race and Schools in Compton, California, (University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2014).
22
Josh Sides, "Straight into Compton: American Dreams, Urban Nightmares, and the Metamorphosis of a
Black Suburb," American Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2004): 583-605,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/40068235.
23
Ibid.

13

less so, to the West. Cities like Chicago, Detroit, and New York offered higher wages
and status, better education for children, voting rights, and better access to health
care.
24
Between 1900 and 1930, between 1.5 million and 2 million African-Americans
had left the South. Although some of this number moved to Los Angeles, the largest
surge to the city and surrounding areas did not occur until the Second Great Migration
between 1940 – 1970.
African Americans left the South during the Second Migration for similar reasons
as the first migration. However, the numbers in which they left were much larger than
the initial movement. Roughly five million Blacks found homes in other, more amenable
cities during this time.
25
During the first migration, the most popular cities to settle in
were New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. New York and Chicago were still the top
two cities during the second migration; however, Philadelphia was replaced with the Los
Angeles/Long Beach areas. Southern-born African Americans made up 39.5% of the
Los Angeles/Long Beach area population by 1980.
26
In 1920, the population of African-
Americans was 18,238; by 1940, it was 75,210 and by 1960, that number had grown
to 461,526.
27

An End to Restrictive Covenants Ushers in Integration
During the

second migration, Compton citizens kept their city white through strict
racial covenants that were successful at keeping “the Negroes North of 130
th
Street.”
28

However, hope was not easily destroyed, and with the help of two court cases Shelley
vs. Kraemer (1948) and the following Barrows vs. Jackson (1953) (which further

24
Joe William Trotter, "The Great Migration," OAH Magazine of History 17, no. 1 (2002): 31-33,
http://www.jstor.org.libproxy1.usc.edu/stable/25163561.
25
Kenneth L. Kusmer, & Joe W. Trotter, African American Urban History since World War II, (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2009).
26
Kenneth L. Kusmer, & Joe W. Trotter, African American Urban History since World War II, (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2009).
27
"US Demography 1790 To Present,” Social Explorer, last modified 2018,
https://www.socialexplorer.com/a9676d974c/explore.
28
Josh Sides, "Straight into Compton: American Dreams, Urban Nightmares, and the Metamorphosis of a
Black Suburb," American Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2004): 583-605,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/40068235.

14

solidified the outcome of Shelley v. Kraemer), African-Americans were able to buy and
own land in Compton.
29

In 1945, J.D. and Ethel Shelley bought a duplex from the Kraemers in St. Louis,
Missouri. Unbeknownst to either party, the neighborhood had a racial covenant in place
restricting the sale of homes to “people of the Negroid or Mongoloid race” for fifty years,
starting in 1911.
30
The local homeowners’ group, The Marcus Avenue Improvement
Association, filed suit against the Shelleys, despite the Kraemers not wanting to back
out of the sale. The municipal court sided with the Shelleys, but on appeal with the
Missouri Supreme Court, that decision was overturned. However, when the case
reached the U.S. Supreme Court in 1948, the original decision was upheld.
31
This
decision made it possible for African-Americans throughout the United States to buy
homes where they pleased. In the early 1940s, only 5% of Compton’s residents were
black.
32
The black population would soon increase as blacks from neighboring,
overcrowded neighborhoods would take advantage of the opportunity to move to the
nearby suburbs.

Integration
To the horror of many white Comptonites, the city rapidly started becoming more
and more diverse after Shelley v. Kraemer. The city made several annexations between
1948-1950, resulting in the city area increasing by 1.39 miles.
33
Compton officials hoped
to use this new land to increase industrial and residential revenue. Instead, developers
eager to take advantage in the change of laws and the African-American desire for

29
"Barrows V. Jackson - ACLU Pros & Cons - Procon.Org,” ProCon, last modified 2018,
https://aclu.procon.org/view.background-resource.php?resourceID=003384.
30
"Shelley V. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948),” Justia Law, last modified 2018,
https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/334/1/case.html; "Shelley V. Kraemer: Legal Reform For
America’s Neighborhoods - National Constitution Center,” National Constitution Center, last modified
2018,
https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/shelley-v-kraemer-legal-reform-for-americas-neighborhoods.
31
"Shelley V. Kraemer: Legal Reform For America’s Neighborhoods - National Constitution
Center,” National Constitution Center, last modified 2018,
https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/shelley-v-kraemer-legal-reform-for-americas-neighborhoods.
32
Ayala Feder-Haugabook, "Compton, California (1867- ) | The Black Past: Remembered And
Reclaimed,” Blackpast, last modified 2018, http://www.blackpast.org/aaw/compton-california-1867.
33
Bigger, Richard, and James Kitchen, 1952, Metropolitan Los Angeles: A Study In Integration, Vol. 2:
How The Cities Grew, (Los Angeles: The Haynes Foundation).

15

middle class surroundings began creating housing within the city for the new
demographic. The first unrestricted homes were sold in 1952.
34

While most white Compton citizens were not pleased with the changes, the white
flight that occurred during the early years of integration was relatively small. Not
everyone could afford to leave the city; all they could do was try to fight the influx.
35
The
first responses to their new black neighbors most times petty, but at others times, quite
intimidating and dangerous. Loopholes were found in local law that allowed the
government to arrest anyone “peddling” real estate, particularly to African-Americans.
Crosses were burned on lawns, rocks thrown through windows, and riots were initiated.
At times, the violence or vandalism was geared towards white citizens who knowingly
sold, or risked the selling, of homes to African-Americans.
36
A gang, the “Spook
Hunters” made up of white teenage boys, used scare tactics to keep black people from
certain areas of the city after nightfall, thus further limiting how much ownership black
citizens could take of Compton.
37

Despite the efforts of racists, African-Americans continued to move into the city.
By 1960, 40% of Compton citizens were Black.

The Watts Riot
Although whites had been fleeing the city due to changing demographics, the
numbers had never been large enough to undermine the tax base of the city. This
changed after the Watts Riot in 1965.
On August 11, 1965, Marquette Frye and his brother were stopped by the police
under the suspicion of driving under the influence. As they were arrested, a crowd
began to form, and the men’s mother, afraid after seeing the police officer pull a gun,
jumped on the officer’s back in an attempt to protect her sons from being shot. Back-up
officers, as well as the arresting officer took all three Fryes into custody. Within an hour,

34
Josh Sides, "Straight into Compton: American Dreams, Urban Nightmares, and the Metamorphosis of a
Black Suburb," American Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2004): 583-605, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40068235.
35
Josh Sides, "Straight into Compton: American Dreams, Urban Nightmares, and the Metamorphosis of a
Black Suburb," American Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2004): 583-605, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40068235.
36
Ibid.
37
Emily Strauss, Death of a Suburban Dream: Race and Schools in Compton, California, (University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2014).

16

black Watts residents started rioting in protest.
38
The riot went on for six days, finally
ending on August 17, 1965. It resulted in thirty-two deaths, 874 hospitalizations, and
over 3,000 arrests.
39

What happened during the riot was indicative of the constant and systemic
injustices that African-Americans face in America. While it is true that many African
Americans who migrated to California were able to move into more comfortable modes
of living, it is also equally true that many migrants found themselves in situations that
were similar to the ones that they had left. One 46-year-old resident of Watts was noted
as saying, “If I ever made enough money, I would move out of Watts like all the other
big shots. So I’m here, so what the hell. Los Angeles isn’t all that it’s cracked up to be.
Wherever you go, you’re black - that’s all there is to it.”
40
In many of the reports
produced after the riots by both the government (Kerner Commission) and in the news,
many residents cite the alienation, lack of jobs, poor housing, and police brutality that
plagued their existence in Watts.
41

White Flight
During the bulk of riot activity, both black and white citizens of Compton banded
together to ensure that the riots never came into their city. After this show of unity
however, the white population decreased rapidly, as those with the means moved out of

38
Casey Nichols, "Watts Rebellion (August 1965) | The Black Past: Remembered and
Reclaimed,” Blackpast, last modified 2018,
http://www.blackpast.org/aaw/watts-rebellion-august-1965.
39
"The Riot Is Over,” Los Angeles Times, August 17, 1965,
http://documents.latimes.com/aug-17-1965-brown-declares-riot-over/.
40
Jack Jones, "The View From Watts,” Los Angeles Times, 1965,
http://documents.latimes.com/view-watts-seven-part-times-series-1965/.
41
For more information, read the seven-part series by the LA Times entitled “The View From Watts.” It
includes several quotes by residents about the situations that led to the Watts Riots; Jack Jones, "The
View From Watts,” Los Angeles Times, 1965,
http://documents.latimes.com/view-watts-seven-part-times-series-1965/.; United States, “Kerner
Commission, Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders,” (Washington: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 1968).

17

the city, taking their typically higher tax base with them.
42
In addition, most businesses
in Compton were white-owned. After the riots, these too left with their owners.
43

During the same period, many of the factories that had been the source of jobs
for black residents started to relocate outside South Los Angeles, leaving many major
city centers for more rural locations in the hopes of increasing their profits.
44
The
unemployment rate in Compton rose from 8.2% to 10% between 1960 and 1970.
45

In the midst of this economic change, Douglas Dollarhide, the city’s first African-
American mayor was elected in 1967. With this event, Compton became the largest
Black-led city west of the Mississippi.
46
Dollarhide inherited a city that was already
seeing the damage of lost taxes and jobs.
After the riots, the city had the highest property tax rates of any city in Los Angeles
County – Dollarhide’s attempt at making up for the loss of tax income from white
businesses.
47
The crime rate was still lower than that of Watts, but Douglas Dollarhide
is noted as calling crime “Compton’s greatest social problem.”
48
Despite valiant efforts
to bring stability back to Compton, the city would continue on a downward spiral that
was both prophesied and fulfilled by the White citizens that used to live in the city.

Gangs in Compton
Black residents had moved to Compton looking for a new way of life, for the
comforts that lower and moderate middle-class living could bring. But by the 1970s, this
dream had left the boundaries of the city.

42
Josh Sides, "Straight into Compton: American Dreams, Urban Nightmares, and the Metamorphosis of a
Black Suburb," American Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2004): 583-605,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/40068235.
43
Ibid.
44
Ibid.
45
Ibid.
46
William Drummond, "Compton -- A Self-Sufficiency Test for Black Leadership,”
Los Angeles Times, 1970, https://www.newspapers.com/image/165977380.
47
William Drummond, "Compton -- A Self-Sufficiency Test for Black Leadership,”
Los Angeles Times, 1970, https://www.newspapers.com/image/165977380.; Josh Sides, "Straight into
Compton: American Dreams, Urban Nightmares, and the Metamorphosis of a Black Suburb," American
Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2004): 583-605, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40068235.
48
William Drummond, "Compton -- A Self-Sufficiency Test for Black Leadership,”
Los Angeles Times, 1970, https://www.newspapers.com/image/165977380.

18

African-Americans who could afford to leave Watts, South Central, and a
declining Compton, often moving to more prominent neighborhoods in Los Angeles
such as Baldwin Hills and View Park. In the meantime, African-American youths and
their parents who could not afford to move away were left to fend for themselves in
neighborhoods that were rapidly declining due to overcrowding, landlord neglect, subpar
educational opportunities, low quality health care, and low wages.
49
Black gangs had
existed in Los Angeles County since the ‘40s, but they were originally formed as
protection against gangs of white youth. The White Flight after the riots along with the
fact that many adequate jobs and wages were reserved for white citizens (the
unemployment rate in Watts reached 30% in 1965), along with the “sheer lack of
anything to do,” birthed a new type of gang.
50
These gangs pitted Black against Black,
using neighborhoods to designate affiliation.
51

The Crips were formed as the “Cribs” in 1969. The original intent of the gang was
to fill the gap that was left by the recently dissolved Black Panther group. However,
immaturity and a lack of political leadership quickly changed the nature of the gang.
52

The Crips became known for violence and assault. They were simultaneously highly
territorial and expanding geographically, with affiliated gangs throughout Los Angeles
and Compton.
53
The Pirus, formed on Piru Street in Compton (and affiliated with the
Bloods) were formed as a defense against the Crips.
54
The introduction of crack
cocaine into the inner city in the ‘80s only exacerbated the rate of violent crime and
robberies that had been brought into the city due to gang rivalries. Compton, specifically
East Compton, became a prime place to move drugs, thanks to the same elements
(ample transportation options to large cities nearby) that had once made it easy for

49
G. Brown, C. Vigil, & J. Taylor, “The Ghettoization of Blacks in Los Angeles: The Emergence of Street
Gangs,” Journal of African American Studies,16(2) (2012), 209-225.
50
G. Brown, C. Vigil, & J. Taylor, “The Ghettoization of Blacks in Los Angeles: The Emergence of Street
Gangs,” Journal of African American Studies,16(2) (2012), 209-225.
51
Ibid.
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.

19

farmers to move sugar beets from their farms to the San Pedro Harbor and Los
Angeles.
55

It is important to note, however, that Compton’s ailments were not by any means
the worst in the country. The city was not even unique in its decline.
56
What set
Compton apart, and cemented its legend, was the media attention it received thanks
to the N.W.A.

N.W.A
Compton’s notoriety gained momentum with the creation of the rap group N.W.A
(Niggas With Attitude). The group, which was composed of Ice Cube, Dr. Dre, Eazy-E,
MC Ren, DJ Yella, Arabian Prince, and The D.O.C., used Compton as a primary
backdrop in their music. Their entrance on the music scene in 1986 shocked the
nation with lyrics that explicitly covered the topics of violence, sex, and drugs in the
city of Compton.
The members of the group often spoke in hyperbole, creating stereotypes of
Compton that were often worse than the reality of the city. Their lyrics were born out of
angst and a desire to make points about the politics of space. It was a form of
expression that allowed the members of the group to give voice to their frustrations and
imagine a world where they had power and money. It was also a way of making money
off of white suburban boys and others thrilled with this taboo form of music.
57
The
group itself admitted in the press that their hardcore lyrics were just their way of
differentiating themselves.
58

The group’s success, as well as the subsequent films produced using the
imagery created by the N.W.A resulted in the further alienation of the city.
59
Surrounding

55
Josh Sides, "Straight into Compton: American Dreams, Urban Nightmares, and the Metamorphosis of a
Black Suburb," American Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2004): 583-605,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/40068235.
56
Ibid.
57
Stephen Erlewine, "N.W.A | Biography & History | Allmusic,” Allmusic, Accessed January 17,
https://www.allmusic.com/artist/nwa-mn0000314793/biography.
58
Josh Sides, "Straight into Compton: American Dreams, Urban Nightmares, and the Metamorphosis of a
Black Suburb," American Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2004): 583-605,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/40068235.
59
Boyz in Da Hood, Friday, Menace II Society.

20

cities even began to change streets named ‘Compton,’ to avoid affiliation with the actual
city. Compton became almost entirely unable to entice new business to the city. The
city’s services, economy and schools continued to decline.
60
It is fair to say that this
decline was not only due to the actual crime in the city, but because of negative media-
driven narrative, Comptonites and city leadership were unable to convince outsiders
that the popular narrative they had been assigned was not a full account of the city.

60
Josh Sides, "Straight into Compton: American Dreams, Urban Nightmares, and the Metamorphosis of a
Black Suburb," American Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2004): 583-605,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/40068235.

21

1990s – Latino Population Growth in Compton
There has always been a Latinx population in the city of Compton. However,
they, as well as minority groups other than African-Americans within the city borders
have often been overlooked. Attention has traditionally been paid to the juxtaposition of
white and black citizens.
As middle-class Blacks moved out of Compton in the 1980s and ‘90s, they were
replaced by Latinx newcomers who, as white and blacks before them, hoped for a better
life in a city that still offered better opportunities than other more overcrowded areas in
the greater Los Angeles region.
In 1980, the Black population in Compton was 73%; by 1990, that number had
dropped to 66%, with Latinx making up 30% of the population.
61
This shift, just like the
previous shift between white and black citizens, caused rifts. By this time, Compton
leadership was primarily Black, and some officials were averse to gearing services
towards community and educational needs of Latinx citizens.
62
Nevertheless, the Latinx
population only continued to grow, and their influence on the culture of the city also
grew. By the year 2000, Latinx made up 57% of the population, and by 2010 the
percentage had increased to 65%.
63

61
Michele Fuetsch, "Latino Aspirations On Rise In Compton: Demographics: Latinos Stream Into The
Area. Some Say the Black-Run City Is Hostile To Their Needs," Los Angeles Times, 1990,
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-05-07/local/me-134_1_latino-children.
62
Ibid.
63
"Compton, CA Population - Census 2010 And 2000 Interactive Map, Demographics, Statistics, Quick
Facts - Censusviewer,” Censusviewer, last modified 2012,
http://censusviewer.com/city/CA/Compton.

22

2000 – Present: Contemporary Compton
Compton has changed significantly since the 1980s and ‘90s. Not only has its
demographics shifted, but the crime rate has steadily decreased, and businesses are
investing in the city. (Figure 1.07)

Figure 1.07 Section of the Gateway Center. Camille Elston.

The Gateway Center opened in 2007, bringing businesses like Target, Home
Depot, Best Buy, Staples, and a variety of eateries to the city.
64
The Martin Luther King
Jr. Transit Center opened in 2012, bringing needed renovations to the Metro system in
the city. The Center is situated near a set of townhomes that became available (and
sold out) in 2008.
65

64
Angel Jennings, Paloma Esquivel, "'Straight Outta' A Different Compton: City Says Much Has Changed
In 25 Years,” Los Angeles Times, 2015, http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-0815-compton-
image-20150815-story.html.
65
Adrian Glick Kudler, "Compton's New Transit Center Opens By Sold Out Townhouses,” Curbed LA,
January 30, 2012,
https://la.curbed.com/2012/1/30/10401120/comptons-new-transit-center-opens-by-sold-out-townhouses.

23

Change did not mean complete redemption for the city, however. In 2011 it was
found that the city had a deficit of over $41 million.
66
This was due to irresponsible
spending, miscommunication between departments, and unregulated use of reserve
funds.
67
In the midst of improvements (and a national recession), the city had to lay off
15% of its workforce. Plans to reopen the city’s own sheriff station was also stalled.
68

In 2013, the city elected the youngest mayor in its history, Aja Brown, age 31.
Since her election, even the largest obstacles facing the city have seen improvement.
During her first term as mayor, the city reduced its deficit by $7 million. Nearly 200
city employees got their jobs back, and a 15-year repayment plan was approved
by city council.
69
On top of that, by 2016 the city had procured $9 million for
street improvements.
Mayor Brown and the city council also tackled the unemployment rate. A new city
employment policy called the First Source Hiring Agreement went into effect in 2013. It
required that any projects that were assisted or funded by the city must hire at least
35% of their workforce locally.
70
In 2015, the Brickyard Light Industrial Park was
approved, opening in 2016. They were followed with the approval of the opening of a
UPS distribution center. Both companies adhere to the 35% local hiring protocol.
71
They
also brought with them street improvements and millions of dollars in revenue and
investments.
72
(Figure 1.08)

66
“City of Compton State of California Annual Financial Report,” Compton, 2011,
https://emma.msrb.org/ER631095-ER488549-.pdf.
67
Abbey Sewell, "Compton Finds Itself In Full Financial Meltdown,” Los Angeles Times, November 1,
2011, http://articles.latimes.com/2011/nov/01/local/la-me-compton-20111101.
68
Ibid.
69
"Vision For Compton: A 3-Year Progress Report,” Vision for Compton, last modified 2016,
http://visionforcompton.org/files/VFC%203%20Year%20Progress%20Report.pdf.
70
Ibid.
71
Ibid.
72
Ibid.

24

Figure 1.08 The Brickyard. Camille Elston.

Meanwhile, the Gateway Center opened ten new stores, including PetSmart,
Marshalls, and Starbucks. In 2015, a new Smart and Final Extra opened, followed by a
Walmart Super in 2017. Due to the influx of new business and good policymaking, the
city’s unemployment rate dropped from 13% in 2013 to 8% in 2016.
73

The decrease in crime within Compton’s borders since Mayor Brown’s election
was also unprecedented. In 1992, 82 homicides had been reported in the city. By 2000
that number had dropped to 45, and in 2015, the number dropped even lower, to 15.
74

This is partially due to a program formed after Mayor Brown held a meeting with seventy
men from opposing gangs within the city to talk about ways to improve both gang and
city relations.
75
The program is called Compton Empowered, and it helps limit the
amount of gang activity in the city.
76
As part of the program, thirteen ex-gang members
were hired under this initiative to help keep city parks safe for families.
77

73
"Vision For Compton: A 3-Year Progress Report,” Vision for Compton, last modified 2016,
http://visionforcompton.org/files/VFC%203%20Year%20Progress%20Report.pdf.
74
Ibid.
75
Ibid.
76
Ibid.
77
Aja Brown, "Getting Compton's Young Men To Trade Gang Life For Working Life,” Cnn Money, last
modified June 14, 2016, http://money.cnn.com/2016/06/14/news/economy/aja-brown-compton-
gangs/index.html.

25

Mayor Brown and the City of Compton also embraced President Obama’s My
Brother’s Keeper Initiative, a program geared towards empowering Black and Brown
boys. The program organizes job fairs, and clears up any errors made on criminal
records, thus giving youths a chance to find employment.
78
Efforts like this changed the
city in a major way, and it was done without additional police presence on the streets. In
speaking to this, Mayor Brown said the following:

All of our efforts were funded by in-kind donations from both
corporate and community sponsors. We didn't know where the
money was going to come from, but we moved forward and our
needs were continually met. If we had additional resources, would I
want additional officers on the streets? Absolutely. However we
didn't have that option in Compton. We used what we had.
79

Mayor Aja Brown was re-elected in 2017, and there is no reason to believe that the city
won’t continue to improve with her at the helm.
Today’s Compton is shifting away from the stereotype that the N.W.A made
famous back to the type of city that made it desirable in the first place: a place where
citizens can find decently priced housing, good services, and opportunities for upward
mobility. Though the faces have changed, the city’s determination to move forward and
resiliency remains. Over the past 150 years, Compton has survived floods, an
earthquake, riots, gang violence, negative publicity, economic flight, and budget
deficiencies. As a means to remember and protect this important history, Compton must
start to pay attention to the places, people, and events that have allowed for the
complex little city to not only survive, but thrive despite adversity.

78
Ibid.
79
Ibid.

26

Chapter 2: Heritage Conservation in Compton

Compton does not currently have a conservation program in place. As such, the
city is not able to designate locally. However, there are sites in the city that do have
some level of protection. The city has also shown interest in creating a program of
protection for the city, although that effort has not yet been successful.

Heritage House

Figure 2.01 Heritage House, 2018. Trudi Sandmeier.

Compton’s “Heritage House”, located on the Northwest corner of Willowbrook
Ave. and Myrrh St., was designated as California Historical Landmark No. 664 in 1958.
A.R. Loomis built the house, and is distinctive for the fact that it is the oldest house still
standing in Compton.
80
(Figure 2.01)
The Hutchins-Grayson chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution
(D.A.R.) began a contest in 1956 through the Compton Herald to find the oldest “living
home” in the community. The result of this search was a modest home located at 209 S.
Acacia St., built in 1867 by A.R. Loomis, and continuously lived in since its construction.

80
Beatrice Delja, "CHL # 664 Heritage House Los Angeles,” California Historical Landmarks, last
modified 2016, https://www.californiahistoricallandmarks.com/landmarks/chl-664.

27

The D.A.R. placed a bronze plaque in front of the home and the home was restored and
opened to the public as a museum celebrating how early settlers of modest means had
lived in Compton.
81
(Figure 2.02)

Figure 2.02 “The Story of Heritage House,” Heritage House Collection, Courtesy of the Department of
Archives and Special Collections, University Library, California State University, Dominguez Hills.

In 1957, the house was threatened by the upcoming construction of a new fire
station. The D.A.R raised over $3,000 to fund the moving of the house from its original
location to a location near the Compton Civic Center. Further furnishings were added to
the house following the move. The Heritage House successfully became a California
Historical Landmark in 1959. It stayed open as a museum until 1970, when its doors
finally closed to the public.
82
The house was moved into storage when the new
Compton Civic Center complex was rebuilt. Successful petitioning by California State
University Dominguez Hills Professor of History Howard Holter resulted in the house

81
“The Story of Heritage House,” Heritage House Collection, Courtesy of the Department of Archives and
Special Collections, University Library, California State University, Dominguez Hills.
82
“Compton’s Heritage House,” Heritage House Collection, Courtesy of the Department of Archives and
Special Collections, University Library, California State University, Dominguez Hills.

28

being moved out of storage to its current location at Willowbrook Ave. and Myrrh
Street.
83

In 1982, the City of Compton “Compton Redevelopment Association” (C.R.A.)
began the process of restoring the house in order to be used again. The reports note
three specific phases. Phase 1, completed in 1983, involved moving the house again to
Willowbrook Ave. and Myrrh St., stabilization, and the restoration of period architectural
features and wallpaper. Phase 2 would have involved the restoration of the house, and
Phase 3 would have involved the furnishing of the house.
84
By 1988 however, concerns
had been raised about the accuracy of the restorations, and the C.R.A. seemed unable
to decide how to use the house.
85
In 1988, the C.R.A. wrote to Dr. Holter explaining that
they were not going to be moving forward with further restoration plans with the house
at that time. This letter does not explain why plans would not move forward.
86
As of
today, the house is not open to the public, and is being used for storage. The plaque
from the D.A.R. is still located in front of the home.

83
"HERITAGE HOUSE COLLECTION, 1847-1989,” 2018, Oac.Cdlib.Org,
http://www.oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt558022rx/entire_text/.
84
“Draft Proposal for Restoration of Heritage House,” Heritage House Collection, Courtesy of the
Department of Archives and Special Collections, University Library, California State University,
Dominguez Hills.
85
Ibid.
86
“Letter from the CRA to Dr. Howard Holter, March 29 1989,” Heritage House Collection, Courtesy of the
Department of Archives and Special Collections, University Library, California State University,
Dominguez Hills.

29

Eagle Tree

Figure 2.03 Eagle Tree today. Camille Elston.

Eagle Tree, also known as Station Number One, is a sycamore tree located at
the southeast corner of Poppy and Short Street. The massive tree is well over 257
years old. In 1961, the tree had a height of sixty feet and had a circumference of nearly
nineteen feet. The tree was called the Eagle Tree because eagles used to nest in its
branches.
87
In records, the tree has also been called an aliso, an alder, and a
buttonwood.
88
(Figure 2.03)
The importance of this particular tree rests in the fact that it acted as a natural
landmark for the northeast corner of the Rancho San Pedro land grant. It is described in
the Petition of Manuel Dominguez et al for a Patent of the Rancho San Pedro as a
“large Alder tree, which tree forms a part of the boundary line of the Petitioners...” When
Manuel Dominguez was re-granted the land in the Text of the Survey and Patent of the

87
Robert C. Gillingham, The Rancho San Pedro, (Cole-Holmquist Press, 1961).
88
Ibid.

30

Rancho San Pedro, the U.S. Surveyor General’s Office again mentioned the tree. U.S.
President Buchanan signed that document, acknowledging Dominguez ownership.
89

The tree does not have state or national landmark status, but it does have a
bronze plaque that was awarded to it by the now defunct Native Daughters of the
Golden West Parlor #258 on April 17, 1947.
90
(Figure 2.04) The plaque is still there to
this day, although it has suffered from vandalism, as has the tree. The plaque was
sponsored by the Standard Oil Company, who owned the land at the time. The tree has
also been severely pruned, and appears to be dead, or at least greatly diminished.

Figure 2.04 Eagle Tree Plaque. Trudi Sandmeier.

The Los Angeles Conservancy Report Card
The Los Angeles Conservancy is a non-profit organization located in downtown
Los Angeles that is dedicated to raising awareness of historic places throughout the
city, as well as the County of Los Angeles. They do this through education and
advocacy, offering tours, events, and planning resources for those interested in
preservation in their neighborhood.
91

89
Ibid.
90
Ibid.
91
"About | Los Angeles Conservancy,” LA Conservancy, last modified 2016,
https://www.laconservancy.org/about.

31

One of the Conservancy’s tools, the Preservation Report Card, was first created
in 2003. There have been two more versions of the report, one in 2008 and the latest in
2014.
92
The report card was created to improve preservation at the local level in Los
Angeles County’s eighty-nine municipalities. Each city gets a score based on whether
their legislative ordinances meet requirements reflecting preservation “best practices.”
The goal is to inspire preservation, based on the results of the report card.
93

Like many cities in the South LA / South Bay area, Compton received an F on the
Report Card in 2014.
94
The city does not have an ordinance, a dedicated staff, or a
commission for preservation. No survey, full or partial, has been done in the city. No
local landmarking has been done, Compton is not a Certified Local Government, and
the Mills Act Incentive Program is not in place.
95
The city was unable to gain any points
in “Additional Incentives” because the city has no programs in place to encourage
conservation. Compton did get extra credit of twenty-five points for rehabilitating the
windows of City Hall using preservation guidelines.
96
Unfortunately, twenty-five points
out of a hundred is still an F. (Figure 2.05)

92
For the purpose of this thesis, only the 2014 Report will be referred to since it includes the most recent
grades.
93
"Preservation Report Card | Los Angeles Conservancy,” LA Conservancy, last modified 2014,
https://www.laconservancy.org/report-card.
94
This may be due to resident hesitancy towards giving up private property rights, as well as a general
belief that there is not much to save in cities in these areas. More study into this area would be highly
beneficial for those hoping to set up a program that both benefits conservation and assuages citizen
concerns.
95
"Preservation Report Card | Los Angeles Conservancy,” LA Conservancy, last modified 2014,
https://www.laconservancy.org/report-card.
96
"Compton | Los Angeles Conservancy,” LA Conservancy, last modified 2014,
https://www.laconservancy.org/communities/compton#report_card-2.

32

Figure 2.05 LA Conservancy Preservation Report Card Methodology.
https://www.laconservancy.org/report-card-methodology.

Compton’s Request for Proposal for Historic Preservation
In November 2016, the city put out a Request For Proposal (R.F.P.) for the
“Preparation of a Historic Resources Plan and Ordinance.” The R.F.P. included the
following services:
● Prepare a Historical Context Statement, (HCS)
● Conduct a physical survey of all structures within the City
using HCS criteria.
● Community Education and Support
● Prepare a Historical Resource Preservation Plan and
Ordinance
● Analyze the need for the formation of a Historic Resources
Commission to review proposed physical changes to
structures deemed historically significant.
● Funding and Certification
● Public Hearing
97

97
“Request For Proposal: Preparation Of A Historic Resources Preservation Plan And Ordinance,”
Compton, last modified 2016, PDF,
http://www.comptoncity.org/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?blobid=27151.

33

Unfortunately, due to financial constraints, the budget for this work was cut, and
the R.F.P. became obsolete.
98
If the R.F.P. had been completed and well-utilized,
Compton could easily score anywhere between a C- and an A on the Los Angeles
Conservancy Report Card.
99

98
The budget may be renewed within a year, according to Robert Delgadillo, the city’s Planning Manager.
99
According to the full desires as laid out in the R.F.P. vs. the L.A. Conservancy’s point system for their
Report Card, Compton would at least score a C- if all tasks were completed. Simply based on the R.F.P.,
they could in fact get as high as an A, if additional incentives were laid out, if they hired dedicated
preservation staff, if they included the ability to designate districts, and if they had active landmark
designation. All of these aspects are easily within the realm of possibility based on their general desires.

34

Chapter 3: Places of Importance
There are many places in Compton that make the city special to its citizens.
However, there are some locations that act as major cultural landmarks. This chapter
will look at the history, use, and importance of some of these places.

Richland Farms

Figure 3.01 Richland Farms Boundary. edited Google Map satellite image.
About
The Richland Farms community consists of ten agriculturally-zoned blocks of
residential homes. When Compton was founded, Griffith D. Compton stipulated that part
of the land he donated to the city should stay agricultural.
100
Jonathan S. Dodge and
Charles O. Middleton subdivided and sold off the land in the early 1900s.
101

100
"Richland Farms: An Introduction," KCET, last modified 2010,
https://www.kcet.org/shows/departures/richland-farms-an-introduction.
101
Report Of Decisions Of The Railroad Commission Of California (Sacramento: California State Printing
Office,1919).

35

Like the rest of Compton, Richland Farms was originally an all-white community.
However, demographics began to change as African-Americans started moving into
Compton. Folks coming from the South that moved to the Richland Farms community
were able to live in a home where they could sustain their families from their own
backyards. In the 1970s and ‘80s, the Farms saw its younger residents move out of the
community to avoid the social stigma of being “rural” or “country.” During the 1980s,
Latinx families began moving into the area.
102

Today, Richland Farms continues to be a place where a person can run a small-
scale farm from their backyard. The following are allowed to residents in the farms:

● Private and commercial field crops, orchards, horticultural
nurseries, and similar agricultural uses;
● Chinchilla ranches;
● Aviary, poultry (not to exceed six (6) roosters) and rabbits for
private use only;
● One (1) horse, bull or cow for each two thousand five hundred
(2,500) square feet of parcel area, not to exceed a total of five (5),
for the use of the family occupying the property;
● Three (3) adult dogs and three (3) adult cats and their litters up to
four (4) months of age and three (3) other household pets;
● Five (5) sheep and/or five (5) goats (not more than five (5) of each
per family);
● Worm farms (not more than nineteen (19) beds, four (4') feet by
eight (8') feet in dimension or on equivalent area per parcel of
land.
103

The following are not allowed:
● The maintenance of horses, except for the primary use of the
members of a family residing on the premises;
● Hogs;
● Fox and monkey farms and horse and mink ranches;
● Dairies;
● Slaughterhouses;
● Wild animals whose natural habitat is not in residence with man;
● Roadside sales stands;
● Apiaries.
104

102
Zach Behrens, "A Brief Timeline Of Richland Farms In Compton," KCET, last modified 2011,
https://www.kcet.org/socal-focus/a-brief-timeline-of-richland-farms-in-compton.
103
City of Compton Municipal Code, Amended 2016, County of Los Angeles, State of California.
104
Ibid.

36

Organizations that call Richland Farms their home include the Compton Jr. Posse,
Moonwater Farm, and the Compton Cowboys. The founder of the Compton Jr. Posse is
Mayisha Akbar, a resident of the Richland Farms community and horse owner. Her
mission was to “provide a year round after-school program using equestrian activities to
inspire youth to reach their personal, academic and career goals - a powerful alternative
to the equally powerful lure of gang and drug lifestyles.”
105
In their near thirty years of
existence, the Compton Jr. Posse has trained generations of horse enthusiasts who
have entered both national and international competitions.
106

Moonwater Farm is an urban micro-farm founded by Kathleen Brackistone and
Richard Draut. They, along with local partners such as the Compton Jr. Posse, teach
youths and elders about sustainable, organic farming practices. Their programs are
hands-on and allow visitors to learn about “farming, soil science, animal husbandry,
water conservation, sustainability, and art.”
107

The Compton Cowboys is another sort of group entirely. They focus on the image
of the farms and their inhabitants in Compton. The group has been featured by
Guinness Beer in an ad, and they have a lively Instagram page that shows that
Comptonites are more complex than many may think.
108
The group is an excellent
example of how social media can be used to bring positive attention to a community.
(Figure 3.02)

105
"Compton Jr. Posse," Compton Jr. Posse, accessed March 30, 2018,
https://www.comptonjrposse.org/.
106
Ibid.
107
"Moonwater Farm | Summer Camp Compton, CA Organic Livestock Workshops,” Moonwater Farm,
last modified 2016,
https://www.moonwaterfarm.net/.
108
Compton Cowboys (@comptoncowboys)

37

Figure 3.02 Compton Cowboys. Courtesy of Randy Savvy. @comptoncowboys, Instagram.

Challenge to its survival: Development
The lots within Richland Farms are unusually large. It is bordered on its south
side by Greenleaf Blvd., which leads straight to the Gateway Towne Center two blocks
away from its east boundary. On its west side is Longfellow Elementary School, on its
southwest side is Walton Middle School, and to the northeast side is Compton High
School. Compton College sits only a block away from the Gateway Towne Center.
Richland Farms residents also have easy access to walking paths, small grocery stores,
and Friday’s, a popular black hair supply store. The Farms also has two pocket parks,
Raymond Street Park and Ellerman Park. Three blocks south of the community sits the
on and off ramps for the I-91 freeway, which leads to the heart of the South Bay to the
west and as far east as Riverside. The on-ramp also offers quick access to the I-110
which leads to Los Angeles to the north and Long Beach to the south. The location,
prices, and amenities of Richland Farms make it a prime location for development.
(Figure 3.03)

38

Figure 3.03, Richland Farms and Freeway Borders. Google Map edited by Camille Elston.

Significance
The Richland Farms is the last existing area within Compton that links the
modern city with its rural past. It is the only area within the city where an individual or
family can own livestock or engage in farming activities.
Furthermore, Richland Farms offers invaluable educational opportunities to
citizens of Compton and citizens of neighboring cities. Children and adults alike can
learn how to care for horses, livestock, and conventional crops at places like the
Compton Jr. Posse and Moonwater Farm. Lastly, the Richland Farms offers a unique
living experience for anyone hoping to blend rural and urban living.

39

East Rancho Dominguez Park

Figure 3.04, East Rancho Dominguez Park. Google Maps.

About
East Rancho Dominguez Park, formerly East Compton Park, is a five-acre park
located at 15116 Atlantic Avenue. It is immediately recognized by the public art piece by
Faustus Fernandez on the west side of its community center. (Figure 3.04) Amenities at
the park include the aforementioned community center, a children’s playground, a
barbeque area, a lighted basketball court, an open field, and most importantly, two
tennis courts.
109
(Figure 3.05) The tennis courts are notable because Venus and Serena
Williams, along with their father, used the courts as a location to learn how to play
tennis before moving away from Compton. The courts have since been refurbished and
named after the sisters.
110

109
"Los Angeles County Department Of Parks And Recreation-Parks-Full List Of Parks-East Rancho
Dominguez Park-East Rancho Dominguez Park Detail1,” LA County, last modified 2018,
http://parks.lacounty.gov/wps/portal/dpr/Parks/East_Rancho_Dominguez_Park?1dmy&page=dept.lac.dpr.
home.parks.fulllist.EastRanchoDominguez.detail.hidden&urile=wcm%3apath%3a/dpr+content/dpr+site/ho
me/parks/full+list+of+parks/east+rancho+dominquez+park/left+nav/030+park+features.
110
Clay Fowler, "Campaign Builds To Name Compton-Area Tennis Courts For Serena And Venus
Williams – Daily News.” Daily News, last modified September 17, 2015,
https://www.dailynews.com/2015/09/17/campaign-builds-to-name-compton-area-tennis-courts-for-serena-
and-venus-williams/.

40

Figure 3.05, East Rancho Dominguez Park aerial including tennis courts. Google Maps.

Significance
East Rancho Dominguez Park is significant because it acted as the early training
ground for the Williams sisters, who would later go on to win several championships.
Venus Williams has won seven Grand Slam titles and five Wimbledon
championships.
111
Her younger sister Serena Williams has won twenty-three Grand
Slam titles.
112
Both sisters have won four Olympic Gold medals, and Venus Williams
has also won one silver medal, making her the most decorated Olympic tennis
player in history.
113

The Williams sisters have gone around the world and have made history in the
face of humble beginnings. They – and the first tennis courts they practiced on at East
Rancho Dominguez Park – serve as an inspiration to minority youths and a reminder
that greatness can be found and cultivated anywhere.

111
"Venus Williams,” Biography, last modified January 19, 2018,
https://www.biography.com/people/venus-williams-9533011.
112
"Serena Williams,” Biography, last modified June 5, 2018, https://www.biography.com/people/serena-
williams-9532901.
113
"Venus WILLIAMS - Olympic Tennis | United States Of America,” International Olympic Committee,
last modified 2018, https://www.olympic.org/venus-williams.

41

Compton/Woodley Airport

Figure 3.06 Compton Woodley Airport, Camille Elston.

About
Compton/Woodley airport is located at 901 W. Alondra Boulevard, with Richland
Farms located at its southeast corner. From its south side, the airport is unassuming,
made up of a long row of metal hangars for the planes, a simple office, and a deep blue
building housing Tomorrow’s Aeronautical Museum. Its appearance is not what makes
this airport important, however. Its significance is due to its longevity and the services
that it provides Compton residents. (Figure 3.06)
The airport was founded in 1924 by Col. C.S. Smith, who landed his plane in the
field that would later become a landing strip. The airport was purchased by James
“Jimmy” Crawford Angel, then Sewell Greggers, and then Col. C.S. Smith again.
114

Between 1941-1945, Earl Woodley owned the airport as well as thirty acres
surrounding the airport. During this time, a cross-wind runway was added to the site.
During the war years between 1941-1946, private flying was restricted and the airport
was used as a truck depot. In 1964, the Valiant Investment Co. purchased the airport,

114
"Aviation Airports,” Los Angeles County Airports, n.d.,
http://dpw.lacounty.gov/avi/airports/ComptonWoodleyHistory.aspx.

42

two years after Woodley died. The County began leasing the airport from the investment
company soon after.
115

Between 1964 and 1966, talk began of moving the airport to a new location and
subdividing the land. Four sites were studied for the move. Thanks to many protests,
this move never went through. In June 1966, the county purchased the airport.
116

Compton/Woodley airport is the oldest operating airport in the Los Angeles Basin
and the only local airport without an air traffic control tower. Today the airport comprises
seventy-seven acres, forty-seven of which are used for the runway/taxiway. The airport
can support airplanes of up to 12,500 lbs.
117

Tomorrow’s Aeronautical Museum

Figure 3.07 Tomorrow's Aeronautical Museum, Camille Elston.

Compton/Woodley Airport is also home to Tomorrow’s Aeronautical Museum
(TAM), which presents African-American aeronautic history to the public. TAM also

115
Ibid.
116
"County Acts To Keep Use Of Airport,” Los Angeles Times, 1964.
117
"City of Compton 2030 Comprehensive General Plan Update," City of Compton, last modified
November 6, 2014,
http://www.comptoncity.org/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=26675.

43

offers flying lessons for both youths and adults and STEM (science, technology,
engineering, and math) courses.
118
(Figure 3.07)
TAM was founded by Robin Petgrave in 1998. It was originally called Torrance
Aeronautical Museum since it was first based in the city of Torrance. Originally, the non-
profit only visited campuses and talked to youths about opportunities in flying. The
program became very successful and propelled Petgrave to create an after-school flight
program. TAM then relocated to the Compton/Woodley Airport at the behest of then
Compton Mayor Perrodin in 2002, and TAM changed its name from Torrance
Aeronautical Museum to Tomorrow’s Aeronautical Museum.
119

Records
TAM has an impressive record of student success. Jimmy Haywood became the
youngest African-American male to fly internationally in 2004 at the age of eleven.
Kenny Roy also set a record in 2004 as the youngest African-American male to fly solo
at fourteen. Breean Farfan became the youngest Latina to fly cross-country round trip in
2004 at thirteen years old, flying from Compton to Wisconsin and back. In 2005,
Diamond Hooper, Richard Olmos, and Kenny Roy competed at the first “youth versus
military” precision flying competition demonstration at College Park Airport.
120

Fourteen year-old Jonathan Strickland earned several records in 2006: he was
the youngest to fly both a plane and a helicopter solo on the same day, the youngest
African-American to solo a helicopter, the youngest African-American to solo a
helicopter internationally, and the youngest African-American to solo a helicopter on an
international round-trip.
121

118
"Mission and Vision,” Tomorrow’s Aeronautical Museum, last modified 2018,
https://www.tamuseum.org/about-us/mission-vision/.
119
"Our History,” Tomorrow's Aeronautical Museum, accessed April 2, 2018,
https://www.tamuseum.org/about-us/our-history/.
120
Joy Buchanan, "13-Year-Old Pilot Hits Lofty Goal,” Los Angeles Times, July 02, 2004,
http://articles.latimes.com/2004/jul/02/local/me-girl2.;"Success Stories,” Tomorrow's Aeronautical
Museum, accessed April 02, 2018,
https://www.tamuseum.org/what-we-do/success-stories/.
121
"Success Stories,” Tomorrow's Aeronautical Museum, accessed April 02, 2018,
https://www.tamuseum.org/what-we-do/success-stories/.

44

In 2008, sixteen year-old Kelly Anyadike set the record for being the youngest
African-American female to solo four different fixed-wing aircrafts in the same day. In
2009, her sister Kimberly Anyadike set the record for being the youngest to pilot a plane
transcontinentally, from Compton to Virginia and back.
122

Significance
The Compton Woodley airport is the oldest running airport in the Los Angeles
Basin. It has survived despite threats of closure and continues to provide personal
aeronautical services to citizens of Compton and surrounding cities. Furthermore, many
youths have broken flight records thanks to classes and programs offered at the airport.
The Compton/Woodley airport continues to offers classes to anyone interested in
learning how to pilot an airplane, along with special STEM classes for youths.

122
Ibid.

45

Compton Post Office and Mural

Figure 3.08 Compton Post Office. Camille Elston.

About
Today there are three post offices in Compton. However, only one of these post
offices’ histories spans back to the Long Beach earthquake of 1933. The Compton Post
Office was completed in 1935 and is located on the corner of Willowbrook Ave. and
Compton Ave. (Figure 3.08)
A U.S. Post Office was established in Compton in 1869; however, it did not have
a permanent home until 1935. The location of the post office depended on the
postmaster. From 1913 - 1928, the Post office was located in Compton’s Masonic Hall.
When a new Masonic hall was completed in 1928, the Post office moved into the first
floor of the building.
123

In 1933, the Masonic Hall was destroyed in the Long Beach Earthquake. With the
concerted efforts of Congressman William E. Evans, the Federal Emergency

123
Yesterdays of Compton, No. 39: History of the Compton Postoffice, Robert C. Gillingham Working
Papers Collection, Courtesy of the Department of Archives and Special Collections. University Library.
California State University, Dominguez Hills.

46

Administration of Public Works was given $77,000 to find a new site for Compton’s post
office. The Compton Post Office was completed in 1935 and has operated continuously
on this site ever since.
124

Mural
The Compton Post Office has a mural along the top of the interior walls painted
by James Redmond in 1936. It is titled “California Natives.” The mural depicts an
idealized early California and interactions between Spanish settlers and Native
Americans. The mural was commissioned by the Treasury Relief Art Project (TRAP), a
New Deal Program that sought to create jobs for unemployed artists. As of today, the
mural is still in place and in good condition.
125
(Figure 3.09)

Figure 3.09 "California Natives" mural. Camille Elston.

124
Ibid.
125
"Treasury Relief Art Project (TRAP) (1935) - Living New Deal,” Living New Deal, accessed April 1,
2018, https://livingnewdeal.org/glossary/treasury-relief-art-project-trap-1935-1939/.

47

Significance
The Compton Post Office is a direct result of the infamous 1933 earthquake and
is the first standalone post office building in Compton. The mural along the walls also
acts as a relic; it is a result of programs created during the Great Depression to create
work for the classes of people who were hit hardest, including artists. Together, the
Compton post office and its mural act as a reminder of Compton’s resilience as well as
an example of a successful New Deal Program project.

48

Compton City Hall and the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial

Figure 3.10 Compton City Hall. Camille Elston.

About
Compton’s current City Hall building was completed in 1977. The design process
began in 1968 when the city hired Harold Williams, an African-American architect who
got his start interning under acclaimed Los Angeles African-American architect Paul R.
Williams. The fact that Harold Williams was the one chosen to design the building is
notable since African-Americans have historically been a very small percentage of
architects, let alone architects that were commissioned to do such jobs. In fact, Harold
Williams was only the ninth African-American to gain his architectural license in the
United States.
126
(Figure 3.10)
Harold Williams designed the two-story building in the Late Modern style. It
features large concrete fins on the west and east elevations and floor to ceiling glass
windows, both features that separate the building from the neighboring Compton

126
Martha Groves, "Harold Williams Dies At 90; Architect Designed Compton City Hall,” Los Angeles
Times, July 28, 2015, http://www.latimes.com/local/obituaries/la-me-adv-harold-williams-20150728-
story.html.

49

Courthouse and County Library. In 2013, the City of Compton earned a Conservancy
Preservation Award for the sensitive replacement of the window glazing.
127

Compton City Hall sits adjacent to a large round plaza which features the Martin
Luther King Jr. memorial in its center. The memorial was designed by artist Gerald
Gladstone in collaboration with Williams. It was originally meant to be a fountain,
however, it does not currently hold water. The sculpture takes the abstracted and
minimalist form of a mountain, referencing Dr. King’s statement that he “had been
to the mountaintop.”
128
(Figure 3.11)

Figure 3.11 Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial. Camille Elston.

127
"Compton City Hall And Civic Center,” Los Angeles Conservancy, last modified 2016,
https://www.laconservancy.org/locations/compton-city-hall-and-civic-center.
128
"King Memorial,” Public Art Archive, n.d.,
http://www.publicartarchive.org/work/king-memorial#date.

50

Significance
Compton City Hall is significant due to its architect and architectural influences. It
was designed by one of the few early African – American architects in the United
States. It is also notable for its late-Modern design and iconic concrete fins, reflecting
pools, and second-story ribbon windows.
The Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial is one of the most iconic sites in Compton. It
is regularly used as a graphic icon for Compton city publications and signage around
the city. It is a powerful piece of public art and the first thing people see when entering
Civic Center.

51

Compton High School

Figure 3.12 Compton High School. Camille Elston.

About
Compton has had a high school in some form since 1891. However, the high
school did not have its own name until five years later. In 1896, Compton Unified High
School was officially chartered. Its feeder schools were Compton’s grammar schools as
well as the grammar schools of the neighboring communities of Enterprise and Lugo. By
1898, the school included sixth to twelfth-grade levels, and graduated its first two
students, two girls named Mabel Crum and Daisy Steele. The high school officially
became accredited in 1900.
129
(Figure 3.12)
The school term of 1904-05 marked the first full term of Compton Union High
School in their newly built buildings. From that time onward, the school began adding
courses that were not purely academic, including commerce, art, domestic science,

129
Yesterdays of Compton, No. 45: The Beginnings of Compton Union High School, Robert C. Gillingham
Working Papers Collection, Courtesy of the Department of Archives and Special Collections. University
Library. California State University, Dominguez Hills.

52

mechanical arts, music, lab sciences, art metal, oral English, biological science, and
modern language. By 1925, the school had grown to nearly 1,000 students and forty-
five teachers, and the school complex itself covered twenty acres and consisted of
twelve buildings. It serviced not only Enterprise and Lugo but also Willowbrook and
Lynwood. For a time, it also serviced Watts, Palomar (Paramount), Clearwater, Hynes,
and Graham grammar school districts. The Compton High School campus also included
a junior college represented by the 13th and 14th grade starting in 1927.
130
(Figure 3.13)

Figure 3.13 Original Building[1904]. South Bay Photo Collection.
http://digitalcollections.archives.csudh.edu/digital/collection/southbay.

130
Yesterdays of Compton, No. 45: The Beginnings of Compton Union High School, Robert C. Gillingham
Working Papers Collection, Courtesy of the Department of Archives and Special Collections. University
Library. California State University, Dominguez Hills. ; Yesterdays of Compton, No. 47: Later History of
Compton Union High School, Robert C. Gillingham Working Papers Collection, Courtesy of the
Department of Archives and Special Collections. University Library. California State University,
Dominguez Hills.

53

Like much of the rest of Compton, including nine of the ten city grammar schools,
the Compton Unified High School buildings were destroyed during the 1933 Long Beach
earthquake. Classes did not stop during reconstruction; instead, they took place in tents
and other available locations.
131

The significant earthquake damage to Compton Union High School, as well as
other damaged schools, resulted in a close examination of school construction methods
in California. The finding was that most were not built to survive earthquakes. The Field
Act of 1933 sought to correct this. It “required all new public school construction to be
highly earthquake resistive and provided for professional supervision and inspection
of construction.”
132

Funding for the new school did not come solely from the Compton Unified School
District; the Great Depression affected the city’s ability to handle the price of rebuilding
on its own. Instead, funds came from a mix of local aid, state aid, and national aid,
including the Average Daily Attendance fund and the State Emergency Relief
Association (SERA). The new campus buildings were completed in 1936.
133
In 1950,
the junior college formed its own district and board, and classes moved to the new
campus in 1956.
134

The school buildings still stand today; however, they are scheduled to be torn
down for a new school complex. The new buildings will include a new $10 million
performing arts center donated by Compton native Dr. Dre.
135

131
Emily Strauss, Death of a Suburban Dream: Race and Schools in Compton, California, (University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2014).
132
Emily Strauss, Death of a Suburban Dream: Race and Schools in Compton, California, (University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2014).
133
Ibid.
134
Ibid.
135
"New Compton High School Groundbreaking: 2019,” Compton Herald, April 30, 2017,
http://comptonherald.org/compton-high-school-nears-121-years-oldest-campus-town/.;
Gerrick Kennedy, "Dr. Dre To Donate $10 Million For Compton High School's New Performing Arts
Center,” Los Angeles Times, June 15, 2017,
http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/la-et-entertainment-news-updates-june-dr-dre-donates-10-million-
to-fund-1497555328-htmlstory.html.

54

Significance
Thousands of students were educated in Compton High School from both within
and outside the city. The institution of Compton High School is unique in that it was
birthed in a small, then primarily rural town. It is the oldest school institution in the city
and is a source of pride and connectivity for the countless alumnae that attended
school there.
The current building may be being torn down, but the spirit of Compton High
School has yet to die, some 127 years later. The real issue would have been if the city
of Compton had decided to close Compton High School for good. Instead, it is being
given needed new buildings as its home.

55

Chapter 4: Strategies for Conservation in Compton

The best way to protect an important place is to prove that it is still relevant and
can be/is used. In order for a place to continue to be used, it must be kept in working
shape. Its usage must be proved by people who are happy and willing to use it, whether
it be for its original purpose or a new one.
A combination of traditional and non-traditional forms of conservation would work
well in Compton to protect places of importance in the city and ensure their vitality.
Traditional conservation tools will provide a framework with which to designate and
protect Compton’s resources. They can work to prevent imminent harms to structures
as well as act as a final wall of defense if an important place is under threat. Non-
traditional conservation tools such as web pages, social media outlets, public art, and
touring can help limit threats to Compton’s important places by keeping the public’s eye
on those places and the services they offer.

Elements of a Traditional Conservation Program
Traditional conservation involves legislation that ensures that places can be
protected from certain acts such as demolition, defacement, and mansionization. Tips
and guidelines for creating a conservation program can be found at the National Park
Services website as well as the National Trust for Preservation website.
136
Although
there are some guidelines that help make conservation programs as strong as
possible, they are not fixed and Compton planners could customize their program to
best meet the needs of the city. A conservation program can serve as the best legal
protection for most important places and unique communities in Compton.

136
"Secretary's Standards--Preservation Planning,” NPS, accessed April 3, 2018,
https://www.nps.gov/history/local-law/arch_stnds_1.htm.;
“Advocacy Resource Center,” National Trust for Historic Preservation, last modified 2018,
https://forum.savingplaces.org/act/advocacy-resource-
center?_ga=2.267094602.592549774.1528999025-839351080.1527780093.

56

Historic Context Statement
According to the Secretary of the Interior’s Standards for Planning, a historic
context statement is “...the foundation for decisions about identification, evaluation,
registration and treatment of historic properties.”
137

A historic context statement should include information about the “history,
architecture, archeology, engineering, and culture” of a historic property or locale. It
should also include patterns of development. This document acts as the starting point in
decisions made in the handling of historic properties and/or communities.
138

Survey
In order to know what aspects of a community’s historic fabric to pay attention to,
a survey of the physical buildings should be performed. During a survey, the buildings
and structures of a community are identified and information regarding their style and
features are documented. That information can then go into an inventory that allows
planners to begin identifying what resources should be protected or further
investigated.
139

The survey is crucial to a community and its planners understanding of a place’s
historic and cultural fabric. It also allows for the deeper appreciation of the benefits of
keeping resources standing; not only can it save money and materials, but it can also
save energy and time.
140
Furthermore, it can help ensure that a community stays
unique.
The survey is also very important in the formation of a preservation plan. The
plan will use the data from the survey to lay out how the character of an area should be
maintained. The preservation plan will also set design guidelines for existing resources

137
"Secretary's Standards--Preservation Planning,” NPS, accessed April 3, 2018,
https://www.nps.gov/history/local-law/arch_stnds_1.htm.
138
"Secretary's Standards--Preservation Planning,” NPS, accessed April 3, 2018,
https://www.nps.gov/history/local-law/arch_stnds_1.htm.
139
Patricia L. Parker, "Guidelines For Local Surveys: A Basis For Preservation Planning, National
Register Of Historic Places (Nrb 24),” NPS, accessed April 4, 2018,
https://www.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/nrb24/.
140
Ibid.

57

as well as new buildings, or infill.
141
Having a preservation plan also allows for cities to
explore a variety of resources such as tax incentives, easements, grants-in-aid
programs, and Community Development Block Grants (CDBGs).
142

A fully functioning conservation program starts with a historic context statement
and survey. Everything else, the preservation plan, the ordinance, and the search for
relevant resources begin with the completion and analysis of these two items.

Historic Preservation Ordinance
According to best practices, a Historic Preservation Ordinance
should include the following:

● Statement of “Purpose” and “Powers and Authorities” in
enacting preservation ordinance.
● Definitions.
● Establishment and authority of historic preservation
commission or other administrative board.
● Criteria and procedures for designation of historic landmarks
and/or districts.
● Statement of actions reviewable by commission and the
legal effect of such review.
● Criteria and procedure for review of such actions.
● Standards and procedures for the review of “economic
hardship claims.”
● “Affirmative maintenance” requirements and procedures
governing situations of “demolition-by neglect.”
● Procedures for appeal from final preservation commission
decision.
● Fines and penalties for violation of ordinance provisions.
143

The success of a traditional conservation program depends on the
strength of the ordinance. It should be in line with the goals of the
preservation plan and clear in its intentions.

141
Patricia L. Parker, "Guidelines For Local Surveys: A Basis For Preservation Planning, National
Register Of Historic Places (Nrb 24),” NPS, accessed April 4, 2018,
https://www.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/nrb24/.
142
Ibid.
143
Julia H. Miller, A Layperson's Guide To Historic Preservation Law, (Washington, D.C.: National Trust
for Historic Preservation, 2008).
https://forum.savingplaces.org/HigherLogic/System/DownloadDocumentFile.ashx?DocumentFileKey=b82
c80be-d0fb-9399-1e8c-204f060dd342.

58

Certified Local Government
In 1980, the National Historic Preservation Act created the Certified Local
Government Program (CLG Program). This program is meant to create partnerships
between a local government, the State of California Office of Historic Preservation
(OHP), and the National Park Service (NPS). The CLG Program encourages historic
preservation activities and the integration of preservation policy planning in a local
government’s general planning processes.
144

Being a CLG not only gives a local government’s conservation program extra
support and credibility, but it also opens a local government up to NPS grants that can
help them further their preservation planning endeavors.
145
This money can be used for
a variety of activities. For instance, the 2017-2018 CLG grant awardees were the cities
of Los Angeles, Riverside, Benicia, and San Francisco. Each city was granted $40,000.
Los Angeles will use the money to focus on resources geared toward women’s rights.
Riverside will create a context and survey of resources that are connected with the city’s
Latinx community. Benicia will create an updated, user-friendly Historic District Design
Guideline. San Francisco will create a comprehensive context statement geared
towards the city's Chinese-American community.
146

In order to become a CLG, a city must enforce state and local laws for
designation of historic properties, have a local ordinance and preservation review
commission, have a survey and inventory system, encourage public participation in the
conservation program, and perform any responsibilities handed down by the state.
147

Mills Act
The Mills Act is a double partnership; first between a local government and the
State of California OHP, and then between a local government and a private property
owner. The Mills Act offers tax cuts to homeowners who agree to the restoration and/or
maintenance of a “qualified historic property.” A qualified historic property is one that is

144
"Certified Local Government Program (CLG),” CA State Parks, accessed April 4, 2018,
http://ohp.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=21239.
145
"Why Become A Certified Local Government (CLG)?” CA State Parks, Accessed April 4, 2018,
http://ohp.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=23581.
146
"Certified Local Government Program (CLG),” CA State Parks, accessed April 4, 2018,
http://ohp.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=21239.
147
Ibid.

59

present on any federal, state, county, or city register. Once a property is under a Mills
Act contract with a local government, that property maintains that contract for ten years.
If the property is sold, the contract is transferred.
148

The Mills Act Program has the potential to increase affordable housing, seismic
safety, heritage tourism, and ownership pride within a city. The Program benefits
homeowners through property tax relief between 40%-60% each year that the property
is under contract.
149

National Trust Grants and Programs
The National Trust for Preservation offers a variety of grants for communities
looking to create or improve their preservation programs. One of their newest grant
opportunities is the African American Heritage Fund. They also have general grants that
are offered through the National Trust Preservation Fund (NTPF).
150

The NTPF offers matching grants between $2500-$5000. The grant money can
be used for planning endeavors and/or education and outreach activities. They cannot
be used for building, academic research, buying properties or objects, general
conference support, or organizational capacity building activities. However, they can be
used to hire a consultant, to pay speakers, mailing costs, education/outreach material
development, and printing/photography/telephone/supplies.
151

Precedents
Anaheim, CA - Non-Binding Voluntary Design Review
The city of Anaheim, CA serves as a precedent to the suggestions listed in this
thesis. Their ordinance includes a design review procedure that is not binding or even
required. Instead, owners of landmarked buildings are advised to consult with the city's

148
"Mills Act Program,” CA State Parks, accessed April 4, 2018,
http://www.ohp.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=21412.
149
Ibid.
150
"National Trust Preservation Funds,” Preservation Forum, accessed April 5, 2018,
http://forum.savingplaces.org/build/funding/grant-seekers/preservation-
funds?_ga=2.183543456.706031052.1522862900-1166162095.1522862900.
151
Ibid.

60

historic planners for free to ensure that plans for their property are sensitive to the
Secretary of the Interior's Standards for Rehabilitation. Such meetings are valuable
because it helps ensure that the property stays eligible for the Mills Act.
When the owner of a designated historic property or a potentially
historic property (i.e., one included on the Structures of Historical Interest
list) applies to the Building Division for a building permit, the property is
flagged for consultation with Historic Preservation program staff. Staff will
have the opportunity to comment and advise the owner on the best
preservation practices and inform them of what assistance programs may
be available to them. Any owner of a historic property is highly encouraged
to take advantage of this service at any point in the process before they
begin rehabilitation work or building additions. This technical assistance is
provided at no cost to owners of historic properties and can provide valuable
direction for property owners as they plan and follow through with their
projects.
152

The non-binding design review procedure in Anaheim assists citizens who are
eager to take advantage of heritage conservation. Those who are interested and
serious about following the Secretary of the Interior's Standard for Rehabilitation are
helped as needed without the threat of additional fees or prolonged projects. On the
other hand, the historic preservation office of Anaheim is not required to go through
every rehabilitation case, thus potentially lightening their workload.

Ontario, CA - Tiered System
The tiered system in Ontario, CA allows for buildings to be judged on their level
of significance. This system creates flexibility and allows for city planners and
commissioners to treat each building as is appropriate. Tiered systems recognize that
not all buildings should be held under the same guidelines since each building has
specific uses, potential, and history.

Tier System. The Tier system ranks Historical Resources in Ontario
based on their significance. The system is divided into 3 levels. When an
Historic District meets the criteria for a certain Tier, a contributing structure

152
"Citywide Historic Preservation Plan,” Anaheim, accessed May 31, 2018,
https://www.anaheim.net/DocumentCenter/View/1485/Citywide-Historic-Preservation-Plan-.

61

within that District may also be considered as part of that Tier for purposes
of this section, as determined by the Historic Preservation Commission.
1. Tier I: Consists of properties, which should not be demolished or
significantly altered under any circumstances, regardless of their
designation status. Properties in this Tier are determined to be Ontario’s
most significant historical or cultural properties.
2. Tier II: Consists of properties where demolition of these
properties should be avoided.
3. Tier III: Consists of all properties that are Designated Historic
Landmarks, are contributing structures in Designated Historic Districts, or
are Eligible Historical Resources as defined in Section 9-1.2612. Demolition
of these properties should be avoided where possible, but may be
appropriate under certain circumstances.
153

This system also potentially strengthens the guidelines followed for the city’s
most significant structures, due to the simple fact that not every building will be treated
as they are. It is the difference between “might need protection” and “must need
protection.” This can potentially create a sense of urgency that lends itself to owners,
citizens, and the city of Ontario towards being proactive in conservation efforts towards
Tier I buildings.

Manhattan Beach - Owner Consent
The City of Manhattan Beach, CA gives all power of alteration, designation, and
demolition to the owners of the property in question. Although this may get in the way of
a fully functional conservation program, it benefits the owners by putting all
responsibility, advantages, or disadvantages in their hands. It also does not hinder any
new property owners that may want to own the property but does not want to be the
benefactor of a landmark.
10.86.070 Effect of Designation As A Culturally
Significant Landmark
The designation of a property or site as a culturally significant
landmark is an honorary designation only. Such designation shall have no
effect upon the property rights of the owner of such property nor curtail
alteration, development or demolition of such property.
10.86.080 Removal of Designation As A Culturally
Significant Landmark

153
"Article 26: Historic Preservation,” Ontario CA, accessed May 31, 2018,
https://www.ontarioca.gov/sites/default/files/Historic-Preservation/historic_preservation_ordinance.pdf.

62

The owner of a designated culturally significant site may, at any
time, apply to have the designation removed, The property owner shall
file a written statement with the Director of Community Development or his
or her designee Letting forth the reasons for the request for removal. Any
such removal shall require an action by the, City Council at a duly noticed
public hearing with notice to be published and mailed as provided for in
Section 10,86.030 above.
154

The examples presented via the preservation ordinances of Anaheim, Ontario
and Manhattan Beach serve as precedents for suggestions offered in this thesis.
However, it is important to note that each ordinance is different from the other, and for a
good reason.
No two cities are exactly alike. Each city has its challenges, landmarks, budgets,
and personalities. The city of Compton should not aim to copy in whole the preservation
ordinance of any other city, regardless of awards they may have won. The suggestions
presented in this thesis should also be taken with a grain of salt, and be adjusted to take
in any nuances.

Traditional Conservation Program Recommendations
Goals
Compton should consider making its conservation goals focus on advocacy,
sustainability, flexibility of use, and cultural importance.

Survey
In creating a program, the city should start with a survey. The survey is a part of
the program that can be accomplished relatively easily. It can be done by a consultant
or by interns with previous experience doing surveys. It can also be done by a university
with a conservation program who is looking for opportunities to train their students in
survey work. The survey could start with the locations and communities presented in
this thesis and grow from there.

154
"Ordinance No. 2089,” City of Manhattan Beach, accessed May 31, 2018,
http://www.citymb.info/home/showdocument?id=23531.

63

Compton may want to consider adopting a grading policy for identifying
resources opposed to one that simply identifies buildings as a landmark or not. This will
allow flexibility in design review when dealing with different building types and uses. For
instance, contributing government buildings and schools could be labeled as an “A”,
requiring strict design review. Commercial buildings could be labeled as a "B." Design
review could be applied, but less strict than that for government buildings. Most
residences could be labeled as a "C," only requiring a limited design review. For “C”
properties, requirements can be designed in such a way where cultural significance,
age, potential, and/or style are given more importance than integrity in connection to a
period of significance. (Table 4.01)

Design Review
Government buildings should be rehabilitated in-place or restored, and if extra
space is necessary, sensitive additions should be considered in lieu of demolitions.
Commercial buildings should keep facades, fenestration patterns, and massing in place,
but changes necessary for marketability (paint, murals, branding, signs, etc.) should
have very limited restrictions.
Residential properties, however, should be treated differently than public
buildings. These properties should be notated as being a potential landmark or not in
survey work. From there, owners with contributing homes should have the ability to
consent to their properties being an “active” contributor. Although these buildings will
also have a form of design review, this could come in the form of a required meeting
with a preservation planner who can give them advice with any project that will alter the
exterior of the home or include the addition of an Accessory Dwelling Unit.
Recommendations offered by the planner should not be legally binding. However, if a
homeowner makes exterior changes without first having a meeting with a planner, they
should be penalized by losing their active Contributor status.

Advantages of Active Landmark Status
Instead of being a program based on penalization for the sake of architectural
integrity, homeowners should feel driven to an active contributor because of advantages

64

that can become open to them. The most obvious of these would be a Mills Act contract
if Compton decides to adopt the program. The next would be expedited access to a
planner who can guide their project endeavors. These meetings also have the potential
of building knowledge of the built environment in the homeowner.
Compton could also ensure that those homeowners that own Active Landmarks
are able to get discounts at certified local businesses that sell hardware, paint, and
construction services. This is a plan that could be achieved by offering incentives to
small business owners in any of those fields to set up shop in Compton, perhaps on
Compton Blvd. These incentives could make it easier for those businesses to set
themselves up in the city in exchange for offering discounted services and supplies to
homeowners of active contributors.
These suggestions could help the revitalization of Compton Blvd., attract other
small businesses and franchises to Compton when they see existing businesses
flourishing, and allow for homeowners to more easily maintain their properties, raising
property ownership pride, resale value, and general understanding of city planning. In
places where culture trumps architectural integrity, conservation should embrace
personal empowerment, and offer clear, practical advantages.

Owner Consent
Often, owner consent for landmarks is discouraged. This way, a community,
organization, or individual can try to delay or prevent the demolition of a place
considered important for historical, cultural, or architectural reasons.
155
In the case of
contributing government buildings, schools, and commercial properties in Compton, this
policy should stay in place.
Allowing for owner consent in regards to residential properties would allow
citizens to avoid the potential additional fiscal responsibility that could come with
inadvertently living in a potential landmark. For those owners that choose to accept their
home as a landmark, the voluntary choice may help further increase pride and the
probability that the property will be kept to Secretary of the Interior standards.

155
"Owner Consent Not Required For Designation," LA Conservancy, accessed April 6, 2018,
https://www.laconservancy.org/node/1467.

65

Infill Guidelines
To limit the demolition of any landmarks/potential landmarks, Compton may
consider adopting a rigorous infill policy. This policy could include additional
requirements such as a pro forma, sustainable and high-quality materials, architect
input, other fees, and usability review of the proposed building. These requirements
have the potential of ensuring that an owner or developer considers the full costs of
construction versus rehabilitation, uses the best possible materials and that the project
is well-designed.
It can also help promote architectural design in communities that typically would
not employ architects. This policy would help architects who want to work with lower
and moderate-income communities. It could inspire young people of color to think about
architecture and related fields as a career. Lastly, it could help ensure that new
buildings in Compton are buildings that are worth having.
On the other hand, if an owner is not will to go through stringent requirements,
then they have the option of merely rehabilitating the existing building, thus avoiding the
extra restrictions. Per earlier suggestions, the owner will not be bound to the Secretary
of the Interior's Standards of Rehabilitation; however using the standards, particularly in
the case of residential buildings, will help keep the owner’s property eligible for the Mills
Act, if it is introduced to the city.
The infill policy should apply to all building types in Compton regardless of
contributor status. The only buildings that may have some restrictions lifted should be
those destroyed by disasters such as fires and earthquakes.

66

Table 4.01 Example Landmark Grading System. Camille Elston.

67

Elements of Non-Traditional Conservation Strategies

Compton’s Request for Proposals made it clear that Compton is hoping to
develop a fully-fledged conservation program. However, the city does not need to wait
for funding for such a program to begin celebrating its resources.

Online Resources
Today, roughly nine in ten adults in the United States (U.S.) use the internet.
156

The web is an immensely useful tool that should not be overlooked. Websites and web
applications can act as a guide to important places and quickly get massive amounts of
information out to large audiences. The internet can act as a tool to remind people of
events, be used for crowdfunding, sending out information via newsletters, act as an
online database for resources. Furthermore, a website can allow an organization to
engage in either long or short form storytelling through blogging.
Although having a web designer/developer onboard to assist in the creation of a
website is immensely useful, it is no longer necessary. Today, content management
systems like Wordpress, Wix, Squarespace, and Weebly make it easy for an
organization to quickly set up and manage a website that suits their needs and the
information that they want to present.
Individuals who build websites focused on conservation in Compton should
consider using a content management system. However, the city itself should hire a
UI/UX professional to create a website that is linked to the official city website. In the
early stages, this site should include information on heritage conservation, its benefits,
and eventually a list of buildings that have been identified in surveys as potential
landmarks. The site could also act as a place where cultural landmarks are listed,
making the job easier for future surveyors. As the preservation program evolves, the
site should include information on opportunities for home or business owners, local
stories, and on different activities available around the city.

156
"Internet/Broadband Fact Sheet,” Pew Research Center: Internet, Science & Tech, last modified
February 5, 2018,
http://www.pewinternet.org/fact-sheet/internet-broadband/.

68

Any website focused on conservation and culture in Compton should be laid out
in a clean, easy-to-read, linear format. Type should be sans-serif and large enough for
easy reading. All text should be able to be understood at a 9th-grade level. Video and
photographs should be utilized as often as possible. These steps will help ensure the
true universality of the information given out. Anyone, whether or not they have a
background in preservation or not, should be able to understand the information
presented on the site. The National Trust for Historic Preservation is an excellent
example of clear, concise UI/UX design and writing. (https://savingplaces.org/)

Social Media
The advent of social media makes it possible for individuals and organizations to
tell stories and spread information instantly. If done correctly, that person or
organization's information, pictures, and videos can be seen by millions of people.
Social media can connect communities across the world, keep people updated, and
help with fundraising. Furthermore, since social media now tends to be image and video
heavy, it has the potential of being a genuinely universal way of spreading information.
In the U.S., 73% of adults use YouTube, 68% use Facebook, 35% use
Instagram, and 27% use Snapchat.
157
However, when it comes to young adults
between the ages of 18-24, 94% use YouTube, 80% use Facebook, 78% use Snapchat,
and 71% use Instagram.
158
Of all adults, 74% visit Facebook daily, compared to 63% for
Snapchat, 60% for Instagram, and 45% for YouTube.
159
These statistics indicate a
particular opportunity for cultivating an interest in important places among young adults.
There are many options available to help with the management of content for
social media, such as HootSuite, Sendible, and SocialPilot, among others. These sites
can help with scheduling, post and follower interaction, account insights, and more.
They are often used for sites like Instagram, YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter. Using
these sites can help streamline social media campaigns and save time.

157
Aaron Smith and Monica Anderson, "Social Media Use In 2018,” Pew Research Center: Internet,
Science & Tech, last modified March 01, 2018, http://www.pewinternet.org/2018/03/01/social-media-use-
in-2018/.
158
Ibid.
159
Ibid.

69

Social media should be used before, during, and after the adoption of a
conservation program. Documenting and sharing places around Compton can help
increase interest and awareness while the program is in development.
Instagram: Instagram should be utilized to show off unique resource, showcase
residents and their use of such resources, and the general cultures present in Compton.
It should also be used to tell short form stories. Instagram can also be used for
marketing contests, local businesses both old and new, and events.
Facebook: Facebook is a universal tool. It can be used to share videos, articles,
events, longer-form stories, and resources. It should be used for all of these things.
Articles should not only focus on Compton but also be geared towards advocacy within
other working and middle-class communities.
YouTube: YouTube can be geared towards all ages groups, and if used
correctly, has the potential to not only offer large amounts of information in relatively
short times, but it can also allow for a conservation group to monetize their efforts and
fund further efforts to educate the public about Compton.
Pinterest: Pinterest can be geared towards older users and focus on
rehabilitation projects around Compton.
Social media activity should be coordinated by a Social Media Coordinator,
following social media best practices. It does not take much to exploit the internet,
media, and the city’s notoriety. This notoriety has not always been an exact boon to the
city, but in the case of conservation within the city lines, it can act as one. There are a
plethora of different angles and campaigns that can be created to increase the visibility
of Compton's important places, and because the city is already legendary, people will
watch. If people are intrigued, and they become attached to places in Compton, that by
itself acts as a sort of protection while the city builds up the funds to create a
conservation plan.

Public Art and Events
Public art and events can be utilized to increase interest and awareness of
special places in Compton. Artwork created with Compton in mind can educate the
public on Compton's history as well as its current culture. Events can show both citizens

70

and visitors, that there is more to Compton than what popular culture tends to show.
Both public art and public affairs can act to help people realize that there is always more
to a place, regardless of its reputation, than meets the eye.

Projection Mapping/Media Installations
Projection mapping and media installations can be used within the city of
Compton to tell stories of its past, express the artistic excellence of its citizens, or
merely to put on a show capable of intriguing both citizens and outsiders alike. Food
and product vendors could accompany these shows. As such, these shows could offer
small businesses the opportunity to make money. For those who may have never
visited Compton, the shows could be an introduction to a city that they may have only
heard negative things about. Although the show itself would be great entertainment for
those that visit, it can also act as an excellent opportunity to continue to shift public
opinion towards Compton.
Projection mappings can be done at night on any building that is white or light in
color. Specific suggestions include the Compton City Hall building fins, the Compton
Courthouse, and the Martin Luther King Jr. monument.

Art Contests
Art contests could be used to help drive people to a location, enhance a sense of
pride in landmarks involved, and help beautify a city. A yearly youth and teen art contest
can be established within Compton schools. A suggested theme for this contest can be
for the child or teen to create an illustration of their favorite place in Compton. A more
specific suggested theme could be to create an illustration of a landmark in Compton.
The winners could receive rewards at the behest of the city. These awards could
include having their art hung up at City Hall; having their art included on postage stamps
that can be bought through the Compton Post Offices, and having their artwork posted
on the Compton City website. Similar contests can also be held that involve the creation
of short films that can be showcased online.

71

Special Events
Special events can be held at landmarks around the city of Compton. These
events can be utilized to help citizens and visitors see the potential in sites within
Compton. This, in turn, can help spur an increase in the use of Compton resources.
Special events can also bring awareness to places that may not generally be known or
open to the public.
For instance, East Rancho Dominguez Park can sponsor occasional free tennis
workshops. A farmer's market could be introduced in one of the two pocket parks within
Richland Farms. Picnics and small festivals can be planned with locations at the pocket
parks in Richland Farms or East Rancho Dominguez Park. The Aeronautical Museum at
the Compton/Woodley Airport can also hold informational events to help spur further
interest in the programs that exist there for youths and adults.

Tours
One of the best ways to introduce visitors and interested citizens to Compton’s
resources is through touring. Touring can be done on foot or potentially even by
horseback, if in small groups. These tours coul d take place in Downtown Compton,
along Compton Blvd., or through Richland Farms. Those on tour should have the
opportunity to see such landmarks as Compton City Hall and the Martin Luther King Jr.
Memorial, the Compton Post Office, the Compton/Woodley airport, the Richland Farms
district, Compton High School, and the Heritage House. Although the Heritage House
interiors are not currently open to the public, an exterior tour can be planned. In fact,
exterior tours of the Heritage House may lead to donations that can go towards the
rehabilitation of the house.

There are many ways to ensure that important places are protected. The city of
Compton would benefit from creating a conservation program that offers legal solutions
to ensure that Compton’s cultural and architectural resources stay standing. Both the
city and individuals can work in tandem to raise the visibility of said resources and
ensure that they continue to be used and appreciated. Together, traditional and non-

72

traditional conservation can work together to show Compton in the best light possible,
both to citizens and visitors.

73

Conclusion
Heritage conservation does not have to be limited to the activities of stodgy old
white people obsessed with keeping the status quo and eliminating the use of vinyl
windows. It does not have to mean that a building looks and functions the same as it did
when it was first built - times and needs change; buildings should be allowed to change
with them. In other words, conservation can be used to protect "use" over "structure"
which has been proposed in connection with the proposed "SoMa Pilipinas" Social
Heritage District in San Francisco.
160

Heritage conservation does not need to only be a celebration of historical
successes - it can include difficult histories. It can include the histories of people who
have not historically had an easy time living in the United States. Conservation can
remember violence and how pain was overcome. It can encompass the realities of all
people, not just white people. This is being done by the Whitney Plantation and
Museum, where they teach the truths about slavery in the United States instead of
merely fawning over the "big house."
161
The same can be done explaining the everyday
hardships and successes of minorities in the United States post-slavery and post-Civil
Rights movements of the 1960s and ‘70s.
Heritage conservation does not have to merely subscribe to what ought to be
done to preserve a building. It can also be used to help people finance rehabilitation
through a combination of city and community efforts. New grants and programs can be
created to help people update their commercial or residential properties as is
necessary. The city of San Francisco offers a variety of grants and funding opportunities
that help individuals keep their buildings up to date and enhance their usefulness, and
therefore, their lives.
162

160
San Francisco Heritage, “Sustaining San Francisco’s Living History: Strategies for Conserving Cultural
Heritage Assets,” SF Heritage, September 2014,
https://www.sfheritage.org/Cultural-Heritage-Assets-Final.pdf.
161
"Home," Whitney Plantation, last modified 2015,
http://whitneyplantation.com/.
162
San Francisco Heritage, “Sustaining San Francisco’s Living History: Strategies for Conserving Cultural
Heritage Assets,” SF Heritage, September 2014,
https://www.sfheritage.org/Cultural-Heritage-Assets-Final.pdf.

74

Compton is changing. Much needed development is happening. Conservation
does not need to be a hindrance to it; instead, it can be a boon by adding context to
incoming businesses. Buildings that have been left vacant may become usable again,
as new owners, renters, and needs enter the city. Conservation does not need to mean
that very few changes happen to said buildings - instead it can be used to ensure that
the buildings are rehabilitated instead of demolished, and become new and vital
resources for years to come. Furthermore, new programs can be introduced to the city
in collaboration with planning and traditional conservation that ensures that if an owner
wants to update their building based on the Secretary of the Interior's Standards, they
can do so affordably.
The past fifty years of Compton - years rife with discrimination against people of
color, riots, gang violence, and negative media attention - do not need to be erased by
conservation. As bad as it was, Compton's pain birthed rap legends. Despite its
struggles, it produced athletes of world-class status. Many people have thrived in
Compton despite past adversity, and heritage conservation can tell that story through
the showcasing and protection of landmarks in Compton. Furthermore, conservation
can be used to help ensure that youths know that even though "This is America," and
we still have a long way to go towards full equality, they can do whatever they have a
mind to do.
163
There are plenty of resources within the city of Compton that are at their
disposal. The same can be said about most if not all small cities in the U.S. The
resources themselves may differ between cities, but they do exist.
When used flexibly, traditional heritage conservation can act to show California
and the United States that Compton's landmarks are important. They can add to the
layers of U.S. history that are so often ignored - the history of people of color and
women, and the amazing things they do despite adversity. If traditional conservation is
used in such a way that elements like window sashes and paint are not the only things
that are worthy of designation, more places can be saved, and a diversity of history can
be showcased, creating a more intersectional country.

163
Childish Gambino, “This is America,” YouTube, 2018,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VYOjWnS4cMY.

75

When non-traditional conservation practices are included, especially in a city like
Compton where media is no stranger, the protection of places can be further heightened
through intrigue, pride, and outside documentation. Furthermore, a traditional
conservation program, flexible or not, can still be costly for a city to launch. The non-
traditional conservation practices mentioned in this thesis, on the other hand, can all be
done at low-cost or free. They can be done at virtually any time, bolstering support
before a program is put in place and continuing to maintain enthusiasm after a
traditional conservation program is initiated.
The criticisms and suggestions offered in this thesis for the city of Compton are
by no means limited to that city. There are small cities throughout the United States that
are diverse and have unique resources that deserve to be studied, showcased, and
protected. Adopting flexible, low-cost options for conservation can be just as beneficial
for these cities as they are for Compton.
Specific topics are beyond the scope of this thesis but deserve more research
and development. Although it is beneficial for small cities to consider their options and
create flexible conservation plans, state and national guidelines must also be made
more flexible. It should be made easier to designate a property that has cultural
significance as opposed to architectural significance. Furthermore, once a cultural
landmark is protected, its continued relevance, status, and grant-winning ability should
not be limited to its architectural integrity. Cultural landmarks should not have to adhere
to the same standards that architectural landmarks do.
More research should also be done to examine the effects of gentrification and
conservation in small or low-income California cities. More positive attention to cultural
resources and landmarks can be beneficial to the tax base of a city, but without proper
oversight can help destroy some smaller landmarks or businesses, as can be seen in
the gentrification crisis of San Francisco.
164

Heritage conservation can be affordable, forward thinking, accessible, and
intersectional - if flexibility is introduced to the process. Compton can positively benefit

164
San Francisco Heritage, “Sustaining San Francisco’s Living History: Strategies for Conserving Cultural
Heritage Assets,” SF Heritage, September 2014,
https://www.sfheritage.org/Cultural-Heritage-Assets-Final.pdf.

76

from a flexible multi-faceted plan and can serve as an example to other cities as to how
such a plan can be implemented.

77

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Asset Metadata

Creator Elston, Camille Ora-Nicole (author)

Core Title Conserving Compton: Identifying potential landmarks and recommendations for conservation

School School of Architecture

Degree Master of Heritage Conservation

Degree Program Heritage Conservation

Publication Date 07/26/2018

Defense Date 07/26/2018

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African-American,African-American history,Architecture,Compton,conservation,equality,equity,Heritage Conservation,minorities,OAI-PMH Harvest,preservation,South Bay,South Central,south la,Southern California

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Sandmeier, Trudi (committee chair), Mills, Rochelle (committee member), Murphy, Amy L. (committee member)

Creator Email camille.elston@gmail.com,celston@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-31841

Unique identifier UC11670552

Identifier etd-ElstonCami-6511.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-31841 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-ElstonCami-6511.pdf

Dmrecord 31841

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Elston, Camille Ora-Nicole

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA