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Content Running head: LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES

1

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE

by

Edith Hernandez-Cabrera

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2019

Copyright 2019 Edith Hernandez-Cabrera

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I could not have accomplished this achievement without my family’s support. I would
like to thank my parents for always putting education at the forefront of the household and for
implementing great family values. A mis papas les quiero agradecer por su apoyo incondicional.
Si no fuera por ustedes yo no estuviera en esta posición. ¡Gracias de corazón! To my husband
who has been very patient and supportive throughout this journey, I cannot thank you enough. I
could not have accomplished this without your encouragement. I also want to thank my siblings
for paving the way to higher education and being my role models. Thank you, Esmeralda, David,
and Diego. Drs. Pensavalle, Hasan, and Mora-Flores, my dissertation committee members, thank
you for all of your dedication and guidance throughout this research journey.

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements 2
List of Tables 5
List of Figures 6
Abstract 7
Chapter One: Introduction 8
Background of the Problem 8
Statement of the Problem 10
Purpose of the Study 12
Importance of the Study 13
Theoretical Framework of the Study 14
Limitations and Delimitations 15
Definition of Terms 16
Organization of the Study 17
Chapter Two: Literature Review 18
Obstacles to Career Advancement 19
Glass Ceiling 20
Glass Cliff 24
Queen Bee 26
Gender Stereotypes 28
Life Work Balance 30
Leadership 33
Double Bind 35
Mentorship 37
Professional Development 40
Latina’s Intersectionality 41
Characteristics of Successful Women 44
Self-Efficacy Framework 45
Summary 49
Chapter Three: Methodology 51
Sample and Population 52
Participants’ Work Sites 54
Introduction of Participants 55
Instrumentation 58
Interview Protocol 59
Document Review 60
The General Self-Efficacy Scale 61
Validity and Reliability 64
Data Collection Approach 64
Data Analysis 66
Summary 66
Chapter Four: Findings 68
Research Question 1 70
Interviews 71
Document Review 93
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 4
RQ1 Data Analysis Summary 95
Research Question 1a 95
Interviews 96
Survey Results 106
RQ1a Data Analysis Summary 107
Research Question 1b 107
Interviews 107
Survey Data 118
Document Review 120
RQ1b Data Analysis Summary 120
Findings Summary 121
Chapter Five: Analysis of Findings 123
Discussion of Findings 123
Implications and Reflections 125
Recommendations for Future Studies 128
Conclusion 130
References 131
Appendix A Email Invitation to Participate in Study 141
Appendix B Interview Protocol 142
Appendix C General Self-Efficacy Scale 144

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 5
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Literature Review 50
Table 2: Participant Background Information 53
Table 3: Participant Personal Information 58
Table 4: Methodology Overview 63
Table 5: Timeline of Research Collection 65
Table 6: Summary of Methodology 69
Table 7: Participant Career Information 70
Table 8: Educational Background 71
Table 9: Documents Review Summary 95
Table 10: Survey Results 119
Table 11: Summary of Themes 122

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 6
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Relationship between the Glass Cliff and Queen Bee Phenomenon. 27
Figure 2: Social cognitive theory. 46
Figure 3: Efficacy vs. outcome expectations. 47
Figure 4: Self-efficacy sources. 48

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 7
ABSTRACT
Latina’s are underrepresented in leadership positions in higher education. This research focused
on the trajectory of Latina administrators in community colleges. The purpose of the study was
to learn about the women’s journeys to becoming successful leaders against all odds. The three-
part research question focused on how these women obtained their positions, the strategies they
utilized, and whether their perceived self-efficacy level assisted in their success. Participants
were four deans and one vice president employed at a Southern California community college.
Interviews, document review, and a self-efficacy scale were utilized as the primary methodology.
The women shared their strategies to overcome obstacles throughout their journey. The
interviews were recorded and transcribed. Data were analyzed using Atlas.ti software.
Education, personal motivation, obstacles, family support, leadership development, mentors, and
high self-efficacy were themes found in their stories.

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 8
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Women make up more than half of college graduates yet hold less than half of leadership
positions in higher education (Coward, 2010). To illustrate, the American Council on Education
(2017b) reports that 30% of presidencies in higher education, including at 4-year and community
colleges, are held by women, and 17% of all presidents are racial minorities (American Council
on Education, 2017a). A closer examination at these statistics reveals that women of color are
even less represented than their White counterparts, as women of color hold 5% of college
presidencies (Mainah & Perkins, 2015; The American Council on Education, 2017b). Fraser,
Osborne, and Sibley (2015) stated that women of color are even further underrepresented in
terms of wages and salaries as compared to White women and males. Women are underpaid
compared to their male counterparts (85 cents of every dollar earned by males), which
perpetuates the second-rate status of women (Coward, 2010; Fraser et al., 2015). While history
and stereotypical perspectives of women can be difficult to disregard by both males and females,
they can, however, be surpassed (Coward, 2010).
Background of the Problem
After the Civil Rights Act of 1865, many ethnic minorities were allowed to attend higher
education institutions, yet women were still expected to stay home and raise their children
(Carruthers & Wanamaker, 2015; Wilson, 1989). Although granted the right to vote in 1920,
women were not able to work and attend school until after World War II (Carruthers &
Wanamaker, 2015; Fireman, 2010; Wilson, 1989). Their attendance was made difficult because
they were traditionally taught to take care of the home (Carruthers & Wanamaker, 2015;
O’Connor, 2010; Wilson, 1989). In 1967, affirmative action laws pushed the hiring of women
and minorities (Fraser et al., 2015; Wilson, 1989). However, the financial aid necessary to earn
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 9
the education required for such employment was not available until 1972 (Carruthers &
Wanamaker, 2015; Wilson, 1989). It was at this time that women of color could seek degrees to
advance their education and careers (Carruthers & Wanamaker, 2015; Wilson, 1989).
Perspectives on leadership by gender have become stereotypes regarding how women
and men lead as well as of their styles when doing so. Eagly and Johannesen-Schmidt (2001)
explained that, because men have held leadership positions the longest, they have defined what
leadership is. Therefore, theirs is the style assumed and the default in conceptualizations of what
leadership should be (Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001). Research also finds that women
possess greater communal characteristics, and men have more agentic characteristics when
leading (Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Wang, Chiang, Tsai, Lin, & Cheng, 2013).
Individuals expectations are constructed on stereotypes, which may, in turn, cause leaders to
have these same expectations of themselves. It is expected that only men possess agentic
characteristics, which disallows women from expressing them without backlash (Eagly &
Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Wang et al., 2013).
The expectation of women conveying communal personalities stands in contrast with the
vision of leadership characteristics. Leadership qualities are seen as male dominated and
unfavorable to women (Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Morley, 2013; Wang et al., 2013).
This dilemma is described as a double bind for women (Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001;
Kawakami, White, & Langer, 2000; Wang et al., 2013). Women are penalized for assertiveness,
as it is not part of their gender expectations and stereotypes (Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001;
Kawakami et al., 2000; Morley, 2013; Ridgeway, 2001; Wang et al., 2013). This discrepancy
creates prejudice against women. Thus, often, women are evaluated less favorably than men
when applying the same strategies in leadership positions because of gender expectations (Eagly
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 10
& Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Kawakami et al., 2000; Morley, 2013; Ridgeway, 2001; Wang et
al., 2013). Therefore, it is imperative that research examine the effect of women’s current
leadership roles.
When the data are further disaggregated, Latinas are largely underrepresented in
leadership positions, which may be due to added cultural role expectations. Alicea (2001)
reviewed a qualitative study wherein undergraduate Latinas described their experiences while
attending college. The women were discouraged by their families to attend college because they
were expected to work in the household, and their attendance was considered solely a safeguard
against their husbands leaving them (Alicea, 2001; O’Connor, 2010). Even when Latinas attend
and graduate from college, they are still expected to fulfill gender roles which entail taking care
of the home (Alicea, 2001). They are expected to clean, cook, and take care of the children
while the men take care of things outside the home (Adam, 1997; Alicea, 2001). Although the
Pew Hispanic Center (2009) found that expectations and cultural norms change from generation
to generation within the Latin population, cultural pressures from the family and the academy
can be difficult to overcome.
Statement of the Problem
Mainah and Perkins (2015) state that, “although women in the U.S. earn the majority of
postsecondary degrees and 26.4% of college presidents are women, with 4.5% of them being
women of color, women still have a long way to go before they have equal status with men in
university leadership positions” (p. 1). There has been a documented gap between male and
female leaders in higher education and a larger gap in terms of Latinas (American Council on
Education, 2017b; California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office, 2017). Latinas are not
represented in community college leadership positions at the same rate as their male and White
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 11
female counterparts. The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES, 2017), in fall 2016,
found that, while women held 56% of management positions, only 24% were women of color.
The NCES (2017) data categorizes Black, Hispanic, Asian, Pacific Islander, American
Indian/Alaska Native, and women of two or more races as women of color. White women
outnumber women of color at a rate of 3 to 1 in higher education leadership positions, and the
California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office (2018) reports that only 10% of all
administrators within that system are Latinas.
In higher education, women of color are more likely to hold middle management
positions (Wilson, 1989; Yeagley, Subich, & Tokar, 2010). Donohue-Mendoza (2012)
investigated how midlevel manager women’s advancement within a community college was
affected by their relationships with their supervisors. The results showed that supervisors did not
try to help their mid-level managers advance in their careers because they were never trained to
do so or were too busy with their own work to focus on mentoring them (Donohue-Mendoza,
2012). The mid-level managers were aware that their supervisors were not giving them the
attention required to assist them with upward career mobility, and, therefore, they did not feel
encouraged or prepared to advance. The women were interested in advancing their careers, yet
felt they were unable to without support.
Latinas have multiple layers of gender and stereotypical obstacles to overcome to reach a
leadership position at a community college. They are not included in the traditional leadership
profile. Therefore, this study investigated how Latinas overcome obstacles related to gender,
race, and role expectations as well as the strategies they used to assume these leadership
positions. Findings from this study may guide future generations of Latina’s success.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 12
Purpose of the Study
A great deal of research has been conducted on barriers women face as they seek
leadership positions in higher education, yet few are centered on what Latina’s experiences in
reaching those positions. One answer to the question of why there are few Latinas in leadership
positions at community colleges has been that there are not enough women in the pipeline to
reach those positions. Another argument in the literature is that women simply do not want
higher education leadership positions. Although studying mostly White women, Lepkowski
(2009) found that women aspired to be in these leadership positions as much as males did. In
other words, women do want to become leaders, which means the obstacles they face are
different from those presented in past research. An explanation for the lack of women of color in
these positions was presented by Sanchez-Hucles and Davis (2010): compared to their White
counterparts, women of color face additional barriers in the workplace. Lower pay, lack of
mentorship, experience, career opportunities, race, ethnicity, and socialization are all added
forms of discrimination women of color face (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010).
Therefore, to understand how Latinas overcome these additional obstacles, the purpose of
this study was to explore how they attain leadership positions at community colleges. This study
addresses the gap in the literature related to and describing successful Latinas who have become
leaders. Since there are few Latinas who fill leadership positions at community colleges, it is
important to know how they reached these positions. This research focuses on the strategies
these women utilized to obtain their positions. To investigate this phenomenon, this study was
guided by the following research questions:
1. What are the lived experiences of Latinas as they successfully obtain leadership positions
in community colleges?
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 13
a. What strategies do Latinas in leadership positions utilize to become leaders?
b. How do successful Latinas in leadership positions at community colleges perceive
their level of self-efficacy and whether it has contributed to their leadership
development?
Importance of the Study
This study examined the successful strategies Latinas utilized to attain leadership
positions. It is important to see Latinas in leadership positions in community colleges because
over half of college students are women, and over 44% of all women college students are of
color (NCES, 2017). The Pew Hispanic Center (2009) found that “Hispanics are the largest and
youngest minority group in the United States” (p. 1). This is significant because young Latinas
will seek role models, and self-efficacy can be gained through vicarious experiences (Bandura,
1977). Thus, it is beneficial for these women to have role models to empower them to achieve
similar leadership goals.
Little research has been conducted on how Latinas view themselves or their self-efficacy
throughout their leadership trajectory. Uniquely, Madsen (2007) interviewed 10 women
university presidents, the majority of whom were White, with a focus on childhood personalities,
perceptions, influential people other than their parents during childhood, and childhood
activities. This is one of the few studies that has focused on the childhood experiences of women
in higher education presidencies. Madsen found that these women held high expectations for
themselves since childhood; had people, such as teachers, who influenced them; went through
challenging experiences that allowed them to learn and cope; and embodied characteristics such
as competitiveness, high confidence, and self-direction (Madsen, 2007). It is important to bring
awareness of this research gap to increase Latina’s self-efficacy and self-expectations.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 14
Theoretical Framework of the Study
Bandura’s social cognitive theory pertains to the interconnectedness of person,
environment, and behavior. Self-efficacy is described as part of the behavior component of social
cognitive theory and is defined as how a person perceives their ability to achieve a task
(McNeely Cobham & Patton, 2015). Self-efficacy was utilized as the framework for this
dissertation to understand how the participating women viewed themselves and understood the
relationship between events in their life and career and their sense of self-efficacy. Self-efficacy
beliefs determine whether a person acts on a behavior, depending on how the behavior is
believed to affect the intended outcome (Bandura, 1977). A person with high self-efficacy will
most likely participate in a task if they believe they will have a positive outcome. If a person
does not believe they will have a positive outcome, then they will most likely not partake in the
activity (Bandura, 1977). Bandura (1977) explains four contributors to expectations of self-
efficacy: performance accomplishments, vicarious experiences, verbal persuasion, and emotional
arousal (Bandura, 1977). Performance accomplishments are previous experiences and exposure
to similar behaviors (Bandura, 1977). Vicarious experiences entail mentors and models that
have helped the individual believe they can or cannot accomplish a task (Bandura, 1977). Verbal
persuasion is self-encouragement, persuasion, and others’ providing advice and influence
(Bandura, 1977). Emotional arousal refers to how the individual reacts emotionally to the task
put forth in terms of whether they become excited or anxious (Bandura, 1977). If a person feels
empowered by a task, they will most likely act on it. If they do not, they will probably not, as
they do not feel as efficacious.
Therefore, this analysis was conducted to investigate participants’ level of self-efficacy,
how it developed, and its effects on obtaining community college leadership positions. The goal
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 15
was to investigate whether self-efficacy played a role in their career trajectory. Latinas are
disadvantaged because of the intersectionality of characteristics of gender and ethnicity.
Therefore, in question is how they perceive their self-efficacy and whether they believe it had an
impact on their becoming community college leaders.
Limitations and Delimitations
The study sample consisted of five Latinas with leadership positions at a community
college. The sample itself was a limitation. Another limitation to the study is that three
community colleges were represented in the sample, which meant that some of the participants
were employed at the same colleges. Due to working under the same upper management, they
may have face similar obstacles. Another limitation was that four women were of Mexican
descent. It is important to have representation from other Latin American cultures, as they may
involve different values and obstacles. Additional participants as well as additional research
methods like observations could have been beneficial to the study.
An additional limitation pertains to the sources for measurement. Only three participants
provided any type of documentation for review, the other two participants did not voluntarily
provide any. The documentation reviewed was only professional and not personal. The
interviews focused on both professional and personal background narratives to inform the study
about all aspects of the women’s lives. Another limitation was that the data were self-reported
and not all responses or statements can be completely accurate. Much of the data relied on
beliefs, perceptions, and memories of events. Also, the researcher is a Latina woman who aspires
to be an educational leader at a community college, and, although be self-reflection was
conducted throughout the study, bias may have influenced the research.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 16
Definition of Terms
Double bind: In this study, pertains to uncertainty in leadership behavior: “Female
leaders are devalued if they act feminine, but also if they act masculine, leaving women unsure
as to how they should behave” (Kawakami et al., 2000, p. 51).
First generation or foreign born: “refers to a person born outside of the United States to
parents neither of whom was a U.S. citizen. Foreign born also refers to those born in Puerto
Rico” (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009, p. ii).
Glass ceiling: “First introduced in the 1980s, [it] is a metaphor for the invisible and
artificial barriers that block women and minorities from advancing up the corporate ladder to
management and executive positions” (Johns, 2013, p. 1).
Glass cliff: “Refers to the tendency for women to be more likely than men to be
appointed to leadership positions that are risky and precarious” (Ryan et al., 2016, p. 446).
Intersectionality: “The location of women of color both within overlapping systems of
subordination and at the margins of feminism and antiracism” (Crenshaw, 1991, p. 1265). “The
manner in which multiple aspects of identity may combine in different ways to construct social
reality” (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010, p. 176).
Queen bee phenomenon: A situation wherein “women leaders assimilate into male-
dominated organizations (i.e., organizations in which most executive positions are held by men)
by distancing themselves from junior women and legitimizing gender inequality in their
organization” (Derks, Van Laar, & Ellemers, 2016, p. 456).
Leadership: “In this case, refers to academic leadership positions and to women in
positional leadership roles” (Vongalis-Macrow, 2016, p. 90).
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 17
Mentoring: “The process of providing younger and less-experienced individuals with
support, counsel, friendship and constructive example in order for them to succeed in careers and
life” (Kosoko-Lasaki, Sonnino, & Voytko, 2006, p. 1449).
Native born or U.S. born: “refers to persons born in the United States and those born
abroad to parents at least one of whom was a U.S. citizen” (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009, p. ii).
Self-efficacy: “Perceived self-efficacy is concerned with people’s beliefs in their ability to
influence events that affect their lives” (Bandura, 2010, p. 1534).
Organization of the Study
Chapter one has introduced the problem of a lack of Latinas in higher education
leadership positions and purpose of the study to examine the experiences of Latinas who
currently hold such positions. The subsequent Chapter Two focuses on the current literature
regarding Latinas in higher education and, in general, women in leadership positions across
disciplines. Chapter Three explains the process for gathering the data and rationale for utilizing
interviews, surveys and document review. Chapter Four analyzes the data collected from the
participants and investigates themes across their experiences. Finally, Chapter Five concludes the
dissertation by summarizing the findings and providing the implications regarding self-efficacy
in participants’ trajectories to leadership positions. The words Latin/a and Hispanic were used
interchangeably throughout the study.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 18
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Research on women in leadership positions at higher education institutions is vast, and
the majority focuses on the barriers they confront. For many years, White men were the only
individuals allowed to lead. Even after demonstrating the capability to lead and the
characteristics of a leader, women have not moved into higher education leadership positions
(Vinkenburg, Van Engen, Eagly, & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2011; Vongalis-Macrow, 2016).
Women leaders have been described as risk averse or as lacking confidence in their leadership
abilities as compared to men (Vongalis-Macrow, 2016). Women are perceived as indecisive
while males seen as direct and strategic (Vongalis-Macrow, 2016). However, the majority of
participants in these studies are White women, and less research addresses the success of Latinas
at community colleges.
Lepkowski (2009) conducted research on women and men in leadership administrative
positions of dean and higher but not including presidents. All 139 participants were from
Minnesota state colleges and universities. About 60% were female and 40% were male,
averaging 51 years of age, and 97% identified as Caucasian/White (Lepkowski, 2009). The
research included a 48-item questionnaire sent through email. Lepkowski’s research questions
focused on career aspirations, professional assets, and characteristics to determine whether
women differed from men in their career goals to understand if these were key factors related to
women holding these positions in far fewer numbers. The results demonstrated no significant
differences between male and females; all had the same desire to advance in their careers
(Lepkowski, 2009).
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 19
Obstacles to Career Advancement
Women have faced numerous battles throughout American history: gaining the right to
vote, owning property, attending higher education, and entering the workplace (Coward, 2010;
Gorena, 1996; Wilson, 1989). In today’s society, women continue to suffer gender inequality, as
Coward (2010) states that women are still underpaid compared to their male counterparts and
make only 77% of a male’s salary. Women are discriminated against even when they attain the
education required for leadership positions (Dominici, Fried, & Zeger, 2009; Gorena, 1996).
Disparities are greater for women in the workforce who also have children, as they make 7% less
than women without children, even after accounting for multiple factors (Johns, 2013). Women
are second guessed, challenged, and feel they have to work harder (McNair, Miguel, Sobers-
Young, Bechtel, & Jacobson, 2013; Shepherd, 2017). Shepherd (2017) states that, at this rate, a
century would need to pass for women to be hired in numbers equal to those of men in higher
education institutions.
Mendelberg and Karpowitz (2016) argue that women do have influence when they have
equal participation and receive equal affirmation when speaking. They explain that it is essential
for women to be able to speak in group settings because their doing so builds symbolic and
substantive representation (Mendelberg & Karpowitz, 2016). Mendelberg and Karpowitz found
that women tend to speak more and feel confidence when there are more women in the room
than men. They also found that women are less likely to be negatively interrupted when there
are more women as opposed to when there are mostly men (Mendelberg & Karpowitz, 2016). In
their study, the majority of the negative interruptions while women spoke came from men
(Mendelberg & Karpowitz, 2016). Furthermore, Hoyt and Blascovich (2007) state that, when
there are more men in a room than women, women respond to stereotype threat. The many
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 20
barriers women confront trying to enter the workforce are described as the glass ceiling (Johns,
2013).
Glass Ceiling
The Civil Rights Act of 1991 created the Glass Ceiling Commission to focus on minority
representation in the workforce (Johns, 2013). The glass ceiling, a phrase first introduced in the
1980s, is a “metaphor for the invisible and artificial barriers that block women and minorities
from advancing up the corporate ladder to management and executive positions” (Johns, 2013, p.
1). Glass ceiling has been a term used to define the slow advancement of women in leadership
positions (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). In higher education, women are concentrated in
roles such as adjunct or managerial positions such as human resources, community engagement,
and communication, among others (Morley, 2013). In addition, women receive less favorable
evaluations (Dominici et al., 2009; Evans, 2007; Morley, 2013; Wang et al., 2013). Some
women report being directly told they are not ready to take on higher leadership roles despite
having vast experience (Shepherd, 2017).
Research shows that women are interested in moving up the career pipeline almost as
much as men are, discrediting the argument that women lack the confidence to apply to senior
level positions (Glass & Cook, 2016; Lepkowski, 2009; Shepherd, 2017). Shepherd (2017)
focused on the assumed missing agency of women with hopes of debunking the myth that
women are not interested in leadership positions. Shepherd’s mixed-methods study found that
women are, in fact, interested in senior level positions in higher education yet are not succeeding
because of institutional factors such as recruitment and selection for those jobs. The study also
reviewed structural factors emphasizing research on “mobility and external career capital,
conservatism, and homosociability” (Shepherd, 2017, p. 82). Some of the women interviewed
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 21
said that higher education was full of conservatism and that institutions do not want to hire those
without experience, meaning women needed to gain experience before being hired for a job that
would provide it (Shepherd, 2017). Women in this study felt they had to work harder to be seen
as equal to men. Shepherd also found that the hiring process suggested homosociability, which
Shepherd defines as “the tendency to select people just like oneself” (p. 86). If most hiring
employers are male, they will likely select a male for the position. This also works in terms of
race in that, if most employers are of a specific race, they will most likely try to hire those of the
same race.
Mainah and Perkins (2015) claim that “the few women of color who leap over these
hurdles find additional barriers related to their performance, interpersonal relations, and ability to
network” (p. 6). Even when women of color reach top level positions, they do not receive the
same opportunities as others do. Mainah and Perkins focused on societal barriers like prejudice,
bias, and sexism, along with other differences. The authors analyzed various published
documents such as books, reports, journals, and newspapers on topics such as women of color
and higher education. They also discuss how bias is manifested through undesirable comments,
disrespect, disdain, exclusion, and damaging evaluations (Mainah & Perkins, 2015)
Nguyen (2013) conducted an exploratory study on barriers of women deans in Vietnam
through a framework focuses on psychological and cultural perspectives on women. The
psychological perspective is the “think manager/leader-think male.” In other words, men are
stereotypically the first thought of when leaders are mentioned (Nguyen, 2013). The same
applies to any position in higher education with an emphasis on leadership, which automatically
removes women from consideration. The cultural perspective holds three barriers to women’s
advancement in higher education: macro, mesco, and micro (Nguyen, 2013). The first cultural
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 22
complication is described as macro level and involves socio-political barriers. This, the author
describes, is the traditional view of women as taking care of the home and children, instead of
working outside their home (Nguyen, 2013). This is a barrier because it results in women having
fewer work days or experience due to having to interrupt their careers to take care of home
obligations (Nguyen, 2013). The second barrier is a mesco perspective, which describes that the
traditional work force has been male dominated, and, although women have been allowed to
enter the work force, they remain at a disadvantage (Nguyen, 2013). The third barrier, Nguyen
(2013) described as an individual level or micro level blockade. At this level, women may lack
confidence and competitiveness due to the sociopolitical perspective (Nguyen, 2013). The
literature review showed that women were having trouble finding mentors, family and personal
support (Nguyen, 2013).
Nguyen (2013) interviewed six female deans with doctoral degrees. They were asked
about their experience as deans and their trajectory as well as to provide specific examples that
aided or hindered that trajectory (Nguyen, 2013). The data yielded six themes: family
obligations, stereotypes against women leaders, unwillingness to take on leadership roles, self-
effort, strong family support and selection context. The first themes seemed to be the most
significant barriers for the participants, as they had to take care of children, spouses, and parents
along with being deans (Nguyen, 2013). Stereotypes of women as leaders was a second theme
and also a barrier on their continued success because they were viewed as unable to be great
leaders (Nguyen, 2013). Another theme found was unwillingness to take on leadership roles.
Although only discussed by a minority of the participants, it is significant because it is the idea
that women should not be too involved at work and focused on home (Nguyen, 2013). Self-
effort was also a theme, which means they actively and purposefully made the informed decision
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 23
to earn higher education degrees to become leaders (Nguyen, 2013). Additionally, family support
was required because family was able to help when the participant was absent (Nguyen, 2013).
Finally, the selection context and how they were able to attain their positions as deans were also
important components of this study (Nguyen, 2013).
Ibarra, Ely, and Kolb, (2013) state that there is second-generation bias for women.
Second-generation bias is explained as “erecting powerful but subtle and often invisible barriers
for women that arise from cultural assumptions and organizational structures, practices, and
patterns of interaction that inadvertently benefit men while putting women at a disadvantage”
(Ibarra et al., 2013, p. 64). These barriers include a lack of role models and networks, gendered
career paths and work, and double binds. Ibarra et al. discuss that stereotypes are utilized to
explain why women are left behind, instead of attributing their lack of progress to second-
generation bias. It is easier to say that women lack agency than to blame organizational
structures (Ibarra et al., 2013).
This research will investigate how participants have become and continue to be
successful despite the glass ceiling and cliff. The glass cliff is defined as the hurdles and
obstacles women face once they are in leadership roles (Johns, 2013). Even when women break
through the glass ceiling, they continue to fight obstacles such as the glass cliff. Glass and Cook
(2016) found that women are usually given leadership positions in Fortune 500 companies when
the company is at risk. Therefore, these women enter CEO positions at a greater loss and
jeopardy. The glass cliff phenomenon is also witnessed in higher education institutions.
Identifying and analyzing themes within the data in this study will pinpoint strategies that other
women may be able to imitate to break the glass ceiling.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 24
Glass Cliff
Glass and Cook’s (2016) research demonstrated that women are most likely appointed to
leadership positions when the organization is in a crisis. Still, even after women are promoted
into leadership positions, there is pushback (Glass & Cook, 2016; Haslam & Ryan, 2008;
Mainah & Perkins, 2015). Once the glass ceiling is broken, the glass cliff is still a danger in that
it “refers to the tendency for women to be more likely than men to be appointed to leadership
positions that are risky and precarious” (Ryan et al., 2016, p. 446). Women or other
nontraditional candidates, such as minorities, are promoted to leadership positions when the
organization is at risk to demonstrate daring moves to save the company (Haslam & Ryan, 2008;
Glass & Cook, 2016). A reason some women take the risk of accepting a leadership position in a
company that is already failing is because, if they turn it around, they would prove their
credibility, gain a positive reputation, and begin a successful career (Haslam & Ryan, 2008;
Glass & Cook, 2016). If the result is negative, the company can blame the women for the
negative outcomes (Haslam & Ryan, 2008).
Within their research, Glass and Cook (2016) identified and interviewed female and
minority leaders in Fortune 500 companies. Through these interviews, the researchers asked
questions regarding their career trajectory, promotion opportunities, and pressures received after
their promotion (Glass & Cook, 2016). Their results determined that the participants had less
support from their boards and less power to make decisions as compared to men (Glass & Cook,
2016). There was resistance from their boards and from the males they directly supervised
(Glass & Cook, 2016). Accepting a leadership position when an organization is in crisis is
difficult and even greater when there are performance pressures and amplified inquiry, as the
participants declared (Glass & Cook, 2016). During events, these women were asked and
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 25
complimented on the way they dressed instead of being engaged conversations about the
organization (Glass & Cook, 2016). Although the women in this study struggled, they persisted
and demonstrated agency (Glass & Cook, 2016).
Haslam and Ryan (2008) conducted three studies to learn how graduate management
students, high school students, and business leaders appoint women and men when a company is
at risk. All three studies, although focused on different settings and using different groups,
demonstrated similar results (Haslam & Ryan, 2008). During a crisis, women are most likely to
be selected to lead, as all three groups indicated (Haslam & Ryan, 2008). Ironically, women are
selected to save a company, but they are rarely selected or treated equally when a company is not
at risk. Ellemers, Rink, Derks, and Ryan (2012) suggest that women are selected to lead an
organization in crisis because of stereotypical communal leadership styles.
Research finds that women possess greater communal characteristics, and men have more
agentic characteristics when leading (Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Wang et al., 2013).
Communal characteristics are defined as “primarily a concern with the welfare of other people—
for example, affectionate, helpful, kind, sympathetic, interpersonally sensitive, nurturant, and
gentle leading” (Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001, p. 783). Agentic leadership characteristics
are defined having “primarily an assertive, controlling, and confident tendency—for example,
aggressive, ambitious, dominant, forceful, independent, daring, self-confident, and competitive”
(Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001, p. 783). Individuals tend to base expectations on leaders’
gender, and, as these are constructed on stereotypes, they may, in turn, cause leaders to have
these same expectations of themselves. Therefore, if women are expected to demonstrate
communal characteristics, they will feel as if they have to meet that expectation (Eagly &
Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Wang et al., 2013). It is also expected that only men possess agentic
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 26
characteristics, which disallows women from expressing them without backlash (Eagly &
Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Wang et al., 2013).
Queen Bee
Additionally, women do not always see each other as leaders. Vongalis-Macrow (2016)
found that women in leadership positions are not supportive and tend to be mistrustful of other
women. Research on women who reach leadership positions, whether through the glass cliff or
not, found what is called the queen bee phenomenon. Derks et al. (2016) define the queen bee
phenomenon occurring when “women leaders assimilate into male-dominated organizations (i.e.,
organizations in which most executive positions are held by men) by distancing themselves from
junior women and legitimizing gender inequality in their organization” (p. 456). Derks et al.
identify three ways women exhibit queen bee characteristics: acting like men, distancing
themselves from other women, and supporting the gender hierarchy. Coward (2010) states that,
according to the literature, women themselves are barriers to empower other women and to
believing in themselves. In McNair et al.’s (2013) research, a participant shared that it was
beneficial to have a male mentor because, with women, work became competition.
Women in leadership positions feel as if they have to act like men because leadership
stereotypes are male dominated, and, when an action or behavior works for men, they believe it
should also work for them (Derks et al., 2016). Once women hold leadership positions, they may
disassociate themselves with women in lower ranks because of the negative stereotypes linked
with women (Derks et al., 2016). This need for disassociation then leads to the queen bee
phenomenon. Women in midlevel manager positions are left unmentored and unrecognized, and
they become distrustful of women in leadership positions (Derks et al., 2016). Derks et al.
explain that women in leadership positions act this way as a form of response and not necessarily
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 27
due to gender bias (Derks et al., 2016). Women with queen bee characteristics may also
perpetuate the gender hierarchy by agreeing to negative comments made about women or by not
assisting other women in career advancement (Derks et al., 2016). Queen bee characteristics are
used as a strategy or coping mechanism for career promotion, and they are usually displayed
when women feel threatened or as if their reputation is being damaged (Derks et al., 2016). A
threat is especially present if there is only one woman in a leadership team and others are being
considered as members (Derks et al., 2016). This reaction proves that there is an unjust gendered
system (Derks et al., 2016). In addition, Hoyt, Simon and Reid’s (2009) found that women tend
to prefer women as leaders and males prefer males as leaders as part of an ingroup bias effect.

Figure 1. Relationship between the glass cliff and queen bee phenomenon.
Note. Adapted from “Women in high places: When and why promoting women into top
positions can harm them individually or as a group (and how to prevent this),” by Ellemers, N.,
Rink, F., Derks, B., & Ryan, M. K., 2012, Research in Organizational Behavior, p. 164.

Ellemers et al. (2012) state that the glass cliff and the queen bee phenomenon are linked
because both highlight the importance of gender in the workplace and are utilized by women as
coping mechanisms. Figure 1 demonstrates the relationship between the class cliff and the queen
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 28
bee phenomenon (Ellemers et al., 2012, p. 164). The figure shows the negative cycle gendered
leadership beliefs can create for women at the individual level (glass cliff) and women at the
group level (queen bee).
If women in leadership positions maintain queen bee characteristics, they do a disservice
to women as a group because they endorse gender stereotypes and provide minimal support to
other women for career advancement (Ellemers et al., 2012). Women in leadership positions
who display queen bee characteristics do so to lift themselves up (Ellemers et al., 2012). These
women are working at the individual level (Ellemers et al., 2012). Some women under the queen
bee category may even believe that having children is an impediment to career advancement and,
therefore, try to avoid hiring mothers (Ellemers et al., 2012). Additionally, Ellemers et al.’s
(2012) research indicated that the queen bee phenomenon was primarily seen in older women.
The authors suggest this may be the case because there were fewer women in the workforce in
earlier years as opposed to more recently, leaving the older women feeling threated (Ellemers et
al., 2012). The more bias or discrimination faced during their career advancement, the more the
queen bee characteristics women in their study demonstrated (Ellemers et al., 2012).
Gender Stereotypes
Koenig and Eagly (2014) tested social role theory within specific occupations addressing
primarily gender as well as age, income, educational level, sexual orientations and political
affiliation. Koenig and Eagly found beliefs about the attributes of occupations were based on
stereotypes. Men and women are viewed through different lenses, which affects women in the
workforce due to stereotypes of who is perceived as a leader (Koenig & Eagly, 2014).
According to Hoyt and Blascovich (2007), “gender stereotypes encompass stereotypical beliefs
about the attributes of women and men that prescribe how men and women should, or ought to,
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 29
be” (p. 596). Fraser et al. (2015) investigated the correlation between social dominance
orientation and benevolent sexism in relation to participants’ thoughts on affirmative action.
They found that social dominance orientation’s belief perpetuates the unequal systems in place
and benevolent sexism appears to provide a short-term benefit to women (Fraser et al., 2015).
Benevolent sexism allows women to accomplish when they use persuasion and are not overt
about their intentions (Fraser et al., 2015).
Vinkenburg et al. (2011) state that their “participants believed that, compared with men,
women displayed significantly more of the leadership behaviors described by three of their five
transformational leadership subscales (idealized influence–behavior, intellectual stimulation,
individualized consideration) and the contingent reward subscale of transactional leadership” (p.
13) and that men demonstrated more transactional and laissez-faire leadership. According to
their results, participants preferred the transformational leadership style and, although they also
claimed that women possess those characteristics more than men, women and leadership were
still judged by gender stereotypes (Vinkenburg et al., 2011). “Indeed, for female leaders to be
perceived as effective they need to demonstrate both sensitivity and strength, whereas male
leaders only need to demonstrate strength” (Vinkenburg et al., 2011, p. 19).
Leaders are usually imagined to be men with agentic leadership styles: “even after
attaining degrees, women of color will have to struggle against long ingrained male prejudices”
(Wilson, 1989, p. 95). Savigny (2014) interviewed women in academia from a variety of
disciplines. One of the participants explained that a male colleague received the promotion she
applied for despite his being less qualified (Savigny, 2014). Per Savigny, “the phrase ‘cultural
sexism’ combines the notion that sexism is an everyday, ordinary, occurrence, which takes place
within masculinised hegemonic structures which interact with and create cultural norms and
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 30
values” (2014, p. 797). Savigny also found childcare as an issue these women had to deal with
as a disadvantage in their careers because of their gender and not due to the fact that they were
parents.
Life Work Balance
Balancing work and personal life appears to be a significant concern for women seeking
career advancement (Dominici et al., 2009; Evans, 2007; Gorena, 1996; Jo, 2008; Johns, 2013;
McNair et al., 2013; Mihalčová, Pružinský, & Gontkovičová, 2015; Morley, 2013; Nguyen,
2013; Savigny, 2014; Shepherd, 2017; Turner, 2002). The fact that there are more men in top
level management compared to women, and there are more women in midlevel management than
men, according to Mihalčová et al. (2015), is because women are also responsible for their
families and home.
The issue of family-work balance is experienced by women at all levels in higher
education. Nguyen (2013) found that a major obstacle women face is strong family obligations.
This is a barrier to their career advancement because of the physical and mental burden of having
to take care of family (Nguyen, 2013). Also, “the timing of tenure decisions often coincides with
the optimal childbearing years, requiring women to resolve individually the conflicts between
biological and career clocks” (Dominici et al., 2009, p. 25). Dominici et al. (2009) noted there
was an increase of women at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology when the campus offered
paid maternity leave, demonstrating a need to accommodate women’s needs. Similarly, Jo
(2008) found high turnover of midlevel women at a higher education institution due to lack of a
flexible work schedule. A flexible work schedule is essential, especially for women with
children, so they left the job even if it meant accepting a lower salary in exchange for job
flexibility (Jo, 2008; Marshall, 2009).
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 31
Family obligations can hinder women’s career advancement in the form of “negative
equity in the workplace” because they are also expected to care for their parents and children,
therefore paying a price for trying to do both (Morley, 2013, p. 122). According to Evans
(2007), “women pay the ultimate social tax: their childbearing, child rearing, and care-taking
riles put them at a clear and often significant disadvantage on the job” (p. 133). Although these
may be barriers, many women do not have these obligations and still do not obtain higher
education leadership positions (Morley, 2013). Participants in McNair et al.’s (2013) study
stated they deliberately decided not to bear children to focus on their career goals. For those
women, trustworthy childcare was not available, emphasizing the importance of family support
(McNair et al., 2013). Women are also less likely to relocate geographically for a career
advancement opportunity than men are because of family obligations (Marshall, 2009; Shepherd,
2017).
Marshall (2009) conducted an exploratory study of 17 women in leadership positions in
higher education institutions, who directly reported to the vice president or president of their
institutions, regarding their work and personal life balance. All 17 women had young children at
the time of the study (Marshall, 2009). According to the author’s statistics, there are enough
qualified women to take on leadership positions of dean or higher, yet data demonstrate that the
numbers of single and childless women are disproportionate to those of men who hold those
positions (Marshall, 2009). Marshall (2009) found two recurring themes: professional
compromises and personal trade-offs. One professional compromise consisted of selecting
specific career opportunities to accommodate child rearing, which also meant rejecting a
relocation move if it affected the family (Marshall, 2009). Another professional compromise
was not attending or participating in professional development because it took time aside from
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 32
their regular work hours (Marshall, 2009). These women also mentioned not being able to work
additional or extended hours because their children came first and that they were aware of the
fact that this restriction could explain why they received a lower salary (Marshall, 2009).
The second theme, personal trade-offs, include limited time for self, marital strain,
missing out, and feeling guilty (Marshall, 2009). The participants in Marshall’s (2009) study
agreed that their priorities were, first, their children. Their careers were second, and their
spouses were third. Although these women had little time to rest, they could not afford to
become ill, which explains their lack of self-attention (Marshall, 2009). For some participants,
time for themselves was not an option, and they rarely engaged in leisure activities such as
reading and traveling (Marshall, 2009). Additionally, these women were unable to provide
adequate attention and time to their partners, leaving them as a last priority in their lives
(Marshall, 2009). Having a prestigious career title came up, for some, as a problem in their
relationships because some of the men were full-time stay-at-home fathers, which caused tension
(Marshall, 2009). To make their marriages work, they had to plan ahead to spend time together
(Marshall, 2009). Furthermore, the women also felt as if they were missing out on their
children’s lives as they grew up because they had to work (Marshall, 2009). With all of this
strain came guilt. The participants in this study felt guilty that they were not able to give their
fullest potential at work or at home and because others were spending more time with their
children than they were (Marshall, 2009).
At the same time, family support is the strongest facilitator for women’s career trajectory
(McNair et al., 2013; Nguyen, 2013). For women in leadership positions, it has been essential to
have the support from family members and/or a spouse to assist with at-home responsibilities
(McNair et al., 2013; Nguyen, 2013). Women in McNair et al.’s (2013) study stated it was
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 33
necessary to schedule time for work, family, and self to assure they dedicated enough time to
each aspect of their lives.
Much of the research demonstrates that it is difficult to balance work and family, but it is
not impossible. Marshall (2009) states that society makes women and men believe that women
must choose between their career and their families. Although women with children and spouses
make many sacrifices, they also receive personal and professional benefits as a result of attaining
leadership positions (Marshall, 2009). Women in leadership positions at higher education
institutions provide more to their children because of their increased income (Marshall, 2009).
They also felt a sense of pride that they defies the stereotype of women not wanting to or being
fit for these positions (Marshall, 2009).
Leadership
Eagly and Johannesen‐Schmidt (2001) state women experience more obstacles than men
in trying to hold leadership positions when the organization is male dominated. Eagly and
Johannesen‐Schmidt wrote about the leadership styles of men and women based on social role
theory. The authors explain that women must prove themselves more than men because men
have been holding these leadership positions for many years, and, therefore, men have already
proven their capability. Similarly, Ridgeway (2001) explains “The gender system is deeply
entwined with social hierarchy and leadership because gender stereotypes contain status beliefs
that associate greater status worthiness and competence with men than women” (p. 637).
Eagly and Johannesen‐Schmidt (2001) use agentic and communal characteristics to
differentiate between male and female styles when leading, stating that women are communal
leaders because they care for others and show more affection and sympathy (Brescoll, 2016;
Eagly & Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001; Nguyen, 2013). On the other hand, they describe men as
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 34
having agentic characteristics because men are known to be assertive and dominant (Eagly &
Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001). They also discuss social expectations of how women and men are
supposed to act in the workforce, which, in turn, may be internalized and make individuals feel
as if they have to act a certain way due to their gender (Eagly & Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001).
Hoyt et al. (2009) demonstrated both women and men prefer that leaders exhibit agentic
behaviors. Although women did not have a gender preference and men did, both favored a male
with agentic behaviors as opposed to women with the same characteristics (Hoyt et al., 2009).
This usually becomes a conflict when women have to take actions that do not conform to their
expected gender role. Additional categories of leadership styles mentioned by Eagly and
Johannesen‐Schmidt (2001) are interpersonally oriented and task-oriented styles. They
associated interpersonally oriented styles with women because, again, these are related to helping
others and task-oriented style to men because they are known to be determined to finish a task
(Eagly & Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001).
Transactional and transformational were also described as leadership styles. Women
were described as more transactional because they create relationships, and men were classified
as being more transformational because they have high standards and are more confident (Eagly
& Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001). Eagly and Johannesen‐Schmidt (2001) wrote about the
stereotypes associated with women which can affect women as leaders in terms of how they
perceive themselves and how others perceive them.
Authoritarian leaders are assertive, a stereotypically male characteristic, as opposed to
benevolent, which is a stereotypically female characteristic (Wang et al., 2013). Wang et al.
(2013) conducted two studies on Chinese men and women: one on engineers (mostly men) and
the second on customer service personnel (mostly women). The results demonstrated that
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 35
women should not be too benevolent, as it was hurting their reputations and, instead, should
behave with more authoritarian leadership (Wang et al., 2013). Men, on the other hand, did not
have to worry about their leadership styles, as they could still be authoritarian to show role
congruity and demonstrating benevolence only strengthened employees’ perceptions of them as
leaders (Wang et al., 2013). Wang et al. (2013) illustrate how women should behave differently
due to their gender if they want to lead even as they must keep their feminine side, demonstrating
the double bind.
Double Bind
Men and women are being hired in managerial positions at equal rates, yet men are
entering higher leadership positions at higher rates than women are (Gorena, 1996; Kawakami et
al., 2000). Gender stereotypes have affected women, making them seem less effective than men
because they are seen as nurturing and caring as opposed to competitive and authoritarian like
men (Ibarra et al., 2013; Kawakami et al., 2000; Vanderbroeck, 2010). Yet, when women try to
perform in behaviors typically associated with males to demonstrate they are also effective, they
are negatively evaluated. This causes a double bind for women because they are seen as less
capable of being effective leaders because they are women, even when they engage in masculine
behaviors (Ibarra et al., 2013; Kawakami et al., 2000; Vanderbroeck, 2010). According to
Kawakami et al. (2000), “these findings have been interpreted to mean that female leaders are
devalued if they act feminine, but also if they act masculine, leaving women unsure as to how
they should behave” (p. 51). Women are penalized for being assertive, as it is not part of their
gender expectations (Gorena, 1996; Ibarra et al., 2013; Ridgeway, 2001; Vanderbroeck, 2010).
“Female leaders face a paradox: if they emulate a masculine leadership style, their male
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 36
subordinates will dislike them. If they adopt a stereotypically warm and nurturing feminine style,
they will be liked, but not respected” (Kawakami et al., 2000, p. 49).
Brescoll (2016) studied the double bind in terms of demonstrating emotion as a woman
leader as opposed as a male leader. Results showed women have to be aware of how much
emotion they portray in the workplace, as too much emotion and not enough emotion can harm
the way they are viewed as leaders (Brescoll, 2016). In addition, both how much emotion and
the type of emotion women express can negatively affect their image as leaders (Brescoll, 2016).
Brescoll (2016) explains that, although women and men both have emotions, women seem to
express them outwardly more often. This leads others to view them as not having control of their
emotions, therefore being irrational and unstable (Brescoll, 2016). However, when men
displayed emotion, they were seen as more competent and intelligent (Brescoll, 2016).
Vanderbroeck (2010) evaluated research on leadership qualities of both women and men
and found that women climbing the corporate ladder were confined into one of two groups: those
whose who fail to differentiate between men’s and women’s leadership styles and those who
believe that women should lead with male leadership styles (Vanderbroeck, 2010).
Vanderbroeck recommends understanding the difference between women and men’s leadership
styles instead of vexing on the similarities as neither is superior to the other. The author provides
suggestions as to how organizations can become accepting of both types of leaderships styles.
One strategy is to be gender bilingual instead of gender neutral, meaning to celebrate the
differences (Vanderbroeck, 2010). The author finds it imperative to stop trying to fix women to
possess male characteristics to be considered great leaders (Vanderbroeck, 2010). Competencies
should not be measured with timeworn standards, which are male leadership qualities
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 37
(Vanderbroeck, 2010). Another suggestion is to hire women at all levels of the institution to
guarantee that women are represented as well as men (Vanderbroeck, 2010).
Mentorship
Mentors are essential to career success for women (Conner, 2016; Essed, 2000; Evans,
2007; Ibarra et al., 2013; Kosoko-Lasaki et al., 2006; Mainah & Perkins, 2015; McNair et al.,
2013; Morley, 2013; Tran, 2014; Turner, 2002). Kosoko-Lasaki et al. (2006) define mentoring
as “the process of providing younger and less-experienced individuals with support, counsel,
friendship and constructive example in order for them to succeed in careers and life” (p. 1449).
Mentoring includes a number of valuable additions to career success, such as support with goal
setting, emotional and psychological care, academic information, and a role model (Chang,
Longman, & Franco, 2014; Luedke, 2017). However, most women do not have a formal
relationship with mentors and must be proactive in seeking out mentors or sponsors, as opposed
to men who may have already acquired those connections (Ibarra et al., 2013; McNair et al.,
2013; Turner, 2002).
As part of an analysis of reports, Mainah and Perkins (2015) found that women of color
experience barriers when they do not have professional development opportunities, mentors, or
role models with characteristics similar to theirs. Furthermore, mentorship has proven to be
beneficial to the advancement of women of color at all stages of their careers (Conner, 2016;
Mainah & Perkins, 2015; McNair et al., 2013). Any mentor is beneficial, but, for women of
color, having a person who is also a minority or looks like them is most effective (Conner, 2016).
For women of color, it is especially beneficial to be mentored by another woman of color
because they can also assist with the cultural, racial, and gender aspects (Tran, 2014). Although
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 38
the mentors do not necessarily help with the resistance and pushback these women receive, they
do help with understanding the process (Conner, 2016; Evans, 2007).
Essed (2000) discusses that women of color are expected to mentor students of color,
which can take a significant amount of time from their job duties. Due to the low numbers of
women in leadership positions in higher education institutions, there is less of a selection to pull
from for women seeking those mentors (Ibarra et al., 2013; McNair et al., 2013; Morley, 2013;
Turner, 2002). Turner (2002) noted it would be beneficial for institutions to create social events
for women of color to network and mentor each other. Also, it is essential for organizations to
provide professional development and mentorship opportunities for women (Duran, 2016; Johns,
2013; Madsen, 2012).
Chang et al. (2014) wrote an autoethnography about mentoring experiences in higher
education and included the qualitative data of 16 women of color faculty and staff. Their data
collection was triangulated through monthly writing prompt responses, online discussions, focus
groups, and document review (Chang et al., 2014). The authors discovered three themes:
professional development through a variety of resources outside of a formal mentorship
relationship, the effect of their self-preconceived knowledge on mentoring relations on their
mentoring, and institutional factors that allowed or constrained mentoring relationships (Chang
et al., 2014). The authors had to explain the definition of mentoring to the women because
everyone had a differing idea of what it meant to have a mentor (Chang et al., 2014). The
participants were also unsure of the benefits a mentorship relationship could have on their
professional development and psychological wellbeing (Chang et al., 2014). It was also very
difficult for the participants to find a person of color to mentor them, as, in some cases, they
were the only person of color in their areas (Chang et al., 2014).
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 39
Latu, Mast, Lammers, and Bombari (2013) examined whether women in leadership
positions make a difference when they serve as role models to other women. Latu et al. (2013)
conducted a virtual reality study using male and female college students. The students were
expected to deliver a speech, and, in the virtual room, some students were able to see pictures of
Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, or Angela Merkel (Latu et al., 2013). The investigation
demonstrated that female students had longer speeches when a picture of Hillary Clinton or
Angela Merkel was displayed as opposed to when a picture of Bill Clinton was exhibited (Latu et
al., 2013). Participants’ self-evaluations indicated that women in the virtual room with the
pictures of successful women felt empowered and inspired as compared to those who saw the
male picture (Latu et al., 2013). This study reveals that women feel empowered when by
successful women (Latu et al., 2013).
Kosoko-Lasaki et al. (2006) began a mentorship program for women and minorities at
two healthcare universities for high school, undergraduate, post baccalaureate, and health
professional students, staff and faculty. All of the participants in their program stated that the
mentoring was beneficial to their career development (Kosoko-Lasaki et al., 2006). The purpose
of their mentorship program targeting women faculty and staff was to increase the number of
them who are promoted into leadership positions (Kosoko-Lasaki et al., 2006). The program
allowed the women to network, receive mentorship from senior leaders, and have access to
professional development (Kosoko-Lasaki et al., 2006). This program demonstrated that
mentorship programs work in higher education institutions (Kosoko-Lasaki et al., 2006). Tran
(2014) recommended institutionalizing mentoring in higher education as it will assist women and
others to build relationships and a social networks.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 40
Professional Development
Participation in professional development such as conferences, workshops, webinars and
associations is essential to the advancement of professional women leaders (McNair et al., 2013;
Turner, 2002). Donohue-Mendoza (2012) focuses on the importance of supervision and
mentorship of mid-level managers, specifically women, by executive leaders in community
colleges. She argues that supervision and mentorship allow the midlevel managers to develop,
learn, and grow in their careers (Donohue-Mendoza, 2012). Donohue-Mendoza, (2012) defines
supervision as promoting the institutional goals and enriching professional development. The
supervisor serves as gatekeeper to assist women at the community college to advance in their
careers and enable gender equity (Donohue-Mendoza, 2012).
Donohue-Mendoza (2012) found that midlevel managers felt they were being
ineffectively supervised, which, in turn, affected their career advancement (Donohue-Mendoza,
2012). These women felt as if they were not being supported by their supervisors and even
ignored when it came to promotion. In turn, the supervisors who were interviewed
acknowledged that they did not effectively supervise their midlevel managers due to time and
priorities as well as lack of training on how to supervise effectively (Donohue-Mendoza, 2012).
Donohue-Mendoza recommends changes in the institutions to prioritize to effective employee
supervision, as it keeps employees satisfied, content in the work place, and with high morale.
Jo (2008) interviewed women who left their midlevel administrative positions at an ivy
league university to understand why there was high voluntary turnover. The data yielded three
themes. The first theme encompassed negative supervisory skills. These women did not feel
connected nor did they have a good relationship with their supervisors (Jo, 2008). They
mentioned that they would have stayed if the supervisor had treated them better (Jo, 2008). They
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 41
felt disrespected, like second class citizens, and excluded from any decision-making that affected
them (Jo, 2008). Another finding was dissatisfaction with the high turnover of their supervisors
(Jo, 2008). They had to continuously develop new relationships, which took additional energy
from them (Jo, 2008). Watching their supervisors leave was also a reminder that they were
advancing in their careers while the midlevel managers remained in the same position (Jo, 2008).
Lack of advancement opportunity was the second motive for leaving their jobs. The women in
this study stated it was challenging to gain promotion in the institution, especially without the
advocacy of their supervisors (Jo, 2008). Promotion was difficult, as the institution lacked clear
policies for advancement (Jo, 2008). Other women in the study simply stated that higher
positions did not exist in their department (Jo, 2008). A third factor was the unavailability to
flexible hours, as mentioned previously (Jo, 2008). Professional development and mentors allow
for the advancement of women in leadership positions.
Latina’s Intersectionality
Race and gender can be barriers to the career progression of Latinas leaders (Conner,
2016; Haro, 2005; Mainah & Perkins, 2015). These barriers are referred to as a concrete wall as
opposed to a glass ceiling that can be broken (Mena, 2016; Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010).
Research explains how Latinas are doubly oppressed due to their gender and ethnicity (Haro,
2005; Mainah & Perkins, 2015; Mena, 2016; Turner, 2002; Wilson, 1989). For example, Haro
(2005) interviewed 20 African American, Asian, and Latina college presidents, of whom eight
were female. The women in his study found they were discredited because of their gender and
ethnicity. This is related to intersectionality theory, which looks at race, gender, and other aspect
of women’s lives such as class, disability, and sexual orientation to understand how these
intersections play a role in succeeding in higher education leadership. Sanchez-Hucles and
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 42
Davis (2010) define the relationship of multiple identities as intersectionality, or “the manner in
which multiple aspects of identity may combine in different ways to construct social reality” (p.
176).
Although not the framework for this study, intersectionality theory is important to
mention due to the selected population. Crenshaw’s (1991) intersectionality theory focuses on
how ethnic and gender background can affect the way women of color are treated and perceived
by others. Crenshaw’s definition of intersectionality is “the location of women of color both
within overlapping systems of subordination and at the margins of feminism and antiracism” (p.
1265). Latinas face discrimination for being women and for being ethnic minorities, affecting
their career advancement (Mainah & Perkins, 2015; Turner, 2002; Wilson, 1989). Wilson
(1989) states that Black women faced racism in White colleges and universities and faced sexism
in Black colleges and universities. Latinas also face racism and sexism in general in everyday
life (Mainah & Perkins, 2015; Wilson, 1989). Regardless of their educational background and
credentials, Latinas are unable to progress in their careers at the same rate as men or White
women (Conner, 2016; Mainah & Perkins, 2015; Wilson, 1989). Moore (2017) states that
women of color “are more likely than are women and men in other groups to feel scrutinized by
their colleagues and to believe that any error on their part is interpreted as a sign of
incompetence or intellectual inferiority” (p. 202).
Also, due to their gender and race, Latinas are seen as the token minority employee
(Essed, 2000). Moore (2017) explains that women of color are expected to further supplement
their careers to achieve a similar level of respect as men. Besides undertaking additional roles,
they are sought out by students of color for mentorship, which can take a toll on these women
because they are so few in comparison to students (Moore, 2017; Turner, 2002). Turner (2002)
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 43
interviewed 64 women of color in higher education regarding their intersectionality. The
participants described the struggles they perceived were due to their race and gender. The
struggles these women of color witnessed included bias toward their race and gender, challenges
entering the male network, isolation and disrespect, overwork and underemployment, work and
family balance, credibility, and validation (Turner, 2002).
Ashlee, Zamora, and Karikari (2017) wrote a collaborate autoethnography as graduate
women of color using Crenshaw’s intersectionality theory as a framework. Although graduate
students, their feelings and experiences of feeling oppression through racism and sexism are
essential to understanding the socialization that happens before women enter the workforce. All
three discussed a need to feel a sense of community because they had experienced oppression for
having characteristics that intersect with each other. Similarly, Mena (2016) conducted a
qualitative study on 13 women of color to learn about their experiences in higher education
institutions. The three emergent themes were coping strategies used for feelings of
marginalization and alienation, an environment of oppression, and career barriers (Mena, 2016).
The women in this study felt like outsiders, as they were often ignored or questioned (Mena,
2016). Due to this and their credibility and competence being challenged, they worked twice as
hard to make sure they were acknowledged as capable (Mena, 2016). As women of color, they
often also dealt with microaggressions (Mena, 2016). To cope with these challenges, they
depended on mentors, social networks, or family and friends (Mena, 2016).
Cooper’s (2012) book review on Latinas in the Workplace describes the additional
obstacles Latinas contend with because of their ethnicity. This text features eight Latina leaders
in various sectors. For these women, the commonality was their surrounding support network
(Cooper, 2012). These women successfully managed two conflicting interests: their career and
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 44
their cultural upbringings. This meant that they had strong family ties, cultural backgrounds, and
religion (Cooper, 2012).
Characteristics of Successful Women
In 2016, the American Council on Education reported that 30% of presidencies in higher
education were held by women (American Council on Education, 2017b). Young Switzer
(2006) conducted interviews with 15 female presidents in the U.S. u focused on how gender is
socialized to predict perceptions of successful leaders. Although the percentage of women who
have become presidents increased from 9% to 21% over the last 15 years, there is still a much
lower number of women presidents than men (Young Switzer, 2006). The author used six
research questions inquiring about their journeys, mentors, family dynamics, and advice (Young
Switzer, 2006). Most women said their journey to the presidency was not linear; some said they
were focused on becoming a president and others did not. Most of them did have mentors, either
male or female, who gave them advice. Family and housework were difficult for most of them
because they did not have time to focus on them. Some were married, some were not, some had
small children, and some did not. Additionally, these women did not think they could not be
leaders because of their gender. These women discussed barriers to becoming presidents and
continuously worked to dismantle both existing and new obstacles (Young Switzer, 2006).
Madsen (2007) conducted qualitative interviews with 10 women college presidents with a
focus on childhood personalities, influential individuals and significant events growing up to
understand if the development of leadership qualities cultivates through experiences during
childhood (Madsen, 2007). The findings demonstrated that, for the most part, the women were
obedient as children, were observant, wanted to please others, and conformed to expectations of
them. They also had high expectations of themselves and high self-esteem. Before becoming
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 45
college presidents, these women had some level of competitiveness during childhood and were
involved in school and community activities. Influential role models such as teachers and
grandmothers had a positive impact on how they perceived themselves as children and growing
up (Madsen, 2007). During their childhood years, most of the research participants stated that
they overcame difficult challenges that developed their leadership characteristics (Madsen,
2007). With this research, the author hoped to demonstrate that upbringings are important to
observe because those experiences can construct leadership traits (Madsen, 2007).
Nguyen (2013) found that, despite all the obstacles, female deans were able to persist and
succeed in their roles through determination and self-ability. Although many women accomplish
their career goals, it is still difficult for women to be assertive and confident when the norm is
measured through a White male model (Mainah & Perkins, 2015). Also, Dunn, Gerlach, and
Hyle (2014) state that successful leaders are able to behave in a variety of ways, and the
definition of successful leaders changes based on the person’s gender. Dunn et al. have held
various positions such as dean, director, chair, provost, and vice president at Research I
universities. The women name characteristics they believe helped them become successful
leaders: “passion and commitment, self-awareness, and self-confidence” (Dunn et al., 2014, p.
11).
Self-Efficacy Framework
The purpose of this dissertation was to investigate how Latinas succeeded and overcame
barriers through their self-efficacy and the strategies they utilized toward their trajectory. As
research has revealed through the review of the literature, women have the drive and desire to
become leaders in higher education institutions. However, they may not succeed due to multiple
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 46
factors. In this study, Latina’s experiences and self-efficacy were examined to identify their
accomplishments on the path to becoming leaders.
Self-efficacy is how well a person believes they can perform a task and determines
whether they will pursue the task or not (Bandura, 2010). “Perceived self-efficacy is concerned
with people’s beliefs in their ability to influence events that affect their lives” (Bandura, 2010, p.
1534). Bandura, the developer of social cognitive theory, explained the three components that
influence each other, according to this theory: behavior, personal factors, and environmental
factors, as illustrated in Figure 2 (McNeely Cobham & Patton, 2015). Outcome expectations is
weighted heavily when deciding whether a task can be accomplished (Bandura, 1977).

Figure 2. Social cognitive theory.
Figure 3 demonstrates that self-efficacy is part of the behavior portion of social cognitive
theory in that a person’s efficacy expectations determine whether the person acts on a behavior,
and the actual behavior will impact the outcome expectation (Bandura, 1977, p. 195).
Behavior
Environmental
Factors
Personal
Factors
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 47

Figure 3. Efficacy vs. outcome expectations.
Note. Adapted from “Self-efficacy: Toward a unifying theory of behavioral change,” by
Bandura, 1977, Psychological Review p. 195.

Self-efficacy is driven by four sources, as illustrated in Figure 4: performance
experiences, vicarious experiences, verbal persuasion, and emotional arousal (Bandura, 1977).
Performance experiences can include previous experiences and exposure to similar behaviors
that serve to determine whether the task can be accomplished (Bandura, 1977, 2012). Vicarious
experiences can be seen through the modeling of others with similar traits and characteristics
who have achieved what the individual is considering achieving (Bandura, 1977, 2012).
Vicarious experiences can occur through real life or symbolic practices (Bandura, 1977, 2012).
The third source, verbal persuasion, is received through self and others’ suggestions,
recommendations, ideas, advise, proposals, and endorsement (Bandura, 1977, 2012). If others
believe the person can do it, they may believe it as well. The fourth source, physiological
feedback, is geared toward symbolism of outcome expectations (Bandura, 1977, 2012).
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 48

Figure 4. Self-efficacy sources.
Note. Adapted from “Self-efficacy: Toward a unifying theory of behavioral change,” by
Bandura, 1977, Psychological Review p. 195.

Hoyt (2012) conducted a study on over a hundred women’s self-efficacy levels to
determine how self-efficacy is influenced by leadership role models. The participants were
presented with role models who were either elite, nonelite, or controlled before being asked to be
the leader of a group of three persons (Hoyt, 2012). Results demonstrated that women with low
self-efficacy were not as affected by the elite role model as the women with high self-efficacy
(Hoyt, 2012). The higher the self-efficacy, the more the participant related to the elite role
model (Hoyt, 2012).
Hoyt and Blascovich (2007) state that “self-efficacy has been shown to moderate
responses to work-related stressors and is associated with the ways in which individuals cope
with stressors” (p. 597). They explain that people with high self-efficacy respond to issues
through a problem-focused lens as opposed to an emotionally focused one . Hoyt and
Blascovich found that women who have high self-efficacy react to negative stereotypes by
stepping up and confronting them as opposed to conforming.
Montas-Hunter (2012) conducted a phenomenological study on level of self-efficacy
among Latinas who held leadership positions in higher education. The five women who
•Participant Modeling
•Performance Exposure
Performance
Experiences
•Live Modeling
•Symbolic Modeling
Vicarious Experiences
•Suggestions
•Self-Instruction
Verbal Persuasion
•Symbolic Exposure
•Symbolic Desensitizing
Physiological Feedback
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 49
participated in the study demonstrated high levels of confidence and self-efficacy (Montas-
Hunter, 2012). The results showed four sources of self-efficacy as evident in the participant’s
life (Montas-Hunter, 2012): previous career appointments, career role models, networks, family
support, and taking on challenges (Montas-Hunter, 2012). All of the participants had strong
values; therefore, they knew what they stood for and what they wanted to accomplish (Montas-
Hunter, 2012). Although these women faced negative racist and sexist experiences throughout
their career trajectory, those experiences were used for motivation (Montas-Hunter, 2012).
McNeely Cobham and Patton (2015) conducted a similar study with five Black women
employed in a higher education institution. The authors investigated this topic because they
noticed a lack of research conducted on how Black women succeeded (McNeely Cobham &
Patton, 2015). Bandura’s social cognitive theory was used as the framework for this research,
specifically self-efficacy (McNeely Cobham & Patton, 2015). Through interviews, document
review, and journaling, the results showed that social persuasion, mastery experiences, and
vicarious models were present throughout their career trajectories (McNeely Cobham & Patton,
2015). Family served as these women’s social persuasion, as they were motivated and supported
by their families (McNeely Cobham & Patton, 2015). Also, due to their previous experiences,
they overcame adversity (McNeely Cobham & Patton, 2015). Finally, they had vicarious models
and mentors to help guide and support them through their career objectives (McNeely Cobham &
Patton, 2015). Thus, to overcome the external and personal factors, individuals need to believe
they are capable of achieving their career goals.
Summary
This research was conducted to identify strategies that Latinas can emulate. The inquiry
sought to address the gap in the literature on approaches for Latinas to break barriers related to
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 50
leadership within higher education. Ample research has been conducted on barriers women
currently face in advancing to leadership positions, including lack of mentors, lack of personal
and career development, gender bias, ethnic bias, family obligations, wage disparities, and the
intersectionality of race and gender. Table 1 summarizes the literature. Because self-efficacy is
necessary to succeed, this research investigated how Latinas in leadership positions at higher
education institutions consciously strategize to be successful.
Table 1
Literature Review
Category Highlights Authors
Obstacles to Career
Advancement
• Glass Ceiling
• Glass Cliff
• Queen Bee

There are less women in
higher education leadership
positions and part of it is due
to the additional obstacles
they face due to their gender.
Glass & Cook (2016)
Johns (2013)
Haslam & Ryan (2008)
Ryan et al. (2016)
Derks, Van Laar & Ellemers
(2016)

Gender Stereotypes
• Lifework Balance
• Leadership
• Double Bind
Women are described as
benevolent and communal,
but leaders are seen as
agentic, causing a double
bind. Women also feel more
responsible to care for their
family as opposed to men.
Eagly & Johannesen‐Schmidt
(2001)
Koenig & Eagly (2014)
Vinkenburg, Van Engen, Eagly
& Johannesen-Schmidt (2011)
Marshall (2009)
Dominici et al. (2009)
Mentorship
• Professional
Development
Women have less experiences
with mentors and professional
development.
Kosoko-Lasaki, Sonnino &
Voytko (2006)
Intersectionality Women of color have added
obstacles due to their race and
gender.
Crenshaw (1991).
Mainah & Perkins (2015)
Mena (2016)
Characteristics of
Successful Women
There are women who have
successfully achieved a
leadership position in higher
education and defy the
obstacles that deter others.
Latu, Mast, Lammers, &
Bombari (2013)
Self-Efficacy Framework High self-efficacy is theorized
to result in higher confidence
and positive progress toward
goals.
Bandura (2010)
Bandura (1977)
Schwarzer & Jerusalem (1995)

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 51
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
The literature affirmed a paucity of Latinas leading in higher education institutions. The
research questions guiding this study allowed the exploration of the experiences and strategies
used by Latinas in a leadership role and examine the strategies they used throughout their career
trajectory. By examining their advancement, findings offer a strategic path to inform future
women leaders. The guiding theoretical framework for this study is self-efficacy as part of social
cognitive theory (Bandura, 1977, 2010). This inquiry was guided by the following research
questions:
1. What are the lived experiences of Latinas as they successfully obtain leadership positions
in community colleges?
a. What strategies do Latinas in leadership positions utilize to become leaders?
b. How do successful Latinas in leadership positions at community colleges perceive
their level of self-efficacy and whether it has contributed to their leadership
development?
These research questions focused on Latinas in leadership positions in the community
college setting. The first question was addressed through interview questions asked of the
participants and by document review of resumes, letters of recommendation, and cover letters.
Sub-question 1b was concerned with participants’ self-efficacy in the form of how they
perceived being able to hold a higher education leadership position. Data pertaining to this
question were gathered through interviews and the General Self-Efficacy Scale.
To understand the career trajectories of Latinas who hold leadership positions in higher
education institutions, qualitative methods were used to understand their lived experiences. This
qualitative study utilized interviews to better understand participants’ career trajectories.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 52
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) define qualitative inquiry by stating it “is interested in how meaning
is constructed, how people make sense of their lives and their worlds. The primary goal of a
basic qualitative study is to uncover and interpret these meanings” (p. 25). Therefore, this study
focused on how participants interpret their career trajectories and how they understand their
leadership accomplishments and their world.
Qualitative research is inductive and interpretive, meaning that imperative evidence lies
within the data gathered (Creswell, 2014). It is also essential to realize that these are stories from
individuals’ perspectives; therefore, learning how events are interpreted is necessary. Merriam
and Tisdell (2016) describe qualitative research as focusing on experiences and interpreting how
those are understood. The type of qualitative research this study utilized was phenomenology.
Essentially, phenomenology focuses on lived experiences and how a person understands their
everyday occurrences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Qualitative methods are appropriate for this
study in that they are purposeful, nonrandom, small, flexible, inductive, holistic, and evolving
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Meaning making is a critical part of qualitative research, and this
study sought to understand participants’ experiences as they make meaning of their personal and
professional lives.
Sample and Population
Participants in this qualitative study were five Latinas in higher education leadership
positions. It is standard to have a small sample in qualitative studies because of the in-depth
research data collected (Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Maxwell, 2013). The
sampling methods were nonprobability methods, meaning that the sample was unique and
purposeful. The two types of sampling procedures used in this study were convenience sampling
and snowball sampling. Convenience sampling occurs when it is especially convenient for the
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 53
researcher to select the participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In this study, the researcher
asked those who met the selection criteria to participate. Further, snowball sampling was utilized
to seek additional participants. Snowball sampling is convenient because participants are asked
to refer other potential participants who meet the sample requirements to the study (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Per Merriam and Tisdell (2016),
Snowball sampling is perhaps the most common form of purposeful sampling. This
strategy involves locating a few key participants who easily meet the criteria established
for participation in the study. As the key participants are interviewed, they are asked to
refer other participants. (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 98)
Snowball sampling allowed for participants to ask those whom they may work with to participate
in the study. Participants were also sought by asking colleagues to recommend anyone who fit
the criteria. The unique sample met specific selection criteria. Participants were required to be
Latinas in a leadership position at a community college. The appropriate leadership positions for
this study were assistant/associate dean, dean, associate vice president, and vice president (Table
2). The population was recruited from a range of public community colleges in Southern
California.
Table 2
Participant Background Information
Name Position Ethnic
Background
Years in Current
Position
Institution Type
Participant 1 Dean Latina 1.5 Community College 1
Participant 2 Dean Latina 1.5 Community College 2
Participant 3 Dean Latina 4 Community College 3
Participant 4 Dean Latina 3 Community College 3
Participant 5 Vice President Latina 2 Community College 3

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 54
Participants’ Work Sites
The community colleges represented in this study are all located in various parts of Los
Angeles County and Orange County. Los Angeles County is the largest county in the nation,
encompassing 4,084 square miles and housing about 10 million residents (County of Los
Angeles, 2018). Los Angeles County accounts for over 25% of the population in California
(County of Los Angeles, 2018). Orange County’s covers 948 square miles, and its population
consists of over 3 million residents (Orange County, 2019).
Community College 1 has 12 administrators, one of whom is a Latina woman and the last
to be hired. The interim president is a woman of color, but all of the vice presidents are male.
The institution was founded over 50 years. The Latina woman at this institution was invited to
participate in this study. At this college, about 60% of students are Black/African American
students and approximately 40% are Hispanic/Latino. About 70% are female students and 30%
are male. Liberal arts, nursing, and business are the three most popular majors, according to the
National Center for Education Statistics. Community College 1 has a lower than 60% retention
rate for full-time students and, for part-time students, the rate is less than 40%. The graduation
and transfer rates are 12% overall. This college has enrolled approximately nine thousand
students.
Community College 2 has 17 administrators, one of whom is Latina. The institution was
founded 53 years prior to this study. Today, the institution enrolls approximately 16,000
students every semester. Community College 2 is classified as a Hispanic-serving institution.
The student population is 56% female and 44% male. Almost half of the students are Hispanic
(48%), 4% are Black/African American, 23% are Asian and 16% are White. Business
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 55
administration, liberal arts, and biological and physical sciences are the most popular majors.
The overall graduation rate is above 36%, and their transfer rate is under 17%.
Community College 3 is run 27 administrators, nine of whom are Latina. The president is
a Latino male, and two of the vice presidents are female. The college is over 90 years old.
Eighty percent of the student population is Hispanic, 12% of students are Asian/Pacific Islander,
2% are Black/African American, and 2% are Caucasian. Females make up 58% of students, and
the rest are male. Criminal justice, social sciences, and biology/physical sciences are the top
three majors at this campus. The college enrolls around 36,000 students a year. The retention
rates demonstrate that 73% of full-time students return, and 41% of part-time students are
retained. The overall graduation rate is over 30%, and the transfer rates are under 5%.
A formal invitation was sent through electronic mail to the prospective participants
(Appendix A). This invitation explained the study and invited the individual to participate. The
women who were invited were all Latinas with leadership positions in community colleges. The
participants had to be employed at a community college. Four participants were deans and one
was a vice president. The community colleges were identified by number to mask participants’
employers.
Introduction of Participants
Participant 1. Participant 1 was born and raised in Los Angeles County, where she
currently resides. Both her parents were born in a Latin American country, making her a first-
generation Latina in the United States. Her father received a high school diploma and her
mother earned three master’s degrees, making her a second-generation college student.
Participant 1 obtained bachelor’s and master’s degrees from two Southern California universities
and has plans to pursue a doctoral program in the future. She has been a dean for about a year
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 56
and a half, but, before being a dean, she worked as an adjunct instructor for a couple of years
while working a separate full-time job. Her previous job was in adult education programs at Los
Angeles Unified School District, where she dedicated 15 years of her life. Participant 1
mentioned being interested in pursuing a higher position at the community college, such as vice
president. She currently oversees six academic programs and two student services programs.
Participant 1 is a wife and mother to two young children.
Participant 2. Participant 2 has been a dean for a year and a half and has been employed
at the same community college for over 20 years. In her current position, she oversees eight
academic programs. Prior to becoming a dean, she held various positions at the institution, such
as t coordinator, director, chair, and faculty. Before teaching at the community college level, she
taught at the adult schools. Participant 2 has many professional and career-related skills that
have allowed her to succeed in her deanship. She does not plan to pursue a higher administrative
job, as she also holds office in her city of residence. Her educational background includes a
bachelor’s degree, two master’s degrees, and she is pursuing a doctoral degree. She is a first-
generation college student, as her father received a high school diploma and her mother did not
finish high school. She is second-generation Latina. Both her parents were born in the United
States, but her grandparents were born in Latin America. She raised her three adult children
alongside her spouse.
Participant 3. Participant 3 was born and raised in Los Angeles County, where she still
resides. She is a single mother of two. Participant 3 is a second-generation Chicana, as she self-
identified; her mother was born in the United States and her grandparents in Mexico. Her single
mother has an elementary education, making Participant 3 a first-generation college student.
Participant 3’s highest education is a master’s degree. Participant 3 never considered a doctoral
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 57
program because she did not see it as necessary. She does regret not receiving a second master’s
that could be utilized to teach. She has been a dean since 2014, beginning as an interim, and has
been with her current employer since 1995. Preceding her administration occupation, she was a
faculty member and later became chair of her department. Prior to her employment at a
community college, she was employed by a Los Angeles County organization for over 18 years.
Although she never thought of becoming a dean, she does not see herself applying to a vice
president position either.
Participant 4. Participant 4 was born and raised in Los Angeles County as a first-
generation Mexican American. Her parents had an elementary education in their country and
studied English as a second language in the United States. Her mother graduated high school
through adult school and continued to higher education, receiving associate and bachelor’s
degrees. Participant 4 is a first-generation college graduate because her mother received the
higher education degrees after she did. Participant 4 attended three higher education institutions
in Southern California for an associate, bachelor’s, and two masters’ degrees. She raised her two
adult children alongside her spouse. Participant 4 started as adjunct faculty, later as a full-time
faculty and director, and currently is a dean who oversees seven areas at the community college.
She has been a dean for three years with goals to attain a vice president position. Prior to her 20-
year employment at the community college, she was a counselor and a teacher within the Los
Angeles Unified School District. Participant 4 attributes her motivation to further her career
trajectory to her social justice mission, which is to provide opportunity for underserved
communities to excel.
Participant 5. Participant 5 has been a vice president for two years. She identifies as a
Chicana woman who was born and raised in Los Angeles County. She is a single mother of two.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 58
Her parents’ educational background is at the elementary level. Her guardians furthered their
education in the United States by studying English as a second language. She is a first-
generation college student and Latina living in the United States. Participant 5’s highest degree
is a Ph.D. Her educational background includes local and out of state institutions of higher
education. Prior to working in administration, she started as an adjunct instructor and, after a
few years, became tenured at the community college. In addition to her administrative position,
she currently teaches at a 4-year institution. During her early career development, she taught
adult learners in Los Angeles Unified School District and as an administrator at a local 4-year
institution. Participant 5 stated that she has not planned any of her career trajectory. In fact, she
never thought she would be a vice president and does not have any plans for what will come
next. Her activism and commitment to social justice have motivated her advancement in
educational and career opportunities.
Table 3
Participant Personal Information
Name Age Marital Status Number of Children
Participant 1 Late 30s Married 2
Participant 2 Early 60s Married 3
Participant 3 Mid 60s Divorced 2
Participant 4 Mid 50s Married 2
Participant 5 Late 40s Divorced 2

Instrumentation
Qualitative research allows the researcher to use different methods. In this study,
interviews, document review, and a General Self-Efficacy Scale were utilized to collect data.
Interviews were an effective method to use to collect detailed data from the participants. If
something was not clear, it was easy to go back and ask for clarification, which is not feasible
though other data gathering methods.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 59
Interview Protocol
Interviews were the primary source of participant data. Research interviews are
structured and purposeful (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As Patton (2002) states, interviews are
conducted to get information that the researcher cannot witness or observe. Weiss (1994)
provides a variety of reasons as to why interviewing people is beneficial, including developing
detailed descriptions, describing process, developing holistic description, and learning how
events are interpreted (pp. 9–10). It also allows the researcher to control the questions being
asked and information being sought (Creswell, 2014). There are four different ways of
conducting an interview: one-on-one, phone, online, and focus groups (Creswell, 2014; Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). This study conducted all interviews individually and in person. In person
interviews allow the researcher to view gestures and body language, which can also be used as
data (Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
There are three different ways to ask questions in an interview: structured, semi-
structured, and unstructured (Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Structured interviews
are too controlled for the purposes of this study. There is an order to follow, and no deviation is
allowed (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Semi-structured interviews follow a flexible questioning
guide, and there is no predetermined wording (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interviews
conducted in this study were semi-structured to allow for follow-up and probing questions.
Semi-structured interviews allow the researcher to have a guide for questioning, as well as ask
questions as they come up from the participants’ answers.
An interview protocol was used during the interviews (Appendix B). Patton (2002)
explains that an interview guide is utilized to make sure each participant is asked the same
questions. Patton also mentions that the protocol provides the list of all questions and details the
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 60
researcher will explore, as it is supposed to be systematic. The interview protocol used in this
study included an introduction that was read to all participants. The introduction provided the
participants with an overview of the study and its purpose, the confidentiality involved in the
study, consent to participate, and permission to record. The second part of the protocol consisted
of introductory questions to build rapport and gather demographic information. The third part of
the protocol contained the interview questions with additional follow-up or probing questions. In
the first part of the interview, the questions inquired about the participants’ experiences as
Latinas in their workplace and themes found from a review of the current literature.
This range of interview questions was used to obtain comprehensive information. The
interview protocol identifies the research questions answered by specific interview questions and
the types of questions asked. All questions were open-ended to allow for rich data (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016).
Document Review
Another analysis method used was document review. Document review is a form of
qualitative data collection that does not intrude on the participants’ natural setting (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). The documents collected and reviewed for this study were public and personal
documents. Public records are documents that are open to the public and accessible through a
website, such as minutes and school communications (Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Personal documents are resumes, letters of recommendation, cover letters, awards, and
certificates. Online data are email communications, newsletters, and social media posts
(Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). These documents were requested after the
interviews were completed and were sent through electronic mail or provided in person.
Participants 1 and 2 provided a resume and cover letter. Participant 3 did not provide any
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 61
documentation, but an online professional network site and college site were utilized. Participant
4 provided a resume, cover letter, and letters of recommendation. Participant 5 did not provide
any documentation and internet sites were also unavailable.
Document review had strengths and weaknesses. Strengths are that the documents are
authentic and genuine, not reactive, static, efficient, and help validate and add to what the
participant has mentioned (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Creswell (2014) also states that
documents are convenient evidence of participant data because they are already written, which is
a step the researcher no longer has to take, and can be analyzed at the researcher’s convenience.
Some weaknesses of reviewing documents are that they may not be as accessible as originally
thought, can be intentionally misleading, irrelevant, and missing information because the
documents were not made specifically for this study (Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The purpose of utilizing documents in this study was to analyze artifacts that already exist to
help complete, add, or validate what the participants discussed during interviews. Being able to
analyze documents adds to the participants’ career trajectory.
The General Self-Efficacy Scale
The original General Self-Efficacy Scale was first developed in 1970 in German and was
translated and adapted into 33 languages in 1995 (Schwarzer & Jerusalem, 1995). The scale is
reliable with a Cronbach alpha range of .79 to .90 and has been tested for validity in a number of
studies (Schwarzer & Jerusalem, 1995). It is a general scale, not specific to certain criteria, that
measures an individual’s self-efficacy. The scale was available online and provided a general
permission to be used for research. It is comprised of a four-point Likert scale with 10 items.
The response format ranges from “not at all true” to “exactly true.” To score, the answers are
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 62
added, and the results can vary between 10 and 40 points (Schwarzer & Jerusalem, 1995).
Appendix C provides the complete General Self-Efficacy Scale.
The self-administered scale was provided in person at the interview, giving participants 5
to 10 minutes to complete and return the results. Although the scale is not timed, it should not
take the participants more than 5 minutes to complete (Schwarzer & Jerusalem, 1995). The
results were discussed during the interview. This General Self-Efficacy Scale was selected
because of its generalizability and shortness in providing the information sought. The purpose of
the scale was to help answer Sub-Research Question B.
In conclusion, interviews, document review, and the General Self-Efficacy Scale were the
qualitative methodology utilized for this study (Table 4). These instruments are accepted
approaches to conducting qualitative research studies (Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Interviews and document review were used to answer the research question. Sub-
Research Question A was answered through interviews and survey results. Sub-Research
Question B was answered through General Self-Efficacy Scale, interviews and document review.

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 63
Table 4
Methodology Overview
Data
Collection
Method
Research
Question
Addressed
Method of
Analysis
Rational Pertinent
Literature
Implementation
Interviews RQ 1, 1a &
1b
Content
analysis:
Field notes
and
transcriptions
were coded
allowing for
emergent
themes that
align with
research
question
Triangulation
Qualitative
Demographic
Information
Experiences
Validity and
Reliability
Creswell,
2014;
Merriam &
Tisdell,
2016;
Patton,
2002; Weiss
1994
In person, on the
phone, or video
chat
Semi-structured
Interview
protocol
At their
workplace
Maximum 1 hour
Implemented
October-
November 2018
Document
Review
RQ 1& 1b Content
analysis:
document
information
was coded
allowing for
emergent
themes that
align with
research
question
Triangulation
Qualitative
Experiences
Validity and
Reliability
Creswell,
2014;
Merriam &
Tisdell,
2016
Resume; cover
letters; letters of
recommendations;
awards
Implemented
October-
December 2018
General
Self-
Efficacy
Scale
RQ 1a & 1b Content
analysis:
survey
results will
be discussed
and included
in interview
transcriptions
to allow for
emergent
themes that
align with
research
question
Triangulation
Validity and
Reliability
Creswell,
2014;
Merriam &
Tisdell,
2016;
Schwarzer
&
Jerusalem,
1995
Provided to
Latina leader
participants 1 to 2
weeks before
interview
5 to 10 minutes to
complete
Were discussed
during interviews

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 64
Validity and Reliability
Through this triangulation of methods, the study attempted to increase internal validity
(Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Maxwell, 2013). “Internal validity deals with the
question of how research match reality” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 242). Demonstrating
internal validity increases trustworthiness, authenticity, and credibility of the study (Creswell,
2014). Triangulation increased internal validity because it assured with evidence that what was
being said was correct. Member checks, peer review, and reflexivity were also used to ensure
internal validity. During member checks, the researcher asked the participants clarifying
questions and whether the interpretations of what they said were correct (Creswell, 2014;
Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Maxwell, 2013). Peer review occurs when information about the
study, including findings, is shared with colleagues to verify the study’s viability (Creswell,
2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Maxwell, 2013). Reflexivity takes place when the researcher
self-reflects and critiques their own assumptions and biases that may affect the study (Creswell,
2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Maxwell, 2013). Creswell (2014) states that “qualitative
reliability indicates that the researcher’s approach is consistent across different researchers and
different projects” (p. 201). Reliability was also ensured in this study through triangulation and
peer examination (Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Data Collection Approach
Prospective participants were contacted through electronic mail with an invitation to
participate. Those who agreed to participate were asked for their availability to schedule a one-
on-one interview in their offices. During the semi-structured interviews, a protocol guide was
utilized to keep track of the questions and topics to discuss. Before the interview began, the
participants were asked if voice recordings were allowed. Audio recording is a productive way
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 65
to collect data as it ensures that everything said is correctly captured, and the researcher can
always listen to the recording (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Throughout the interview, notes were
recorded by the researcher. Once the interview was scheduled, the participants were provided
the General Self-Efficacy Scale to complete during the interview. At the end of the interview,
participants were asked to share documentation they believed would be beneficial to the study,
such as resumes, letters of recommendation, cover letters, awards, and any communication
relevant to their career trajectory.
Additionally, memos were written down after each interview. Memos are used to write
down reflections, ethical dilemmas, or points of clarification (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Collected data were protected by using pseudonyms for every participant and their institution.
Notes and recordings were put away in the researcher’s home and away from any public place as
soon as it is collected. Once data were gathered, analysis of the data began. Table 5 provides a
timeline of research completion.
Table 5
Timeline of Research Collection
Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb March May
Propose
IRB
Participant
Selection

Interview
Document
Review

Self-
Efficacy
Scale

Write/
Analyze
Findings

Defend
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 66
Data Analysis
Immediately after data were collected, they were analyzed to maintain a better
recollection of the encounters. The purpose of analyzing the data was to make sense of the
information by consolidating it and interpreting it (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Data were
analyzed following the steps provided by Creswell (2014, p. 197). The first step was to organize
the data by transcribing interviews and document review (Creswell, 2014). The raw notes were
typed onto an electronic document and backed up onto internet-based software. A third party was
contacted to assist with the recorded interview transcriptions.
The second step taken was to read and inspect the data and make additional notes on
thoughts that ascended throughout this process (Creswell, 2014). Third, coding the data began
(Creswell, 2014). Per Creswell (2014), “coding is the process of organizing the data by
bracketing chunks (or text or image segments) and writing a word representing a category in the
margins” (pp. 197–988). Coding was executed through computer software that allowed grouping
of codes. Additionally, while reading the data, codes assisted with generating themes (Creswell,
2014). The codes were both predetermined by the literature and emerged through analysis:
generational Latina culture, mentorship, double bind, glass ceiling, and intersectionality. The
fifth step was to determine how the themes were relevant to the study (Creswell, 2014). Finally,
the last step was to interpret the data using the theoretical framework and themes from the
literature (Creswell, 2014).
Summary
The methodological instrumentation utilized for this qualitative study were interviews,
document review, and a General Self-Efficacy Scale. The focus in this study was the trajectory
of Latinas who hold leadership positions at community colleges. Participants who met the
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 67
requirements were invited through electronic mail to participate in an interview and to fill out
General Self-Efficacy Scale. Individual interviews using a semi-structured interview protocol
were used. Resumes, cover letters, college websites, letters of recommendation, and professional
profiles listed on internet sites were reviewed to gain a more comprehensive understanding of
what these Latinas have partaken in throughout their career trajectory. Other triangulation
methods used were member checks, peer review, and reflexivity to ensure the validity and
reliability of the study.
Finally, once the data were collected, they were analyzed and published. Self-efficacy,
the theoretical framework for this study, was utilized to inform the analysis of the data. Data
analysis included transcriptions of all interviews being organized by themes. Documents were
also reviewed for themes and similarities. The self-efficacy responses were analyzed and
compared for similarities among participants.

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 68
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
The purpose of this study was to investigate the lived experiences of Latinas as they
successfully obtained leadership positions in community colleges. The 2018 report from the
California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office stated that only 10% of all administrators in
the 114 colleges are Latina, and White women outnumber all other ethnic-minority females
three-fold. This study allows Latinas interested in leadership positions at the community college
to hear the story of women who have succeeded in reaching these positions. The participants in
this study were selected based in their job title and ethnic background. Convenience and
snowball sampling were utilized to find the women who would be contacted. Snowball sampling
is convenient because it can be easier to find participants through referrals of others who know
them, and it is purposeful at the same time (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Participants 1 and 3 were
convenient to the researcher because of previous work experience. Participant 3 referred two
other women who participated in the study. Participant 2 was referred by a colleague in the field
who did not meet all of the criteria to participate in the study.
Five women were interviewed about their career trajectory and leadership experiences
using a semi-structured protocol. They were also asked to share documents they believed would
help the study in relation to their career background, such as resumes, cover letters, awards, and
letters of recommendation. Three women voluntarily shared their professional documents such as
resumes, cover letters, and letters of recommendation. Online public sites were used for
participants who did not share documents, such as the college website and the participant’s
profile posted on to professional networking sites. Table 6 summarizes the methodology.
Interviews, document reviews, and a survey were utilized to collect data for the study. Semi-
structured interviews were selected sources of data to allow the participant to have a voice and
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 69
describe her own story (Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). An interview protocol was
used to have structure and parallelism in the questions asked (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Documents were collected after the interview. Document review was also used to collect
nonreactive, authentic data already written and easier to analyze (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Table 6
Summary of Methodology
Data Collection Instrument Participants Research Questions Addressed
Interview 5 participants 1, a. & b.
Document Review 4 participants 1 & 1b
Survey 5 participants a. & b.

Pseudonyms were utilized to protect participants’ identities, job titles, and places of
employment. Although the five women were born in the United States, they all come from
varied ethnic backgrounds within the Latino culture. The women are all administrators, four
deans and one vice president, at community colleges in Southern California. Three community
colleges were visited: two in Los Angeles County and one in Orange County. The women were
between the ages of 38 and 65 and had extensive experience prior to beginning their careers in
community colleges. All interviews were conducted in person and took place in their offices.
The interviews lasted approximately from 45 minutes to an hour and a half. The women were
recorded, and notes were taken during the interview. Each woman shared career and personal
experiences that led them to become administrators in community colleges. They all started as
adjunct faculty at the community college, four of them were full-time faculty before becoming
administrators. Table 7 provides career information on the five participants, without disclosing
their exact titles. All women hold master’s degrees, which is an educational requirement to be
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 70
dean at the community colleges. One research questions and two sub-questions guided this
study:
1. What are the lived experiences of Latinas as they successfully obtain leadership positions in
community colleges?
a. What strategies do Latinas in leadership positions utilize to become leaders?
b. How do successful Latinas in leadership positions at community colleges perceive
their level of self-efficacy and whether it has contributed to their leadership
development?
Table 7
Participant Career Information
Name Position Years in Current
Position
Participant 1 Dean of Continuing Education 1.5
Participant 2 Dean of Health Sciences 2
Participant 3 Dean of Academic Affairs 3
Participant 4 Dean of Student Affairs 4
Participant 5 Vice President of Workforce
Development
2

Research Question 1
The research question asked, “What are the lived experiences of Latinas as they
successfully obtain leadership positions in community colleges?” Interviews and document
review were utilized to answer this question. Three overarching themes were found as the
participants shared their stories: importance of education, motivation and obstacles, and family
relationships. The document review served to triangulate some of the data shared during the
interviews.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 71
Interviews
Importance of education. Nguyen’s (2013) studied women who purposely decided to
get a degree because that would allow them to become leaders in their field. Pew Hispanic
Center (2009) found that first-generation Hispanic females thought a college degree was more
important than their male counterparts did. Responses to interview questions and the review of
documents demonstrated that education was an important step in participants’ obtaining their
current positions. Table 8 summarizes the women’s educational background.
Table 8
Educational Background
Name Degrees Attained Highest Degree Goal
Participant 1 B.S. & M.A. Doctorate
Participant 2 B.S., M.A., & M.S. Doctorate
Participant 3 B.A. & M.A. Master’s
Participant 4 A.A., B.A., M.A., & M.Ed. Doctorate
Participant 5 B.A., & M.A., Ph.D. Doctorate

Educational background. The women knew degrees were important for their careers in
community colleges, but they were also a personal goal. Participant 5, a vice president, was the
only participant with a doctoral degree, while the other participants had at least one master’s
degree. A master’s degree is the highest degree required to be an administrator at the community
colleges. Therefore, education was not a barrier for these women, yet four of them were
interested in a doctoral degree, which coincides with Nguyen’s (2013) finding that women of
color make informed decisions about earning degrees to advance in their careers. Although the
women in this study shared that they did not have clear path to administration, they were looking
to advance professionally, which also aligns with the literature, as Lepkowski (2009) found that
women are as interested in advancing their careers as their male counterparts. Although the
women never planned to become community college administrators, they all earned master’s
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 72
degrees because they believed in higher education. One participant has a doctorate, another is
currently working on her doctorate, a third plans to attend a doctoral program, a fourth started a
doctoral program but quit because of family obligations, and the fifth never thought a doctoral
degree was necessary for personal or professional reasons.
Participant 2 received two master’s degrees and is currently working on a doctoral
degree: “I have a Bachelor of Science degree, I have a Master of Science degree, and I have
another Master of Arts degree, and I’m currently working on my doctorate in law.” Participant 2
had previously pursued a juris doctorate, but had to quit because of familial obligations:
Probably the only thing that I had to give up was when I didn’t make it through law
school. I did one year of law school when my kids were all five and under, which, once
again, was not real smart decision to try to go back to school with three young children. I
was working full time and consulting on the side. So, trying to go back to school, even
part time was nuts. So that really kind of upset me because I never given up on anything
and never had to quit something. So probably that and that took me a bit to get over.
Participant 3’s master’s degree did not allow her to teach at the community college level, which
is something she regrets:
I’m not in the classroom. I have regrets and that would be that I didn’t get another
master’s where I could teach because I would love to be in the classroom. I think I could
be a really good instructor but my regret was not going further. I was told to, given
advice to get a PhD or whatever, but I never felt like it. I didn’t think a PhD was it. I
didn’t have that same, you know, drive to go PhD. I could have because I got my degree
when I was 24 years old, I could have done something in addition. That’s my big regret,
not going further to get a degree where I could have been an instructor.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 73
Participant 4 attended her local community college because her parents would not let her
leave the house for college, so she married her college boyfriend in order move out to college
and earn a bachelor’s degree. As soon as she finished her undergraduate degree, she earned a
master’s degree, became a teacher, and got a second master’s degree:
I went and got a second master’s degree. With the first one, a master’s in educational
administration and with the credential, I learned that, in the K-12 system, the doctorate
really wasn’t going to do too much for me, you know. Yes, you get more units and you
work on the salary scale, but there’s not any way you could move professionally with a
doctorate. And there really is no incentive. So, I took the master’s to have future
opportunities, and then to maximize my possible salary.
Participant 4 worked toward a second master’s degree. Although she was admitted to her
dream school, she could not attend because
we were clearly told that we needed to be full-time students, and, you know, it wasn’t
advised to not work at all or, if anything, maybe 15 hours and, of course, we were
supporting ourselves, so that was not an option. So, in essence, we drove after work
twice a weekend every other Saturday, Tuesdays, Thursdays and every other Saturday for
like three years for a master’s degree.
Participant 4 applied and was accepted into a doctoral program, but ultimately decided not to
attend because of her duties as a mother. Participant 5 explained she loved receiving education
and also teaching it:
I loved being a doctoral student and, you know, it came natural to me. I love doing what
you’re doing, and, now, I don’t mind the writing, and I could have continued doing that
forever. It’s one of the reasons I took the class at [4-year university] because I really
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 74
miss that geek side of me. You know, because I think I have a real geek side that I’ve
never able to really practice now in this capacity.
The above responses demonstrate the of importance education in their career aspirations.
Four participants have at least thought about, if not applied to, a doctorate program. Participant
1 is highly considering applying to an online doctoral program. Participant 2 is currently in a
doctoral program. Participant 3 does not feel the need to earn a doctoral degree but does regret
not getting a second master’s degree. Participant 4 dropped out of her doctoral program.
Participant 5 has a doctorate. In a sense, their education provided personal satisfaction.
Family education. The is little literature on the influence of family education on Latinas’
life choices. When the women were asked to share their parents’ highest education level, they
had more to say than just a simple answer. In this case, the women were all influenced by the
educational levels of their families. Participants 1, 4, and 5 viewed their parents as educational
role models and supportive of their educational choices. Participants 2 and 3 were influenced to
receive a higher education level than their parents received. All five women currently influence
their children’s educational level by actively participating in it. They are involved and fund their
children’s education. Some of their children are attending law, medical, and business schools.
Participant 1 has two young children, whom she enrolled in private schools. Their and
their families’ educational backgrounds were very important. Participant 1’s mother was very
influential in her pursuing her education:
My mom has three masters: one in Spanish, one in counseling and one in education. I
think I am the reason why I am because of my mom. Education was very important to
my mom because she knew that, although it was a major sacrifice to go to school,
especially when you’re making so little, she knew that the earning potential was much
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 75
more with an education degree. So, she went part time and she finished her BA. Then,
she finished her first master’s in Spanish, and it was very important to her. And, I mean,
one of the most influential parts for me, as my mom was when I was 15. And I saw her
graduate from her master’s in counseling. And that left like a footprint in my heart
because I said, well, my mom’s still going to school, and she’s in her 50s. And that
meant the world to me. And I was very proud of my mom because I knew how much she
sacrificed to get that degree.
Her father did not attend college, but he did earn a high school diploma.
Participant 4’s parents also furthered their education after migrating to the United States.
They took ESL courses at a Southern California elementary school and completed adult school.
Participant 4 stated,
My mother got a high school diploma from Southern California adult school. My father
just continued to study enough to take the civil service exam, and he actually passed it.
And, you know, he used to write in journals, so I can read his journal, like how many
times he tried and couldn’t pass because of the language barrier, but he actually passed.
My mother kept going. My full recollection of her was always, you know, working and
going to school, working and going to school, so she came to Southern California
community college and it took her many, many years because she was going a few
classes at a time, but got an AA degree in child development. My mother struggled, oh,
my God, she struggled so much, and she always had a hard time with the language, with
writing and algebra. She would always be like, “Oh, the algebra,” you know, so she
actually graduated, and she finally graduated at about 63, 64, you know. She worked as a
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 76
sub teacher in child education centers, the daycare centers here and there, and then that
was it. She was just done, so she was always a model of what our possibilities were.
Participant 2, while in tears, mentioned her daughter’s ability to graduate law school was
very influential because law school is something she had to drop because of other
responsibilities:
I think just that was disappointing to me. But my daughter’s a lawyer. She just
graduated year 17, and I remember the day of her graduation, one of her best friends was
getting married. So, we literally went from her graduation ceremony at law school, and I
drove her to the airport. I remember texting her and telling her that she was able to finish
something I didn’t. And then I got an admonishment for my daughter, saying, “you
shouldn’t have told me that because I just put my makeup on for the wedding.” So, that
was how my daughter responded, so I think that, you know, just seeing my daughter do
that after I didn’t was really important to me.
Participant 4 supported her daughter in any way she could to further her education:
And she graduates in June with her bachelor’s in business. Yeah, yeah, she’s a real
creative, too. She’s creative in the sense that I think she could be designer. She could be
like an interior designer or something with color or creative. She went into FIDM. I paid
for her to go to FIDM, which cost me an arm and a leg. It is a really, really great model
because she had her portfolio. They asked her to bring it in. She met a counselor. I went
with her the next day. She met with the VP. She was well out of high school because I
told her I’m not going to send you until I know you’re ready, and you feel ready because
that’s a lot of money I have to put in, and she when she went, she was ready, dedicated.
She would complain about these high school students that were, you know, just there
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 77
because whatever they thought. One time, when she was very young child, I said, “okay,
what do you want for a present?” “A cash register?” I said, “okay.” That’s going to be
good. Yeah. So, she got a cash register. And, now, she’s in business. She’s really good
with finances. I don’t know where she’s going to end up, but she will end up somewhere.
I don’t hesitate in saying that she’s going to be successful.
Family members have been an influence on the participant’s education trajectory. Their
parents have had an impact in their education, and they have impacted their children’s education.
This demonstrates that education is important in their lives.
Motivation and obstacles. These women spoke about their motivation to be in this field.
They did not necessarily know that they would become administrators, but they always had a
reason as to why they joined the field. Young Switzer (2006) confirms that women who held
presidential positions did not see their career in a linear progression and did not imagine they
would become college presidents. Research has demonstrated copious obstacles that all women,
especially women of color, are exposed to when trying to advance in their careers (Crenshaw,
1991; Derks et al., 2016; Dominici et al., 2009; Eagly & Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001; Glass &
Cook, 2016; Haslam & Ryan, 2008; Johns, 2013; Koenig & Eagly, 2014; Kosoko-Lasaki et al.,
2006; Mainah & Perkins, 2015; Marshall, 2009; Mena, 2016; Ryan et al., 2016; Vinkenburg et
al., 2011).
Drive. The women mentioned the reasons they do what they do. They all have a drive to
further their work. Passion, commitment, and self-confidence are all motivation that help the
women persist in their careers (Dunn et al., 2014). In Montas-Hunter’s (2012) study, the women
were motivated by their high self-efficacy and strong values about what they did.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 78
Participant 2 is not only a leader at the community college, but also outside of her
everyday work. She wants Latina students to further their education, so she volunteers her time:
I think that probably, if you were to look at, you know, getting more Hispanics, more
ready presentation in academics, we really have to figure out a way to support them and
encourage them. And I think that’s true of almost any endeavor, whether you want more
women in politics, in education, in business. And, you know, I still go back to the school
my kids went to elementary school and middle school, and I do a lot of volunteer work. I
still help them raise money. I still give them opportunities. I talked to high-risk students
at the alternative ed school in my district. I’ve done that for years.
Participant 3 explains that, if her job does not include helping others, then there is no reason for
her to continue her work there:
During the 70s and the 80s, we became a social service hub because we will help people
with their resumes to find jobs, to plug them into agencies, that they might even need
services that they weren’t available to them, but they didn’t know. So, that was really
perfect for me because I have to be involved in helping people. That’s what drives me.
If I don’t feel like I’m helping to do something positive in people’s lives, then I have to
leave because it’s a dead end. And I can’t do that. I can’t survive.
Participant 4 is very passionate about her work and has a clear purpose as to why she is a dean in
the community college:
The work that I do here I like to say is my moral purpose. It’s my personal mission.
Working in community college is a social justice mission. It’s about access, equity,
inclusion, and providing an opportunity for our underserved communities to excel and
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thrive in this country. And, so many times, we get caught up into the details of our work
every day, but it’s incredibly powerful. And that’s why I love where I’m at, what I do.
Participant 5’s motive to continue her work is speaking for those who are not heard:
Reminding myself why get up in the morning or why do the things that I do and what I
believe in and staying focused and feeling that I’ve had so many opportunities, and
children have opportunities, and we have to make sure that others have. Kind of why we
do the things we do, but it’s not random. It’s all the time because it maybe doesn’t
appear it, but these roles are so layered with complexities and hurdles. It’s, you know,
and it just becomes more of an exercise of finding the inner strength to just keep going
because it’s easy to do this job for these leadership jobs if you don’t care or you’re in it
for a different reason. If you really want to make change, there is a constant title wave
you’re up against. Well, I think it’s important to recognize that what drives, and we
touched upon it earlier, but that we’re here because we’re driven, or I’m here because I’m
driven by social justice issues and really being a voice for those who have been
marginalized and need opportunities. And we end up, I feel, like I’m a tool, a facilitator,
so embracing this space where it’s not that I’m incidental. It’s more the cause, the
purpose why you’re here and understanding that I’m just another tool to make it better.
The above responses demonstrate that the women feel a sense of purpose which motivates them
to further their work. They pursued their current leadership roles as a way to support and
contribute to the betterment of society, specifically for those who are underrepresented in higher
education.
Professional hindrances. There are obstacles that these women have faced and continue
to face as leaders in their colleges. Obstacles come with the job due to the responsibility added
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 80
once they become administrators. Mainah and Perkins (2015) found that women who do make it
to the top positions face additional barriers such as sexism and prejudices. There are many
institutional factors that further the obstacles women face when trying to succeed in leadership
positions, making them feel as if they need to work harder than their male counterparts to gain
respect (Shepherd, 2017).
Participant 1 has had differences of opinion with upper administration about additional
programs and services that could improve student success, which can be difficult:
There’s times that you have felt like you have to give up or you want to give up, and I
think obstacles that I’ve had is, sometimes, the vision I have may not be aligned to what
higher management may have. And, sometimes, you have bosses or managers that are
above you that don’t believe in something that you believe in. And it’s very hard because
they may not know enough knowledge, and they’re not willing to admit it, and you do
know more about it. And you know that the project can be a success. And it may just,
you know, take those downtime steps to kind of just get to that point. But it is very
disheartening. And it is very frustrating when you know what a possible outcome can be
and how life changing it can be for a student. And you don’t have upper management
that’s willing to believe in you or allow you to do it. And it is very frustrating. Or what’s
worse is when you’ve been mandated or directed to do something that you know is going
to fail. That’s very hard. But, at the end of the day, you do what you can. It’s knowing
if I still keep what’s best for the student at heart, eventually, it’ll get there. It just takes a
longer time because of just the culture that we work in.
In her current role, Participant 1 has also felt minimized as a Latina female:
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 81
At the same time, It kind of made me feel like, well, the only reason why you got it was
because you were Hispanic, and this is the Hispanic population. So, I guess we’ll hire
you. And it made me feel like he demoralized and minimized my accomplishments when
I knew about the job because I knew what I was talking about.
Participant 3 has different views on how go about certain processes and, due to that, she
feels she does not fit with the environment in her community college:
People got into such a fixated mindset of how you’re supposed to be when you’re a
manager, when you’re an administrator, when you are whatever. And I really think I’m
an anomaly. I don’t fit. I just don’t, and maybe other people talk to you about me and
say, oh, you know, I’ve been able to get by, but I just feel like, sometimes you feel like,
you don’t belong. It’s really strange. But I think it’s because I don’t like to follow those
hard and fast rules where people. I believe that there’s always a way to solve an issue.
Always. But, at any rate, there were difficulties and I think that we become our own
worst enemies because we put the limitations on ourselves. And, if you have negativity
around you, then those things will really push you down. Because there’s a lot of
negativity in this world and envidia, you know, why are you there? I should be there
more, you know, you’re not a good whatever your title is. You’re not a good
administrator. You know, and, obviously, people will say that because they always do
because that’s the world we live in.
Participant 4 has a difficult time, emotionally, with employees who are dishonest:
I’m such an optimist. I really am. And, when I start seeing things that are just not
working out, I reflect and think about whether it’s meant for me to go in a specific
direction, you know, but for the most part, probably the hardest part of being a leader are
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the human dynamics and some of the trouble we all get ourselves into because of our own
humanity, you know. Things around Title IX, sexual harassment, things related to
discrimination, which oftentimes comes out of what is perceived favoritism, you know,
within certain areas, but it happens more often than you would think. And as in this role
as dean, it’s been an eye opener. Some of the frustrating times have been when
employees are not completely honest. I value honesty. And I would much rather have
someone be honest about something that may be incredibly embarrassing that they did or
said, and I feel that I can work more effectively with someone that way than recognizing
that an individual will just be completely dishonest because they’re so embarrassed and
not dealing or face the situation that they’re in. That is really tough. Yeah, those kinds
of situations are really what drains me as a leader emotionally. One way that I’m able to
manage is I go to the gym every morning, and I work out, and I noticed, when I don’t
make it to the gym, it’s not quite the same. I don’t have as much patience, and maybe
others may not be able to tell. But, emotionally, I actually feel a little bit more, whether it
be frustration, or anger or disappointment. I could feel it more inside of me if I didn’t go
to the gym in the morning. Keeps me balanced. I would say with all that energy that
comes from the human dynamics of some of what we’re all capable of doing that is not
appropriate.
Participant 5 has doubted herself due to bureaucracy that comes with the job:
It happens all the time. You know, there’s a lot of times there’s a lot of it’s like an ebb
and flow. There’s times where you just can’t explain why things are just you’re on this
negative roll and what I mean by that is like it’s just you walk into a meeting and you
don’t realize a certain agenda item and the discussion takes a direction that you never
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 83
thought it was going to take and then there’s situation where there’s a sexual harassment
issue and then there’s an issue where you don’t know somebody, you know there’s a
lockdown or you know there’s all these issues that come up sometimes that you’re like I
didn’t take this job to do this, you know, to be a bureaucrat. And you wonder, why am I
here? You know, why do I want to investigate because two people aren’t getting along?
There’s a lot of bumps along the way people are having a bad day and take it out on you.
There are times where you feel so disconnected from the work that we do. And the self-
doubt creeps in. And you wonder, you know, am I in the right place? Is there something
more productive I could be doing? You know, should I go back as a faculty member and
have my time? It happens all the time. It’s an ever evolving. It’s like that one Disney
movie where there was an angel on one shoulder and the devil on the shoulder and which
one prevailed and it’s constant tug of war of self-doubt of ebbs and flows. But
ultimately, it’s not like it it’s this is a regular exercise that I go through.
The five participants discussed the barriers they experience in their current positions.
Many of these barriers coincide with the previous research performed on women in leadership
positions such as gender stereotypes and perceived leadership roles.
Personal hindrances. Much research has concluded that women have additional
personal barriers than men due to societal gender expectations of taking care of children,
spouses, or elderly parents (Dominici et al., 2009; Evans, 2007; Marshall, 2009; Mihalčová et al.,
2015; Morley, 2013; Nguyen, 2013). Like many of the women in the past research, the
participants of this study have also had to sacrifice and think through their career decisions
carefully based on their home obligations.
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Participant 1 has stopped herself from pursuing career opportunities because of her
traditional home expectations:
There are times and there are opportunities that I felt that I have past that I think that’s
more of a time commitment. And having young kids, having a husband, having to worry
about babysitting and picking up the kids from school and homework and just the day,
you know. They’re sick and taking them for the doctors, you know. Just regular things
that tend to fall and, unfortunately, traditionally on the women, even though I do have a
very supportive husband, just the role. But there was times that I felt like now is not the
right time because of my kids, or my husband, or an aging parent, or some other
responsibility from my personal life that’s holding me back.
Participant 3 grew up in a single-parent household and, when she divorced her husband, it
was very painful to see her children also grow up in a single-parent household. She describes it
as a traumatic experience:
If you survived a traumatic experience, it’s either going to take you down into the trauma
hole, and you’re not going to get out, or it’s going to, you know, chew you up and you’re
going to be, it’s going to be so difficult, or you’re going to look at the trauma and you can
say, okay, how am I going to figure this out? How am I going to live with it and become
a person that I want to do and not get caught into this black hole? So, in surviving the
trauma, I, for many reasons, and I can’t tell you what they are. But I felt like I’ve been
helped by many people in my life. I have been really blessed, and I’m not talking about
blessed like God is in my no, no, no. I feel like there’s something that’s really positive in
my life. And it’s taken me from trauma in various stages to where I am today because
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 85
people have helped me along the way, and that is because I feel like I’m a really positive
person.
Participant 4, like Participant 2, had to terminate her doctoral program early because she
realized that her young children were more important than her educational advancement:
I say you can do it all, but not all at once. Because, you know, you need to be attentive, if
you choose to have children, to the children. I happen to have a very rambunctious son,
and, you know, it was constant with him, keeping them engaged, keeping them focused,
and it sucked the life out of me. I’m telling you, in middle school, I applied to [South
Los Angeles University] again, and got into their doctorate program when he was in
middle school. And he was in his first year, and I was about to go in. And then I
thought, what the hell am I doing? The kid is failing out of middle school. I have no
business, you know, going to go on this, you know, through this educational
advancement, which I love education, right. I love school. And, so, I shifted my energy,
made it all about helping his development and, you know, hoping and praying for
maturity also, but putting in all those supports and the variable that he needed to manage
himself. And it eventually happened. It did, but I don’t know that I would have had that
level. I don’t know what would have happened, if I would have stepped away to take this
other responsibility. I would have lost my attention. You feel it, you know it, with the
kids. A third year in the associate dean left, and they asked me if I would take over, and I
did so. I became the director of Program A. I did not want to do the deanship because I
needed to be able to manage my hours at work. I had two children. They were little. So,
I wanted to make sure and be present, especially with my husband being away for days.
And coming back, it was not something that I could do in terms of career to be able to
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 86
say, yes, I’m going to go into this other job that pretty much you’re an exempt employee,
which means you work many, many hours and yourself.
Participant 5 also went through a divorce, so she relied heavily on her siblings to help
take care of her children, which is why she could not move away from Los Angeles to be a
professor:
But I always knew as a parent, I mean, that wasn’t in my cards to be a university
professor. There was no way because, unless I thought I was open to leaving Southern
California, there was no way I was going to land the university job in LA because that
was, you know. It was either privileged institutions like USC, UCLA or impacted Cal
States. And you know people, when you’re in the field and you graduated, people say,
“You know what? You got to do your postdoc or you got to go out first and start.” What
am I going to do over there, right? Because I have my family structure here and I can’t. I
need help with my kids, so I knew I wasn’t going to do that. I wasn’t going to. That
wasn’t in my cards. So, yeah, that was a major compromise, but you don’t think about it
as a parent because, as a parent, as a mother in my case, it was like you’re going to do
what you need to do to make sure you do right by your kids. And, so, my PhD took five
years to finish. I graduated in June of 02, and I got hired here fall of 02 full time, so I was
very, very blessed that way, but I didn’t even bother doing the other, and I had it in me I
had the passion. I had the skills, but there was a major compromise for me. You know, I
wouldn’t ever say to my kids hey, I gave up my…you know. It’s just what you do and
then endless examples along the way where I felt, as a mother, you’re just not giving your
110, you know, at work. You feel like you’re a flake. We have to call in or, when you’re
late or when you show up dirty because there was a spill along the way. And the home
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 87
front, it’s like you’re late to pick up the kids or you’re finding yourself going through fast
food or you’re too tired to do the homework, and it’s just you’re spread thin, so definitely
feel that, as mothers take on a significant burden, and you make significant sacrifices that
go unrecognized and it’s just a part of the fabric.
As the participants stated above, they had to sacrifice their career or education advancement
opportunities because their priority was their children. Once their children became adults, or
become adults, the women would be able to take on additional work roles and work on their
higher education degrees.
Family relationships and cultural traditions. Alicea (2001) describes the cultural
gender roles in the Latin culture as being heavily patriarchal. Latinas are expected to take care of
the home and not necessarily further their education (Alicea, 2001). If Latinas decide to further
their education and take part in the workforce, they are not absolved of their home expectations
(Alicea, 2001). Growing up in a Latin household can vary depending on many factors, including
generation, and the role of the mother can have a large impact on the daughter’s future.
Mothers. As Latins, there is a cultural traditional role to follow (Alicea, 2001). The five
Latinas did not fully follow traditional roles. A traditional female role in the Latin population is
to marry young, stay home and take care of the children while the husband works for financial
support (Alicea, 2001). The five participants had mothers who also worked, and four
participants’ mothers furthered their education after immigrating. The literature does not touch
on the influence of mothers on women’s professional life. The participants in this study were
asked to share their relationship with their mothers and whether there was an influence on their
professional lives. Two of the participants stated that their mother-daughter relationship was not
very positive, especially growing up, which made them realize they did not want their futures to
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 88
be like those of their mothers. The other three participants shared a positive relationship with
their mothers and viewed them as role models of what hard work could bring to their futures.
Participant 1 has a great relationship with her mother. Her mother is an inspiration to her
career:
One of the most influential parts for me, as my mom was when I was 15. And I saw her
graduate, and that left like a footprint in my heart. That meant the world to me. And I
was very proud of my mom because I knew how much she sacrificed.
Her mother has also assisted Participant 1 with taking care of her children while she worked or
when she needed to do homework for her master’s degree.
Participant 2 had a poor relationship with her mother when she was younger because she
did not agree with the cultural gender roles:
My mother, you know, didn’t really advocate for me as a kid. This counselor convinced
my mother that pretty much, in code, she’s not smart enough. She can’t do this. So, she
has to take an elective instead of this academic class. My mom didn’t know any better.
My mom figured that, well, he’s from the school. He should know. And I remember just
being mad as all get out that my mom didn’t bite for me on that. So, there were things
like that that happened. My mom didn’t work. I’m the youngest. My mom didn’t work
until I went to school. And so, she was always in the home, and my mom, because she
didn’t have an education, kind of just got mommy jobs, you know, in factories and things
like that. So, she really wasn’t somebody that had an education on that, that could go
someplace, so to speak. My relationship with my mom when I was a kid was really
tough because she didn’t know what to do with me. Because other than me, for myself, I
think at times I mentioned, obviously, it comes from very traditional background, and I
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 89
could not understand. I remember asking my father this at the dinner table one night,
why he could come home from work and sit down and read the paper and watch the news
while my mother got home from work and did the cleaning and the cooking and the
laundry, blah, blah, blah. And he just looked at me like I had three heads when I asked
that question. And he just looked at me and said, that’s just the way that it is. And I
started to argue with him. Well, that doesn’t make any sense. Because, really, the only
work you do is you wash the cars and mow the lawns on Saturday. But mommy has to do
all this other work. And he goes, well, no, she doesn’t because you girls do it. I had two
other sisters.
As Participant 2 grew older and matured, her relationship with her mother improved:
Once I had, you know, my own family, my mother and I grew very close again. And
then much later in my mother’s life, you know, as she got ill. My sisters are more of the
emotional support, but I took over my mom’s health care. And, so, my mom and I
became very close again. But I also told my mom, I go, “I don’t want our relationship
just to be about your health care. I want us to still have a relationship that we can talk
about other things” because that’s what it kind of seemed to always delve into. So, I
think that my relationship with my mom just kind of changed kind of more, not only in
my stages of my life, but also stages of hers. And, you know, I never fought with my
mother the way I used to fight with my father. I fought with him like nobody’s business.
But, you know, I love my mom dearly. I miss her dearly. But there was just that, you
know, growing up was really hard. I think for her. She was always very proud of
anything I did, just as he was with any of her children. And my mom was a very strong
woman in in her own way, but she was never somebody that would be out in front. She
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 90
was very stoic. And, again, culturally, my father ruled the roost. She never went against
my father, which I never understood.
Participant 3 did not grow up in a traditional home. Her mother raised her children on
her own and allowed her children to make their own decisions because she was worrying about
working to survive:
I didn’t have a father. My mom, we didn’t eat together. For whatever reason, I know
that I blocked it out, but I don’t really know why, but I don’t remember birthday parties.
I remember a birthday party that my friend and her mom and my sixth-grade teacher
threw for me. My mom was not there. So, there were things that I was like, you know,
like the pieces missing in my life. And I don’t blame anybody. And my mom did a great
job. I think she really did. She did the best she could. And, you know, she kept us whole
as much as she could. My brothers were a mess. But, so, I learned to survive.
Participant 3 provided various examples of decisions she made on her own without
intervention from her mother. One of those was paying for braces and traveling to the
orthodontist on her own on the bus for a few miles every two weeks for many years. A second
example is when she traveled on her own without any parent permission: “When my friends and
I traveled to the Grand Canyon to get a job, did I ask my mom? No. I just said I’m going, and
we hitchhiked all the way over there.” Another is when she had plastic surgery to remove a scar.
Her mother signed the paperwork and she was accompanied by her counselor:
“Do you want to go and see him?” I go, “Well, yeah, let’s go.” So, my mom didn’t go.
This is how much my mom allowed me to run my life. I made my decisions. She didn’t
go, of course. She signed the papers I’m sure because I was under age. And, you know, I
was a person who was on a trajectory to do something, whatever that was, but I didn’t
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 91
want to end up like my mom with welfare and being sick and not speaking up for herself.
And, you know, until she got older and the kids weren’t with her. So, when we left her,
she was older. But she became another person, I think, probably the person she wanted
to be, you know, dancing and, you know, going to casinos and going on the buses, but
she had a lot of serious illnesses throughout my whole life. So, you know, she was
strong. She was very strong.
Participant 4’s relationship with her mother was ambivalent because her mother was tied
to cultural gender norms in her early life stages but became more open later in life. Her mother
did not let her move out to attend college because she was a female. She was not allowed to
move out until she was married:
Upon once again transferring, I applied to several schools including a very Christian
private conservative school thinking my mother would let me go, and she still refused to
let me go, so my boyfriend at the time kept promoting marriage as a way to leave the
house and really not leave the house. It was just about transferring. And so, we wound
up actually getting married. We got married, so it was conflicting. So ,she was a role
model and trying to get ahead. She was, I would say, awake woke, awakened by the
Chicano movement and affirmative action, but she still was very much tied to our cultural
traditions, and, years later, she did actually apologize to me. She felt like she stifled what
any opportunities I might have had, by, you know, indirectly forcing me to a certain
degree into marriage, you know. So that was rough, but at least she acknowledged that
way late, so it was a little contradictory. Yeah, and it’s that evolution that we have within
ourselves culturally.
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The mothers of all five participants joined the workforce, some with professional and
others with blue collar jobs. The women were all positively influenced by their mothers. The
participants with professional mothers viewed them as role models. The participants with
mothers who held more traditional roles at home viewed them as an example of what they did
not want for their futures.
Family support systems. The women acknowledged that, throughout their path toward
leadership positions, they had help from others. Support from family, friends, and colleagues
had a great impact on their success. Research has demonstrated that women in leadership
position still have the responsibility to take care of the home, which makes it difficult to manage
work and personal lives without the assistance of family (Marshall, 2009; McNair et al., 2013;
Nguyen, 2013; Shepherd, 2017). Parents, siblings, and spouses’ assistance has allowed
professional women to carry out their career trajectory (Marshall, 2009; McNair et al., 2013;
Nguyen, 2013; Shepherd, 2017).
Participant 1 mentioned that her mother helped her with the children, picking them up
from school and taking care of them while she and her husband were both at work. Her husband
is also a great support system while she has to work. Participant 2 was willing to compromise
with her husband and moved her career to a different city, but, once they had children, she
wanted to be with her mother and siblings for support:
So, when we first got married, I was in a place where I could transition. He was not at
that time. So, we agreed we were going to live in Northern California. But I said, when I
start, when we start our family, I want to move back to Southern California. I want to be
near my sisters and my mom.
Participant 3’s mother-in-law helped her take care of the children, even after her divorce:
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 93
I kind of saw my mother-in-law to care for the kids. She was the best grandmother ever.
She was like one of those ideal grandmother’s that, when you went to her house, she
would make leftovers. And it tastes like the best thing in the whole wide world. And
she’d make things from scratch. And she was a great grandmother. So, I think because
of that, we made it and, you know, we struggle, but other people struggle more because I
think the dynamics and relationships is really what drives a lot of times the struggle.
Participant 5 relied on her family to help with the children while she was at school or at work:
I’ve always been a single parent for the most part, and, even when I was married, it was
like a single parent, so have relied on my siblings, family. We all live within a five-mile
radius. So just relied on my family.
The women’s responses above validate the research. They all have had assistance with
raising their children and taking care of their homes. The participants shared who has helped
them conquer one of their personal barriers to career advancement.
Document Review
A variety of documents were utilized for this study. Documents used include resumes,
cover letters, college websites, letters of recommendation, and online searches. Two women did
not provide any documentation. It was very difficult to find information on one of the women to
add to the study. There were several attempts at requesting documents for the study. Table 9
lists the various types of documents provided by participants.
After reviewing resumes and professional profiles, it was evident that the women were
experienced. The documents demonstrated that they have the educational background, degrees,
certifications, and credentials to engage in the career they currently pursue. It is also apparent
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that these women have had years of experience working in their fields that led them to their
current leadership and administration positions.

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Table 9
Documents Review Summary
Participants Type of Document
Participant 1 Resume, Cover Letter, College Website
Participant 2 Resume, Cover Letter, College Website, Online Search
Participant 3 Professional Profile, College Website
Participant 4 Resume, Cover Letter, College Website, Letters of Recommendation
Participant 5 No documents available

RQ1 Data Analysis Summary
The women shared their lived experiences as they obtained their current leadership
positions. Three themes emerged from answers related to this question while they were narrating
their stories: the importance of education, their motivation and obstacles, and their familial
relationships. Their education background was influenced by their families’ education, which
then allowed them to influence their children’s education. They also spoke about their drive for
furthering their education and career as well as their career-related and personal obstacles.
Family support has been influential in their career success, and they much to say about their
relationship with their mothers. These are only some of these women’s experiences as they
navigated to their current leadership positions.
Research Question 1a
Sub-Research Question 1a asked, “What strategies do Latinas in leadership positions
utilize to become leaders?” In addition to the participants’ experiences, further strategies were
shared during interviews and survey answers. The superior theme for this research question was
leadership, with subthemes of leadership beginnings, leadership development, and leadership
style.
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Interviews
Leadership beginnings. The women noticed their leadership development at different
stages of their lives. Although leadership beginnings may not be pinpointed to a specific time or
age, these women remembered certain situations before becoming administrators that marked
them as leaders. Madsen’s (2007) study focused on the childhood of 10 female college presidents
to pinpoint their leadership beginnings. Madsen (2007) found that these women were leaders
since childhood, demonstrating it through various actions and, most importantly, had high self-
esteem growing up. The women in this study spoke about their first memory as a leader.
Participant 1 did not feel she was a leader until she began working in her previous job
and noticed she made some choices to be successful:
I think I realized I would like the opportunity to be a leader, probably five or six years
into my career, when I noticed I wasn’t getting the support I felt I needed to be successful
at my job. And I feel it’s very important for a leader to support the common goals of the
worker and this job because, if not them, it doesn’t get done. And it’s also very
frustrating to the employee. So, I think, yeah, probably five or six years into my role.
Participant 2 realized she was a leader when she began playing sports. She was captain of her
team, which meant having a sense of leadership:
I graduated from college when I was 21. I thought I wouldn’t go seek a management job
until I was 22 because, for some reason, I thought 22 sounded a lot older than 21. I’ve
been managing people since I was 22 years old, except for kind of the faculty positions
where I didn’t have any management oversight responsibilities. But I think that, in my
younger years, it was really kind of fly by the seat of my pants, in some respects, because
no one ever taught me. I didn’t really take any leadership type of classes in college. It
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just wasn’t what we did back then. I think most of my leadership skills came from
playing sports from. I was always the captain of my teams. So, I think that, you know,
how you motivate people, how you understand people, how do you, you know, get them
to do what you want them to do, really. I think it’s something that is created over the
course of time.
Participant 4 was a leader since a young age, demonstrating her skills in elementary school:
In elementary school, I used to do things: coordinate kickball against other classes. Yeah,
I would do tournaments. But, really, I was doing it because I wanted to play kickball
when we were not assigned to the area. Whenever there were like student not getting
along on the campus or whatever, I wind up being the mediator peace maker. I would
negotiate with a teacher like, if we all get 90% on the spelling test this week, can we
have a party, and we will bring whatever. So, I would make the potluck list of whatever
we’re going to bring. I would work with kids to make sure everybody passed the test.
Like, you figure out the ones who needed the help, you know, so I recognize that I was
doing. It’s always been a part of who I am. Even though, as I said it earlier, I’m the
youngest of four, even to this day, my sisters defer to me to be objective and to find
solutions when we’re not quite as a family working things through. I can look back and
see it, but I didn’t see it. I didn’t see it for many, many years.
Participant 5 translated for her parents when she was a child, which allowed her to develop
leadership skills:
It’s been obviously an evolution. I think that it never stops. You are always evolving,
but, at a very young age, I’m talking eight, nine years old given that my parents only
spoke Spanish, I took on a lot of responsibility in terms of being the liaison between my
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household and the English-speaking world. So, I was that translator, and I was that
person, and it continued through my childhood. So, I think those were the developmental
years for me in understanding advocacy, understanding the importance of voice,
understanding fear of spaces if you know what I mean. Of course, I learned that later in
life what that experience taught me, but I think those were the foundational years. Also,
growing up in and not having resources, right. I grew up down the street, and, you know,
food stamps and MediCal, and then going to spaces like Southern California university
and understanding that, wow, you know, people have a very different reality than the one
I had and feeling like an imposter, feeling you don’t belong in these spaces. I think those
experiences really developed me in terms of stepping up and being an advocate, and, as
we study issues of social justice and we live it, we are committed to, you know, making a
difference, and that was my experience. You live it, and then you learn it, and then you
understand it. I also think, though, in the last, you know, six to seven maybe last decade,
my leadership skills got particularly honed in as I took on leadership roles within the
faculty union. Contract negotiations was no joke, and I think I grew a lot in that role, and
I learned a lot.
The women shared their earliest memory of when they felt they became leaders. The
statements above vary by participant, but some even remember their childhood actions as
demonstrating leadership skills. Others relate their leadership skills to when they began their
professional careers as young women.
Leadership development. Historically, women have felt they needed to work harder,
more hours, than males to be successful (Shepherd, 2017). Eagly and Johannsen-Schmidt’s
(2001) study also demonstrated that women must prove themselves to others as also capable of
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holding the same positions as their male counterparts. The participants in this study share
instances where they did more than what their job duties as assigned stated.
Participant 1 has come to the conclusion that her work will get done even if it takes her
longer than expected, and she is content with that:
Everybody can have vision, but that vision means nothing if it doesn’t come to
completion. And it’s nice to dream, but if the vision doesn’t come to action, then that’s
all: it was just a dream. So, I think, especially once you’re an administrator, that you’re
caught up in all these committees, and this and that, and you’re pulled on two separate
subjects and separate work projects. It’s really important that you still have those
background projects that don’t get ignored. It may just take longer, but it still needs to
come to an end.
Participant 2 realized that she needed to put in some of her extra time to do things that would get
her noticed, and she believes that’s how she got to where she is today:
I encourage my students when I was teaching to kind of expand the horizons and
volunteer for things because that helps you get noticed by other folks. And so, when that
happens, people are more willing to give you opportunities. So, like I said, when I got
the business records and the legal records, it was because I had the trust of my vice
president, who was also an athlete, and we would often talk about sports. So, a female
knowing something about sports opened some doors. Sad to say, but it does, so I
volunteered to be on the, you know, Christmas party committee when people still had
Christmas parties. I volunteer for some of my different committees. So, kind of the train
the trainer type of things.
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Participant 3 understands that collaboration and seeking assistance are important to grow
personal and career experience:
Learn that we have to get help from each other. Because we we’re not living in, you
know, that bubble there where we’re going to excel or we’re not because it’s all
depending on you. That’s the nature of education is that you learn from people, and they
learn from you, and you grow because you’re open to it. If you’re not, because you can’t
ask for help, then you’re going to hit that wall and you’re not going to be, you know,
you’re going to just be failing, and then you’re going to stop out or something like that.
Participant 4 felt the need to go beyond her work duties to make sure the students at her school
were receiving cultural and college-going activities in addition to the academic happenings:
It was a lot. It was a lot. My role there, I always wanted to do more than what was just
considered my work. So, there were a few things that I did. I brought, myself and my
colleague, brought these cultural activities for the school, so, you know, we celebrated
Hispanic Heritage Month. We did all these different activities throughout the year. That
was beyond the work that we did because I sincerely believe that the students need to
have a connection with their own identity, and that helps them to grow and develop. So,
it’s part of the educational component. The other thing I did was I actually initiated the
first ever college fair for middle school level.
The participants stated above that they went above and beyond their job expectations,
volunteering their free time and working extra hours to get the job done. Some of these women
worked additional time to be noticed and to feel part of the organization they were working for.
Leadership Style. The participants’ leadership styles are very similar. They all
mentioned collaboration with others as important parts of their leadership style. Women are seen
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as transactional and communal leaders because they care about building relationships with others
as they lead (Brescoll, 2016; Eagly & Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001; Nguyen, 2013). Historically,
women leaders have been gender stereotyped as nurturing and caring (Ibarra et al., 2013;
Kawakami et al., 2000; Vanderbroeck, 2010). The women in this study demonstrated that they
are caring leaders.
Participant 1’s leadership style is supportive and flexible. She has an open-door policy to
be available to all the college’s constituents. She is also flexible with the employees she
supervises because she is aware of their lives outside of work. Participant 1 tries to show off her
employee’s skills by furthering their development in the professional field:
I think I’m more of an open-door policy. I think I’m also very supportive. I am the type
of person that I try to look for, and let that person shine with that. There’s some
employees that are more organized, some that are more team players, and some, they’re
better at presenting. So, I kind of give different roles to different people because I see
relatively quickly what their strengths are, and I try to let them build and shine and feel
confident and what they feel strong, so that, when I do ask them to do something that is
out of their comfort zone, they feel they can do it because they’ve already felt that
they’ve succeeded in other areas. So, I try to be as supportive as possible. I’m always
willing to listen to my employees’ concerns. I think I’m very supportive. I very flexible
because I also understand that the job is not your life, and life happens. And, sometimes,
people have to come to work late, or they have to call in sick, or they have to change an
hour or something. So, I think I’m very flexible in that sense. Weaknesses. I guess
weakness would be sometimes I don’t like controversy. And, as a manager, that’s hard.
Because, sometimes, I feel that there has to be a line of respect, and, sometimes, people
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pass it, and I should nip it in the bud as quickly as possible. But it’s hard at times because
you don’t know how harsh you can be without losing the respect of that employee. So, I
think that’s something, as a new administrator, I need to work on: how to correctly
discipline and things of that nature. Like, sometimes, they become too easy going and
then too lenient?
Participant 2 picked up leaderships skills from her previous supervisor who made everyone feel
supported and acknowledged:
I was the chair of that committee, and when we reached milestones, we were given a
budget to go out and celebrate with our group. So, we did things like we went to the park
one time, and had a catered picnic. We went another time somewhere. We just went hit
the piñata for an hour, but we were expected to do that because our CEO really believed
that you rewarded employees for, you know, getting to a certain point, and I take a lot of
that leadership from that company with me today and how we treat employees, and, you
know, I think it’s the little things in building relationships. I think that’s the key thing.
You know, I bought a Keurig coffee machine several months ago because we didn’t have
one, and then I buy the variety of coffees, you know. In fact, I just brought some in this
morning because it’s for the employees and they appreciate it, but they think that, you
know, you go that little extra step to show some care. I think that’s the kind of thing that
we need to tell people is that you have to think smart about those kinds of things because
it is life altering, and you take away choices. And, you know, when I think there was
something here, and one of these questions about, you know, finding solutions, and, you
know, anybody that knows me knows that, okay, well, if this happens, we can do this, or
if that doesn’t work out, we can do that or we can try this. You asked me about anything
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that I can probably tell you. Okay, well, the pros or this and the cons of this, and I’m
very analytical and that way because I don’t like my choices limited, and I think that just
comes from again, playing sports.
She shared an example of an interaction with one of the faculty members and how she made sure
she made her feel cared for by asking about her mother:
Yesterday, I had a very difficult meeting with the faculty member over some great issues
that we had at the end of the semester, but I also knew she was having difficulties with
caring for her mother and that was kind of contributing to her absence and perhaps,
maybe, some shortness with students. And so, when she came in yesterday, the first
thing I asked her was about her mom. And we spent five, seven minutes talking about
her mom before we got into the conversation that we had to get into. And as she got up
to leave, she turned around and said, ”Thank you for asking about my mom first. I know
you didn’t need to do that, but that was really important to me.” That, to me, told me I
did everything the right way. And that faculty member knows that I care about them as a
person, and not just about the complaints. And I think that’s really important.
Participant 3, like participant 1, has an open-door policy and believes communication is key:
My leadership style, I would say is really open. Not a micromanager. I like to be a
collaborative type of leader. I have a certificate in conflict resolution mediation that I got
from North University, probably, wow, four or five years ago. I don’t know. I went
through a training there. I got a certificate, and I did that because I felt that people don’t
listen to each other, and they don’t know how to communicate, and I’m big on
communication in the sense that, if something’s bothering a person and it’s stopping them
from progressing, or we’re not getting along or people are angry, then I will have them
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come in and I’ll talk to them, and we will work out that obstacle instead of saying, you
know what, you don’t like it, get out of here, you know, or I’m going to write you up.
That’s not the style that I have. I will write them up if, over a period of time, I can’t get
through or something like that. But there are people whom I have worked with, who
have decided in their best interest to leave because they couldn’t work with me because
they’re so, I believe, entrenched in what they thought was right, and that was not helping
anybody. I never close my door and never make appointments. To me, it’s extremely
important that, if somebody comes to the door, to our door, here or anywhere. I have an
open-door policy, sometimes, that conflicts with other people because they don’t operate
that way. They’re strictly old fashioned or old thinking managers where I think it’s a
power trip. Really, I do. Because, if you’re going to make somebody make an
appointment, then it’s going to be on your terms and not on theirs. And then you
minimize their importance. That’s how I see it. And I think that’s not a good thing.
Because it’s hard enough for people to ask for help. Because we’re not help-seeking.
We don’t have help-seeking behaviors developed.
Participant 4 describes herself as a facilitator, someone who respects employees and utilizes their
strengths. She makes sure her presence is felt and is very communicative with her employees:
I believe that I am a facilitator. I really spend a lot of time collecting input from people
within the roles because they have the expertise in their roles I bring together. We talk
things through. Everybody gives input, and we come up with a direction and a plan. I
really value that. I believe that those whom I serve within the scope of my work value
and appreciate that, too, because they are respected. What they do is respected, and then
we all know what direction we’re going in together. So, it really is important to be
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collaborative and a facilitator. And, yeah, I have to make some calls sometimes that not
everybody likes, but, you know, I’m very respectful in describing or explain why, to a
certain degree, and everyone just kind of moves forward. We’ve been able to make a lot
of shifts because of that style, I believe, and then just remain communicative. I try to
have a presence. I always relate it to parenthood. Like, if your children kind of know that
you’re preoccupied other things happen, you know. So, every morning, I kind of walk
through all the areas, say good morning, hi to everybody on a positive note, not in a
threatening way, you know, and then I meet regularly with my unit. So, everybody
knows where everybody’s at. And then we have these special work groups to get certain
things done, and I bring the key people in to get these things done. So, yeah, that’s how I
see it with employees. Maybe we hire employees, there are employees, we hire them for
their strengths, right? But somewhere along the line, things happen. And people may
lose their way. Sometimes, it’s because they’re going through something personally.
Sometimes, it’s because maybe they have been inappropriate with someone else in the
office. Whatever the situation, you know, it’s up to me for the sake of creating a positive
environment and service to our students to help get that employee like back to where they
were. Because we hired them, and they had strengths and abilities. I think, oftentimes,
people forget that. They just kind of want to get rid of people or move them, and I like to
try to, like, build them back up, and maybe even further assist them in their growth. So, I
don’t know if that is like, if I’m communicating without divulging some of the situations.
Yeah, there’s other situations that we have, but we look at our students as the whole
individual. That’s how I see our employees. And, in some of the situations that occur,
you know, cause that level of challenge and frustration, not giving up, I would say,
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because I don’t give up, but it’s incredibly disappointing and hurtful, you know, hurtful
to others. And then, as a leader, what people don’t recognize is that when you collect all
of that, and help to facilitate and manage and mediate something, you actually become
burdened, too. And there’s not any mechanism in place for the leaders to deal with
whatever they were burdened with. Yeah, if you care, it’s going to impact you in some
way. And you have to not be judgmental.
Leadership styles have been gender stereotyped by various studies to differentiate from
male and female characteristics. The women in this study shared experiences that connect to the
research done in the past about women’s leadership characteristics. The participants in this study
shared that they like to work collaboratively with their colleagues.
Survey Results
Psychological Feedback. Bandura (2010) explains psychological feedback as a
symbolic expectation of the future outcome of an event. The General Self-Efficacy Scale
(Schwarzer & Jerusalem, 1995) utilized questions that referred to the women’s psychological
feedback, one of their strategies. Data reflected the women’s high self-efficacy, specifically with
questions related to psychological feedback. For item four, which states, “I am confident that I
could deal efficiently with unexpected events,” the selected answers of “moderately true” and
“exactly true.” This is an example of the rating of one of the questions that test psychological
feedback in terms of participants’ expectation of an outcome. According to the survey results,
they believed they could achieve an outcome, and their outcome expectation was high,
suggesting high self-efficacy.
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RQ1a Data Analysis Summary
Leadership is a strategy used by the women in this study. They shared their first memory
as a leader, their continuous leadership development, and their leadership style. They all have
many similarities in terms of leadership development and style. All shared a communal
leadership style. Caring for others demonstrated to their employees that they saw them as whole
persons and valued their input.
Research Question 1b
The second sub-research question asked, “How do successful Latinas in leadership
positions at community colleges perceive their level of self-efficacy and whether it has
contributed to their leadership development?”
Interviews
“Perceived self-efficacy is concerned with people’s beliefs in their ability to influence
events that affect their lives” (Bandura, 2010, p. 1534). The higher the self-efficacy, the more
likely a person will take on a challenge. Self-efficacy is composed by four sources: performance
experiences, psychological feedback, verbal persuasion, and vicarious experiences (Bandura,
1977). The participants in this study were asked about their self-efficacy during interviews and
through a short survey.
Performance experiences. Previous exposure to similar situations can be a deciding
factor in pursuing an action (Bandura, 2012). The participants in this study know they can get
the job done by working harder. These women did not give up on their careers because they
believed in themselves, and they believed they could get to where they wanted to get. Participant
2 explains that she is used to having to be her own resource:
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I think being a person of color, especially people my age, we always had to prove
ourselves, we always had to work twice as hard and twice as long to be thought of as
good enough. So, you learn to be resourceful. You learn that you have to figure out stuff
because, once again, you have no role models that look like you. And the role models
that I’ve described, I was extremely lucky. But I think, sometimes, you make that luck is
that, if you find someone that can help you, I mean, not that you take advantage of them.
But there are people that want to help. I mean, in in our industry, you’re there because
you want to help people. You’re not there because you’re going to make a lot of money
necessarily. And so, I think that you figure out ways to be resourceful. And, you know,
as an athlete, as an elected official, as a manager, you have to figure out how to get things
done. So, on this scale, yeah, looks like I’m kind of full of myself. But you know what?
That’s how you’ve had to be to be successful to get anywhere.
Participant 3 had the confidence to apply to the job at the community college because she had
management experience in her previous role:
And then I got a job at [county program]. Yeah, then I worked there for about almost 18
years. And then I thought, well, I hit a wall, and I said, I can’t stay here. I have to move.
I got to do something. So, I was a manager. So, it occurred to me that and I had never
attended Southern California community college. I didn’t go to community college. I
went straight to West University. So, then, in 1995, I went to Southern California
community college. I met the two [managers] who actually happened to be retiring
within months together, and they were decimating their staff. So, they only have one
person who is brand new, and they asked me. I said, you know, I’m interested. What do
you think? And they said, oh, we’ll take you in a second. Just put your application, and
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blah, blah, blah. So, they shepherd my application through. I went through an interview
at that time. And so, I got the job. And then I became the director.
Participant 4 applied to the community college after she was told she would be great at that level
because of her experience:
I started doing that. I started, you know, going to the classrooms and teaching students
how to interact with college reps. I called college reps. I brought them out. I invited the
families, had sessions for the families and the parents center about how important it was
and how you interact, you know, with the representatives and, you know, gave them also
sessions on, you know, our 114 community colleges, our UC system, our Cal state
system, our private system. Starting to introduce them to all of that. Anyway, I had this
big event twice, and then the district took it over. I was a little offended at first, but I
realized that it was a real compliment, right, but, in doing that, I met a lot of different
people, including Southern California community college. So, there was a dean who
came to participate. His name is Al, and he encouraged me. He’s like, “You know, you
should be a counselor at community college.” And, you know, while I was here at
Southern California community college. I was in EOPS. I saw the EOPS counselor, but,
even as a student ,I read through the catalog, and I was peer advising my husband and
anyone else I knew. Some people never even went to the counselor. I followed the steps
and got myself through. Anyway, long story short, I eventually came back a couple years
later and said, you know, I think I’d like to try that, and I started applying.
Participant 5 relies on her hard work and motivation to further her professional efforts:
I’ve never been one to say this is my map and this is where I want to be. I’ve been very
blessed that I’ve always been a really hard worker, very dedicated and have been very
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committed to social justice issues, particularly as it relates to our communities, really
dedicated to advancing educational opportunities for our communities. And I dive in,
and I’ve always been one to take on more than I could probably juggle. I bite off more
than I can chew type of person, and so I’m never the one that just. I’m always proactive
in looking for opportunities in terms of making a difference and in my activism. I come
across, I’ve been blessed to come across, opportunities that also allowed me to grow
professionally. So, it wasn’t like, oh, I’m going to work at a community college and
teach for 20 years, or, you know, I’m going to become a faculty member because, in 20
years, I’m going to be a vice president. I haven’t had that type of planning. But I think
that, because of my activism and my passion have lended themselves to then me
acquiring additional skills, whether it’s organizing, whether it’s curriculum development
and it’s working with people. These negotiations developed a lot of skills because of my
activism that have made me competitive for different opportunities.
Psychological feedback. The women in this study gained confidence in themselves
through participation in their past personal and career experiences. Psychological feedback is
symbolic of what people believe their outcome will be (Bandura, 2012). These women may not
have always believed that their outcome would be exactly what they expected, yet they tried.
They believed in themselves and took a chance.
Participant 1 is aware that, due to her gender, she has to make sure she is doing
everything by the books:
It’s hard being a leader, naturally. I always feel like female leaders have more to prove.
So, females leaders tend to have more follow-through. I’ve noticed, in my counterparts,
males tend to have more of a I-need-to-feel-loved complex than a female does. And they
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tend to be a little bit more lenient, a little bit more like, oh, whatever, not willing to
discipline teachers, or just, you know, follow through. I’ve noticed that, between myself
and the other counterparts that are female, that we tend to follow through more and walk
the line more and more strict about the rules and stuff like that because we feel like we
have to do everything by the book. We definitely have to cross the Ts and dot our Is
because we don’t want anything coming back to us.
Participant 2 feels that, because of sports and volunteer efforts, she was able to further her career:
I remember, after a particular game, when our male shortstop got hurt, I ended up playing
shortstop. Had a really good game. And guess who comes to visit me the next morning?
It’s the CEO of the hospital because he heard about my play. So, sometimes, those kinds
of things open doors, and people are more willing, you know. Hey, you’re a tough
person. You kind of bounce back. You can play with the big boys, you know, kind of
work with other people like that. So, that helped me a lot in my career. You get noticed
when you do things outside of sort of just the job. I volunteered for a lot of different
hospital committees.
Participant 3 explains how, in her household, she was never acknowledged as being smart
enough and that made her doubt herself, but she was still able to succeed:
I had done work, and everybody was telling me what great work I was doing, but I didn’t
believe it. And I think that’s really a very common obstacle that Latinas are facing. Not
all of us because we’re not a homogenous group that we all think and feel the same, no.
But there are obstacles that that are two levels. One, there’s the real obstacles that are
faced from the outside and critics and whole bit that think that you can’t do it; you’re not
qualified. And then there are obstacles that you face that you put on yourself because
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you didn’t grow up being told that you were smart and capable. Only my high school
teacher told me that, but not my family or not my parents. I’m the first to graduate in my
family and in the extended family to graduate to get a college degree.
Participant 4 has gained confidence in her decision-making throughout her career
trajectory due to experience and collaboration with others:
I feel very comfortable with the work that I do. Some of it is based on my experience and
knowledge. Some of it is based on relationships I have across campus, and I am not
really afraid. I am not afraid of trying new things, of taking calculated risks. I see that
almost everything is possible. This is an important time, and community colleges with so
many changes. And I recognize that, as a leader, it’s okay for me to tell those that I lead
that we’re not quite sure where we’re going, but we’re going to manage and filter our
way through. My temperament. It’s important in how others respond to change,
especially now, and we’re figuring it all out together, not only on our college, but across
the state. And so, I make sure and recognize that and value and support the experience
that others bring, so that we can collectively do what’s best for our students.
Verbal persuasion. Verbal persuasion can be oral support provided by self or others
(Bandura, 2012). The participants in this study have received verbal persuasion by mentors in
the field. Although the participants did not always have mentors who looked like them, they did
have mentors who encouraged them to further their career. Having any type of mentor or role
model has been proven to be beneficial to women, especially women of color (Conner, 2016;
Essed, 2000; Evans, 2007; Ibarra et al., 2013; Kosoko-Lasaki et al., 2006; Mainah & Perkins,
2015; McNair et al., 2013; Morley, 2013; Tran, 2014; Turner, 2002).
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 113
Participant 1 had a mentor who would advise her on how she handled work-related
situations:
One was an African American principal. She was the one that actually encouraged me to
get my master’s. She took me under her wing, like, she was very transparent about
budget, and she was very transparent. And she gave me a few leadership positions in
school. She made me part of accreditation. She gave me key roles, let me see how I
would act and how I would respond. And then, if I did anything, right or wrong, she
would actually take me into her office and say, like, I really like how you did this. But
here, you could have handled the situation better this way, especially dealing with
personalities.
Participant 3 had mentors who encouraged her to move on to a higher role at a different
location to develop her skills:
And I had mentors there that were female. That was probably the first time I have female
mentors. I think part of that has to do with the lack of male figure when you’re growing
up. So, they pushed me to get out of my comfort zone because I was in a county program
for probably about seven or eight years. And they told me I had to leave. I have to go
run another library because it was it was going to help my career, and I cried when they
said that, and I did. I said, “I don’t want to,” and she said, “You have to go.” And I
remember crying. And, when I got there, I remember it became like, I could do this, you
know, because I had never run a [county program] or never run an organization, or
facility or any of that. So that’s how I grew because they hadn’t gone to the county
program.

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Participant 4:
The principal at that school took the chance on me, and then encouraged me to, at the
time, the kindergarten. No one wanted to teach kindergarten, and I was there, and there
were many things that needed to be addressed. So, he encouraged me to, you know,
figure out, you know, to pull something together. And I guess, I don’t know, he might
have said that to many people, but I took him seriously and got to know my peers, and we
work together. And then I started, you know, going forward and speaking to him and
coming up with proposals and that had accountability and outcomes and bringing that
back. And that was early on.
Participant 5, like Participant 3, has a group of women in the work setting who are a support
group and mentor each other:
Equally important, what I learned is the importance of support among your peers. And
sometimes you may not have a mentor, but you have, you know, small, small group of
support that you can go to. And it kind of plays that role as not necessarily mentor but
you know, I have escape goat or an outlet, if you will, or let me bounce some ideas and
that has been just critical and it’s other women who just are able to, you know,
understand the fabric, understand how difficult things could be and just really support
each other, and I think that’s been very powerful.
Vicarious experiences. Bandura (2012) explains vicarious experiences as a
representation of what others with similar characteristics have achieved, which provide an
individual hope in obtaining similar outcomes. The participants in this study had role models
who provided vicarious experiences. The participants saw what their role models accomplished,
and felt they could also do the same.
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Participant 1 has various mentors, but one of them most supported her in obtaining her
current position as a dean:
I’ve had a couple of mentoring experiences. I was very blessed that I had two principals
before coming to the community college through LAUSD. Both are very strong female
principals. And then I had another mentor, which was the principal before I came here.
And she felt I was ready for leadership roles. So, she actually gave me more of an active
role, like on deciding my budget for my program. And she also mentored me on
interviewing skills. I mean, I know that sounds silly, but how are you going to get a job
if you can’t get past the interviews? So, she actually spent probably three, four hours
with me interviewing me and coming up with questions and coming up with scenarios
that would happen in an admin level and seeing how I would react to those scenarios.
Participant 2 brings up the fact that, when she was younger, there were not many Latina
professionals, especially in her field:
Coming from a Hispanic background, there’s no role models, there’s none. You don’t
see anybody: either people that have careers or have families. You don’t see them both.
So, when I was growing up, I knew I wanted to career and, so I never believed I would
have a family.
One of her mentors helped her realize that she could be a professional and a mother:
I had finished, and her buzzer went off in our office. And she looked over and she
ignored it, and went off again. She ignored it. But the third time, finally, your admin
comes in and says to take this phone call. And she goes, “What is it?” She goes, “Well
it’s Nick.” Well, it was one of her kids, and I remember seeing she had pictures of her
children behind her on her credenza, so I knew she had five kids, which I thought was
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 116
just kind of crazy and amazing that she was this doctor and had five kids like, what does
she do that? But I’m still at this point. I’m so convinced I’m never going to have
children because I wanted a career. Well, she picks up that phone, and it’s the
conversation kind of went, “Yeah, really? Okay. Are you okay? All right. Okay. Call
your dad.” Well, at one point, when she was talking, I started to get up to give her some
privacy, and she kind of waved me down to no, no, it’s okay, Sit. So, I’m hearing this
conversation. Well, I’m thinking, “Oh, my gosh, something happened.” So, she finished
the conversation. She puts the phone down. She can make this big sigh and says, oh, and
I go, “Is everything okay?” And she goes, “Yes, Nick just cracked up the car again.” He
was about 16 or 17, and she was just very calm about it. Okay, well, that’s just the way it
goes, and in that instant I knew I could manage a family and have a career because of her.
Just because of that. If that conversation never would have happened or I hadn’t been
there for that, I don’t know. I don’t know what would have happened. But I still point to
that moment as changing a lot of things for me and talk about her all the time.
Participant 3 participates in a group of Latinas who all trust each other and support each other
through their career and personal lives:
And it all depends on your philosophy. Yeah, but I have a very good support network.
And I believe that, and I’ve done this where I bring not only me, but you know, we’ve all
a group of us have brought the mujeres together in times of crisis and times of just talking
to be supportive of each other because that’s what we need to do. Because, in the circle
of mujeres, which are not only administrators, they’re all over the place, you know,
faculty members, you know, it’s important to show that there is support there and that
we’re true and honest. And that, if something happens to one of us, we know that there.
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You know, if there’s negative impacts, we have to look at and say, well, where’s it
coming from? Why is it happening? You know, where’s the divide? And, so, those
things are really hard in this in this world. So, I think it’s really important to kind of
make sure that people know that they can trust you because loyalty, oh, my gosh, right?
Loyalty is like, I mean, I, I never thought about it too often, but it is really like, if you’re
loyal, and people know it, that’s the glue.
Participant 4 has multiple mentors, but, before joining the community college, her colleague
served as a mentor:
He really, really helped me he picked up on things that I didn’t know existed within my
own person. I was really uptight, you know, and I remember him saying to me, like,
“You made it already, what is it?” You know, like, relax, because I had been on a
mission for so long, and there was no safety net for us. So, I was like, pretty serious
about things. And, you know, when I really stopped to think about it, he was right. I had
gotten, we had gone, over that hump; we’re okay. But, somehow, I still have that level of
intensity. And I hadn’t quite gone through that. He helped me personally when I was
going through this whole interview process. What I didn’t know is, I may have been bold
enough to go and speak to a group of teachers about maybe all the cultural activities that
we’re doing, but then I would get embarrassed and giggle. And I didn’t know that. And
he pointed it out to me. And I started recognizing some of those details through the
interview process here at Southern California College. You know, in my mind, dressing
up was, you know, getting a suit, yes. But, you know, I would go to maybe like a
Forever 21 type. He’s like, “Look, you look lovely, but you really need a suit from
somewhere like Macy’s. There’s coupons or sales. There’s a difference. And people
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 118
perceive you a certain way, if you’re not dressed, you know. So you can’t giggle when
you get nervous. And you need to wear something that looks even more professional.”
He was very kind and gracious about it. But in that personal growth as a working
professional, and this was me in my early 30s, you know. I wouldn’t have known if he
hadn’t pointed those details out. And I didn’t, you know. He did a lovely job at it. And I
trusted him. But I also didn’t take it personally and step back and started seeing the
world in a different way at many levels. There was some growth there that needed to
take place.
The participants in this study discussed their perceived self-efficacy through the four
sources: performance experience, psychological feedback, verbal persuasion, and vicarious
experiences. Role models and previous experiences allowed them to have the confidence in
themselves to persevere throughout their career trajectory.
Survey Data
The survey used for this research was the General Self-Efficacy Scale. The survey has 10
items, and it is used as a measure of self-reported efficacy (Schwarzer & Jerusalem, 1995). The
Cronbach’s alphas are between .76 and .90, demonstrating internal reliability. The Likert scale
response choices were not at all true (1 point), hardly true (2 points), moderately true (3 points),
and exactly true (4 points). The numerical values ranged from 1 to 4. “The total score is
calculated by finding the sum of all items. For the General Self-Efficacy Scale, the total score
ranges between 10-40, with a higher score indicating more self-efficacy” (Schwarzer &
Jerusalem, 1995, p. 1). Table 10 illustrates the results per question by individual participant, as
well as the total per participant (refer to Appendix C for a list of survey questions).
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Table 10
Survey Results
Participant 1 Participant 2 Participant 3 Participant 4 Participant 5
Question 1 3 3 4 3 3
Question 2 4 3 3 3 3
Question 3 3 4 4 3 3
Question 4 3 3 4 4 3
Question 5 3 4 4 3 3
Question 6 4 4 4 3 3
Question 7 3 3 4 3 3
Question 8 4 4 4 4 3
Question 9 4 4 4 3 3
Question 10

3 4 4 3 3
Total (out of 40) 34 36 39 32 30

Performance experiences and psychological feedback. Performance experience and
psychological feedback are two of the four sources in the self-efficacy model (Bandura, 2012).
The questions asked in the General Self-Efficacy Scale primarily contain responses based on
performance experiences and psychological feedback. All five participants earned a score of 30
or higher (Table 10). The highest score possible was 40 points, which none of the participants
received. Participant 5 scored the lowest among the five women, with 30 points. Participant 5 is
the only vice president in the group. The oldest women, participants 2 and 3, self-evaluated the
highest self-efficacy rate. Both women are close to retirement age and mentioned being content
with their career choices, and neither were looking to further their career to vice president.
Participant 4, who has been a dean for a few years and has applied for vice president positions,
but has yet to be selected, ranked herself with 32 points on the scale. Hers was the second lowest
score. Participant 1, the newest administrator, scored third among the women. Nonetheless, all
five participants demonstrated positive self-efficacy.
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Document Review
As previously mentioned, three out of five women submitted documents to review for the
study and an online search was used for a fourth participant (Table 9). The documents collected
and reviewed serve to triangulate data and to evaluate the women’s previous experiences in
detail. This review allowed the researcher to focus on performance experiences, a category
under self-efficacy.
Performance experiences. The women all have long histories of career experiences that
endorsed their high self-efficacy. During the interviews, the participants agreed that their self-
efficacy has contributed to their leadership development. The document review suggests their
leadership development and self-efficacy increased with their performance experiences. This
includes their job titles, number of years of experience, awards received, educational
background, presentations, and committees. Resumes and professional profiles speak for
themselves as a list of qualifications, a list of experience, and a list of contributions. Cover
letters are written by the individual about their personal achievements and qualifications for their
current career expertise. Letters of recommendation are from others who have worked with the
participant and not only speak about their career achievements, as well as their personal
characteristics.
RQ1b Data Analysis Summary
Self-efficacy is believing you can accomplish something. That belief can come from four
sources, in conjunction or separately, performance experience, psychological feedback, verbal
persuasion, and vicarious experiences (Bandura, 2012). The participants in this study have high
self-efficacy. High self-efficacy is necessary to become a successful professional (Hoyt &
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 121
Blascovich, 2007; Montas-Hunter, 2012). The women in this study shared their stories to
explain their high self-efficacy.
Findings Summary
Latinas historically have not occupied leadership positions at the community colleges in
roles such as dean, vice president, or president. On the contrary, women dominate mid-level
manager positions such as directors or below (Donohue-Mendoza, 2012; Mihalčová et al., 2015).
Five Latina participants provided their stories in this study to further research on those who have
reached leadership positions in community colleges. Interview, document review, and a survey
were utilized as data sources. The women were asked a series of predetermined questions based
on a search of literature on the topic of successful Latina’s leadership. This study revealed five
themes that concur with the existing literature: there is a high valuing of education, there is
motivation alongside obstacles, family relationships are a great support, leadership is essential,
and all participants have high self-efficacy. Table 11 provides a summary of themes.

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Table 11
Summary of Themes
Research Question Methodology Themes
Question 1: What are the lived
experiences of Latinas as they
successfully obtain leadership
positions in community colleges?
Interviews &
Document Review
Importance of Education
(educational background &
family education);
Motivation & Obstacles
(drive, work-related &
personal hindrances); Family
Relationships (mothers &
family support systems)
Question 1a: What strategies do
Latinas in leadership positions
utilize to become leaders?
Interviews &
General Self-
Efficacy Scale
Leadership (beginnings,
development, & style); &
Psychological Feedback
Question 1b: How do successful
Latinas in leadership positions at
community colleges perceive their
level of self-efficacy and whether
it has contributed to their
leadership development?

Interviews,
Document Review
& General Self-
Efficacy Scale
Self-Efficacy (performance
experience, psychological
feedback, verbal persuasion,
& vicarious experiences)

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CHAPTER FIVE: ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS
This study focused on the underrepresentation of Latinas in leadership positions in
community colleges. According to the California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office
(2018), Latinas compose only 10% of administrators. The purpose of this study was to
investigate the trajectories of Latinas who have succeeded in obtaining leadership positions in
community colleges by focusing on their lived experiences. Five Latinas participated in the
study. All five women are current administrators in Southern California community colleges.
Four women are in community colleges located in Los Angeles County and one woman’s college
is in Orange County. Four of the women are deans, and one is a vice president. The five women
started at the community colleges as adjunct faculty and worked their way up to become
administrators without a clear path or goal to be part of leadership. The sources of data were
interviews, document review, and a short survey. The three methods were utilized for the data
analysis and were coded with themes to align with the research questions.
Discussion of Findings
Latinas are culturally perceived as being voiceless and powerless in their patriarchal
background (Alicea, 2001). Latinas who advance professionally are seen negatively in their
communities due to culturally expected obligations in the home (Alicea, 2001). Four
participants came from families wherein their fathers were the primary provider. The
participants found ways to handle their cultural expectations of furthering their education and
career. The participants discussed the struggle they had with becoming leaders due to cultural
norms and expectations. Throughout their lives, the participants furthered their leadership
development to form a style of their own.
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The participants shared their leadership styles and confirmed what previous research
found. The women in this study fit the description of the female leader gender stereotype
because they were all very communal and transactional. They believed in teamwork and
building relationships. The participants continuously struggle and develop their leadership style
because others do not agree with it. Three of the women were aware that their leadership style
needed some changes. The literature focused on the difference between women and men in
terms of leadership characteristics and styles. The research demonstrated that women are more
communal and transactional leaders (Brescoll, 2016; Eagly & Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001; Ibarra
et al., 2013; Kawakami et al., 2000; Nguyen, 2013; Vanderbroeck, 2010; Vinkenburg et al.,
2011). Women tend to create relationships with their employees and colleagues, show care, and
are more nurturing than their male counterparts. According to the literature, women are not
respected because of a double bind they face when it relates to leadership (Brescoll, 2016; Eagly
& Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001; Ibarra et al., 2013; Kawakami et al., 2000; Nguyen, 2013;
Vanderbroeck, 2010; Vinkenburg et al., 2011).
All five participants had high self-efficacy. Bandura (2010) states that those with
perceived high self-efficacy are more likely to believe in their ability to execute a successful
outcome. The participants discussed experiences from all four sources of the self-efficacy
framework. They had over a decade of experience before they became administrators. They
also shared some of their psychological feedback and motivation for continuing their careers
even when it became difficult. They had verbal persuasion from themselves and from others
who believed in their capabilities as leaders. Role models and mentors helped along the way
through vicarious experiences and verbal advice. Hoyt and Blascovich (2007) state that women
with high self-efficacy respond to stressors by confronting them instead of conforming. Montas-
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 125
Hunter (2012) found that previous experiences may result in high self-efficacy. Although all
five women portrayed high self-efficacy, they also seemed to have some uncertainty in their
capabilities.
The literature states that mentors are essential for career development (Conner, 2016;
Coward, 2010; Essed, 2000; Evans, 2007; Ibarra et al., 2013; Kosoko-Lasaki et al., 2006;
Mainah & Perkins, 2015; McNair et al., 2013; Morley, 2013; Tran, 2014; Turner, 2002). The
participants shared the influence mentors and role models had on them from balancing work and
family, to dealing with difficult situations, to helping them prepare for interviews. Mentors had a
positive effect on these women, as the literature has proved for others as well. Although the
women confirmed having mentors throughout their career trajectory, mentors were not always
been consistent. While their mentors seemed reliable, they were not always present. It seemed
as if they were only mentors for a short period. Most participants stated that their mentors did
not physically look like them. In other words, they were not always Latinas. Nonetheless were
still very resourceful.
Implications and Recommendations for Practice
After the completion of this study, the researcher found that perceived self-efficacy is
essential to a woman in leadership. The participants proved that believing in their capacities,
learning from past experiences, having role models, and obtaining family support are essential to
combat external and internal obstacles they face. Although they did mention hurdles, they also
discussed how they got past them. These women were very caring and demonstrated that their
values and beliefs could surpass obstacle. This research was completed hopes that this study will
add to the understanding of women of color who are in leadership positions as well as serve as a
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 126
tool for Latinas who are pondering advancing in their careers as community college leaders and
cannot see past the obstacles most women in leadership positions face.
Higher education is required to pursue an administrative leadership role at the community
colleges, but it seems that the colleges are not doing much to promote the advancement of
education to their employees. Currently, community colleges are not meeting the family
demands that female leaders have in order to have a balanced work-life. Mentorship also seems
to be a missing piece to the career advancement of Latinas in the workplace. Along with a
mentorship structure, leadership and professional development are not established at the
community colleges. There are multiple strategies community colleges could implement in their
structures to improve their work environment to increase their Latina workforce. From the
women in this study and the literature, it is evident that education, work-life balance, mentorship,
leadership and professional development are essential to Latinas’ career advancement and based
on the implications, colleges should change their system.
Community colleges could promote advanced degree attainment among employees.
Support from colleges could derive in the form of a scholarship or flexible scheduling. Latinas
value education, and, if they are supported by their employers to further their higher education,
they will. Research has demonstrated that women value education and are aware it is essential
for career advancement (Lepkowski, 2009; Nguyen, 2013; Pew Hispanic Center, 2009).
Monetary funds could encourage Latinas to pursue a doctoral degree, which will increase their
career opportunities. If scholarships were unavailable due to budget restrictions, flexible
scheduling time could be an alternative. Allowing women to work on their assignments during a
scheduled work time or leave early for school related functions would encourage them to persist
with their education. Some participants wanted to further their education but had to sacrifice
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 127
their educational advancement due to additional responsibilities and time constraints. Creating
institutional policies and promoting them would be beneficial to all employees.
Work-life balance has been a continuous issue among women (Dominici et al., 2009;
Evans, 2007; Lepkowski, 2009; Marshall, 2009; Mihalčová et al., 2015; Morley, 2013; Nguyen,
2013). The women in this study mentioned having to slow down their career advancement due
to family obligations. Education and career were second to their home obligations. It would be
in the colleges’ best interest to adopt family friendly policies if they would like to promote more
women into leadership positions. Maternity, family, and sick leave are not enough for women to
feel they are able to care for their loved ones or themselves outside of work. Participants
mentioned not wanting to take a leadership role or additional roles that would help them advance
in their careers due to the time it would take away from their young children. Flexible work
hours that meet parents’ needs could change the women’s standpoint. Providing childcare
services with long hours for employees to utilize could help women feel supported in their child
care needs.
Mentors have proven to be favorable to the career advancement of women (Conner,
2016; Coward, 2010; Essed, 2000; Evans, 2007; Ibarra et al., 2013; Kosoko-Lasaki et al., 2006;
Mainah & Perkins, 2015; McNair et al., 2013; Morley, 2013; Tran, 2014; Turner, 2002). The
women in this study also mentioned that their mentors and role models guided them through
personal and career choices. Colleges should partner with Latina associations, if there are not
enough women on their campuses, to formalize a mentorship program to provide support from
women who have similar physical and cultural characteristics. Another alternative could be to
create support groups among Latinas who work in the same college. Although it is not a
mentoring group, they could exchange ideas and provide guidance as well as professional and
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 128
emotional support to each other. Latina leaders have proved to have high self-efficacy. High
self-efficacy offers confidence in being able to manage the responsibilities of an administrator in
community college. Self-efficacy development should also be provided through mentorship,
large group discussions, self-discovery and self-reflection spaces.
Participants struggled with professional leadership development. The literature also
provides many examples of women struggling to be perceived as leaders in the workplace
(Brescoll, 2016; Eagly & Johannesen‐Schmidt, 2001; Ibarra et al., 2013; Kawakami et al., 2000;
Nguyen, 2013; Vanderbroeck, 2010; Vinkenburg et al., 2011). Colleges should provide
professional development tailored specifically to Latinas’ needs to improve work-life balance,
strategies or skills to use in the workplace, emotional intelligence, communication skills, and
leadership seminars. It is also critical to expose Latinas to leadership projects for them to gain
experience and knowledge and make informed decisions regarding their capacity and level of
leadership. Making women a part of everyday professional decision-making and leadership
development should be the college’s priority.
Colleges should have better recruitment strategies for women of color. They should
value diversity by providing equal opportunities to women. The colleges should provide clear
pathways for women’s career advancement. There should be structure for feedback on
professional performance for the women learn of their strengths and weaknesses. Colleges
should also promote self-care for Latinas, especially after learning about obstacles in their
professional lives.
Recommendations for Future Studies
This study outlined the stories and career trajectories of five Latinas in leadership
positions in community colleges from Southern California. Due to the study’s limitations, there
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are recommendations for future research. As most studies conducted on women of color in
higher education administration positions are qualitative. Therefore, a quantitative study
regarding career advancement strategies and obstacles would be add to the current literature.
Future qualitative research might examine differences in career trajectories based on
family educational background. The women in this study were all married and had mixed marital
statuses. A study that identifies the strategies and unique obstacles faced by single mothers or
married women without children utilize would be of benefit. Interviewing colleagues and family
members could be an addition, not only for validity and reliability, but also to add to the
women’s stories. External members may have additional information to share about the women
that they may not realize about themselves.
Also, interviewing participants from various Latin backgrounds can add to the research.
It would be interesting to investigate if nationality plays a role in career decision-making.
Similarly, a study that compares women with varying ethnicities in same positions at a
community college would allow for understanding of the diverse or related issues Latinas face.
In addition, a study comparing across generational status Latina administrators would be
valuable to both groups as the similarities and differences would be helpful to understand.
Longitudinal studies would yield important data on the formation and maturity of
strategies and leadership styles. Since midlevel positions are filled mostly by females, a
longitudinal study on Latinas who hold midlevel positions with aspirations to become
administrators in community colleges would expose their uncertainties and confidence in
deciding to further their career advancement.
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Conclusion
The purpose of this research was to add to the literature regarding Latinas in higher
education leadership positions and to share their successful experiences for other aspiring women
leaders to learn about their accomplishments. The five women who participated in this study
shared their personal and professional stories, which indicated that professional career
advancement is possible. Although Latinas who want to advance in the workplace deal with
constant barriers that deter them from doing so, participants in this study demonstrated that
Latinas can succeed in the workplace.

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LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 141
APPENDIX A
Email Invitation to Participate in Study
Hello XX,
My name is Edith Hernandez-Cabrera and I am a doctoral student from the University of
Southern California. I am currently working on my dissertation, which will study Latinas in
leadership positions at community colleges in California. This email serves as an invitation to
participate in my study. The commitment would be an hour-long interview (in person, on the
phone or by video chat), review of professional documents, and a 5 to 10 minute survey. If you
believe you meet the selection criteria and are interested in participating, please let me know and
we can set a time to speak about the details.
Please let me know if you have any questions.
Thank you,
Edith Hernandez-Cabrera

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 142
APPENDIX B
Interview Protocol
I. Introduction
Hello _________. Once again, my name is Edith Hernandez-Cabrera. I am a doctoral
student at USC focusing my research on women’s’ leadership in higher education. I
wanted to thank you for allowing me to take some of your time for dissertation study.
The interview should take about an hour, is this fine with you?

Before we begin with the interview, I want to make sure you are clear about my research
project. I also want to be able to answer any doubts, concerns or questions you may have
for me.

My research focus is on the experiences of Latinas working in leadership positions in
higher education institutions. I will be interviewing a couple of other women with a
similar leadership position as you. The interview is confidential, which means your name
will not be used or any information that may identify you, including the institution’s
name. Although I do plan on quoting you, I will try my best to make sure the information
cannot be traced back to you. Also, I would be more than happy to provide you with a
copy of my dissertation once it is complete, if you would like one.

Also, I wanted to make sure it was okay with you to record our conversation? This
recording will only be used by me for research purposes. I want to make sure I capture
everything you say correctly, as I may miss something important if I only take notes. Do I
have your permission to record?

Great, let’s begin.
II. Setting the Stage
I would like to begin by asking some questions about your career, family and cultural
background.
• Age, ethnic background, gender, sexual orientation?
• What country are your family members from?
• Where were you born? And raised?
• What is your educational background?
• What is you parent’s educational background?
• What is your current job role?

III. Heart of the Interview
Now, I would like to ask you about specific experiences as a woman of color with a leadership
position in higher education.
1. Tell me about your career trajectory.
LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 143
a. Can you provide me with strategies you have utilized to achieve your career
trajectory?
b. What are your career goals?
2. When did you transcend as a leader?
a. When did you realize that you were a leader?
3. Can you tell me about any mentoring experiences you have had?
a. How has this impacted your career?
b. Can you provide a specific example?
c. Do you currently mentor another female? Yes or no
4. Tell me about your leadership style as a manager/director.
a. What is your leadership style?
b. What are your strengths as a manager?
c. What are your weaknesses as a manager?
5. Some people say women sacrifice more than men do when they have a career. What are
your thoughts on that?
a. Can you elaborate?
b. For example, your family/friends/relationships.
6. Tell me about your mother’s role in your education and career.
a. How as your relationship with your mother?
7. How would you describe your outcomes on the self-efficacy scale?
a. Do you believe self-efficacy is required to succeed in this career as a woman of
color?
8. Can you tell me about any obstacles or times you ever felt like giving up, and how you
got through that?
IV. Closing Question
Is there anything else you would like to add that I might have missed?

V. Closing
I would like to thank you so much for sharing your experiences with me today. I am very
grateful and appreciative of your time and willingness to share. Everything you said was very
helpful to the study. If, after listening to the recording, I have any follow-up questions, would it
be okay to email you? Again, thank you for your help and time.

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 144
APPENDIX C
General Self-Efficacy Scale
Retrieved from: https://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/26768/1/General_Self-
Efficacy_Scale%20(GSE).pdf

General Self-Efficacy Scale (GSE)

About: This scale is a self-report measure of self-efficacy.

Items: 10

Reliability:
Internal reliability for GSE = Cronbach’s alphas between .76 and .90

Validity:
The General Self-Efficacy Scale is correlated to emotion, optimism, work
satisfaction. Negative coefficients were found for depression, stress, health
complaints, burnout, and anxiety.

Scoring:
Not at all
true
Hardly true Moderately
true
Exactly true
All questions 1 2 3 4

The total score is calculated by finding the sum of the all items. For the
GSE, the total score ranges between 10 and 40, with a higher score
indicating more self-efficacy.

References:
Schwarzer, R., & Jerusalem, M. (1995). Generalized Self-Efficacy scale. In
J. Weinman, S. Wright, & M. Johnston, Measures in health
psychology: A user’s portfolio. Causal and control beliefs (pp. 35-37).
Windsor, UK: NFER-NELSON.

LATINA LEADERS IN COMMUNITY COLLEGES 145

General Self-Efficacy Scale (GSE)

Not at
all true
Hardly
true
Moderately
true
Exactly
true
1. I can always manage to solve
difficult problems if I try hard
enough
□ □ □ □
2. If someone opposes me, I can
find the means and ways to get
what I want.
□ □ □ □
3. It is easy for me to stick to my
aims and accomplish my goals.
□ □ □ □
4. I am confident that I could deal
efficiently with unexpected events.
□ □ □ □
5. Thanks to my resourcefulness, I
know how to handle unforeseen
situations.
□ □ □ □
6. I can solve most problems if I
invest the necessary effort.
□ □ □ □
7. I can remain calm when facing
difficulties because I can rely on
my coping abilities.
□ □ □ □
8. When I am confronted with a
problem, I can usually find several
solutions.
□ □ □ □
9. If I am in trouble, I can usually
think of a solution
□ □ □ □
10. I can usually handle whatever
comes my way.
□ □ □ □

Asset Metadata

Creator Hernandez-Cabrera, Edith (author)

Core Title Latina leaders in community college

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 06/17/2019

Defense Date 05/06/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag administrators,community college,deans,education,Hispanic,Latina,leaders,oai:digitallibrary.usc.edu:usctheses,OAI-PMH Harvest,Women

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Advisor Hasan, Angela Marie (committee chair), Pensavalle, Margo Taylor (committee chair), Mora-Flores, Eugenia (committee member)

Creator Email edith.cab23@gmail.com,edithcab@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-175783

Unique identifier UC11660189

Identifier etd-HernandezC-7487.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-175783 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-HernandezC-7487.pdf

Dmrecord 175783

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Hernandez-Cabrera, Edith

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Latina’s are underrepresented in leadership positions in higher education. This research focused on the trajectory of Latina administrators in community colleges. The purpose of the study was to learn about the women’s journeys to becoming successful leaders against all odds. The three-part research question focused on how these women obtained their positions, the strategies they utilized, and whether their perceived self-efficacy level assisted in their success. Participants were four deans and one vice president employed at a Southern California community college. Interviews, document review, and a self-efficacy scale were utilized as the primary methodology. The women shared their strategies to overcome obstacles throughout their journey. The interviews were recorded and transcribed. Data were analyzed using Atlas.ti software. Education, personal motivation, obstacles, family support, leadership development, mentors, and high self-efficacy were themes found in their stories.