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African American female superintendents in California: an exploration of barriers and supports
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Content
African American Female Superintendents in California: An Exploration of Barriers and
Supports
by
Ikoko Mikle
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2021
© Copyright by Ikoko Mikle 2021
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Ikoko Mikle certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Patricia Brent-Sanco
Rudy Castruita, Co-Chair
David Cash, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021
iv
Abstract
The superintendent is the highest-ranking leader in a school district. Yet, despite rising trends of
women advancing in fields such as business and government, in California, the superintendency
is still held by relatively few women and even fewer African American women (Sampson &
Davenport, 2010). The purpose of this mixed-methods study was to ascertain the challenges
African American women face in pursuit of this role. Also, this study sought to identify the
strategies these women used to navigate the role’s challenges to succeed in the position. Eight
participants were surveyed and five were interviewed. Findings indicated participants
encountered discrimination in their pursuit of the position. These difficulties arise due to limited
knowledge and exposure to individuals and agencies that control access to executive leadership
positions in education.
v
Dedication
To my father, who instilled in me determination to persevere through challenges, taught me to
have pride and appreciation for my heritage, and imparted the understanding that what I
accomplish is because of those who came before me and leaves a legacy for those who come
after, I dedicate this dissertation to you.
vi
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee: Dr. David Cash
(dissertation chair), Dr. Rudy Castruita, and Dr. Patricia Brent-Sanco for the sage advice,
perpetual learning opportunities, never-ending mentoring, and guidance throughout this process.
I am grateful for the support and encouragement I received from my mentor Dr. Jennifer Kang-
Moon, a proud Trojan who encouraged me to pursue my doctorate degree from USC.
A special thanks to my family and friends, who believed in me and encouraged me to
pursue this endeavor. Thank you to my son and daughter for the motivation I thank my mother,
Luann Alexander for being a model of strength and perseverance. Thank you Shakara, for the
assistance you provided through this process, you have been a valuable asset and the best sister-
friend.
I would like to thank my USC colleagues for their invaluable encouragement and
motivation as we worked together and held each other accountable to complete the dissertation
process. Lastly, I would like to thank the female superintendents who participated in this study.
Each and every one of these incredible women continue to lead change while overcoming
barriers to enhance learning opportunities for children.
vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 2
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 3
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 4
Limitations and Delimitations of the Study ........................................................................ 5
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 5
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................... 6
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .......................................................................................... 8
Benefits of American-American Women in Leadership .................................................... 8
Pressures African American Female Superintendents Face ............................................... 9
Factors Contributing to African American Women Superintendents’ Success ................ 10
Challenges Faced by Black Women Superintendents ...................................................... 10
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 15
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 16
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 17
Purpose of Study ............................................................................................................... 17
viii
Selection of the Population ............................................................................................... 18
Design Summary ............................................................................................................... 20
Instrumentation and Protocols .......................................................................................... 21
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 22
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 23
Validity and Reliability ..................................................................................................... 24
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 25
Chapter Four: Results ................................................................................................................... 26
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 27
Purpose of the Study ......................................................................................................... 31
Coding of Data .................................................................................................................. 32
Findings............................................................................................................................. 32
Ancillary Findings: Recommendations for Aspiring Superintendents ............................. 46
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 48
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 49
Findings............................................................................................................................. 50
Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 53
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 53
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 54
Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 55
References ..................................................................................................................................... 56
Appendix A: Survey ..................................................................................................................... 63
Appendix B: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................... 73
ix
Appendix C: Informed Consent .................................................................................................... 75
Appendix D: Recruitment Email .................................................................................................. 76
Appendix E: Follow-Up Email ..................................................................................................... 77
x
List of Tables
Table 1: Survey and Interview Selection Criteria 19
Table 2: Survey Participants’ Current Ages 27
Table 3: Age at the Time When They First Become Superintendency 28
Table 4: Marital Status of Survey Participant 28
Table 5: Number of Children 29
Table 6: Survey Participants’ Background 29
Table 7: Formal Educational Attainment Level 30
Table 8: Interviewees’ Demographics 31
Table 9: Challenges to the Superintendency 33
xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Data Triangulation 24
1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
The highest-ranking leader in a school district is the superintendent, and despite rising
trends of women advancing in arenas like business and government, relatively few women hold
superintendent positions (Sampson & Davenport, 2010). Even fewer are African American
women in the role (Sampson & Davenport, 2010). The position has undergone much change over
the last decade, which has implications for both men and women in the position (Wallin &
Crippen, 2007). The prominence of women in the U.S. educational workforce might be taken to
indicate women hold a large share of leadership positions. Although nearly 75% of public-school
teachers are women, their numbers in the superintendency are significantly lower (Kena, 2015).
African American women are further underrepresented in this executive leadership position in
California. Women constitute over two-thirds of African American teachers in the state, yet only
a quarter of African American superintendents (Freedberg, 2016).
In 1909 Ella Flagg Young, the first female superintendent of Chicago Public Schools,
asserted that more women than men would be the chief leaders of the majority of twentieth
century school systems. Young’s forecast derived from an idea shared by other prominent
leaders of her era based on the fact that teaching was a woman’s natural inclination as it was
connected to women’s natural capacity to serve as caretakers and nurturers (Blount, 1999;
Olesniewicz, 2012). In the present millennium, that prediction has not been realized. Almost 100
years after Young’s prediction, less than five percent of public-school superintendents are
women (Digest of Educational Statistics, 2004). Despite the fact that teachers are primarily
women, educational administration continues to be dominated by males (Glazer, 1991), making
this disparity one of education’s most challenging issues (Noel-Batiste, 2009). Additionally,
increases in women’s educational attainment and experience in the workforce provide many the
2
background and skills necessary to become leaders and assume roles once held in reserve for
men.
Background of the Problem
Much research examines the barriers to administrative education positions for women of
color. Previous research identified barriers like gender bias, recruiting and hiring practices that
favor males, the glass ceiling, limited networking, poorly positioned career pathways, lack of
role models, and women choosing to enter administration later in their careers (Sampson &
Davenport, 2010). However, limited research is available on successful strategies African
American women use once they attain the superintendency (Alston, 2005). The typical
background for a superintendent is that of a White male whose career is more likely to follow a
normative path (Glass, 1992).
To better understand how African American women break through the glass ceiling to
become superintendents in California, this study used critical race theory (CRT) and feminist
theory to assess barriers that women and racial/ethnic minorities face when seeking
administrative roles that lead to the superintendency. By examining African American women
superintendents’ journeys, this study sought insight into the superintendent selection process to
encourage equitable hiring practices.
Statement of the Problem
African American women are underrepresented in the role of superintendent in
California. Ascension to education’s chief leadership position is laden with challenges. One
challenge African American females face is having to prove themselves capable while grappling
with negative assumptions (Johnson, 2012). Superintendents play a critical role in transforming
the educational system and improving student achievement. The knowledge, skills, and qualities
3
they must possess to lead a school district successfully are critical. More often, men attain and
retain the most desirable and influential positions in the educational system (Tallerico & Burstyn,
1996). Consequently, African American women superintendents face oppression based on two
characteristics that can affect their career development: race and gender (Alston, 2005). Race and
gender can determine a superintendent’s appointment (Martinez, 2015). This study examined the
causes of inequities in the selection of women superintendents in California and how they can
successfully lean into this position.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to identify the challenges African American women
encountered during their career progression to the superintendency. This study sought to identify
the challenges women face once they obtain the position and the strategies they used to help
them navigate these challenges to succeed in the position. The aim of this study was to identify
support systems and strategies that enabled participants to excel in their position and to offer
insight into their formal and informal networks. This study explored participants’ career
pathways and formal educational attainment levels to tackle the barriers to African American
women becoming superintendents in California. Participants’ formal educational and
demographic data were gathered using surveys. Interviews were conducted to gain insight into
both female and male superintendents’ formal and informal networking experiences as they
develop their understanding of school districts’ organizational culture. This valuable information
can better prepare women as they aspire to leadership positions. The following research
questions guided this study:
1. What are the barriers to becoming a school district superintendent in California that
African American female superintendents identify?
4
2. What formal social networks are important for African American women who seek
superintendent positions?
3. What career pathways did African American women use to ascend into the
superintendency?
4. What role do mentorship programs have in African American women becoming
superintendents?
These research questions framed this study to understand why the gender and racial gap
continues to exist and to gain knowledge regarding the strategies African American women
developed and employed to become successful superintendents.
Significance of the Study
This study is meaningful, as it contributes to the literature on female superintendents,
particularly to African American superintendents’ career experiences. Beyond the pressures to
conform to professional standards and dominant cultural values found in organizations, African
American professional women must also manage expectations, values, and roles in relation to the
Black community, which has its own norms regarding women’s status (Bell, 1990). On the
community level, they are expected to be representational spokespersons. At the personal level,
Black women need to build supportive and caring relationships with their families and
significant others. In some instances, they cannot gain support without encountering additional
pressures to conform in yet other ways (Bell, 1990). It is important to understand the concept of
double-consciousness to comprehend the bicultural experience of Black women in its entirety. It
is particularly important to examine how African American women in the superintendency
navigate the interwoven barriers at the crossroads of race and gender.
5
Limitations and Delimitations of the Study
This study was limited to African American women currently serving as superintendents
of public-school districts in California. This study was delimited to five interviews with
participants residing in four counties. The researcher’s focus and interest rest in the challenges
participants faced in a male-dominated field. Due to the financial implications associated with
travel, the study specifically focused on respondents in Southern California.
Definition of Terms
Bicultural: In the case of bicultural identity, an individual may struggle to assimilate into
both cultures or find a balance between both. An individual may face difficulties assimilating
into the whole, collective culture.
Code-switching: involves embracing the dominant culture or vernacular among certain
groups (like co-workers, for example) and switching to a more authentic self when around
friends and family (Bell, 1990).
Critical Race Theory: is a framework that encompasses the following five principles:
counter-storytelling; the permanence of racism; Whiteness as property; interest conversion; and
the evaluation of liberalism (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Ladson-Billings, 1998).
C-Suite: Per Bloomenthal (2018),
C-Suite, or C-Level, is a widely-used vernacular describing a cluster of a corporation’s
most important senior executives. C-Suite gets its name from the titles of top senior
executives, which tend to start with the letter C, for chief, as in chief executive officer
(CEO), chief financial officer (CFO), chief operating officer (COO), and chief
information officer (CIO). (para. 1).
6
Double-consciousness: A term coined by W.E.B. DuBois in 1903 to describe both the
external world and the internal, intrapsychic dynamics resulting from living in a society where
African American people are denied full access to opportunities (Bell, 1990). For African
American women in educational leadership, this means being conscious of two cultural contexts
each of which is shaped by immensely distinctive socio-historical conditions which include
racism and sexism (Bell, 1990).
Feminist theory: Feminist theory is a theoretical perspective that observes gender in its
relation to power, which includes sexual orientation, race, economic status, and nationality.
Feminist theory draws attention to social dilemmas, trends, and issues that are otherwise
overlooked or misidentified by the historically dominant male perspective (Crossman, 2020).
Glass ceiling: Per the Glass Ceiling Commission (1995),
The “glass ceiling” is a concept that betrays America’s most cherished principles. It is the
unseen, yet unbreachable barrier that keeps minorities and women from rising to the
upper rungs of the corporate ladder, regardless of their qualifications or achievements. (p.
4)
Organization of the Study
This study is divided into five chapters. Chapter One of this study provides a brief history
of the obstacles and barriers women have endured in their quest and tenure as superintendents. In
addition, Chapter One identifies the purpose and significance of this study and presents four
research questions that this study intended to answer through interviews and surveys. Chapter
Two focuses on the literature concerning the challenges African American superintendents face
and the theories utilized to inform this study: feminist theory and CRT. Chapter Three details the
methodology selected for this research study and includes sample and population selection,
7
interview questions, data collection, and data analysis. Chapter Four is a report of the research
findings, including survey results, interviewees’ demographics, data on the challenges faced both
when ascending to the superintendency and once in the position, and the strategies the
participants utilized. Chapter Five is composed of a summary of findings, implications for
practice, conclusions, and recommendations. The back matter contains the references and
appendices.
8
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The glass ceiling refers to the invisible barrier to achievement that women face at the top
levels of the workplace. The United States Federal Glass Ceiling Commission (1995) defines the
glass ceiling as the unseen yet unbreakable barrier that keeps minorities and women from
ascending to the upper levels of “the corporate ladder, regardless of their qualifications or
achievements” (p. 4). Research finds the glass ceiling remains intractable, even more so for
African American women. A review of the research will explore the benefits of employing
African American women in leadership positions in education, the pressure these women face in
the superintendency, factors contributing to their success, and barriers they face in pursuit of
executive leadership positions through the lens of CRT, feminist theory, and Black Feminist
Thought as frameworks for analysis.
Benefits of American-American Women in Leadership
The literature review details the struggles, barriers, and challenges African American
women face as they aspire to top leadership positions. The low number of African American
women school superintendents in California and nationwide is cause for concern (Tillman &
Cochran, 2000). Nevertheless, some research details why these women are strongly suited for the
position. According to Tillman and Cochran (2000), Black women may be especially sensitive to
the low expectations many educators hold of poor and minority students. These low expectations
typically lead to an emphasis on lower-order thinking skills in curricular and instructional
practices, resulting in low academic and behavioral achievement. Often, Black women
superintendents have overcome these obstacles in their own educational experiences, which
enhances their credibility with students and inspires others to strive for similar success.
9
Pressures African American Female Superintendents Face
African American women face unique pressures and challenges in their pursuit of the
superintendency and once they are in the role. One is the pressure to maintain a satisfactory
integration of Black consciousness and professionalism as they carry out their administrative
responsibilities in urban settings. Although African American superintendents do not solely
concentrate on racial issues to the exclusion of other critical concerns, in various urban contexts
where desegregation policies have been or are implemented, racial tensions may be high, and
concerns of equity may need to be addressed (Tillman & Cochran, 2000; Wallin & Crippen,
2007). As a result, African American superintendents are in a distinctive position to foster racial
reconciliation in their school systems.
Furthermore, African American female superintendents are often asked to demonstrate
their worth due to both their ethnicity and gender. In interviews of both current and former
superintendents, participants reported that grappling with negative assumptions and having to
prove they were capable made an already difficult job even more so (Gewertz, 2006). Thus,
many women experience pressure to outperform normal expectations of the position to validate
or prove their appointment (Holder et al., 2015; Tillman & Cochran, 2000).
According to Tillman and Cochran (2000), African American female superintendents
experience a paradox related to school reform. Women and minorities are often appointed to
impart an uncommon perspective. However, this perspective is frequently not allowed to become
a fundamental part of the referent group’s norms, values, and beliefs. Individuals asked to lead
transformation are often encouraged to maintain the status quo (Cline & Necochea, 1997). If they
fail to conform, they risk losing the support of influential mentors and sponsors. If they do
10
conform, they become part of the oppressive institutional practices that result in inequitable
educational opportunities for the students they serve (Tillman & Cochran, 2000).
Factors Contributing to African American Women Superintendents’ Success
According to the research, African American female superintendents note several factors
that contribute to their success (Revere, 1987). Notably, they believe they have the skills and
expertise to effectively perform their duties, including tolerance for risk-taking, good
organizational skills, high energy, and an understanding of all aspects of district administration
(Tillman & Cochran, 2000). According to Revere (1987), the African American women she
studied exhibited high self-esteem and were confident in their abilities to successfully lead their
school districts. These women were diligent, hard-working, and resourceful individuals who
persistently worked toward their goals. Revere (1987) also noted the women possessed vigor and
might to persevere amid the stresses and pressures of the superintendency. They also
demonstrated efficiency in using their authority and effectively enhancing their power base.
Lastly, the attribute that contributed most to their success was their belief that they were worthy
of being entrusted with the power to create positive change in their students’ education, and by
extension, in their communities (Tillman & Cochran, 2000).
Challenges Faced by Black Women Superintendents
Women face gender related challenges in the workplace despite their racial identity
(Barrett, 2020). African American women face vastly different challenges. They are not
stereotypically seen as communal but rather as aggressive. Therefore, their objective is to avoid
being viewed as angry, assertive or unlikable without being seen as so docile and submissive as
to be lacking in strength and independence (Kramer, 2020). The distinctive scarcity of African
American women in high powered roles has absolutely nothing to do with a lack of desire, drive
11
or talent. It is the result of a system that continues to uplift and reward white people (Barrett,
2020). Since African American women are under pressure to conform to white workplace norms,
even highly successful African American women find it difficult “to be themselves” at work.
Consequently, African American women pursuing executive leadership careers in education are
continually balancing between assimilating to the established norms of the dominant culture and
authentically maintaining aspects of their own culture (Kramer, 2020).
Racial Microaggression
Racism has been cited as a critical factor in explaining the underrepresentation of Black
women in management in corporate America (Holder et al., 2015). Contemporary or aversive
racism is considerably distinctive from the blatant acts of hostility of the past. Contemporary
racism is prone to be expressed as covert, indirect, and more ambiguous, consequently creating
challenges in identifying and acknowledging its occurrence while still impacting and oppressing
individuals (Holder et al., 2015).
African American women in leadership developed various coping strategies to overcome
the damaging effects of racism. One coping mechanism is sanity checks used to minimize
microaggressions’ psychic impact (Holder et al., 2015). Essentially, African American women
seek out other African Americans to validate the realness of racial microaggressions and to check
perceptions of racist occurrences. This strategy strengthens factors that protect against racism
and facilitate strong resilience and self-esteem while promoting healing (Holder et al., 2015).
Armoring is another coping tool. It is an adaptive process in learning how to deal with critical
racial oppression. For example, armoring helps Black women develop and maintain a sense of
worth and dignity, leading to self-empowerment (Holder et al., 2015). Self-empowerment
12
involves rejecting and challenging inherent messages and implications of stereotypes (Holder et
al., 2015).
Stereotypes of Black Women
Perceived stereotypes of African American women have an adverse impact on careers
and relationships with colleagues. Such viewpoints can give rise to a sense of invisibility and
limit access to vital workplace networks (Holder et al., 2015). Due to racial stereotyping, some
African American women are perceived as intellectually inferior, which can weaken their
credibility (Holder et al., 2015). Another negative stereotype includes the “Mammy” or the idea
that African American women are self-sacrificing and supportive. Additionally, these women are
viewed as super-women or crazy with an attitude problem, and such opinions create barriers
(Holder et al., 2015). Although they may be viewed as competent, they are also stereotyped as
hostile and aggressive.
Barriers to the Superintendency
Women, in general, encounter gender bias and the glass ceiling. Women view the glass
ceiling as an authentic and exterior barrier while men see it as a perception (Sampson &
Davenport, 2010). Women are often channeled into positions more directly related to curriculum
development, at times causing poorly positioned career experiences (Sampson & Davenport,
2010). Women typically spend more time in the classroom, resulting in spending more time in
each position along the career pathway. Therefore, they enter administration later in their careers.
Women tend to enter the superintendency at a much later age than their male counterparts, and it
is thought that women view the superintendency in terms of instructional leadership (Sampson &
Davenport, 2010).
13
African American women superintendents often confront numerous challenges as they
advance into roles customarily held by White males (Tillman & Cochran, 2000). Tillman and
Cochran (2000) noted that some of the challenges African American women superintendents
face are low and conflicting expectations from various constituencies, frequent challenges to
their authority, and struggles to counteract negative stereotypes, institutional barriers, and
marginalization. They experience isolation and exclusion from informal networking circles and
are often placed in predominantly African American systems, which restricts opportunities for
them to interact with potential sponsors from among higher ranking, typically White, male
administrators (Tillman & Cochran, 2000). These placements thus impede further promotion
(Tillman & Cochran, 2000).
Issues in the Recruitment and Retention
Previous research emphasized recruitment and hiring practices as barriers for women
seeking the superintendency (Sampson & Davenport, 2010). According to Sampson and
Davenport (2010), in a study of women superintendents in Texas, recruitment practices were
biased toward male candidates and the glass ceiling. Numerous school boards are composed of
males, and search firms are led largely by retired or current male superintendents. Researchers
stated that it is the school board’s responsibility to hire superintendents, although they often hire
professional search firms to assist with the search process (Sampson & Davenport, 2010).
African American women confront discriminatory hiring and promotion practices in their pursuit
of the superintendency. According to Tillman and Cochran (2000), Black women’s informal job
contacts are limited, and they also encounter gatekeeping processes because many executive
search consultants have narrow views regarding ideal prior experiences and job titles that qualify
a person for the superintendency.
14
Mentorship and Supporting Women
Mentoring is another factor in career advancement (Tillman & Cochran, 2000).
Mentoring is beneficial because it promotes learning an organization’s political context,
accessing and moving projects through the bureaucracy, budgeting, using survival strategies, and
becoming acquainted with key individuals within and outside the organization. Mentoring also
enables the mentee to gain confidence and an optimistic outlook due to the mentor’s support,
validation, and reassurance (Tillman & Cochran, 2000). According to Tillman and Cochran,
there are stages to the mentoring process. First is the mutual choice to enter a mentoring
relationship, and then trust develops that enables honest sharing of ideas, aspirations, and
concerns. Next, the mentor nurtures the mentee’s growth. The focus is typically on problem
solving, strategic thinking, and positioning for career advancement as the mentor begins to
intervene on behalf of the mentees. The mentor assumes the risk of backing the mentee in
various situations and advocating for opportunities for the mentee to develop and test out
leadership skills in the organization. Lastly, the mentor functions as a safety net while the mentee
disengages and transitions into a more independent role. Mentorship comprises receiving
assistance from others to obtain a higher position as well as constructive counsel while in the
position. Mentorship is beneficial to women, as it is associated with influence, privilege, and
social stratification (Sampson & Davenport, 2010).
Tillman and Cochran (2000) report some issues African American women face related to
mentoring. The mentoring relationship between males and females can become problematic and
misconstrued. Thus, some well-established men in key leadership positions may be apprehensive
about developing mentoring relationships with women. Moreover, the most natural mentoring
relationships tend to develop between people with similar characteristics. Therefore, Black
15
women in an environment dominated by White men may be at a disadvantage. As a result, Black
women must be proactive in identifying and approaching prospective mentors.
Theoretical Framework
Critical Race Theory
In this study, one theoretical framework used as a lens for examining data was CRT.
Critical race theory arose in response to legal research that assumed the status quo was
established at a normative racial equilibrium when, in fact, the dominant culture controlled the
status quo and endorsed its self-interests (Delgado, 2001; Gillett, 2012). The theory combines
radical political struggles for racial justice with evaluations of conventional legal and scholarly
norms considered as part of illegitimate hierarchies that need to be changed. Also, CRT
acknowledges that racism is deeply rooted in the system of American society to the extent that
the individual racist need not notice that institutional racism is widespread in the dominant
culture. This is the analytical lens that CRT uses in examining power structures. Critical race
theorists recognize these power structures are based on White privilege and White supremacy,
which propagate the disempowerment and marginalization of people of color.
Feminist Theory
Feminist theory served as a lens for designing a study constructed for women instead of
simply providing research related to women (Lather, 1992). Feminist theory examines women’s
experiences of gender subordination, the origins of female oppression, and how gender
inequality is propagated to offer differing remedies for gender inequality. Feminist theory argues
that women’s unequal access to legal, social, political, and economic institutions causes their
oppression (Regan & Brooks, 1995). For instance, while men are socialized to seek power,
women are conditioned to reject it. Women who demonstrate masculine behavior are considered
16
distasteful and inappropriate; in contrast, women who are demure or perceived as too feminine
are deemed unworthy of promotion to the role of superintendent (Sampson & Davenport, 2010).
Black Feminist Thought
Black feminist thought (BFT) was also utilized in this study to explore unique feminist
constructs related to African American women in the superintendency. Women of color
criticized feminist theories for ignoring coexisting forms of oppression. Black feminism emerged
during the second wave of feminism and the Black Liberation Movement (Roth, 2003). Black
women recognized a problem in the feminist movement when it excluded the experiences and
problems of the Black female. Black women’s experiences yielded feminist ideology that varied
from the conventional feminists’ perspectives, namely in its understanding of the interlocking
oppressive systems of race, class, gender and sexuality in the lives of Black women (Roth,
2003).
The idea of White female experiences as all women’s experiences was not recognized as
a just and equal perspective (Roth, 2003).
Conclusion
African American women who attain the superintendency often and attempt to conform
to its social constructs find themselves in a no-win situation. If they are viewed as caring and
collaborative, then they are seen as not strong or tough enough for the position. If they display
too much strength, they are perceived as betraying their socially constructed gender roles and
labeled derogatory terms that note the lack of the demure femininity expected of them (Wallin &
Crippen, 2007). Attempts to quiet them and limit their socialization into a bureaucratic, male-
centered culture of education and leadership are a major topic of research in the United States
(Grogan, 2000).
17
Chapter Three: Methodology
African American women are underrepresented in the role of superintendent in
California. To ascend to the role, African American women in public-school districts face
several challenges. One of these is pressure to prove themselves capable while grappling with
negative assumptions, which makes holding the top leadership role even more challenging
(Johnson, 2012).
Superintendents are vital to school districts’ success and play a central role in
transforming the educational system and improving student achievement. They must possess
copious knowledge, skills, and qualities to lead a school district successfully. More often, men
attain and retain the most desirable and influential positions in the educational system (Tallerico
& Burstyn, 1996). Consequently, African American women in the position face oppression due
to race and gender, which can harm their career development (Alston, 2005). In the appointment
of a superintendent, race and gender can be determining factors (Martinez, 2015). This study
examined inequities in African American women superintendents’ selection in California and
how these women lean into the position successfully.
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study was to identify the challenges African American women
encountered during their progression to the superintendency. This study sought to identify
challenges participants faced once they obtained the position and the strategies that helped them
navigate these challenges to succeed. This study aimed to identify support systems and strategies
that enabled African American women in the superintendency to excel and to offer insight into
their formal and informal networks. This study explored participants’ career pathways and
formal educational attainment levels to understand the barriers to the superintendency they
18
encountered. Participants were surveyed (Appendix A) regarding their demographics and
interviewed about their formal and informal networking experiences as they developed their
understanding of school districts’ organizational culture. This valuable information can better
prepare African American women as they aspire to become executive leaders in education. The
following research questions guided this study:
1. What are the barriers to becoming a school district superintendent in California that
African American female superintendents identify?
2. What formal social networks are important for African American women who seek
superintendent positions?
3. What career pathways did African American women use to ascend into the
superintendency?
4. What role do mentorship programs have in African American women becoming
superintendents?
Selection of the Population
This study investigated the degree to which race, gender, and the mixture of race and
gender influence African American female superintendents’ advancement in California. Thus,
the population for this study consisted of African American females with experience as
superintendents in California. I interviewed and surveyed participants to gain a better
understanding of barriers that impede African American women from entering the
superintendency. This information may help more women of color learn how to navigate the
educational system and empower them to pursue the highest position in public schools.
Purposeful sampling ensured the participants met specific criteria (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). It was my desire, as the researcher, to specifically interview and survey current African
19
American female superintendents of public-school districts. Convenience sampling was
applicable for this study since the number of African American female superintendents within
the state of California is limited (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Participants in this study were five
African American female superintendents serving in California public and charter schools during
the year 2020–2021 school year. Information on female superintendents was retrieved from the
California Department of Education’s website and the California Association of African
American Superintendents and Administrators (CAAASA) website. Images on the CAAASA
website were used to ascertain which African American superintendents were female. The
survey and interview participants served in public-school districts with student populations
ranging from 500 to 40,000. Table 1 displays the survey and interview criteria.
Table 1
Survey and Interview Selection Criteria
Survey Interview
Current superintendent Current superintendent
serving in a California public-school
district with a student population between
500 and 40,000
serving in a California public-school
district with a student population between
500 and 40,000
20
Design Summary
According to Creswell and Creswell (2018), mixed-methods research involves collecting
both qualitative and quantitative data, integrating the two types, and using distinct designs that
may involve philosophical assumptions and theoretical frameworks. In this study, a mixed-
methods approach integrated both quantitative and qualitative data to yield insight beyond the
information provided by either type alone (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Moreover, the mixed-
methods approach also allowed me to generate outcomes and support data to address the research
questions (Maxwell, 2013). Additionally, the purpose of this design was to expand and
strengthen the study’s conclusions and, thereby, add to the literature (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
This study was conducted using Merriam and Tisdell’s (2016) and Creswell’s (2015)
steps on conducting a study. The study concentrated on the research problem and purpose as
stated in Chapter One, as well as the review of the literature in Chapter Two. Chapter Three
focused on the approach to collecting data, and Chapters Four and Five highlighted the data
analysis, interpretation, and reporting.
Methodology
Quantitative data were collected via surveys, and qualitative data were gathered through
open-ended interview questions. The interview protocol (Appendix B) was semi-structured to
allow for flexibility in asking questions, depending on how the interviewees responded
(Merriam, 2009). Additionally, to ascertain the barriers African American female
superintendents face, it was essential to interview and survey members of this population to
understand how they utilized support systems while seeking and attaining the position of
superintendent (Kawaguchi, 2014). Furthermore, participants were interviewed and surveyed to
identify the influence of social networks and the impact they had in supporting their success
21
(Kawaguchi, 2014). Each of the four research questions was addressed through both the
interview and survey questions.
Mixed Methods
A mixed-methods approach of data triangulation ensured the research’s internal validity
by checking for consistency of findings from the survey data, interview data, and the literature
review. In addition to employing these three areas of findings, the two theories, BFT and CRT,
were used to associate the findings to larger perspectives.
Instrumentation and Protocols
The qualitative data were collected through interviews. The interview questions were
composed to ensure they prompted responses that would address the research questions. The
interview protocol consisted of open-ended questions that allowed participants to share a wide
range of information and details for later analysis and possible inclusion in the findings. Open-
ended questions also allowed the researcher to probe when needed to obtain additional data
pertinent to the study. Probes or follow-up questions are important to include in the interview
process when information may need to be clarified (Merriam, 2009). The researcher conducted
virtual interviews using Zoom to simulate face-to-face interviews. The interviews were semi-
structured, questions were open-ended, and interview notes were taken during the conversations
(Creswell, 2009).
The quantitative data were gathered using a four-part survey containing 32 questions. All
questions focused on the four research questions. Part I of the survey addressed demographic
information, parts II and III concentrated on Research Question 1, and Part IV targeted Research
Questions 2, 3, and 4. All survey questions were written as closed questions. The researcher
ensured the questions were relevant and meaningful to the respondents by adhering to standard
22
language rules and avoiding biased words and phrases (Fink, 2009). Parts II and III of the survey
featured a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from “not a major barrier” to “major barrier.” In
part IV, the following descriptors were used: no, probably not/rarely, maybe/occasionally,
likely/almost always, and yes/always (Kawaguchi, 2014). The survey instrument was accessible
to 10 African American female superintendents in California public schools through Google
Forms. The survey was created to provide the researcher numeric description of the participants’
attitudes and/or opinions (Creswell, 2009).
Data Collection
Merriam and Tisdell’s (2016) and Creswell’s (2015) data collection steps were followed
when conducting this study. These steps included, identifying the individual and/or site,
following the necessary steps to gain access and establish a relationship, purposefully sampling,
collecting the data, recording the information, resolving field issues that occurred, and storing the
data. To collect the quantitative data, surveys were accessible to 10 African American female
superintendents in California public schools using the selection criterion mentioned above. To
collect the qualitative data, interviews were conducted with five survey respondents who
indicated that they would participate in an in-depth interview. As mentioned in the previous
sections, purposeful sampling was used to select the interview participants to best answer the
research questions and address the study’s purpose. It was imperative that the researcher received
consent (Appendix C) prior to conducting the interviews so that the interviewees were aware that
their answers would be confidential (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007).
Each interviewee was contacted through email (Appendix D) to inquire about
availability, specifically regarding the day and time that would be convenient for them. It is
essential to provide interviewees with ample notice and allow participants to select times to
23
support their comfort with the interview (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). Finally, the researcher
emphasized to the interviewees that the researcher would record video of the interview through
Zoom as well as take notes. The researcher asked the subjects if they were opposed to being
video recorded during the interview since interviewees should be asked this question to support
their comfort during the interview (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). Each of the interviews took
between 45 minutes and an hour to complete. All of the interviews were transcribed and
reviewed by the researcher.
Data Analysis
This study utilized a mixed-methods approach, incorporating both the quantitative data
from the surveys and the qualitative data from the interviews. All of the items in the survey and
interview protocols were directly linked to the research questions, and the research questions
guided the data analysis. After data collection, the researcher wrote separate reports documenting
the findings from each of the data sources. All of the responses in the interviews and surveys
were transcribed and coded. The information supplied by the participants was analyzed
(Creswell, 2009). Applying simultaneous triangulation (see Figure 1), the researcher compared
the findings from the quantitative and qualitative data to the findings in the literature review to
determine convergence, divergence, or a combination of both for the findings (Creswell, 2009).
Feminist theory and CRT were applied as a method of linking the findings within these larger
perspectives. Participants’ confidentiality was preserved throughout the entire process.
24
Figure 1
Data Triangulation
Validity and Reliability
The researcher utilized multiple procedures to ensure the findings’ accuracy and
credibility (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The researcher also reviewed information found on the
internet regarding each of the participants. Data were triangulated using existing literature,
interviews, and surveys. Participants’ responses were compared to others to establish
commonalities within the data. The researcher exercised member checking by taking the final
report or specific descriptions back to participants to determine whether they felt these were
accurate (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). It was also important for the researcher to clarify personal
worldviews or biases. Additionally, transcripts were checked to make sure there were no obvious
mistakes made during transcription.
25
Summary
This chapter discussed the mixed-methods approach of collecting quantitative data
through surveys and qualitative through interviews. An investigation into factors pertaining to
the limited number of African American women represented in California’s superintendency was
targeted from various angles using critical theories focused on the importance of this study’s
context.
The data were analyzed to target the topics of the four research questions: barriers to
becoming a school district superintendent in California, important formal social networks, career
pathways into the superintendency, and the role of mentorship in becoming a
superintendent. Chapter Four presents an analysis of the findings; a discussion of the findings
and implications follows in Chapter Five.
26
Chapter Four: Results
This study addressed the underrepresentation of African American women in the position
of superintendent. There are an estimated 32 African American superintendents in 1,025 districts
in California (CAAASA, n.d.). According to a list compiled by CAAASA (n.d.), only 15 of them
are women. A greater body of research is needed to ascertain strategies utilized by African
American females to become superintendents. Some research has been conducted regarding the
barriers to this position for African American women (Alston, 2005). To garner a better
understanding of how African American women break through the glass ceiling to become
superintendents in California, this study used CRT and feminist theory to assess barriers to entry
into administrative roles that lead to the superintendency.
The data were collected via an electronic survey emailed to 15 female superintendents in
California. Eight of them responded to the survey, which provided a 53% completion rate.
Qualitative data were gathered using one-on-one interviews via Zoom. Five (62.5%) survey
respondents agreed to be interviewed. The five interviewees are referred to as Superintendent 1
through Superintendent 5. The interviews were semi-structured and consisted of 20 questions
(see Appendix B). The semi-structured approach gave the researcher the flexibility to probe and
ask additional follow-up questions as needed.
This chapter opens with a synopsis of the methodology followed by participants’
demographics. The following section presents the data analysis organized by research questions.
Ultimately, the two types of data are triangulated with the theoretical framework of BFT and CRT to
evaluate the consistency of the findings.
27
Participants
Survey participants ranged in age from 41 through 45 to 61 through 65 (Table 2). The
two youngest respondents were between the ages of 41 and 45. The age range that appeared the
most was 51 to 55, representing 37.5% of the respondents. Their ages at entry into the
superintendency were between 36 and 55. Half of them (50%) entered the superintendency
between the ages of 51 and 55, as presented in Table 3. Table 4 presents the survey respondents’
marital status. The results were that 62.5% were married, 25% were single and never married,
12.5% were divorced, and 0% were widowed. Six (75%) reported having children. As
demonstrated by the data in Table 5, five survey respondents (62.5%) had experience in
elementary education. Glass (2000) found that although about two ‐thirds of the nation’s schools
are elementary, women who work at these schools, lack opportunities to participate in the typical
track to the superintendency, which involves work in secondary education (Glass, 2000).
Table 2
Survey Participants’ Current Ages
Age Female (n = 8)
Under 40
41–45
46–50
51–55
56–60
61–65
66 or over
0 (0%)
2 (25%)
2 (25%)
3 (37.5%)
0 (0%)
1 (12.5%)
0 (0%)
28
Table 3
Age at the Time When They First Become Superintendency
Age Female (n = 8)
35–40
41–45
46–50
51–55
56–60
61–65
66 or over
1 (12.5%)
2 (25%)
1 (12.5%)
4 (50%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
Table 4
Marital Status of Survey Participant
Marital Status Female (n = 8)
Married
Single (Never married)
Single (Divorced)
Single (Widowed)
Other
5 (62.5%)
2 (25%)
1 (12.5%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
29
Table 5
Number of Children
Number of
Children
0 1 2 3 4 or more
Participants 2 (25%) 2 (25%) 1 (12.5%) 2 (25%) 1 (12.5%)
Table 6
Survey Participants’ Background
Background Elementary Secondary Business Other
5 (62.5%) 2 (25%) 0 1 (12.5%)
30
Table 7
Formal Educational Attainment Level
Highest Degree Earned Female (n = 8)
Bachelor’s
Master’s
Doctorate
Pursuing Doctorate Degree
0 (0%)
2 (25%)
5 (62.5%)
1(12.5%0
This research included interviews with five California African American female
superintendents. Interviewees were referred to as Superintendent 1 through Superintendent 5.
The purpose of the interview process was to gather additional data to answer the research
questions. The data in Table 8 presents the basic demographics of the interviewees. There is
variance in the district composition with the participants interviewed. According to Gewertz
(2006), top African American female administrators work disproportionately in urban areas.
Consistent with the previous statement, three out of five interviewees (60%) work in urban
communities. Two have doctorates, and one was enrolled in a doctoral program. Superintendent
5 stated that she felt it was extremely important to pursue a doctorate because it gives legitimacy
and validation to her work.
31
Table 8
Interviewees’ Demographics
Superintendent 1 2 3 4 5
Age Range 51–55 51–55 46–50 51–55 46–50
Background
Elementary
Education
Elementary
Education
Elementary
Education
Elementary
Education
Other
Degree Held
Ed.D. in
progress
Doctorate Masters Masters Doctorate
District
Composition
K–12 9–12 K–6 K–8 Other
Type of District Suburban Urban Suburban Urban Urban
District
Enrollment
3,000 –
24,999
500–2,999 500–2,999
3,000 –
24,999
3,000 –
24,999
Years as
Superintendent
4 2 1 <1 9
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to examine the barriers and supports that African American
women in California face when seeking and serving in the capacity of superintendent. African
American women are largely underrepresented in this executive leadership position in California.
It is imperative for those who aspire to the role to understand and analyze the barriers to attaining
executive leadership positions. The following research questions guided this study:
1. What are the barriers to becoming a school district superintendent in California that
African American female superintendents identify?
2. What formal social networks are important for African American women who seek
superintendent positions?
3. What career pathways did African American women use to ascend into the
superintendency?
32
4. What role do mentorship programs have in African American women becoming
superintendents?
Coding of Data
Interview data were analyzed through open coding, whereby I categorized data that were
potentially pertinent as responses to the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I began
the data analysis process by watching the video-recordings of the interviews. Then, I initiated an
inductive coding process wherein I read transcriptions to develop concepts, themes, and trends
(Chandra & Shang, 2019; Thomas, 2006).
Findings
The findings were rendered into categories, themes, and theories, which stemmed from
the data analysis relative to the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The purpose of the
proceeding data analysis was to examine and identify the challenges participants faced during
their career progression to the superintendency and the strategies they used to navigate such
barriers to succeed in the position, which will aid future women of color in their endeavors
toward the superintendency.
Research Question 1
The first research question asked, “What are the barriers to becoming a school district
superintendent in California that African American female superintendents identify?” African
American women superintendents frequently encounter obstacles as they advance into roles
customarily held by White males (Tillman & Cochran, 2000). Three survey questions addressed
the challenges respondents encountered (Table 9). Data revealed that the majority of the
respondents faced challenges that made it difficult to obtain superintendent positions. In all, 75%
of the respondents believed the challenges they faced were related to both gender and race.
33
Table 9
Challenges to the Superintendency
Faced challenges that
made it difficult to
obtain the
superintendent
position
Did race have
anything to do with
the challenges that
were faced before or
once in the
superintendency?
Did gender have
anything to do with
the challenges that
were faced before or
once in the
superintendent?
Yes 75% 75% 75%
No 25% 12.5% 12.5%
Did not face
challenges
12.5% 12.5%
Racial Microaggression
The interviewees mentioned facing both professional and personal barriers during their
ascent to and in the superintendency. Two expressed feeling an intensified level of scrutiny and
feeling like people were waiting for them to fail. Superintendent 3 specifically spoke about not
being acknowledged when her successes exceeded those of White predecessors. She expressed
the pressure imposed upon her to do more:
One of the board members said, “Well, I’m looking at this goal and you’ve already done
all these things.” So, the recognition isn’t recognition. The recognition isn’t “Oh, this is
excellent.” The recognition is you’ve already done all these things. So, maybe we can
write some other stuff in, but like you just had this person before I came that didn’t even
do one-fifth of what I wrote on this paper. But the one member says, “You’ve already
done all these things,” and, in a second breath, the next person said, “Well, I just, I have a
few things that we could add.”
34
Society’s damaging appraisals of African Americans affect an individual’s self-concept
and self-esteem (Rosette & Livingston, 2012). The effects of this phenomenon are particularly
difficult on African American women who chose careers in the superintendency. The concept of
a self-imposed barrier was mentioned by Superintendent 1:
I was used to always working in the background. So, you know, as an assistant principal,
I had the principal in front of me or until I became a principal. As an assistant
superintendent, I had the superintendent in front, and I always felt like I was like this
behind-the-scenes person, which kind of becomes your mentality. So, I would say
probably the greatest barrier for me to becoming a superintendent was really like myself,
just kind of dealing with my insecurities or my feeling that I was going to be in the
forefront or that I should be in the forefront.
African American women in leadership often find themselves marginalized and
discredited (Rosette & Livingston, 2012). Superintendent 1 and Superintendent 3 expressed
feeling that their abilities were often questioned or scrutinized and that their leadership was
hindered by mistrust. Superintendent 1 shared a specific example:
Prior to me getting this position, the superintendent before me was a White male
superintendent, before him White male superintendent, before him a White female. Then
I was the first Black superintendent of the school district. So, you know, my school
district says, “Hey, you know, we’re so excited that we’re a diverse school district and,
you know, yay us,” but not necessarily really knowing what that means. So, that it’s
really meaningful. It’s like a title. If you don’t, if you’re not doing the work to support
that, then it’s just a title. So, it was like, “Hey, we got our first Black superintendent.
Aren’t we great?” But then, let’s just manage her so that she is out there in the front as
35
our Black superintendent, but we actually would like to be able to tell her exactly what to
do or is she going to be able to have conversations that represent us well? So, it was
interesting, like there was getting on one hand, but then like, well, you know, I don’t
know if she is capable as our previous White male superintendent who we just fired or,
you know, so there was that.
Superintendent 3 expressed similar sentiments, citing racial fatigue was the result:
Being an African American woman in leadership, White people do not want me to tell
them what to do. Particularly, I mean White women and White men. They do not want
me to tell them what to do. That is what happens being in leadership positions.
Everything you know is questioned. It is the absolute, ultimate Black-tax. I have to be
twice as good, twice as smart, have more solutions, and be twice as collaborative. I have
to be sitting at all times when I’m talking to people. I have to temper my tone, even when
people are being disrespectful to me and raising their tone. And that has been years in the
making. And I could literally write a book about that. Just being in senior, senior
leadership in three different districts, urban, suburban, and rural.
Superintendent 5 shared that she once had an assistant superintendent who was a White
male and was commonly perceived to be the person in power. She stated that when they would
enter conferences or attend business forums, individuals commonly approached him first,
assuming he was the superintendent. The experiences of Superintendents 1, 3, and 5 are
congruent with BFT, wherein African American women exist as outsiders and as invisible
figures in the shadows of White men (Collins, 2000).
36
Issues with Recruitment and Support
African American women confront discriminatory hiring and promotion practices in their
pursuit of superintendency. According to Tillman and Cochran (2000), informal job contacts are
limited for Black women and other minority populations. They also encounter gatekeeping
processes because many executive search consultants uphold a limited construction of the ideal
prior experiences and job titles that qualify one for the superintendency (Tillman & Cochran,
2000). Superintendent 1 described her experience in discovering what she called an “inner
circle” and the benefits of being a part of this establishment:
When I first became superintendent, I would go to these first superintendent symposiums.
I found out there is very much an inner circle. There are things that some superintendents
know. It’s almost like how they operate. So, I was finding that I had been in education
30- something years. My first symposium fresh out the gate, I’m, you know, still kinda
wet behind the ears. I noticed that every superintendent had a coach. But it wasn’t so
much the Black superintendents that had coaches, but every White superintendent had a
coach. So, I realized, and I was like, well, gosh, you know, are they paying? They’re like,
no, this is part of our contract. We got them written into our contract. And then you start
to think, okay, well, there’s some things that you just need to kind of like tap into,
because that was like, the best thing they could ever do was, you know, the salary was a
salary, but a coach is about 25 grand and so to work that into my contract that wasn’t
taken from my salary, that they were going to flip. The bill was huge.
Superintendent 4 referenced that, in her previous district, she did not feel like ethnicity
and gender had any impact on her ability to advance. She believed she was promoted fairly. She
37
asserted that she earned her promotions based on her accomplishment and reputation within the
district. Yet, this was not her experience as she endeavored to move into the superintendency:
I interviewed eight times, eight different districts. Every time I made it in the top two.
Every single time. Seven of the eight, I was beat out by a White male. You know, maybe
it was fluke, but I’m just like, come on. What is this? I was telling some of the search
agents. I just said, listen, I know you want to bring the top people forward to that board
because you’re under the direction of a board of public people. Half of them don’t even
have an educational background. So, you’re basically their mercy. I just said, listen,
you’ve got to let me know if this board is willing to hire a woman of color because if
they’re not, I cannot waste my time anymore. I’m giving my heart and soul in preparation
for these interviews to know the city, to know the district, to know the town, to know
everything about it. If they just want to be able to prove to their constituents that they had
a diverse group of applicants, I don’t want to do that anymore.
Both Superintendents 1 and 4 expressed that African American women experience barriers to
entry and limited access to the inner workings of the superintendency.
Research Question 2
The second research question asked, “What formal social networks are important for
African American women who seek superintendent positions?”
Formal Networks
Research offers some data that women value the work of teaching and learning over
establishing connections with formal and informal networks to foster advancement toward
superintendency (Gross & Trask, 1976; Shakeshaft, 1989). However, the superintendents
interviewed for this study have continually utilized formal networks as a source of support prior
38
to and during their tenure in their current positions. All interviewees are members of both
CAAASA and the Association of California School Administrators (ACSA). Superintendent 3 is
a member of The Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development and the American
Association of School Administrators (AASA). Additionally, Superintendent 1 noted that AASA
was beneficial because of the informal connections she made through its conferences,
workshops, and seminars. Through one of these symposia, she discovered the internal network
about which many African American women are unaware: the one wherein executive leadership
context leads to the superintendency.
Superintendent 3 suggested that all African American female educators in California
should join CAAASA:
The very first thing I would say, no matter what level they are, if they’re a teacher, if
they’re a principal, whatever, the first thing I would tell them to do is join CAAASA,
because what they’re going to get is mentorship. They are going to get the networking
that they need to be able to latch on and join forces with other African American women.
Informal Networks
A few of the interviewees also spoke about belonging to informal organizations as well as
non-professional social organizations, such as historically Black sororities and The Links
Incorporated, which is an organization of African American women founded in 1946 that is
devoted to strengthening African American communities through advocacy, education, and
volunteerism (The Links, Inc., 2021). Superintendent 2 had this to say about the value of public
service networks:
I’m also involved in a couple of organizations. I’m very involved in my sorority. I’m a
Link. I’m in a couple of other African American female organizations where we have a
39
network of professional women that you can tap. If you’re doing a project at your school
and you want to have some keynote speakers or, you know, role models for career day,
I’m able to kind of tap that network to bring in people that look like you and I, that are
working in careers and thriving. Right. So, I think that’s really important to not only be
focused on your work and your professional organizations related to work, but also be
connected in other ways in your community so that you can bring folks in. Well, the links
and my sorority both have thrusts or areas of focus. Both of them focus on community
service and youth. So, I think that intentionally aligned with organizations that put
education on a pillar.
Formal networks serve as an instrumental source of support for African American women
seeking the superintendency. All of the participants have affiliations with CAAASA, ACSA, and
AASA. In addition to the networking opportunities with other superintendents these
organizations provide, such organizations are beneficial for professional development,
conferences, and symposia. The superintendents also found value in informal social networks
such as historically Black sororities and organizations that offer opportunities to connect with
other educated professional African American women from various industries.
Research Question 3
The third research question asked, “What career pathways did African American women
use to ascend into the superintendency?” Even when women have the same career ambitions as
men, they do not have the same opportunities in the hiring and promoting processes. Glass
(2000) noted that women are not in positions that normally lead to the superintendency or higher
administrative positions. All five interviewees shared a narrative analysis of their career
pathways towards the superintendency.
40
Traditional Pathway
Superintendent 1 experienced a rather traditional path to the superintendent position. She
began as an elementary teacher, then after receiving both an MBA and an administrative
credential, she applied for and was hired as an assistant principal in another district. Then, she
was promoted to principal, director of categorical programs, assistant superintendent of human
resources, and superintendent. Superintendent 1 also stated that throughout her pathway, she
only interviewed for two to three positions, which included teacher and assistant principal. She
was appointed to the other positions. Similarly, Superintendent 3 began as a high school athletics
coach. Then, she took a teaching position. She quickly moved from there into administration,
serving as vice principal, principal, director, assistant superintendent, and superintendent.
Superintendent 4 also had a traditional experience serving as an elementary teacher, vice
principal, principal, assistant superintendent of instruction and school leadership, and
superintendent of instruction, all at the same district before she left to serve as superintendent in
a new district.
Superintendent 2 started her career in education as a teacher and then became a teacher
on special assignment (TOSA) over categorical programs. She also had the experience of serving
as a principal at the elementary, middle, and high school levels before moving into executive
cabinet positions and to the superintendency. She offered this insight for aspiring African
American women seeking superintendency:
So, do your due diligence around getting the right experience so people will respect you
in the field. That’s super important. Sometimes, you see this thing where somebody has
been a principal for a couple years, and then they don’t take a district office role and get
the bigger picture landscape. Then, they try to go and be a superintendent and they just
41
don’t have the depth of experience to really lead, and they do necessarily get the respect.
So, I think everything happens in a season as they say. So, spend time as a teacher, spend
time as a support person, spend time as a school leader. Then, get the view of the central
office and get to interact with the board, not at the helm, but as a staff member.
Non-Traditional Pathway
Superintendent 5 began her career in private industry, working in numerous non-
education-related positions. She entered education as an adult school instructional assistant, and,
in less than a year, she was appointed to an emergency adult school teaching position. She was
quickly promoted to coordinator and, from there, she moved into a central office position as a
TOSA. Her administrative experience prior to the superintendency included director of education
services. She acknowledged that although her pathway to the superintendency was not the norm,
it served her well: “The non-traditional parts of my background have kind of steered the course
of my trajectory, and just being open to all the experiences and learning.”
Research Question 4
The fourth research question asked, “What role do mentorship programs have in African
American women becoming superintendents?” The existence of African American women in
primarily White organizations and industries is one of historical significance and obscurity
(Harley, 2007). According to Tillman (2001), African American women in the superintendency
often feel marginalized and socially isolated, which can negatively affect their performance and
assimilation. Research suggests mentorship is an effective strategy to counteract this problem
(Tillman, 2005). According to Tillman, a network of mentors can expedite the development of
professional competencies, allowing for a deeper understanding of organizational systems and
structures.
42
All interviewees attributed their success and trajectory to the position of superintendent to
mentorship and coaching. Three of them reported that a mentor recognized their leadership
potential and, in turn, recommended that they apply for positions that ultimately advanced their
careers. Two reported they negotiated their contract with their governing boards to include funds
for a coach, which proved to be pivotal to their success as superintendents. Superintendent 3
cited the lack of representation of African American superintendents as an integral reason for the
importance of mentorship for African American women pursuing the position, “There are
approximately 30 African American superintendents out of over 1,000 school districts in
California. Thirty. The barrier is that there isn’t a pipeline, and models aren’t readily available
and we have to create those opportunities for ourselves.”
Superintendent 1 expressed that she was fortunate to have various mentors throughout her
career:
So, when I was assistant principal, I had the experience of working for an awful principal.
And what that taught me was all the things not to do when he left. The next principal that
came in was a great mentor. I wasn’t like her assistant. I was assistant principal, and that
makes all the difference. Where with the previous principal, I was like the assistant,
almost clerical. So, when I went to be the leader and principal at my own school, the
things I learned from her; what really helped. When I was being considered
superintendent, I had about six months where I was interim. I met a woman when I was
in HR. I called her, and she was like, okay, this is what you need to do. You know, you
need to change your portrait picture. You need to find a coach. You need to find someone
who is going to help you negotiate your contract. And, so she was someone who I kind of
went to, and she was like, how are you doing? And then, through my coach, I met really
43
wonderful superintendents to help, not only just be great colleagues, but people who I
learned from.
Superintendent 4 has maintained a close long-term relationship with her mentor:
He works with an organization called Leadership Associates. They do a lot of recruitment
for superintendent positions. So, one of the agreements I made with my board when they
hired me was, I wanted as part of my contract the ability to have a mentor for myself, that
I could put them in my contract to pay for their services to support me. And I said,
because the one thing you’re going to get with me is, I really believe the importance of
building people’s capacity to be their best and to move. If that is my goal with anybody
I’m working with, then how can I not ask that of myself? And so they did, they put it in
my contract. So, literally $15,000 in my contract to have a mentoring group that supports
me, my team, and actually the board as well.
Superintendent 5 also commented on the value of a mentor:
The reason why mentorship is so important is because only people who sit in this seat
really can understand this work. If you have not been responsible at the very top for an
entire organization, for implementing the vision that a governing board has for students,
for their community, there’s no dress rehearsal for it. It’s on the job training. And so
mentors are extremely important because they guide through their experiences.
The female superintendents in this study credited coaching and mentoring as an essential
contributor to their success and trajectory to the position of superintendent. The mentor
relationships provided support during challenging times. Mentors and coaches were found to be
an advantageous resource for participants throughout their career, especially in preparing to
44
become a superintendent. Mentors who are former superintendents serve as confidants who are
able to guide novice superintendents experientially.
Black Feminist Thought
Black feminist thought (BFT) is a theoretical framework that integrates and authenticates
the transecting magnitudes of race and gender distinctively in the lives of African American
women (Grant, 2012). Black feminist thought was developed as a critical social theory in
response to the lack of equality under the law in the United States. Black feminist thought
postulates that the underrepresentation of African American women in positions for which they
are qualified cannot be acknowledged as a gender-only issue but also incorporates the
interweaving systems of race and class. In connection to this concept, when Superintendent 4
was asked how her career path was affected by her gender, she responded,
It’s so hard to tell what the bias is, whether it’s implicit or not. Is it because of color? Is it
because I’m a female? So, because I don’t have any connection with the board except for,
you know, maybe one to two interviews. I would not be able to tell if it is based on
gender.
Superintendent 4 explained she was the first woman and first woman of color to serve as
superintendent in the 125-year history of her district. Additionally, she was the first external
candidate for the position. She also mentioned she was attacked by outsiders. People would
remind her that certain situations would have never occurred with the previous superintendent,
and she inferred the attack was gender-based. She told of another situation when she went to
speak with an angry father. The father ignored her presence and only addressed the male board
member in the room. In alignment with BFT, the experiences explained above are examples of
African American women in leadership tending to endure being treated as interlopers, shoved to
45
the margins of society as invisible figures, and delineated in the shadows of White men (Collins,
2000).
Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory recognizes that racism is entrenched in the systems of American
society to the point that an individual does not need to encounter racism to notice that systemic
and institutional racism is widespread within the dominant culture. In 2008, critical race theorist
William Smith coined the phrase “racial battle fatigue” to describe the negative and racially
charged experiences of people of color in the United States. The racial microaggressions that
African American female superintendents experience has a long-term impact, which can create a
burden and strain that manifest in physical, mental, and emotional fatigue. Superintendent 3
expounds on this sentiment:
A personal barrier stems from the history of this country, anti-blackness, which is what it
stems from, all the discrimination and oppression and the effects of White supremacy,
and how it plays out. For us, as African Americans, we get racial fatigue, like we are
tired. We are burdened with White fragility, and, personally, it is exhausting.
African Americans and other people of color experience ongoing battles in endeavoring
to avoid racism, stereotypes, and discrimination in predominately White spaces and must always
be in a position of defense against the next attack. Therefore, racism is often perceived as a
personal threat. After continuously facing that battle, individuals tend to experience racial battle
fatigue, leaving them mentally, physically, and emotionally drained. This was reported to be
consistent with the experiences of the superintendents in this study.
46
Ancillary Findings: Recommendations for Aspiring Superintendents
In the quantitative portion of this research study, superintendents were prompted to share
their perspectives on questions related to leadership characteristics and gender preferences. In the
qualitative portion of this research study, superintendents were asked to share additional
commentary or advice for new or aspiring African American female superintendents. The
researcher desired to ascertain how the advice diverged for the superintendents.
Work-Life and Family Balance
Managing an educational organization requires much time and energy, both physical and
psychological. Leaders are expected to be knowledgeable about every facet of the organization.
These obligations often pull superintendents away from their families, which creates a challenge
around balancing self-care, work, and family, as mentioned by seven (87.5%) superintendents
surveyed. These seven responded that they experienced difficulties in balancing work and
personal life (Olesniewicz, 2012). On the topic of self-care, Superintendent 1 spoke about the
importance of having a sense of self and clearly establishing boundaries from the beginning. She
further described how this impacted her and stated the importance of finding that balance:
I would say really have a sense of self because these are trying positions, I mean, really
difficult positions. I often myself wonder, should I still be doing this? It is also very
stressful. So, I think one of the questions in your questionnaire I was talking about, like
work-life balance and it’s, it’s really difficult because, for instance, not only do I work in
this city, my husband also works in the district. We live in this area; our children went to
schools in the district. So, we are very much immersed in this community. And there’s
not, there’s some good things and not so good things because you want to be able to like,
turn it off. So, trying to establish and keep a work-life balance.
47
Superintendent 1 elaborated by comparing how finding balance was even more
challenging as a woman due to the responsibilities and sacrifice that women make for family:
Now, I think, to be honest, men sometimes tend to be a little better at that because they
can do their workout, they can do their work, they can do, you know, whereas we tend to
be more like, well, what am I going to sacrifice? Right? Probably I’ll just sacrifice the
workout part or that, you know, taking care of my physical part. Um, and if you have
children, then you’re like, okay, well, because I can’t really do that because I need to kind
of, you know, attend to my children too. So, I think sometimes we tend to sacrifice what
we need to replenish ourselves.
Perseverance
Superintendent 4 provided words of encouragement for future African American female
superintendents regarding the need to persevere to break barriers out of a responsibility to young
Black women and girls to come:
First thing would be to persevere. Don’t let the barriers stop you. What you have to
continue to say to yourself is that you’re doing it for those behind you. I just, I’m going to
get teary-eyed because of it, because you do want to stop. It’s hard. It’s hard. And I just
keep seeing kids who need to see somebody like them. So, if somebody closes the door,
that wasn’t your opportunity, and even now coming to this district, they are very
conservative. I’m in a relatively conservative Trump land. I’m actually surprised they
hired me, to be honest. My board is very open, but that board could change at any time.
But I just feel that if I get in there and they see me as a person and I can break that down,
then I break down barriers even for the White males to be able to go, huh, they’re good.
You know, another thing I think about is, I’m not just breaking the barrier for the African
48
American child to get through, I’m breaking barriers, to have that White teacher be a
good teacher for all.
Superintendent 5 recommended being honest about the reasons for wanting to become a
superintendent:
Really identify why you want to become superintendent and be able to write it down and
really articulate and own it. Be honest with yourself, you know. If the title sells, great. Be
honest. It’s only your list. It’s only your perspective, but be very, very honest about what
it is that you want to be able to, you’re seeking to accomplish, and why you want to do it.
Because although I didn’t aspire for it, somebody else saw it for me initially. Once they
did see that in me and I did start to, I wanted it, and you have to want it because there are
sacrifices. Is it worth it?
Summary
This chapter reported the findings from eight survey responses and five interviews with
African American women currently serving as superintendents throughout California. This
chapter explored barriers that participants faced along their career pathways. This chapter also
looked at their formal and informal networking experiences. Mentorship was primarily identified
as a key factor in sustaining the role. The results indicated that African American women still
remain underrepresented in the role of superintendent throughout California. Although many do
not face overt racism and gender bias, racial microaggressions are a hindrance and burden, which
aligns with BFT and CRT.
Chapter five will present a summary of the research findings and implications for
practice. Recommendations for future research will also be presented.
49
Chapter Five: Discussion
There is a lack of representation of African American females in the superintendency in
the state of California. To ascend to the superintendency, African American women have been
overloaded with challenges. Findings indicate that such challenges include constantly having to
prove their competence while contending with negative assumptions, which makes holding the
top leadership role even more difficult. Superintendents are fundamental to the success of an
educational organization. The knowledge, skills, and assets a superintendent must possess to lead
a school district effectively are imperative. Gender inequity in the superintendency is
problematic, with men frequently receiving and retaining the most desirable and influential
positions in the educational system (Tallerico & Burstyn, 1996). Consequently, African
American women in the position face not two forms of oppression that can affect their career
development: race and gender (Alston, 2005).
This study investigated inequities in the selection of African American female
superintendents in California. The aim of this research was to ascertain the barriers participants
faced during advancement to the superintendency. Additionally, the intent of this study was to
identify supports and strategies that empowered women superintendents to excel. This study also
sought insight into the benefits of the formal and informal networks with which participants were
affiliated to their career advancement.
This study included African American female superintendents from diverse settings. This
study investigated participants’ career pathways and formal educational attainment levels.
Demographic data were gathered using surveys. Interviews were conducted to gather insight
about their formal and informal networking experiences as they developed their understanding of
50
the organizational culture of the position. This valuable information can enhance the preparation
process of women of color as they aspire to leadership positions.
Findings
The findings of this study were not intended to suggest that the experiences of the five
interviewees can be generalized. Instead, the findings were intended to provide a more nuanced
understanding of the participants’ barriers and supports. This section provides a summary and
discussion of the research findings related to the literature and current practice.
Research Question One
Research Question One inquired, “What are the barriers to becoming a school district
superintendent in California that African American female superintendents identify?” Study
findings suggest that participants faced scrutiny and pressure to succeed in the position to
counter negative expectations and the standpoint that people are waiting for them to fail.
Findings further suggest there is a lack of recognition even when their performance exceeds their
board’s expectations or the performance of their White predecessors. Consequently, damaging
appraisals of African American people impact the self-esteem of African American women in
the executive leadership role, resulting in a negative self-concept and a self-imposed barrier.
These findings support existing research that states African American female superintendents
constantly have to demonstrate their worth due to both ethnicity and gender (Gewertz, 2006).
Grappling with negative assumptions and having to constantly prove they were capable made the
already difficult job of being superintendent that much more so (Gewertz, 2006).
Findings also indicate that participants encountered issues of discrimination in their
pursuits of the superintendent position. These difficulties arise as a result of limited knowledge
and exposure to individuals and agencies that control access to executive leadership positions in
51
education. This study found that membership and involvement in formal professional and social
networks provide increased access to building relationships with other superintendents and
increase professional capacity through workshops and symposia.
Research Question Two
Research Question Two inquired, “What formal social networks are important for
African American women who seek superintendent positions?” Research offers some data that
women value the work of teaching and learning over establishing connections with formal and
informal networks that foster advancement toward the superintendency (Gross & Trask, 1976;
Shakeshaft, 1989). However, that research contrasts the findings in this study. Predominantly,
interviewees utilized formal networks as a source of professional development and support
during their rise to the superintendency and into their appointment. Membership in CAAASA
and ACSA was found to be most beneficial. Findings showed that insight into the “inner circle”
of the superintendency could be gathered through participation in events held by such formal
networks.
Research Question Three
Research Question Three inquired, “What career pathways did African American women
use to ascend into the superintendency?” Existing research indicates that although women have
the same career ambitions as men, they do not have the same opportunities in hiring and
promoting processes. Glass (2000) noted that women are not in positions that normally lead to
higher administrative positions or the superintendency. Although the participants expressed race
and gender as a factor at various points of their career pathways, findings were inconclusive
about how the type of pathway, traditional versus non-traditional, affected their trajectory and
mobility to the superintendency. Each of the women experienced varying pathways to the
52
superintendency. What appeared to be more relevant was having the willingness to take
advantage of career opportunities for advancement, even if these meant changing settings or
geographic location.
Research Question Four
Research Question Four inquired, “What role do mentorship programs have in African
American women becoming superintendents?” Research suggests mentorship is an effective
strategy to counteract concerns of feeling marginalized and socially isolated (Tillman,
2005). According to Tillman (2001), a network of mentors can accelerate the development of
professional aptitudes, permitting a greater understanding of organizational systems and
structures related to the superintendency. Mentorship serves as a nuanced approach to promoting
African American women’s upward trajectories in predominantly White spaces (Grant & Ghee,
2015).
Consistent with existing research, all of the superintendents interviewed attributed their
success and trajectory to mentorship and coaching. Three interviewees noted their mentors
guided their movement by recommending positions to apply for along the way. Findings
indicated the importance of newly recruited superintendents negotiating the inclusion of a coach
or mentor as a condition of their contract. It was further noted that having a coach or mentor was
pivotal to their success as superintendents. An abundance of African Americans models in the
superintendent position is not readily available; therefore, mentorship provides opportunities to
create a pipeline for others. Such mentorship is imperative because new superintendents receive
coaching through the knowledge and experience of someone who has been in the superintendent
seat and who can guide realistically and experientially.
53
Limitations
The focus and interest of the research rest in the challenges that African American female
superintendents encounter in a male-dominated field. This study was limited to the self-reported
personal narratives of African American women currently serving as superintendents of
California public-school districts. This study was delimited to five interviews of African
American female superintendents in both Northern and Southern California and to the eight
superintendents surveyed. Since the study reviewed only women leading California school
districts, the results are not generalizable outside this population.
Implications for Practice
Considerably, the literature supports the experiences interviewees shared. Therefore, this
study contributes to the existing research regarding the barriers that continue to create challenges
for African American women aspiring to the superintendency or currently serving as
superintendents. Awareness of institutional issues will help them to create opportunities for
increased mobility, and the results yielded several implications for change:
● Understanding the impact of systemic racism and racial microaggressions can lead to
additional efforts to create institutional change to move the recruitment and hiring
practices of superintendents in a new direction.
● Self-assuredness and self-confidence enable African American women to persevere when
micro-aggressive behaviors and assumptions challenge their competency.
● Study participants referenced the significance of support they had while aspiring to the
superintendency, implying the need to be intentional about mentoring opportunities.
● Participation in formal networks such as AASA, ACSA, and CAAASA was central to
building relationships with sitting superintendents, developing professionally through
54
symposia, and connecting with search firms for coaching opportunities, implying the
need to have a network of other superintendents to be successful.
● Recognition of competencies by mentors influences leadership promotions and ultimately
leads to the superintendency
Implications for Aspiring African American Female Superintendents
The women in this study offered the following advice for aspiring female
superintendents:
● Obtain varied leadership experience doing several types of jobs that will build a broad
base of skills to draw upon as superintendent. Additionally, be sure to gain elementary,
middle, high school, and central office experience.
● Experience as a principal is critical for credibility when leading principals as a
superintendent.
● Seek assistance from mentors and coaches. Do not limit yourself to mentors who are
similar in race and/or gender.
● Maintain self-confidence and be reassured in the face of racial micro-aggressive behavior
from constituents.
● Progression to the superintendency for African American women necessitates that
aspirants be fully prepared when opportunities arise. Therefore, aspiring African
American female superintendents need to be flexible in terms of mobility and setting.
Future Research
To expand the current study’s context, future research should seek to better understand
the experiences of the population of focus. Findings in this study raised compelling questions
that merit further research. Specifically, future researchers should expand the methodology to
55
include interview and survey data from retired or past African American female superintendents,
directors, and assistant superintendents who aspired to the superintendency to get a fresh
perspective of their process and compare the perspectives and experiences of each group. Also,
research should include perceptions of how race and gender equity impact
superintendents’ placement. Lastly, research should explore how aspiring superintendents use
social media networking platforms such as LinkedIn to advance their career prospects.
Conclusions
African American women in the superintendency experience covert discrimination
perceived as based on both race and gender. Racial microaggression presents in extreme scrutiny
of their abilities, and such damaging appraisals can be daunting. Furthermore, those aspiring to
the superintendency experience similar issues related to recruitment. In relation to career,
findings did not favor traditional pathways versus non-traditional pathways. Findings did show
that a beneficial factor was demonstrating a willingness to take positions in settings that may be
atypical of traditional K-12 urban school districts. Formal networks and mentorship were a
valuable resource to participants’ attainment of executive leadership positions, as were coaching
opportunities to promote successful outcomes once they reached the position. This
study offered additional insight into the experiences of African American women and other
women of color in the superintendent’s seat.
56
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63
Appendix A: Survey
Eradicating the Glass Ceiling: Barriers Facing American-American Female
Superintendents
Q1 INFORMED CONSENT My name is Ikoko Mikle, and I am a doctoral candidate at the USC
Rossier School of Education at the University of Southern California. I am conducting a mixed-
methods research study under the guidance and direction of Dr. David Cash. The purpose of this
study is to identify the challenges African American women encountered during their career
progression to the superintendency. This study will aim to identify the challenges African
American women face once they obtain the position, as well as identify the strategies used to
navigate these challenges and succeed in the position. I will interview and survey African
American female superintendents who agree to be a part of the study. You have been invited to
participate in a graduate research study that will explore how African American women in the
superintendency navigate the interwoven barriers at the crossroads of race and gender. It is my
hope that this study will serve as a resource for African American women who aspire to
successfully pursue the position of superintendency. Your participation is voluntary, and you
have the right to withdraw at any time. The information collected will be kept confidential and
anonymous by the researcher. Data will be presented in a manner that will ensure that no
individual can be identified. If you have any questions or concerns regarding your participation
in this study, you may contact me at (310) 930-1291 or Dr. David Cash at the University of
Southern California. Thank you in advance for your time and assistance. Sincerely, Ikoko Mikle,
Researcher, mikle@usc.edu Dr. David Cash, Dissertation Chair, dcash@usc.edu
o I have read this form and been given the opportunity to ask questions. I consent to my
participation in the survey described above.
o I have read this form and been given the opportunity to ask questions. I do not consent to
my participation in the survey described above.
Q37 Please enter your name:
o First Name ________________________________________________
o Last Name ________________________________________________
64
Q2 Please select the age group that best describes you.
o 30 – 35
o 36 – 40
o 41 – 45
o 46 – 50
o 51 – 55
o 56 – 60
o 61 – 65
o 65+
Q3 What is your marital status?
o Married
o Single (never married)
o Single (Divorce/Separated)
o Single (Widowed)
o Other
65
Q4 What age did you become superintendent?
o 35 years or younger
o 36 – 40 years
o 41 – 45 years
o 46 – 50 years
o 51 – 55 years
o 56 – 60 years
o 61 years or older
Q5 What is the number of children that you have?
o 0
o 1
o 2
o 3
o 4 or more
Q6 What is the highest degree you hold?
o BA or BS
o Master’s Degree
o Ed.D
o Ph.D
o Currently in school working toward a doctorate degree
66
Q7 What area of education did you primarily work in prior to becoming superintendent?
o Elementary Education
o Secondary Education
o Business
o Other
Q8 Which of the following did you obtain your first superintendent position?
o Hired from within the same district
o Hired outside of the district
Q9 How many districts did you apply to before obtaining superintendency?
o 1 – 3
o 4 – 6
o 7 – 9
o 10 – 13
o 14 or more
Q10 How many school superintendent positions have you held?
o 1 – 2
o 3 – 4
o 5 – 6
o 7 – 8
o 9 or more
67
Q11 How many years have you served or did as superintendent in your current district?
o 1 – 3
o 4 – 6
o 7 – 9
o 10 – 13
o 14 or more
Q36 How many total years have you served as superintendent in your career?
________________________________________________________________
Q12 Please identify the type of school district you work for.
o Rural
o Urban
o Suburban
Q13 What is the total number of students in your district?
o 500 - 2,999
o 3,000 - 24,999
o 25,000 – 39,999
o 40,000 or more students
68
Q14 What grade levels do your district serve?
o K-6
o K-8
o K-12
o 7-12
o 9-12
o Other (Please specify)
End of Block: Demographic Data
Start of Block: Barriers
Q16 Did you face challenges that made it difficult for you to obtain the superintendent position?
o Yes
o No
Q17 Do you think your race had anything to do with the challenges that you faced before or once
in the superintendency?
o Yes
o No
o I did not face any challenges.
69
Q18 Do you think your gender had anything to do with the challenges you faced before or once
in the superintendency?
o Yes
o No
o I did not face any challenges.
Q19 Did you receive any training to prepare for the superintendent position?
o Yes
o No
Q20 Did social expectations make it difficult for you to attain the superintendency?
o Yes
o No
Q21 Did cultural expectations make it difficult to attain the superintendency?
o Yes
o No
70
Q22 Do you believe school board members or search committee’s perceptions affected your
appointment?
o Yes
o No
Q23 Do you think race or ethnicity affected your appointment?
o Yes
o No
Q24 Do you think your gender affected your appointment?
o Yes
o No
End of Block: Barriers
Start of Block: Strategies and Supports
Q25 Have you had mentors in your professional life related to your position as a superintendent?
o Yes
o No
Q26 How many mentors have you had related to your position as superintendent?
________________________________________________________________
71
Q28 Of these mentors, how many have been male and how many have been female?
Number of male mentors: _______
Number of female mentors: _______
Total: ________
Q29 What point did you rely on mentors the most?
o In pursuing a superintendency position
o When transitioning to a new superintendency position
o The first year in a new superintendency position
o Ongoing support while in the superintendency position
o Not Applicable
Q31 How beneficial was the mentor relationship to your success as superintendent?
o Extremely beneficial
o Somewhat beneficial
o Not beneficial
o harmful
o Not applicable
72
Q37 Did you experience difficulties in balancing your work and personal life?
o Yes
o No
o Not Applicable
End of Block: Strategies and Supports
Start of Block: Follow-Up
Q38 Would you be willing to be contacted for a follow-up interview related to this topic?
o Yes
o No
End of Block: Follow-Up
73
Appendix B: Interview Protocol
Career Pathway
1) What influenced your decision to enter the field of education?
2) What was your career pathway to the superintendency?
3) Tell me about your experiences seeking a superintendent position. Why did you desire to
pursue the role of superintendent?
4) How did your ethnicity affect your career path toward superintendency?
5) How did your gender affect your career path toward superintendency?
6) Reflecting on your career, what skills sets do you believe where important that led to you
becoming a superintendent?
Barriers and Supports
7) Were there any barriers either personal or professional, that you experienced while
seeking the superintendent position?
8) What are the barriers, if any, that you have experienced as superintendent?
9) Describe the strategies that you used to thrive in your role and successfully lead your
school district?
Formal and Social Networks
10) What have been your experiences with formal or informal social networks related to your
superintendency?
11) How were these networks beneficial?
12) As an African American woman, how comfortable have you felt in participating in
formal networking vs informal networking? Please describe.
74
13) As an African American woman, what are your perceptions regarding formal and
informal networking? Please describe.
Mentorship
14) What role did mentorship programs play in you becoming a superintendent as an African
American woman?
15) What have been your experiences with mentors related to your superintendency?
16) How were these mentoring relationships been established? (Were you assigned? Did you
seek them out or did the relationship occur spontaneously?)
17) What was the structure of the relationship? (i.e. Time, frequency, location, structure of
meetings?)
18) How did the race or gender of your mentor factor into their effectiveness?
19) What might be some of the differences between having a male and a female mentor?
Additional Questions
20) How do you believe the career of an African American female superintendent differs
from that of women of other ethnicities?
21) What advice would you give to other African American women who aspire to become a
superintendent?
22) Based on your experience, why do you think there are so few African American women
superintendents in California.
75
Appendix C: Informed Consent
My name is Ikoko Mikle, and I am a doctoral candidate at the USC Rossier School of Education
at the University of Southern California. I am conducting a mixed-methods research study under
the guidance and direction of Dr. David Cash. The purpose of this study is to identify the
challenges African American women encountered during their career progression to the
superintendency. This study will aim to identify the challenges African American women face
once they obtain the position, as well as identify the strategies used to navigate these challenges
and succeed in the position. I will interview and survey African American female
superintendents who agree to be a part of the study.
You have been invited to participate in a graduate research study that will explore how African
American women in the superintendency navigate the interwoven barriers at the crossroads of
race and gender. It is my hope that this study will serve as a resource for African American
women who aspire to successfully pursue the position of superintendency.
Your participation is voluntary, and you have the right to withdraw at any time. The information
collected will be kept confidential and anonymous by the researcher. Data will be presented in a
manner that will ensure that no individual can be identified.
If you have any questions or concerns regarding your participation in this study, you may contact
me at (310) 930-1291 or Dr. David Cash at the University of Southern California.
Thank you in advance for your time and assistance.
Sincerely,
Ikoko Mikle, Researcher, mikle@usc.edu
Dr. David Cash, Dissertation Chair, dcash@usc.edu
76
Appendix D: Recruitment Email
Dear Superintendent [ NAME],
My name is Ikoko Mikle, and I am a doctoral candidate at the University of Southern
California, Rossier School of Education. I am conducting a study on African American female
superintendents in California. The purpose of this study is to examine the barriers and supports
that African American women face when seeking and serving in the capacity of superintendent.
African American women are remarkably underrepresented in the executive leadership position
in California. For those who aspire to become superintendents, it is imperative to understand and
analyze the barriers facing African American women as they endeavor to attain executive
leadership positions.
You have been selected to participate in this study due to your professional leadership in
education as an African American woman. Participation in this study is completely voluntary. As
a participant, your identity will remain anonymous and confidential throughout the duration of
the study and thereafter. If you consent to participating in this study, you will be invited to
complete an online survey that should take no more than 10 minutes to complete.
Based on your availability, you may be asked to participate in a short voluntary interview via
Zoom. The interview is anticipated to last around 40 minutes. The interview will be recorded
with your permission and you have the freedom to change your name and turn off your camera
during the interview to protect your identity. If you have any questions or concerns regarding
participation in this study, please contact Ikoko Mikle at (310) 930-1291. Thank you so much for
your time and assistance.
Sincerely,
Researcher:
Ikoko Mikle
mikle@usc.edu
Follow this link to the Survey:
AAfemalesuperintendent
77
Appendix E: Follow-Up Email
Dear Superintendent [Name],
My name is Ikoko Mikle, and I am a doctoral candidate at the University of California, Rossier
School of Education. Thank you for completing the survey and agreeing to participate in this
research study. The aim of this study is to conduct a focused investigation, identifying the
barriers African American women encountered during their career progression toward the
superintendency, as well as challenges they face in the role of superintendent. A deeper
understanding of these challenges and the strategies utilized to overcome barriers, will support
aspiring African American female superintendents to better prepare for the work of the
superintendency.
You were selected to participate in this research study because you are an African American
woman, currently serving as a superintendent in California and in your survey, you stated that
you were willing to participate in an interview to further this study. Your participation in this
research study is completely voluntary. You may without consequence decide not to continue
your involvement or refuse to answer any question(s). If you decide to withdraw your
participation after the interview, any data collected from you will be withdrawn from the study.
Please be assured that your comments will be strictly confidential. Your identity, organization,
and name will remain anonymous.
Thank you for considering participating in this study. I am excited to learn more about your
perspectives and experiences. I look forward to hearing from you soon.
Kindly,
Ikoko Mikle - USC Doctoral Candidate
Asset Metadata
Creator
Mikle, Ikoko (author)
Core Title
African American female superintendents in California: an exploration of barriers and supports
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education (Leadership)
Publication Date
04/16/2021
Defense Date
04/02/2021
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
African American female superintendents,oai:digitallibrary.usc.edu:usctheses,OAI-PMH Harvest
Language
English
Advisor
Cash, David (
committee chair
), Brent-Sanco, Patricia (
committee member
), Castruita, Rudy (
committee member
)
Creator Email
ikokomikle@gmail.com,mikle@usc.edu
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-446038
Unique identifier
UC11668096
Identifier
etd-MikleIkoko-9486.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-446038 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-MikleIkoko-9486.pdf
Dmrecord
446038
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Mikle, Ikoko
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
The superintendent is the highest-ranking leader in a school district. Yet, despite rising trends of women advancing in fields such as business and government, in California, the superintendency is still held by relatively few women and even fewer African American women (Sampson & Davenport, 2010). The purpose of this mixed-methods study was to ascertain the challenges African American women face in pursuit of this role. Also, this study sought to identify the strategies these women used to navigate the role’s challenges to succeed in the position. Eight participants were surveyed and five were interviewed. Findings indicated participants encountered discrimination in their pursuit of the position. These difficulties arise due to limited knowledge and exposure to individuals and agencies that control access to executive leadership positions in education.
Tags
African American female superintendents
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses