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Female East Asian American Millennial work values, communication, and followership: an investigation
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Female East Asian American Millennial work values, communication, and followership: an investigation
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Content
Female East Asian American Millennial Work Values, Communication, and Followership:
An Investigation
by
Sung Hyun Tiffany Kim
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2021
© Copyright by Sung Hyun Tiffany Kim 2021
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Sung Hyun Tiffany Kim certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Jennifer Phillips
Esther C. Kim
Helena Seli, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021
iv
Abstract
Female East Asian American Millennials are a particularly overlooked intersectional group in the
workforce from a human resource lens, due to the high potential for organizations to rely on
stereotyping as a sense-making tool. The purpose of the study was to examine the alignment of
enculturated and generational traits in female East Asian American Millennials in non-
supervisory roles, in terms of their workplace values, communication practices, and followership
styles. The conceptual framework was based on generation cohort theory (Mannheim, 1952), the
Asian Values Scale (AVS) (Kim & Hong, 2004), the Asian American Multidimensional
Acculturation Scale (AAMAS) (Chung et al., 2004), and Kelley’s (1992) theory of followership.
Data was collected through an online recruiting survey and semi-structured virtual interviews.
Narrative responses were categorically and thematically analyzed and coded using Atlas.ti
software. Interview transcripts were shared with participants in order to strengthen the credibility
and trustworthiness of the interpretation of their responses. Nine themes emerged: (1) collective
work goals and service orientation over individual goals, (2) meaningfulness of work defined by
intrinsic over extrinsic rewards, (3) impact of supervisory relations on work-life balance and
workplace harmony, (4) preference for indirect communication techniques, (5) impact of
supervisory relations and directionality on feedback frequency and style, (6) reservation of
expression with an expectation of management transparency, (7) preference for working in small
teams with strict observation of vertical power distance, (8) impact of vertical relations on
reciprocity of opinions, and (9) preference for compliance with guidelines over creative
autonomy. Findings from this study may contribute to a deeper understanding of the
heterogenous nature of ethnic and generational subgroups in the workforce and lead to
improvements in leadership training and human resource management.
v
Dedication
To my mother, Sook Hee Kim, and my sister, Mi Yeon Jennifer Kim, who taught me first-hand
about the complexities of juggling multiple identities as working-class female Asian Americans
in the United States. Thank you for your omnipresent understanding, support, and sacrifice. In
particular, to Jen – peacekeeper of this vibrant and volatile City of Angels and my personal hero
– you always modeled the changes you wanted to see in the world and are the inspiration behind
this research. This is our joint accomplishment, as I simply could not have done any of this
without you. Never think that all that you sacrificed for the collective went unnoticed. Thanks for
tirelessly safeguarding us, and always having my back. I love you.
vi
Acknowledgements
I wish to thank my committee members for their expertise and time. In particular to Dr.
Helena Seli (Chair), who spent many hours reading, editing, and coaching me throughout the
entire process and making me a better researcher. Many thanks as well to Drs. Jennifer Phillips
and Esther Kim, who generously offered valuable comments towards the overall improvement of
my work and provided incredibly useful feedback for my final defense. I also wish to thank my
sisters of the heart located in the Bay Area and across the Pacific for providing so much mental
and emotional support, as well as the members of Cohort 12 and the Saturday Breakfast Club,
whose curiosity, compassion, and collaborative spirit knew no bounds. You were all an
inspiration to me, and I will be forever grateful that we were in the academic trenches together
during this turbulent time in our nation’s history.
vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 3
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 6
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 6
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 7
Limitation and Delimitations .............................................................................................. 8
Definition of Terms ........................................................................................................... 10
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 12
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 13
Asian Americans in the Workplace .................................................................................. 13
Generation Y: The Millennial Cohort ............................................................................... 16
Implications for Subgroup Research ................................................................................. 20
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 21
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 23
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 24
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 24
Overview of Methodology ................................................................................................ 24
The Researcher .................................................................................................................. 26
viii
Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 26
Ethics……. ........................................................................................................................ 33
Chapter Four: Results or Findings ................................................................................................ 35
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 35
Results for Research Question One: What are the Work Values of Female East Asian
American Millennials? .......................................................................................... 40
Results for Research Question Two: What Communication Styles are Preferred by
Female East Asian American Millennials in the Workplace? .............................. 45
Results for Research Question Three: How Do Female East Asian American Millennials
Express Followership Tendencies in the Workplace? .......................................... 49
Summary of Results and Findings .................................................................................... 54
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 57
Findings ............................................................................................................................ 57
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 64
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................ 66
Implications and Considerations for Equity ..................................................................... 67
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 68
References ..................................................................................................................................... 71
Appendix A: Initial Delimiting Survey Protocol .......................................................................... 80
Appendix B: Semi-structured Interview Protocol ......................................................................... 84
Appendix C: Key Participant Responses to Interview Protocol Exploring Work Values,
Communication Preferences, and Followership Styles .................................................... 88
ix
List of Tables
Table 1: East Asian American and Millennial Work Values, Communication,
Preferences, and Followership Styles 22
Table 2: Data Sources and Methodologies 25
Table 3: Reported Levels of Enculturation and Adherence to Asian Values
Survey Questions 11-20, n=27 37
Table 4: Summary of Interview Participants 39
Table 5: Summary of Research Questions and Key Themes 56
1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Over 22.1 million individuals self-identify as Asian American, either Asian alone or in
combination with other races, and they represent 6.8% of the U.S. population (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2018). Many Asian Americans are faced with the daily challenge of negotiating their
multiple identities in the workplace, and much of the current research on identity and cultural
effects is problematic because it depicts Asian Americans as a single homogenous group, when
in fact the differences between Asian ethnic subgroups can be as vast as those between Asians
and other ethnic minority groups (Chae & Foley, 2010). There is extraordinary variability among
Asian Americans, with over 50 ethnic groups of different languages, religions, cultural norms,
educational levels, economic statuses, and immigration histories within the United States
(Varma, 2004). Asian Americans are rarely included in mainstream research on race relations
and the workplace, mostly because in professional occupations they are considered an over-
represented minority (Varma, 2004). As a population, however, they still experience stereotype
threat in the workplace and are among the least-represented groups in upper leadership roles
across private, public and nonprofit sectors (Akutagawa, 2013). Female East Asian Americans in
the workforce are a particularly overlooked and vulnerable group from a managerial lens, due to
the group’s high potential for enculturation of Confucian values. East Asians are comprised of
peoples from China, Japan, Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore, and are ethnically
distinct from other Asian ethnic subgroups in significant ways, including their religious and
cultural philosophies and their complex history of immigration to the U.S. (Park et al., 2013).
The process of enculturation is characterized by the retention of indigenous cultural values,
behaviors, knowledge and identity (Kim & Hong, 2004), and it affects subsequent generations of
2
this group differently than earlier generations of immigrants (Cheung & Swank, 2019; Kim &
Hong, 2004).
A key subgroup within the female East Asian American population are Millennials, the
largest of four generational cohorts that currently comprise the American labor force and born
during the roughly twenty-year period between 1980 through the early 2000s (Weber, 2017).
According to the U.S. Census Bureau, Millennials compose the greatest share of the United
States labor market and have greater diversity than any other generational cohort, with 44.2%
belonging to a minority group (Becton et al., 2014). Despite a high degree of internal diversity,
as a generational cohort they are characterized by popular culture as being homogeneous in their
work values and characteristics, which include self-orientation or narcissism; desire for
autonomy and meaningful work; a preference for teamwork; direct communication; the need for
frequent feedback; and work-life balance (Costanza & Finkelstein, 2015).
There is a need for more qualitative research to learn about and record the experiences of
the intersectional population of female East Asian American Millennial employees, as they may
encounter unique situations in the workplace in which their cultural identity is in conflict with
their generational cohort identity. The U.S. is predominantly individualist oriented, emphasizing
freedom and autonomy, while East Asian culture is collectivist-oriented and rooted in Confucian
teachings that value interdependence and prioritization of the group over self (Cheung & Swank,
2019). The extant research would benefit from examining whether the enculturated
characteristics of this subgroup align with the perceived Millennial characteristics in terms of
work values, communication preferences, and followership styles. Over-reliance by
organizational management on generational cohort characteristics without considering the unique
cultural and gender effects and vice versa could lead to dissatisfaction and attrition among
3
individuals who identify with the female East Asian American Millennial subgroup, and
unintentionally reinforce long-held stereotyped traits of this overall population as being passive,
servile, and submissive to authority (Li, 2014).
Background of the Problem
The multiple identities held by Asian Americans in the U.S. open them to multiple
opportunities for group stereotype threats in the workplace. Asian Americans as a minority group
have historically had to negotiate between their enculturated value systems and complex ethnic
identities in the contemporary workplace (Chae & Foley, 2010). Despite their high representation
as professionals, they are significantly under-represented in positions of authority, leadership,
and decision-making across the private sector, government agencies, and institutions of higher
education and in this regard are more similar to African Americans, Hispanics, and Native
Americans than to non-Hispanic Whites (Varma, 2004; Zhou & Lee, 2017). The purported
achievement of Asian Americans in the workforce has deep structural roots. The selective U.S.
immigration practices of the mid-twentieth century made a significant impact on the educational
and professional trajectories of certain Asian groups (Philip, 2014).
East Asian Americans share a distinctive cultural framework in the form of
Confucianism, which is a long-held philosophical tradition that has penetrated and dominated
individual, group and societal lives in East Asian nations for centuries (Chuang & Wang, 2018).
Confucian tenets emphasize in-group and institutional collectivism, performance orientation,
deference to authority, harmonious relations and encourage conflict avoidance and unequal
relationships (Chuang & Wang, 2018; Resnick et al., 2011). Research shows that employee
personalities, personal values and work attitudes, communications, and lifestyles are connected
to cultural heritage, and since culture carries shared motives, values, beliefs, identities, and
4
interpretations, the Confucian traditions of female East Asian American employees are likely to
affect dynamics in the contemporary workplace (Chuang & Wang, 2018; Murphy et al., 2004).
Another important aspect of the subgroup being studied is their generational cohort
identity as Millennials. As Baby Boomers (born between 1946 through 1964) and Gen-Xers
(born between 1965 through 1979) in the workplace are gradually replaced by the Millennial
generation, employee attrition and communication conflicts related to disparate work values
become common challenges to management, regardless of organizational size, focus, or culture
(Njoroge & Yazdanifard, 2014). It has become crucial for organizations to recognize that
motivating a multigenerational workforce goes beyond simple monetary reward systems, as
workplace motivational factors are quite diversified and resist compartmentalization (Calk &
Patrick, 2017). The prevailing belief is that members of different generations have different
foundational motivations and communication preferences, and organizations should be aware of
these disparate work values and manage each generational cohort differently. Work value
differences are defined as both environmental and intrapersonal forces that influence an
employee’s work-related behavior and drive employee motivations (Hillman, 2014). This can
have eventual implications as to the types of communication and followership styles that
organizations engage in and how collaborative they must be with regards to expectations-setting
(Bartz et al., 2017).
Against this backdrop, alignment of work values, communication preferences, and
followership tendencies can become a challenge for the intersectional group being studied.
Contemporary anecdotal research supports the idea that Millennials in particular prefer an
organizational management style that specifically promotes direct communication and validation
in order for them to find lasting job satisfaction (Seheult, 2016). However, for female East Asian
5
American Millennials, an over-reliance by management on these generational cohort
characteristics could inadvertently lead to employee dissatisfaction and disassociation. For
example, according to Bartz (2017) the expectation-setting process is a communication model
intended to reward and improve performance amongst Millennial employees. During this process
Millennial employees are encouraged to give opinions, offer suggestions, and ask questions for
clarity in collaborative discussions. However, communication literature suggests that Asian
American employees actually negotiate communication channels much differently than other
groups, given their cultural emphasis on high-context communication strategies (Park & Kim,
2008). Many traditional Asian communication norms actually devalue direct openness and
expressiveness (Park & Kim, 2008), qualities purportedly preferred by Millennial cohorts in the
workplace (Hall, 2016). Through high-context communication, most information is inferred
through relational context, versus any actual explicit discourse. Within this dynamic, any
negative feelings or disagreement is expressed in an ambiguous manner so that each side has
flexibility in interpreting the message, allowing the preservation of face - a key tenet within
many Asian cultures (Park & Kim, 2008). Millennials are also perceived to adapt to one of four
types of followership models: alienated, conformist, passive, or exemplary (Chou, 2012).
Followership refers to the interactive role that individuals play which complements the
leadership role, and is a key factor within group and organizational performance. Although
usually associated with negative connotations, success within any organization depends on
individuals who can cooperate and accomplish goals without competing for leadership or power
(Chou, 2012). Based on the degree of their Asian American identities, their perceived
followership styles in the workplace could also be indicative of how much they prospectively
adhere to certain enculturated values such as collectivism, conformity to norms, deference to
6
authority figures, emotional restraint, and humility (Kim & Hong, 2004). Current theories of
acculturation and enculturation suggest that further removed generations of Asian Americans
will more closely adhere to Millennial characteristics and Western values, which include
individualism, autonomy, and future orientation (Kim & Hong, 2004).
Statement of the Problem
Essentially, female East Asian American Millennial employees face a multiple overlay of
challenges in the workplace due to their concurrent ethnic and generational identities. Examining
various experiences and attitudes amongst this intersectional group allows organizations to
reduce the risk of resorting to stereotyping as a sense-making tool for workforce management
(Lyons et al., 2015). This study aimed to glean responses regarding work values, communication
preferences, and followership styles for female East Asian Americans in non-supervisory roles,
focusing particularly on Millennials as the largest and most diverse generational cohort in the
workforce. Delimiting the study to non-supervisory employees across organizations helped
channel the focus of the study towards internal motivations and followership tendencies rather
than external rewards and leadership characteristics.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to gain more in-depth knowledge into the workplace
values, communication practices, and followership styles of female East Asian American
Millennials in non-supervisory roles. There is limited knowledge on the actual experiences of
many intersectional groups, particularly with respect to ethnicity and generational identities in
the workplace. The study examined whether the Confucian-based enculturated values,
communication preferences, and followership styles of full-time, non-supervisory female East
Asian American Millennial employees align with the more widely accepted characteristics
7
attributed to their generational cohort as a whole. Findings from this study may be used to
generate recommendations for human resource management and employee retention and were
guided by the following research questions:
1) What are the work values of female East Asian American Millennials?
2) What communication styles are preferred by female East Asian American
Millennials in the workplace?
3) How do female East Asian American Millennials express followership tendencies
in the workplace?
Significance of the Study
Qualitative research focusing on the heterogeneity of motivations and work values among
this subgroup may help organizations conceptualize the impact of enculturation and experience
against accepted generational perceptions and norms (Lyons et al., 2015). Examining how
enculturation impacts behavior can increase understanding of this group’s expectations and
values in the workplace and balance stereotypes associated with passivity and submissiveness
(Li, 2014).
In reviewing the current literature on the topic of multigenerational and multicultural
groups in the workplace, over-reliance on the stereotyped characteristics without consideration of
cultural and generational heterogeneity could result in misaligned managerial practices, which
may then lead to dissatisfaction and attrition among female East Asian American Millennial
employees. Their unique perspectives can become overgeneralized as studies and surveys
attempt to establish homogenous attributions and characteristics across this entire subgroup.
Ethnically, East Asian society and culture is distinct from other Asian regions and comprised of
China, Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore. People of these countries can identify
8
as belonging to the same cultural cluster because they hold strong Confucian-based beliefs and
values that may become attenuated as they are taught and passed down to subsequent generations
in the U.S. (Cheung & Swank, 2019; Chuang & Wang, 2018; Xin, 2004). In terms of the
Millennial identity, Costanza and Finkelstein (2015) stated that birth cohort alone does not
necessarily imbue individuals with homogeneous values, attitudes, and behaviors, as
Mannheim’s (1952) seminal theoretical work expressly stated that generations are not a
monolithic construct. A generational cohort, from a broader perspective, is not simply a group of
people born in the historical period but rather a collective consciousness that emerges within a
cohort with which individuals will identify to varying degrees (Lyons et al., 2015). These
variations in workplace values and behaviors need to be examined under a cross-sectional lens,
as lack of consideration for differences in national context, gender, and ethnicities among
employees can lead to an organization falling back onto stereotypes as a sense-making tool.
Limitation and Delimitations
The methodologies used were designed to elicit detailed information and narratives from
a narrow target subgroup, as they pertain to workplace motivations, communication preferences,
and followership styles. However, limitations and delimitations were still present. Limitations in
research refer to design constraints and external factors that cannot be controlled by the
researcher or mitigated by study design, while delimitations are the deliberate parameters and
boundaries of the group or phenomena being studied (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
An unanticipated limitation of the proposed qualitative methodology was the high
potential for personal, occupational, environmental and economic disruption during the global
COVID-19 health crisis and pandemic. In March of 2020, approximately three months after
Chinese authorities admitted to a novel coronavirus outbreak and 10 weeks after the first
9
infection was documented on American soil, the U.S. led the world in COVID-19 cases (Carter
& May, 2020). Interviews had to be conducted remotely or within a virtual environment during
subsequent quarantine periods with employees who have been working out of their homes on an
extended basis. Being unable to observe any in-situ workplace behaviors or non-verbal cues in
person may have affected the level of candor provided in their responses. Also, due to the sudden
displacement of many traditional office-based work spaces and communication modalities, some
thematic findings may not be applicable across all industries or organizational cultures.
The main delimitation of the study was the sole inclusion of participants whose
demographics aligned with the subgroup being studied, specifically those who identified as
female East Asian American Millennials who were currently employed full-time in non-
supervisory roles. High levels of heterogeneity can exist even within the target sample
population, as subethnic groups within the East Asian American population are inherently
diverse and multi-dimensional in their enculturated states (Chung et al., 2004). Utilizing the
narratives from employees across public, private, and non-profit organizations could also reflect
extremely disparate work environments, against which the main concepts are explored. Focusing
specifically on participants in non-supervisory roles helped to emphasize employee perspectives
on followership, and their full-time status ensured adequate exposure to Western-style work-
spaces and deeper levels of professional engagement within organizations. Although the survey
protocol served to filter the initial population significantly prior to the interview phase, the ethnic
heterogeneity of the subgroup and functional disparities in professional roles could have
introduced confounding effects in terms of the resulting data.
10
Definition of Terms
The following definitions provide clarity of concepts, to assist in orienting readers to the
background of the problem of practice and the current literature available on the topic of female
East Asian American Millennials in the workforce and generational cohort theory.
Acculturation
Acculturation is defined as the process of adapting to the norms of the dominant group,
Current theories posit that further removed generations of East Asian Americans will adhere to
European American cultural values more strongly than recent immigrants (Kim & Omizo, 2005).
East Asian American
East Asian Americans are defined as people who emigrated to the U.S. or are descended
from any of the following countries: Peoples Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan, Japan, Korea,
Hong Kong, or Singapore (Resnick et al., 2011).
Enculturation
Enculturation is defined as the process of retaining indigenous cultural values, behaviors,
knowledge and identity. Values that are salient in traditional East Asian culture include the
concept of collectivism or harmony, conformity to norms, deference to authority figures,
emotional restraint, filial piety, hierarchical family structure, and humility (Kim & Hong, 2004).
Followership
Followership is defined as an interactive role that an individual assumes which
complements the formal leadership in organizations. Follower styles fall under four general
categories: 1) alienated, characterized by healthy skepticism of the organization by the
employee; 2) conformist, reflected by those who actively do their tasks and follow orders; 3)
passive, meaning those who require constant direction; and 4) exemplary followers, who are
11
noted for being independent, innovative, and able to understand how to work and interact with
others in organizations, all without seeking power themselves (Chou, 2012).
Generational Cohorts
Generational cohorts are defined as a group born within a shared time frame that shares a
unique set of significant historical and social life events during key developmental stages that
contributes to the unique characteristics of the group as seen in their values, attitudes, and
personality traits (Twenge et al., 2010).
High-Context Communication
High-context communication is defined as communication styles that include being
indirect, inferring meaning, interpersonal sensitivity, using feelings to guide behavior, and using
silence. This is contrasted against low-context communication, which is defined by being
dramatic, dominant, animated, relaxed, attentive, open, friendly, contentious, and impression-
leaving (Park & Kim, 2008).
Millennials
Millennials are the most recent and largest generational cohort in the current workforce.
Defined as being born between 1980 through the early 2000s and growing up in a digital age,
their members are perceived to work well in team settings, are motivated by meaningful tasks,
strive for a work-life balance, prefer open and frequent communication, and comprehend
communication technologies (Chou, 2012).
Work Values
Work values are defined as the outcomes employees desire and feel that they should
attain through work, and these expectations also directly shape perceptions, attitudes, and
behaviors in the workplace (Twenge et al., 2010).
12
Organization of the Study
Chapter One provides a high-level summary of the problem of practice, the importance of
the study and the research questions that informed it, the theoretical frameworks, the
intersectional group being studied and proposed methodologies, and conceptual definitions.
Chapter Two gives a concise literature review summarizing the available research salient to the
theories and experiences of the intersectional group being studied, along with limitations,
conflicts and gaps in the extant literature. Chapter Three describes the mixed methodologies used
in the qualitative study, as well as the specific attributes of the participant sample used in the in-
depth interviews and the logic behind this categorization. Chapter Four presents the survey
results and the interview findings. Chapter Five delivers an analysis of the results against the
existing literature and theoretical foundations on the problem of practice being examined. This
section will include discussions and design flaws or shortcomings, as well as a conclusion that
incorporates broader future impacts of this research.
13
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This literature review examines the current research available on the challenges of
negotiating Asian American identities and enculturated values alongside and the perceived
motivations of Millennials in the workplace. The review begins with an overview of the
literature on Asian Americans and the impact of traditional Asian and Confucian values on
workplace behavior, including the importance of indirect communication styles, respect for
hierarchy and harmony, and the perpetuation of the model minority stereotype. The review then
provides general background relating to the characteristics ascribed to Millennials as a
generational cohort, and then details the group’s perceived workplace values, communication
preferences, and followership tendencies according to research. Following the synopsis of extant
research on the topics of enculturated Asian values and Millennial characteristics, Table 1
outlines the work values, communication preferences, and followership styles attributed to
female East Asian Americans as an ethnic subgroup, as compared to Millennials as a
generational subgroup.
Asian Americans in the Workplace
One highly understudied subgroup within the U.S. labor force is female East Asian
Americans. According to the 2018 U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Asians and Other Pacific
Islanders comprise over 60% of the employed labor force, and the multiple identities held by this
subgroup open them to multiple opportunities for group stereotype threats. Asian Americans as
an ethnic subgroup may hold deeply enculturated Confucian values in the workplace that run
counter to the presumed values and behaviors of their Millennial cohort identities. Their group
variability in simultaneous acculturated and enculturated states reflects their long and
complicated past within the fabric of U.S. immigration policy. Hyper-selection of Asian
14
immigrant professionals in the fields of engineering, math, science and mathematics when
immigration laws changed in the U.S. in 1965 has contributed to the persistent stereotype of all
Asians as a homogenized ‘model minority’, and many Asian American professionals still
encounter effects of the “bamboo ceiling” in the contemporary workplace (Zhou & Lee, 2017).
The bamboo ceiling is a structural barrier that targets Asian Americans and impedes their
mobility in the workplace, much like the glass ceiling does for women (Hyun, 2005; Zhou &
Lee, 2017). Culture is invoked to explain the perceived barrier, as values such as diligence and
deference to authority in the workplace are reframed as passivity and a lack of communication
and social skills, contributing to the dismissal of complex forms of racism and struggles within
the Asian American community that is shaped by ethnicity, gender, and generational status
(Philip, 2014; Zhou & Lee, 2017).
Traditional Confucian Values
Traditional Confucian conservatism includes non-competitiveness, collectivism, respect
for authority and hierarchy, moderation, harmonious relations, and emotional self-restraint with
an emphasis on cultivating moral behavior (Chuang & Wang, 2018). Research on sampled Asian
Millennials show that traditional Asian values based on Confucian philosophy can be attenuated
significantly after continued exposure to western culture via acculturation, or adopting the norms
and values of the dominant culture (Chuang & Wang, 2018). The concept of adherence to
traditional cultural values, or enculturation, proposes that earlier generations of Asian Americans
will adhere to traditional cultural values more strongly than those who are several generations
removed from immigration (Kim & Omizo, 2005). Parry and Urwin (2011) argue that national
culture is likely to have a significant influence on generational values, attitudes, and behaviors as
well.
15
Asian American Work Values
Current research on Asian American work values tend to generalize core cultural traits
with a particular emphasis on the Confucian influence (Xin, 2004). One widely held Confucian
belief is that it is a virtue to work diligently and to show deference and obedience to authority
(Gilbert et al., 2003; Xin, 2004). Asian Americans tend to value group harmony and effort over
individual goals (Gilbert et al., 2003). In a study comparing work attitudes of Asian Americans
against African and European Americans, results showed they were more like European
Americans in wanting meaningful, important work but derived comparatively little internal
satisfaction from their jobs (Weaver, 2000). There is also preliminary research in how Asian
Americans have constructed meaning in their careers and studies show that the familial
influence, another important Confucian tenet, can have a pervasive and extended influence on
career development (Fouad et al., 2008).
Asian American Communication Preferences
Communication literature suggests that Asian Americans communicate differently than
other cultural groups. Asian Americans tend to respond to conflict situations by using more
obliging and avoiding styles, rather than being direct when compared to European American
counterparts (Park & Kim, 2008; Ting-Toomey et al., 2000;). Many East Asian cultures tend to
utilize high context communication, which employs techniques such as being indirect, inferring
meaning, using interpersonal sensitivity, using feelings to guide behavior, and using silence. In
contrast, low context communication is characterized by being dramatic, dominant, animated,
relaxed, attentive, open, friendly, or contentious (Park & Kim, 2008). The indirect
communication style helps to preserve the Confucian values of maintaining harmonious
relationships by allowing the communicator to express negative feelings or disagreement in an
16
ambiguous manner, so that the receiver has flexibility in interpreting the message in a negative or
non-negative way (Park & Kim, 2008).
Asian American Followership Tendencies
Consistent with a paternalistic cultural tradition, Asian American employees may
attribute more importance in the workplace towards hierarchy and harmony. They may observe a
higher power distance between ranks and subordinates may demand and expect guidance,
protection, and care from their superiors (Yi et al., 2015). They are more likely to respect
authority, compliance, and value humility in interpersonal relations (Yi et al., 2015). Individuals
who value humility are less likely to communicate in ways that attract attention to themselves or
seem contentious because they do not want to seem disagreeable or impose their individual needs
upon others (Park & Kim, 2008). Studies show that impression management tactics utilized by
Asian Americans, defined as behaviors that affect the quality of supervisor-subordinate
relationships, lean heavily towards being job-focused rather than self-focused due to cultural
traits, which can lead to an impression management gap and a possible explanation as to why so
few Asian Americans attain leadership positions in the U.S. (Xin, 2004).
Generation Y: The Millennial Cohort
Millennials, also referred to as Generation Y or Generation Me, are characterized as
being the most narcissistic, ethnically diverse, and technologically savvy of the current
generations in the workplace (Twenge & Campbell, 2008; Twenge et al., 2010). They are more
collaborative than previous generations, and as a group are more willing to change jobs in search
of more leisure or challenging and satisfying work as long as basic needs are met (Twenge et al.,
2010). According to research they are also lifelong learners who are comfortable with
technology, and also seek a work-life balance and will use job portability and lateral career
17
moves to achieve this balance (Campione, 2014). Organizational practices are striving to adapt to
their Millennial employee expectations by adjusting reward systems, communication technology,
and leadership tactics according to their perceived values (Twenge et al., 2010). They are an
eclectic cohort that resists generalization in terms of motivational needs, which has several
implications in terms of motivational management and organizational expectations (Calk &
Patrick, 2017).
Generations in the Workplace
Current research establishes the presence of at least four distinct generations of workers
in the contemporary workplace: Baby Boomers (born between 1946-1964); Generation X (born
between 1965-1979); Generation Y or the Millennial Generation (born between 1980-2000); and
Generation Z or Digital Natives (born after 2000) (Becton et al., 2014). The term “generation”
refers to a group of people born during a common time span who have shared general life
experiences and major historical events (Mannheim, 1952). Proponents of generational cohort
theory assert that such shared life experiences drive collective memories and values that translate
into common attitudes, behaviors, and a cohesive sense of group identity (Dencker et al., 2008;
Rudolph & Zacher, 2015). However, there is growing realization that identities may be more
heterogeneous within generational cohorts than across them (Dencker et al., 2008). Although a
consensus as to what constitutes a generation still remains elusive, scholars tend to agree that the
empirical literature is fraught with methodological limitations through the use of cross-sectional
research designs in most studies, confusion about the definition of a generation as opposed to a
cohort, and a lack of consideration for differences in national context, gender and ethnicity
(Cogin, 2012; Parry & Urwin, 2011; Rudolph & Zacher, 2017).
18
Millennial Characteristics
Based on generational cohort theory, all individuals classified within a particular
generation will experience key life events the same way and would be influenced by these events
in a congruent fashion. However, currently no empirical findings suggest that this is true (Jones
et al., 2018). As Millennials gradually replace Baby Boomers and Gen-Xers in the workplace as
the largest workforce generation (Gong et al., 2018), organizations have begun to recognize that
this youngest and most diversified generation cohort is motivated beyond simple monetary
reward, as their perceived work values, communication, and followership styles resist
compartmentalization (Calk & Patrick, 2017). As a group, Millennials tend to be confident,
assertive, and believe in the right of individuals to succeed and contribute to the workplace
regardless of their background (Campione, 2015). Findings show that Millennials often require a
clear path to success with clearly defined rubrics, well-defined expectations, and open discourse
with constant feedback from supervisors (Campione, 2015; Myer & Sadaghiani, 2010).
Millennial Work Values
When it comes to the expectations of Millennials in the context of the workplace, they
differ from other generational cohorts in that they have always had access to technology and
view it as an integral part of their lives (Lancaster & Stillman, 2002). They tend to be motivated
by fulfilling tasks, team-oriented environments, and social consciousness (Meister & Willyerd,
2010) and are particularly intolerant of inflexible workplaces, particularly when it comes to
impeding personal and family goals (Schneer & Beutell, 2019). This cohort is generally
perceived to value a work-life balance, teamwork, challenging and meaningful work, open
communication with supervisors, frequent feedback, technology, and transparency (Weber,
2017). For Millennials, interesting work and career development outweigh a paycheck and
19
benefits, and as a cohort tend to rely more on networks than an employer for guidance and
knowledge growth (Hagel, 2014).
Millennial Communication Preferences
Millennials as a generation are defined by their expectation that all information should be
shared with them, regardless of their position in the organization (Myers & Sadaghiani, 2010).
They are not afraid to express discontent and prefer centralized decision making, clearly defined
responsibilities, and formalized procedures similar to rubrics received in a school setting
(Campione, 2015). Members of this generation often desire frequent feedback from peers and
supervisors (Walden et al., 2017) and prefer horizontal communication and collaborative
working styles (Pinzaru et al., 2016). Millennials not only seek open and direct communication
and frequent feedback, but also readily gather and share information with others (Chou, 2012;
Gursoy et al., 2008). Based on this perspective, one can expect Millennial employees to utilize a
two-way communication approach that emphasizes reciprocal relationships with subordinates
and supervisors alike (Chou, 2012). It is said they prefer working with peers in a team-oriented
work environment and alongside supervisors with whom they can relate and who value their
input (Lester et al., 2012).
Millennial Followership Tendencies
Ultimately, Millennial employees seek authentic leadership that is genuine, direct, and
transparent (Seheult, 2016). Millennials tend to feel more committed to an individual rather than
an organization, and so theoretically the leader-follower bond can be used to create a positive
work climate and nurture feelings of commitment for the organization (Sabir & Bhutta, 2018).
Highly engaged followers go above and beyond their job descriptions and exert effort to
accomplish goals, which in turn lead to positive outcomes like increased job satisfaction,
20
organizational commitment, and decreased turnover (Chou, 2012). Research suggests that
followers’ behaviors are the result of collectivist values, age, and work experience, and therefore
inexperienced followers will attribute much more influence to their leaders (Chong & Wolf,
2010). Millennials need supervisor direction and feedback more than previous generations, but at
the same time desire autonomy and freedom from continuous supervisor scrutiny (Twenge et al.,
2010).
Implications for Subgroup Research
The influence of different cultures on the intergenerational workplace is critical to
understanding contemporary workplace dynamics in the midst of globalization (Chuang &
Wang, 2018). First, female East Asian American Millennials face stereotypes from multiple
fronts, not only based on their gender and ethnic roots but also as the youngest generational
cohort in the workforce. The model minority myth paints Asian Americans as hardworking,
intelligent, successful yet passive, lacking social skills, apolitical, submissive, and lacking the
aggressiveness required for high-ranking managerial positions (Li, 2014). These positive
perceptions of Asian Americans as hardworking, intelligent, ambitious, and achievement-
oriented work alongside negative stereotypes of them as shy, quiet, polite, and cold prevent them
from advancing into executive positions (Li, 2014). While there is a trend toward more
egalitarian attitudes toward gender roles in America, there is evidence to suggest that traditional
gender roles and attitudes are still present (Schneer & Beutell, 2019). The model minority traits
of passivity & submissiveness are reinforced, intensified, and gendered by the stereotype of
female Asian Americans as obedient, servile, feminine, reserved, humble, and demure (Li,
2014). Secondly, the impact of non-western cultural traditions on generational values has
received limited scholarly attention, representing a significant research gap in the literature. Ng
21
and Parry (2016) further noted that national culture plays a significant role in shaping the work
values and attitudes of the same generations between different countries. Lyons and Kuron
(2014) examined the literature on intergenerational research dated back to 1952, and concluded
that the majority of studies failed to take into account the unique cultural and historical
conditions that produced different generational configurations (Chuang & Wang, 2018). In-depth
qualitative research on Millennial subgroups would add to the validity of the existing
generational literature and help discourage the practice of stereotyping in the workplace, which
may result in unnecessary, ineffective, inappropriate, wasteful, illegal, and potentially damaging
efforts by organizational management (Costanza & Finkelstein, 2015).
Conceptual Framework
There is very little extant research about the perspectives of female East Asian American
Millennials in the workplace, but a plentitude of stereotypes as a model minority. They are often
perceived to be ethnically homogenous, smart, well-educated, and high achieving, yet are still
considered lacking in certain leadership qualities and are significantly under-represented in
positions of authority, policy, and decision-making across all industries (Varma, 2004; Zhou &
Lee, 2017). Fixation by organizations on generalized characteristics, without deeper
consideration of the unique enculturated values of certain ethnic subgroups and generational
heterogeneity, could increase the propensity for stereotyping as a sense-making tool by
management and lead to disassociation and attrition among this intersectional group (Costanza &
Finkelstein, 2015). Traditional Asian values emphasize collectivism, non-contentiousness,
humility, indirect communication, and deference to higher authority (Park & Kim, 2008). Current
theories of enculturation propose that earlier generations of Asian Americans will adhere to these
traditional cultural values more strongly than later generations removed from immigration (Kim
22
& Omizo, 2005). In contrast, Millennials are considered to be the most diverse cohort in terms of
ethnicity (Green, 2008) and as a cohort value authentic leadership, work-life balance, teamwork,
meaningful tasks, transparency, open communication, frequent feedback, social networks, and
technology (Weber, 2017). Twenge’s (2008) analysis of Millennials suggests that the changes
observed in a generation are a result of evolution rather than a cyclical occurrence, as parents
pass the trends to their children (Nae, 2017). This study seeks to understand how work values,
communication, and followership tendencies vary and align among members of this
intersectional subgroup, within the context of their generational and enculturated identities.
Table 1
East Asian American and Millennial Work Values, Communication Preferences, and
Followership Styles
Identities: Work Values: Communication: Followership:
East Asian
Americans (Ethnic
Subgroup)
• Collectivism
• Humility
• Harmony
• Indirect (high context)
• Saving face
• Moderation
• Respect for
authority
• Vertical
• Compliance
Millennials
(Generational
Cohort)
• Individualism
• Meaningfulness
• Work-life balance
• Direct (low context)
• Frequent feedback
• Transparency
• Teamwork
• Horizontal
• Autonomy
Note: based on Campione (2015); Chuang & Wang (2018); Gong et al., (2018); Park & Kim
(2008); Weaver (2000); Weber (2017); Xin (2014).
23
Summary
The literature review and table above identified the Confucian-based enculturated values
of female East Asian Americans, and the persistent stereotypes associated with them. It was
presented alongside the Millennial workforce and their perceived work values, communication
styles, and followership tendencies. The study utilized the tenets of Confucian-based society as
studied by Chuang and Wang (2018) as well as the framework of Mannheim’s (1952)
generational cohort theory to examine the degree of alignment between the two sets of values for
the subgroup of female East Asian American Millennials, thereby adding to the body of
knowledge on heterogeneity of culture within generational cohorts. Asian Americans in
particular have been virtually excluded from race relations and human resource management
research, primarily due to their overrepresentation in certain fields and the model minority image
as well-adjusted and successful (Gilbert et al., 2003; Philip, 2014). The literature demonstrated a
lack of qualitative content on the values of distinct Asian ethnic subgroups and how the
subgroups differed in the processes by which they develop and navigate multiple identities (Park
et al., 2013). Mainstream research on intergenerational dynamics in the workplace showed a lack
of insight on how culture influences their generational identity, and revealed a gap in qualitative
data on real differences within the generational cohort members. Millennials represent the largest
and most diverse generation in the workplace today, and these findings might provide insight to
organizations by guiding them on the appropriateness of certain rewards practices and
managerial policies that attract, motivate, and retain Millennial talent.
24
Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions and experiences of female Asian
American Millennial employees in non-supervisory roles within organizations, as it pertains to
their workplace values, communication preferences, and followership styles. Findings from the
study may contribute to the current extant knowledge on Asian Americans and Millennials in the
workplace, which can be used by organizations to develop employee management strategies for
this particular generational subgroup. This section begins by reasserting the study’s main
research questions, outlines the specific demographics of the participants, describes the multiple
methods used in the collection and analysis of the data, and acknowledges the limitations and
delimitations of the study by the researcher.
Research Questions
1. What are the work values of female East Asian American Millennials?
2. What communication styles are preferred by female East Asian American Millennials
in the workplace?
3. How do female East Asian American Millennials express followership tendencies in
the workplace?
Overview of Methodology
This study utilized a mixed methodological design of both quantitative and qualitative
approaches. The initial phase consisted of a short online survey, posted on social and
professional network sites to recruit potential participants for inclusion in the study. The survey
functioned to disaggregate a diverse starting population and to establish a baseline of self-
reported adherence to certain traditional Asian values and acculturation levels, based on the
psychometric scales developed by Kim and Hong (2004) and Chung et al. (2004). The second
25
phase took a random sample of 12 participants from survey responses to conduct in-depth
interviews. This phase yielded detailed narrative data that was categorically and thematically
analyzed and coded using Atlas.ti software.
Table 2
Data Sources and Methodologies
Research Questions Survey Interviews
What are the work values of female East Asian
American Millennials?
X
What communication styles are preferred by
female East Asian American Millennials in the
workplace?
X X
How do female East Asian American Millennials
express followership tendencies in the
workplace?
X X
26
The Researcher
My positionality as a female East Asian American researcher who has worked over a
decade in the higher education sector among Millennial employees informed the need to make
more in-depth qualitative research available on the topic of ethnic and generational subgroups.
Having directly experienced firsthand the conflicting motivations impacted by ascribed cultural
norms versus generational traits, I could attest to a gap in the knowledge pertaining to this
subgroup’s heterogeneity in the workplace. My role in this study was restricted to that of
observer-participant, in that any affiliation to the employees being studied was secondary to the
role of information gatherer (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Biases and assumptions were mitigated
by opening the initial survey to all members of the LinkedIn professional network and public
Facebook groups, irrespective of industry, as well as peer review and pilot testing for both
survey and interview protocols, and transcript review of participant responses during the
interview phase.
Data Sources
An initial survey was posted online via LinkedIn and public Facebook group networks,
specifically Asian Americans in LA, the Asian American Alliance, and the Asian Pacific
Americans for Progress (APAP) Los Angeles. The survey initiated the disaggregation process
amongst a large population of current professionals by asking them to provide key demographic
data about themselves and their roles in the workplace and, if their responses qualified them, to
indicate their level of enculturated Asian values on a 5-point Likert-type scale. Survey
participants had the option to provide contact information if they were both eligible and willing
to participate in the next phase of the study, which was semi-structured interviews. A random
sample of 12 participants who qualified as female East Asian American Millennial non-
27
supervisory employees were contacted by the researcher to participate in an online interview
protocol.
Survey
The initial phase consisted of an online survey posted on professional and social
networks to begin the process of participant recruitment. The aim of the survey was to obtain
enough detail about participants to narrow the results to only female East Asian American
Millennial full-time employees who worked in non-supervisory roles. The survey helped to
disaggregate a very broad starting population and to establish a baseline of self-reported
acculturated values that may provide deeper insight into the cultural background of the
participants and behavioral motivations during the analysis phase.
Participants
The online survey was open to all members of the professional LinkedIn network and
affinity groups within the Facebook social application. The survey asked participants to verify
key demographic details about themselves for eligibility in the study. If their responses qualified
them, the survey then invited them to self-report on their own acculturation levels and adherence
to certain core Asian values. The desired subset of the general population was culled based on
these responses, as the study only sought the participation of a very narrow subgroup,
specifically full-time employees in non-supervisory roles within any organizations who also
identified as female, East Asian American, and part of the Millennial cohort (e.g., born between
1980 and 2000) (Weber, 2017).
Instrumentation
The survey instrument was developed using Qualtrics and consisted of 20 questions,
designed to efficiently disaggregate the potentially large initial participant pool. Appendix A
28
presents the survey instrument used. Questions 1-10 asked participants to provide responses
confirming gender, age, country of birth, ethnic identity, adoptee and immigrant status, education
levels, and professional role. This portion of the survey helped to significantly narrow the
starting population down to the specific generational subgroup whose experiences the study
seeks to elucidate. Question 11-14 were adapted from the Asian American Multidimensional
Acculturation Scale (AAMAS) for Asian Americans, which pertained to cultural identity,
knowledge, food consumption and language as the most reliable domains of Asian acculturation
(Chung et al., 2004). Questions 15-20 were adapted from the revised Asian Values Scale by Kim
and Hong (2004). Participants rated their adherence levels to six main factors: conformity to
norms, family recognition through achievement, emotional self-control, collectivism, humility,
and filial piety. Cumulatively, questions 11-20 were designed to gather details about the
participants’ self-ascribed levels of cultural knowledge and values adherence using a 5-point
Likert scale. Responses to these questions could provide potentially useful data when analyzed
against interview responses and resulting themes.
Data Collection Procedures
Recruitment and collection of data began as a survey link posted and advertised through
LinkedIn and Facebook sites in late summer of 2020. Snowball sampling was encouraged to
ensure maximum exposure through associations and professional or personal networks. The
survey link was active for an initial run of 30 days and took approximately 8-10 minutes to
complete, based on pilot tests conducted through coursework and class exercises. The brevity of
the protocol counteracted the potential for participants to develop survey fatigue (Robinson &
Firth Leonard, 2019) and peer review and pilot testing ensured that questions were
understandable and manageable on any mobile device platform. The last section of the survey
29
included a box for participants to provide their email address if they were interested in being
contacted for the interview phase, provided that their responses qualified them.
Data Analysis
The survey responses were sorted using Qualtrics and Microsoft Excel to delimit the
responses based on questions 1-10, which confirmed the gender identity, ethnic identity,
generational cohort, professional role, and organizational status so that the necessary population
was gleaned. If participants did not qualify, then they did not receive the enculturation and
cultural values portion of the survey or move on to the next phase. Responses to questions 11-20
were only used to underpin any interesting patterns of thought or experiences shared by the
participants during interviews or thematic coding and analysis. Descriptive statistics were run for
central tendencies and frequencies. By only opening the enculturation and cultural values portion
of the survey to participants who identify as female East Asian American Millennial non-
supervisory employees, the multiple confounding impact of age effects, disparate generational
memories, and immigrant status on within the subgroup being studied is reduced (Dencker,
2008; Kim & Omizo, 2005; Parry & Urwin, 2011). The survey predominantly seeks to gather
demographic and cultural information about eligible participants that may have potential
significance only when analyzed holistically against their interview responses.
Validity and Reliability
Validity and reliability were maximized by adapting questions from the findings of two
existing instrument scales. Questions associated with enculturation are derived from the four
domains tested in the Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS),
developed by Chung et al. (2004). The original AAMAS for Asian Americans contained 15
items and were measured using a 6-point Likert-type scale, with a Cronbach’s alpha value of .78.
30
In addition, questions associated with Asian values adherence are adapted from the statements
measuring six key cultural factors outlined in the Asian Values Scale (AVS), revised by Kim and
Hong (2004). Their tool consisted of 25 items using a 4-point Likert scale, with a Cronbach’s
alpha of .82. Reliance on these extant psychometric scales in the field of Asian American
research increased validity and reliability of responses in the survey, and provided credibility in
later analysis against interview responses (Robinson & Firth Leonard, 2019).
Interviews
The second phase of the study consisted of semi-structured interviews with 12
participants, randomly selected from the participant pool generated via responses to the initial
survey. The inductive-style approach of the interview method was well suited in seeking greater
understanding of an existing social phenomena and for generating a large amount of data from a
small sample (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018). Interviews also provided nuanced data that
reflected the unique perspectives and experiences of the participants as it pertained to larger
concepts of workplace values, communication preferences, followership styles, and enculturated
traits. Whether through shared experiences or unexpected themes, the personal narratives of
female East Asian American Millennial employees could provide much greater depth to the
extant research on ethnic and generational subgroups in the workplace.
Participants
A random sample of 12 participants was selected from the qualified pool generated by the
survey to conduct online interviews. All participants involved in the interview phase shared the
same delimiting characteristics: identified as gender female; East Asian American; part of the
Millennial cohort (e.g., born between1980 and 2000) (Weber, 2017); and employed full-time in a
non-supervisory role.
31
Instrumentation
The interview protocol utilized a peer-reviewed, semi-structured format of 23 open-ended
questions, each grouped into one of four sub-categories that reflected the conceptual framework
of the study. Appendix B presents the interview protocol. Each sub-category is comprised of
questions and a series of probes designed to elicit detailed responses pertaining to female East
Asian American Millennial work values, communication styles, followership styles, and
enculturated traits. A semi-structured interview protocol was preferable in this context because
the overarching goal of the study was to gain insight into the nature of the participant’s work
experience. The semi-structured format allowed for the question sequencing to vary and the
categories to act as a guiding outline, versus a strict protocol that constrained the conversational
and exploratory nature of the participants’ responses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This format
also encouraged the natural flow of dialogue into other categories of interest, minimized the
repetition of questions, and nurtured the observer-participant rapport by not placing arbitrary
restrictions around the responses. The researcher adjusted the sequence of questions and probes
in real-time as required by the situation, based on level of details provided, the participant’s
emotional state, the flow of the discussion, and the impact of any of the preceding questions
informing subsequent ones.
Data Collection Procedures
Participants were contacted via email to schedule personal interviews with the researcher.
Each virtual interview took approximately one hour in length, inclusive of the time required to
review participant consent in the study. Interviews were conducted via the Zoom application to
assist in the capturing of data, both in the form of video and audio transcripts. If a participant did
not have access to the Zoom application, they had the option of using the FaceTime app on their
32
smartphone or a landline-based phone. All audio and video recordings were gathered with the
explicit permission of the participant, and once the data is no longer needed for the purpose of
the study, they will be destroyed. The recording feature in Zoom was turned off by default at the
start of each interview until informed consent was reviewed and obtained from the participants.
They were given the option to mask their name in the Zoom session to further protect their
identity, and were also informed that if they were not comfortable at any time or did not want to
continue for any reason, they had the option to end the interview. During unforeseen technical
and audio difficulties during the course of the virtual interview, the researcher took manual notes
and memos during the meeting to capture the interviewee’s responses to the protocol.
Data Analysis
Responses to the semi-structured interview protocol were analyzed in a qualitative
manner. Participant responses were reviewed in conjunction with the research questions and
larger conceptual themes of effective workplace culture, stereotyping as sense-making, and
employee satisfaction and motivation, with the goal of theme discovery through the inductive
process. The raw data from recorded audio-visual text were transcribed and re-organized into
manageable pieces, from which themes were identified and then compared against others in the
sample group to reveal patterns of thought or ideas. As the textual data was sorted and
categorized according to themes of enculturated values, workplace values, communication
preferences, and followership styles, a codebook was constructed and used by the researcher to
mark instances that key themes were found in the data set (Bernard et al., 2016). During the
coding process, several techniques were employed to strengthen the textual-thematic
relationships: scrutinizing the data for repetition; use of jargon or indigenous phrases; use of
metaphors and analogies; naturally occurring shifts in content; similarities and differences in
33
pairs of statements about a topic; use of linguistic connectors that suggest attributions or various
causal and conditional relations; missing data; and filtering theory-related material (Bernard et
al., 2016).
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Peer review of the interview protocol along with pilot testing and modifications based on
feedback ensured maximum credibility of responses by participants. Interviewee transcript
review was also incorporated during the data collection procedures. A transcript of the interview
was shared with each of the 12 participants and they were given the opportunity to review their
responses and confirm whether it accurately reflected their intentions. To maximize credibility of
data, the number of interviews was adjusted in order to reach an acceptable level of saturation in
terms of alignment of responses to the guiding questions. Qualitative findings were analyzed
together along with demographic details in the survey protocol in order to triangulate the data.
For example, a portion of the survey related to enculturation and adherence to Asian values
responses was used to contextualize the themes that emerged from the interviews. A
comprehensive audit trail consisting of notes pertaining to the virtual environment and
recordings of interviews were preserved consistently and stored, so that the data can be tracked
back to original sources (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
The voluntary nature of participation was emphasized at multiple stages. Informed
consent was obtained at the initial phase via an Information Sheet page that was available to all
participants who took the online survey. This Information Sheet was also shared at the beginning
of all scheduled interviews during the second phase of the proposed study. All audio-visual
recordings, notes, memos, and observations have been de-identified and the actual names of
34
participants omitted or changed, including on any resulting papers or publications. Permission to
record was obtained at the start of interview sessions, and the raw data stored on Zoom’s cloud-
based service and on a password-protected hard drive and laptop computer. Shortly after each
interview session, the researcher conducted interviewee transcript review by providing each
participant with a transcript of the interview and allowing them to confirm the intentionality of
their responses. All participants were reminded that they could choose to skip any survey item or
interview question, or leave the study at any time during either the survey or interview phases.
35
Chapter Four: Results or Findings
Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected in order explore the perceptions and
experiences of female Asian American Millennial employees in non-supervisory roles as it
pertains to workplace values, communication preferences, and followership styles. In the initial
phase, a short online survey to recruit participants and collect key demographic information was
posted via LinkedIn and certain affinity groups within Facebook. Only participants whose
responses satisfied all of the following five characteristics in the initial phase became part of the
intersectional group being studied: 1) identified as gender female; 2) identified as East Asian
American; 3) identified as a Millennial, born between 1980 and 2000; 4) currently employed
full-time; and 5) held a non-supervisory role at their organization.
Participants
The online survey resulted in 76 completed responses from participants found through
LinkedIn and members of Asian American affinity groups via Facebook. Of the 76 completed
responses, 96.1% identified as female in gender, 90.8% identified as Asian-American, 72.4%
identified as being born in the United States, 76.3% identified as being employed full-time, and
63.2% identified as not formally supervising anyone in their current roles. Seventy out of 76
were born between 1980 and 1999, which corresponds to the Millennial generational cohort, and
in terms of the frequency of East Asian ethnic groups, the largest representative group identified
as Chinese (24 / 32.9%). Other ascribed ethnic groups among the completed responses were
Other, which included mixed ethnic identities of one or more of the East Asian groups (18 /
24.7%), Japanese (14 / 19.2%), South Korean (9 / 12.3%), Taiwanese (7 / 9.6%), and Hong
Kongese (1 / 1.4%). Only 2.7% of the responses identified themselves as adoptees, 81.6%
confirmed that they had parents, step-parents or guardians who were immigrants to the U.S., and
36
65.5% had attended some college or university in the U.S. Only 27 of the 76 survey respondents
satisfied the delimiting characteristics of the intersectional group being studied, self-reported on
their levels of enculturation and adherence to Asian values, and also indicated willingness to be
contacted for the interview phase of the study. Reported levels of enculturation and adherence to
Asian values by survey respondents are summarized in Table 3.
37
Table 3
Reported Levels of Enculturation and Adherence to Asian Values Survey Questions 11-20, n=27
Enculturation Scale (𝜶 = .878) Strongly
Agree
Somewhat
Agree
Neither
Agree nor
Disagree
Somewhat
Disagree
Strongly
Disagree
Mean SD
I can communicate with my
parents/step-parents/grandparents
effectively in their native
language.
17.9% 21.4% 3.6% 25.0% 32.1% 3.3 1.6
I am knowledgeable about my
cultural background, roots, and
traditions.
25.9% 66.7% 0.0% 7.4% 0.0% 1.9 0.7
I eat the traditional foods of the
culture that I identify with.
67.9% 28.6% 0.0% 0.0% 3.6% 1.4 0.8
I still celebrate the traditional
holidays and rituals of the culture
that I identify with.
21.4% 46.4% 3.6% 21.4% 7.1% 2.5 1.3
Asian Values Scale (𝜶 = .978)
Following social expectations is
important.
22.2% 40.7% 14.8% 14.8% 7.4% 2.4 1.2
Occupational failure brings shame
to the family.
11.1% 33.3% 25.9% 14.8% 14.8% 2.9 1.3
I pride myself on being able to
control my emotions at work.
37.0% 37.0% 11.1% 14.8% 0.0% 2.0 1.1
A good employee should consider
the needs of others before their
own.
22.2% 37.0% 11.1% 29.6% 0.0% 2.5 1.2
I don’t require acknowledgment
by others to feel as though I’m
making a difference.
7.4% 25.9% 18.5% 48.1% 0.0% 3.1 1.0
Older people have more wisdom
and experience than younger
people.
22.2% 40.7% 14.8% 14.8% 7.4% 2.4 1.1
38
On the enculturation scale, 57.1% of participants disagreed that they could communicate
effectively with their parents, step-parents, or grandparents in their native language. 92.6%
agreed that they were knowledgeable about their cultural background and roots. 96.5% agreed
that they regularly consumed culturally-identified foods, and 68.7% still observed many of the
traditional holidays and rituals of the culture they identified with. These percentages indicate that
the participants still identify very strongly with their ethnic roots, despite the fact that their native
language skills may have weakened or fallen away completely as they continue to live and work
within the United States. On the Asian Values scale, 62.9% of participants agreed that it was
important to follow social expectations, 74% took pride in controlling their emotions at work,
59.2% thought a good employee should consider the needs of others before their own, and 62.9%
believed older people had more wisdom and experience than younger people. Only 44.4% of
participants agreed that occupational failure brought shame to the family and 33.3% agreed that
they didn’t require acknowledgment by others to feel as though they were making a difference.
These percentages indicate that the participants maintain a collectivist mindset, respect age and
hierarchy, and tend not to show emotion in the workplace. They also indicate that familial
opinions do not necessarily factor into work decisions, and for the most part these participants do
desire acknowledgement of their efforts by others to feel satisfaction at work.
Twelve out of the 27 qualifying participants were randomly selected to engage in virtual
interviews using the semi-structured protocol. Table 4 summarizes these 12 final participants,
their pseudonyms, year of birth, self-ascribed ethnic identities, and respective industries of
employment.
39
Table 4
Summary of Interview Participants
Pseudonym
Birth Year
Ethnic Identities
Title/Industry
“Beth” 1981 Chinese Human Resources
Coordinator / Higher
Education
“Siobhan” 1983 Korean Paralegal / Private Law Firm
“Nancy” 1984 Chinese Software Programmer /
Government
“Stephanie” 1986 Chinese Student Affair Administrator
/ Higher Education
“Lauren” 1987 Other (Chinese
and Thai)
Student Affairs Manager /
Higher Education
“Robin”
1987 Other (Chinese
and Caucasian)
Stage Manager /
Entertainment
“Esther” 1989 Other (Japanese
and Caucasian)
Academic Advisor / Higher
Education
“Gwen” 1990 Chinese Finance Manager / Higher
Education
“Kelly” 1991 Other (Japanese
and Caucasian)
Clinician / K-12 Public
School
“Sandra” 1991 Other (Japanese,
Mexican and
Caucasian)
Journalist / Digital Media
“Carol” 1995 Chinese Customer Service
Representative / Online
Retail
“Jessica” 1996 Chinese Data Analyst /
Pharmaceuticals
40
Responses were transcribed and axially coded under two categorical groups associated
with work values, communication preferences, and followership styles using Atlas.ti software.
The first categorical group was East Asian American traits and the second was Millennial cohort
traits. Interview responses that referenced concepts and values such as collectivism, humility,
harmony, indirect communication, saving face, moderation, respect for authority, vertical
relations, and compliance were coded under the East Asian American category. Interview
responses that reflected concepts and values such as individualism, meaningfulness, work-life
balance, direct communication, frequent feedback, transparency, teamwork, horizontal relations,
and autonomy were coded under the Millennial cohort category. The findings and results were
organized according to the guiding research questions, and then according to the emergent
themes derived from the categorical coding process described above.
Results for Research Question One: What are the Work Values of Female East Asian
American Millennials?
Work values are defined as outcomes that employees desire and feel that they should
attain through work, which directly shape their perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors in the
workplace (Twenge et al., 2010). Questions 1-5 and 19-23 of the interview protocols were
designed to elicit perspectives on work values alongside Confucian-based Asian enculturated
values.
Theme 1: Collective Work Goals and Service Orientation Over Individual Goals
To questions and probes pertaining to expectations of the workplace, a greater number of
responses indicated a concern for the collective and customer service orientation in their
workplace interactions. Seven out of 12 reflected on the importance of collective goals in the
workplace, while only four out of 12 reflected individualist values in their responses. One
41
participant shared that they liked being “the different one” and “were okay with not being in the
know” at work, while three more indicated that they cared more about their own professional
development and accumulated tasks at work, so as to be considered for future promotional
opportunities.
The greater proportion of the responses centered around awareness of collective goals
and highlighted efficiency and customer service in order to achieve them. Beth, who works as an
HR administrator in higher education, considered herself extremely focused on being inclusive
whenever possible. She defined herself as being “heavy on customer service, accessibility,
accommodating needs” and in her mind was usually the first person to bring it up these issues in
the workplace. Some participants even indicated a slight aversion or discomfort in pursuing a
course of action in the workplace without considering the needs of the larger group. Lauren, a
student services administrator in higher education, found that she “didn’t necessarily feel
comfortable always driving an agenda” on her own and wanted to be as collective as possible.
Nancy found that in her role as a programmer for government technologies she would push for
projects, but wanted other people to come along with her in the endeavor. “If I’m just one person
out in a direction and no one’s coming with me, then I think to myself, ‘okay, I’m not sure this is
worth it. Maybe I should focus my efforts on something else that’s going to have a more
immediate impact on the whole team,” she elaborated. Siobhan, a paralegal at a small boutique
law firm, had similar thoughts about collective needs and goals that were reflected in her
responses. She stated: “I would weigh it in my head, whether something was worth bringing up
[to the group] would it affect others or just me? I would always take that into account.” Overall,
participants held very strong collective inclinations and placed a high value on satisfying the
needs of the larger group or team.
42
Theme 2: Meaningfulness of Work Defined by Intrinsic Over Extrinsic Motivation
Overall, the participants defined meaningfulness in their work predominantly through
intrinsic over extrinsic rewards. In response to questions and probes on work meaningfulness, 12
out of 12 participants stated that they measured the importance of their workplace efforts beyond
a simple paycheck, benefits, or external forms of validation. In response to questions and probes
on the Confucian trait of humility and how it factors into their work dynamic, five out of 12
participants indicated alignment with the notion of self-effacement for work accomplishments
and a preference for private over public praise.
Some of the participants whose roles required them to have significant direct interaction
with large bodies of people cited relationship-building as the definition of meaningfulness in
their work. “It’s all about the students,” said Esther regarding the task of student advisement.
“When they get that light in their eye…I just find it personally satisfying mentoring them,
helping them make it through to the end.” Lauren also stated that she enjoyed the relationship-
building aspect of her role and indicated that her ultimate goal was for “people to feel better after
they talk to me.” Beth felt honored to act as a delegate in meetings for others in her department
pool “just for the opportunity to represent people…and receive and bring back specialized
training”. Some responses referenced continuous learning and emotional attachment as an
intrinsic motivating force. “My ideal situation would be…learning something every day, and to
feel that kind of emotional connection to what I’m doing,” stated Jessica, an analyst at a
bioengineering firm. Sandra, a journalist in Southern California, rather bluntly stated that in her
opinion “people get into this work because they want to help other people…I don't know how
much of that I'm doing right now, but I'm sure as s**t trying. We're at this unique crossroads in
our country where we can…use our voices for good.”
43
Five out of 12 of the participants also reflected views that closely aligned with the
Confucian tenet of humility. They shared introspective assessments such as “I don’t really like
public praise…I often feel I’m not deserving of it” and “I think I have a lot of insecurities and
self-esteem issues that I’ve worked to overcome.” Esther felt that “if something goes
successfully, like a workshop…well, that's just perfect for me. That’s all I need.” This finding
strengthens the thematic consistency of how the participants seem to be driven more by intrinsic
rather than extrinsic rewards such a public praise, as humbleness is characterized by discretion
and self-effacement in work relations.
Theme 3: Impact of Supervisory Relations on Work-life Balance and Workplace Harmony
Responses to questions and probes on work-life balance and workplace harmony
indicated that both of these aspects were desired by participants in order to keep working
environments pleasant, workflow efficient, and employees motivated. Nine out of 12 respondents
indicated that they believed harmonious relations kept their workplace comfortable and inclusive
for all, while 10 out of 12 admitted that it was difficult to keep a work-life balance not only due
to recent quarantine measures but in the face of rising organizational expectations. The
subordinate-supervisory relationship was also mentioned as an important factor for non-
supervisory employees in the maintenance of both a harmonious workplace and a work-life
balance.
The majority of respondents found collaborative and non-contentious group dynamics to
be essential to organizational productivity. As part of her role as an HR administrator, Beth
stated that she did not want anyone to “feel left out or uncomfortable with attention” but did
want “everyone to be involved and for it to be inclusive.” Esther described her mental state when
assessing how to approach various workplace interactions. “I usually do a cost-benefit analysis
44
of whether this thing or person is something worth fighting against,” she stated. “As long as
things run smoothly…I take it as an indicator of success.” Jessica also indicated that she goes
through a similar process in terms of harmonious relations. “How will this person react? Will the
person go around and tell other people? What will other people think…that kind of narrative is
always going through my head,” she explained.
In terms of a work-life balance, the majority of responses indicated a preference for a
management style that allowed for and encouraged time off and expressed understanding of an
employee’s external obligations. Gwen stated that she worked under management that frequently
encouraged a work-life balance. “It’s nice working for a place that allows you take time off and
you don’t always have to be concerned that they're going to view you in a negative way.” Many
of these employees were impacted by global COVID pandemic and thus required to work from
home. The added pressures of conducting workplace functions at home made this theme
particularly significant with regards to how managerial expectations factored into the dynamic.
Sandra, who works in digital media with relative autonomy, said that she has “never had an
entirely remote job” and that so far not having to go into the office everyday has been
“awesome.” However, Jessica had an opposing viewpoint and felt that “with the quarantine…
we’re working even longer hours and getting burned out, even at home.” Stephanie shared that
for her a work-life balance was definitely important “but sometimes there's that undercurrent or
expectation from your boss that you need to just be working, like hyper-working, all the time.”
Esther had this to say about the importance of a work-life balance in her role:
Our generation is taught to follow our passion…but it’s all consuming, and it doesn’t
lend itself well to the realities of most jobs because you’ll either burn out quickly or no
45
one else will change along with you. I think that idealistic view is nice…because we’re
interested in being positive change agents in the world. But it's also burning us all out.
Overall, the most common theme found among the participants was that the quality of their
supervisory relations had a significant impact on the employee’s own sense of a work-life
balance and the overall harmony felt in the workplace.
Results for Research Question Two: What Communication Styles are Preferred by Female
East Asian American Millennials in the Workplace?
Communication preferences refer to either a high-context style of expression in the
workplace, which can include being indirect and inferring meaning, or a low-context style, which
is characterized by being verbally direct and impression-leaving (Park & Kim, 2008). Questions
6-13 and 19-23 of the protocol were designed to engender responses on communication
preferences in tandem with Asian enculturated values in the workplace.
Theme 1: Preference for Indirect Communication Techniques at Work
Overall, the participants reflected a tendency to utilize more indirect communication
techniques than direct in most of their workplace interactions. In response to questions and
probes on communication preferences, less than half of the respondents indicated that they
typically used direct communication gestures and verbal techniques in the workplace. Five out of
12 participants seemed to find obfuscation when it came to sharing ideas and viewpoints
objectionable, and preferred open discourse, particularly when interacting with management.
Jessica contemplated that she had become more comfortable with direct lines of
communication at work because in her opinion she has a manager “who empowers me to ask
questions and state my opinion.” Stephanie was quite succinct regarding her communication
preference, and described herself as “a serious and direct kind of a person at work…I don't really
46
like jokes or sarcasm.” Carol stated that in the past, she had been told that she should be careful
because she sometimes failed to speak to her manager “like a boss,” but countered that she still
liked “to share her viewpoints at work.”
The majority of responses reflected a stronger preference for indirect communication
techniques. Beth in HR described her preferred indirect style in the following way: “In a meeting
if I don’t agree with someone, I’ll usually present the positive first, then the negative by saying
something like ‘hey, really great idea, but how do you feel about this?’ In this manner, she was
able to gauge the recipient’s feelings before deciding on an actionable course. Jessica described
it like an “internal battle” she frequently had with herself. “Like, I want to voice an opinion, but
what will happen to me if I voice it?” The participants described this reticence to express their
thoughts and opinions as sometimes affecting their work relationships, and stated that they were
aware that the tendency sometimes made them appear unfeeling or unpleasant to others.
Stephanie felt that she received negative feedback sometimes “because I’m quiet and so they
think I’m not ‘pleasant’.” Esther shared the following about her mostly indirect communication
style at work: “I can always find a way to get something where it needs to go…it just might not
be in the most loud and public way possible.” Carol believed that in her workplace, depending on
who she was working with, it was “important to be a chameleon and…read the atmosphere”
correctly in order to get things accomplished. In summary, the participants used of a variety of
indirect and face-saving communication techniques over direct ones in the workplace, with a
heavy reliance on supervisory relations to help navigate the degree and frequency of their use.
47
Theme 2: Impact of Supervisory Relations and Directionality on Feedback Frequency and
Style
In response to questions and probes on feedback frequency, respondents were split in
their belief that saving face was a useful technique in workplace interactions and that frequent
feedback was a useful form of interaction with supervisors and managers. Six out of 12
participants expressed discomfort with the idea of either appearing or making others appear
uncertain or vulnerable, in keeping with the Confucian tenet of saving face. Six out of 12
participants also reflected that they found frequent feedback both necessary and welcome. In
both cases, the directionality of the feedback seemed to play a key factor in the type of
communication style that the participants chose to employ.
For supervisor-to-employee feedback, the preference was for the participants to receive
detailed and direct communication of all suggestions, opinions, or issues. Kelly stated that she
liked it when management saw her work and would “give logical reasons or explanations on how
to be better.” Stephanie also concurred that “good feedback does motivate me to do more good
work,” which aligned with Nancy in her role, who felt that as long as she was “getting feedback
that my work is good, then that's all I care about.”
In employee-to-supervisor interactions, the preference was for participants to utilize
mostly indirect communication techniques, to preserve dignity, gauge receptiveness, and
minimize backlash in the form of retaliatory or negative feedback. Stephanie emphasized the
importance of allowing people to “save face” at work by stating that “as a professional,
sometimes you just have to present multiple solutions for people…in order to deliver on the
larger goals.” Carol’s response showed her concurrence of the importance of saving face in
workplace dynamics. “Whenever I question things, especially to my boss, I tend to make sure to
48
say it in a way where it's not disrespectful,” she said. Gwen also stated that “it’s hard to tell
faculty ‘no’…I try bring it up as a concern, as opposed to saying that something is just outright
wrong or incorrect.” Overall, the nature of the supervisor-subordinate relationship often
impacted the directionality and quality of workplace communication exchange, along with the
participant’s willingness to offer honest feedback to the organization.
Theme 3: Reservation of Expression, with an Expectation of Management Transparency
A common theme among the participants was the adoption of a distinct work persona to
aid in their workplace interactions, along with the desire for management to be transparent in
their needs and goals. In response to questions and probes on moderation of emotion and
transparency of information, six out of 12 participants indicated that they often masked their true
interests and authentic reactions in order to keep workplace interactions moderate and efficient.
10 out of 12 felt that candor and transparency of information increased efficacy in their roles and
benefitted the organization as a whole.
Some participants even expressed fear of appearing unprofessional to management by
showing too much emotion or personality in the workplace. Beth had this to share: “In my early
days I felt like I expressed too much…so I made the conscious decision to separate professional
work from my personal life. That means no shared friends on Facebook, no Twitter, nothing like
that.” Carol concurred with this tendency towards expressive moderation: “I am definitely
careful at work…I tread lightly, and I only like to show a certain side of me.” Jessica stated that
she wanted to be “transparent and have that support in the sense that management will listen to
me and my concerns” but worried that her words could be used against her later in a different
context. Kelly had this to offer on the subject of moderation at work: “I always prefer to be in
49
control of my emotions…like, I always thought anger shows way too much. To me,
professionalism is when you're in control.”
Although half of the participants felt compelled to mute or hide personal expression at
work, the majority of them simultaneously felt that management should be completely
transparent with them in terms of their work performance, long-term growth and organizational
changes. Regarding transparency of communication, Beth had the following opinion: “I want to
work better with my colleagues…by sharing knowledge and ideas and working towards the
betterment and goodness of our campus as a whole [sic].” Esther stated that for her, “an ideal
leader has to have candor and transparency…and gives you that edge, the inside view of things.”
This idea of equipping employees with the larger picture regarding organizational goals appeared
in many of the responses. Stephanie had this to share: “If [my boss] is honest about her trajectory
in her work, that gives me the opportunity to also be honest about my trajectory as well.” Kelly
felt that when her boss was transparent about intent “then feedback feels like it's coming from a
place of wanting to grow my skills, rather than just cutting me down.” Overall, the moderation of
personal expression and managerial transparency in the workplace helped participants to feel
both efficient and in control with regards to their organizational function and their future
advancement opportunities.
Results for Research Question Three: How Do Female East Asian American Millennials
Express Followership Tendencies in the Workplace?
Followership as a concept is defined as an interactive role that an individual assumes
which complements the formal leadership in organizations, and uses critical thinking and active
engagement as the two main behavioral dimensions (Chou, 2012). Followers with high levels of
critical thinking are thought of as independent, creative, and innovative, and are willing to offer
50
criticism regardless of the consequences (Mushonga & Torrance, 2008). In contrast, followers
who have high levels of active engagement often take initiatives, assume ownership, and actively
participate in performing their jobs (Blanchard et al., 2009). Questions 14-18 and 19-23 of the
interview protocols aimed to promote narratives on followership styles in the workplace in
conjunction with the participants’ enculturated beliefs.
Theme 1: Preference for Working in Small Teams with Strict Observation of Vertical
Power Distance
The theme of high respect for authority figures, with a concurrent preference for the
camaraderie of small, efficient teams, was prevalent among the participants. Five out of 12
participants revealed that they both respected and trusted their supervisors and upper
management, showing them deference in everyday behavior and speech and relying on them to
provide guidance on long-term career development. However, eight out of 12 participants
preferred working in small teams at the daily task-level, stating that this type of group dynamic
facilitated better workflow and provided a sense of camaraderie among workers, rather than the
behavioral formalities that accompanied the subordinate-supervisory relationship.
For Siobhan, this deep respect and trust in authority figures was ingrained early in life. “I
have a lot of trust in authority because I grew up in martial arts, and because my mom was my
instructor.” Esther shared that her Japanese father was a very strict academic growing up, and
said that “if it’s my supervisor or faculty member, I’ll definitely be more circumspect in my
interactions.” Robin’s father, also of Japanese descent, instilled a strong sense of trust in
authority which was reflected in her attitude about the hierarchy in her workplace. “The director
is absolutely the one that steers the ship…you have to adapt yourself to the director,” she stated.
Participants experienced management misconstruing their respect for authority through a calm
51
and stoic demeanor as deliberate coldness or anti-social behavior. Stephanie shared that in an
annual review her demeanor was described as “unfriendly” and “harsh” by her supervisor, even
though her intent was just the opposite. “It’s already intimidating walking into the suite of senior
staff,” she mused. “Why would I waste their important time with small-talk? I'm just going to get
my business done and leave, y’know?”
In terms of collaboration styles, the overall preference among participants was to work
within smaller teams whenever possible, versus directly under a manager. Beth felt that it was
“important to have support from everyone and to be heard, not just managers calling the shots.”
Gwen considered a supportive team dynamic to be “essential” for her to want to stay in her role,
and Jessica also believed being part of a functional team was important. “At my last job I felt
like I had to fend for myself and it was so isolating,” she reflected. Some responses indicated that
working in a smaller team helped to improve efficiency in the completion of tasks. “I prefer a
team,” said Stephanie. “It just helps to answer questions… it’s better to work on a small team,
because then decisions are faster and easier.” Nancy currently works remotely, but said that she
missed the team when it came to design decisions. “I like bouncing ideas back and forth and
having people give critiques and be willing to run with them.” Overall, the participants preferred
to work at the task-level within small teams to help increase efficiency and foster a sense of
camaraderie and belonging.
Theme 2: Impact of Vertical Relations on Reciprocity of Opinions
Seven out of 12 participants indicated strict observance of the power distance in vertical
relations in the workplace, in order to safeguard their future promotional opportunities and to
preserve a professional image. In contrast, nine out of 12 participants preferred the less formal
horizontal relations characterized by reciprocity of opinions and open communication between
52
supervisors and employees. They enjoyed engaging in bi-directional communication with their
supervisors, and the interactions helped them feel more motivated and empowered in their roles.
Jessica indicated an awareness of image cultivation when it came to vertical relations.
“I'm very aware of the image I want to project, especially to leadership,” she said. “I do think I
spend more time thinking about that, as opposed to my peers.” Some responses revealed feelings
of vulnerability in their position within the organization and an innate need to meet and even
exceed the expectations set by vertical relations. Siobhan stated that she felt her supervisors “saw
the potential in me and invested…it’s like taking responsibility for their investment, and
whenever I do well at something it’s telling them that I was worth it.” But some participants
navigated vertical relations in the workplace with a bit more caution. “In certain places you can’t
express that you want to grow or even start pursuing other opportunities for fear of retaliation or
losing projects and those kinds of things,” said Stephanie about her workplace culture. Lauren
echoed this sentiment as she admitted that she worried about being seen as “overly-ambitious or
jumping from place to place without having any loyalty.”
For the majority of participants less formal horizontal relations, characterized by
reciprocity of opinions and open communication between supervisors and employees, were
favored above strict vertical relations. Jessica stated her preference for horizontal relationships
succinctly: “The people that I ended up developing a mentorship relationship with never really
talked down to me. I felt like I had a safe space with my concerns.” Stephanie described herself
as feeling empowered in her role because her supervisor treated her “like a peer…there's no
hierarchy, I don’t have to pass everything by her first, or cc her on every little thing.” Robin felt
that she often had to remind management that “people have to feel comfortable coming to
you…have to make sure you're not setting up a toxic environment.” Overall, the participants felt
53
more empowered and satisfied in the workplace by a supervisory relationship defined by less
formality and the reciprocity of opinions.
Theme 3: Preference for Compliance with Guidelines Over Creative Autonomy
In response to questions and probes on followership tendencies, participants reflected a
predilection towards strict compliance with guidelines and policies over creative autonomy in
their tasks. Eight out of 12 respondents indicated that they preferred to closely adhere rules and
directives as much as possible, while only six out of 12 responses expressed a desire to exercise
some creative autonomy in the execution of their workplace roles. Among those who cited a
desire for more autonomy, the justification was to increase performance efficiency rather than to
satisfy any personal career goal.
Regarding creative autonomy at work, Carol stated bluntly that she did not enjoy working
under “helicopter supervision” because it often complicated simple tasks, and Nancy said that
she liked “the flexibility and speed at which you can work solo.” Jessica said that “I don't mind
being told what to do…but I don't like being told that I have to do it in this specific way that has
been around for 20 years, and I have no say in changing it, ever.” Gwen stated that she exercised
a lot of autonomy in her role and shared her perspective: “It’s important to feel like you’re able
to make decisions… I feel like it affects your ability to do something well.
In contrast, Lauren, a student affairs’ professional, felt the opposite on the topic of
autonomy. “I don't necessarily consider myself a super creative, innovative, visionary person.
I’m more of a doer and organizer and am like, let’s get it done.” Siobhan was used to a strict
compliance-driven environment, and stated that “my boss would tell me that I have to do things
in this exact way only, and was very cut and dried [sic] about it.” Carol believed herself to be the
type of employee that “definitely plays by the rules” but will still do things beyond that which
54
was asked of her. This type of mixed behavior was echoed by Stephanie, who stated the
following: “I am a salaried employee…so my day doesn’t end at five o'clock. If there’s a project
that needs to get done, I will stay and finish it until whenever.” Overall, the participants were
more inclined towards being compliant with policies and guidelines, and utilized opportunities
for autonomy mainly to maximize efficiency in their roles.
Summary of Results and Findings
The quantitative results of the survey instrument established that the majority of
participants felt that they could not communicate effectively in their native language, but
concurrently felt that they were knowledgeable about their roots, still consumed foods, and
observed many of the traditions and rituals of the culture they identified with. The majority also
felt that it was important to follow social expectations, took pride in controlling their emotions at
work, believed a good employee should consider the needs of others before their own, and
thought older people had more wisdom and experience than younger people. They were split as
to whether they believed occupational failure brought shame to the family and acknowledgment
by others was necessary in order to feel as though they were making a difference.
Qualitative results in the form of raw interview transcripts were first organized according
to the guiding research questions being explored, and then based on categorical coding using
Atlas.ti software. Nine themes were identified during analysis of the interview data generated by
the study. With regards to female East Asian American Millennials’ work values, some key
themes that emerged were that they felt compelled to consider the needs of the collective group
before their own personal needs, were driven more by intrinsic motivations in their daily tasks
rather than by extrinsic rewards, and indicated that work-life balance and harmonious relations at
work were easier to maintain under a supportive management style. Questions and probes
55
exploring communication preferences yielded responses that indicated an affinity for the use of
indirect communication techniques in most workplace interactions. Frequency of feedback
among the participants seemed to be affected by the directionality of the exchange and nature of
the employee-supervisor relationship, and most chose to either mute or moderate various forms
of self-expression while still expecting information transparency from management. In response
to how the participants expressed followership tendencies at work, themes that emerged included
a preference for working in small teams, another preference for the allowance of reciprocity of
ideas and opinions when interacting with supervisors, strict observation of the power distance in
vertical relationships, and a strong inclination towards staying compliant with larger
organizational guidelines over the need for personal creative autonomy. Table 5 summarizes the
emergent themes that describe these mixed alignments between enculturated East Asian
American values and Millennial cohort traits in terms of work values, communication
preferences, and followership styles.
56
Table 5
Summary of Research Questions and Key Themes Resulting from Interviews
Research Questions
Key Themes
What are the work values of
female East Asian American
Millennials?
• Collective Work Goals and Service Orientation Over
Individual Goals
• Meaningfulness of Work Defined by Intrinsic Over
Extrinsic Rewards
• Impact of Supervisory Relations on Work-life
Balance and Workplace Harmony
What communication styles are
preferred by female East Asian
American Millennials in the
workplace?
• Preference for Indirect Communication Techniques
at Work
• Impact of Supervisory Relations and Directionality
on Feedback Frequency and Style
• Reservation of Expression, with an Expectation of
Management Transparency
How do female East Asian
American Millennials express
followership tendencies in the
workplace?
• Preference for Working in Small Teams with Strict
Observation of Vertical Power Distance
• Impact of Vertical Relations on Reciprocity of
Opinions
• Preference for Compliance with Guidelines Over
Creative Autonomy
Key responses related to codes that resulted in the larger themes describing the
perspectives of the participants are also summarized in Appendix C. Chapter 5 presents a
discussion of the findings against extant research and proposes some recommendations for
organizational leadership and human resource management to mitigate the juxtaposition of
enculturated and generational characteristics in the workplace for these participants.
57
Chapter Five: Discussion
This section will round out the exploratory study by discussing the findings and results in
the context of the extant research available on the topic of female East Asian American
Millennial employees in non-supervisory roles, as it pertains to 1) workplace values, 2)
communication preferences, and 3) followership styles. Each subsequent section will relate the
findings back to relevant literature review, and clarify the emergent themes that were generated
by the study. This section will also conclude with some recommendations for practice, describe
any unforeseen limitations and delimitations regarding the study, recommendations for future
research, and implications for equity in the field.
Findings
The findings and results indicated that the professional compunctions for female East
Asian American Millennial employees in non-supervisory roles reflected a combination of both
enculturated and generational characteristics, in terms of their work values, communication
preferences, and followership styles. The underlying foundation of most of the themes that
emerged from the study was the importance of the perceived nature of the supervisor-employee
relationship, as it was the key factor that directly impacted employee’s feelings and behaviors in
most workplace interactions. Several perspectives were simultaneously Confucian-based and
Millennial, with a heavy reliance on social context to help them navigate their daily workplace
interactions. As a group they tended to focus on the intrinsic rewards of the job over the
extrinsic, such as an understanding and collaborative work culture, future promotional prospects,
and a high-level of trust between employee and supervisors. Generally, enculturated values
seemed to get weaker with Millennials born closer to the end of the generational cusp, but as a
group they still tended to utilize mostly indirect communication and moderate their emotions at
58
work. They tended to strictly observe the vertical hierarchy of their organizations and trust their
direct supervisors to help them grow in their roles, but at the project or task-level prefer to
operate within small cohesive teams for increased productivity and harmony among coworkers.
Participants indicated that they took initiative in their roles mostly for the sake of organizational
efficiency versus any internal need for creativity or autonomy. The professional pressures and
realities associated with the current global pandemic and the segmentation of groups across
industries may force female East Asian American Millennials in non-supervisory roles to
abandon certain enculturated behaviors they were used to exhibiting in the traditional workplace,
as they may not be perceived to be beneficial by leadership in the context of telecommuting and
working from home.
Female East Asian American Millennials and Work Values
A commonly held East Asian belief is that to work diligently and show deference and
obedience to authority is a virtue in and of itself (Gilbert et al., 2003; Xin, 2004). In contrast,
Millennials as a group tend to be motivated by fulfilling tasks and social consciousness (Meister
& Willyerd, 2010). Key themes that emerged from the participants’ narratives were about
diligence for the sake of organizational efficiency, how meaningfulness of tasks guided their
career trajectories, and that when leadership promoted a work-life balance it contributed to a
more harmonious workplace overall.
Asian Americans tend to value group harmony and effort over individual goals, and
traditional Confucian conservatism likewise promotes non-competitiveness and collectivism
(Chuang & Wang, 2018; Gilbert et al., 2003). In contrast, Millennials as a cohort tend to be
perceived as confident, assertive, and believe in the right of individuals to succeed and contribute
to the workplace regardless of their background or status in the organizational hierarchy
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(Campione, 2015). Participants’ responses were found to be more aligned with traditional
Confucian ideals of non-competitiveness and collectivism in the workplace. The main theme that
arose was a tendency to focus more on the collective needs of the organization, with an emphasis
on perceived customer service orientation, rather than their own personal career goals.
Studies have showed that Asian Americans are similar to European Americans in wanting
meaningful and important work, but as a group derived comparatively little internal satisfaction
from their jobs (Weaver, 2000). In comparison, Millennials as a cohort are perceived to value
challenge and meaningfulness in the workplace, but also find career development to outweigh a
paycheck and benefits (Hagel, 2014). Responses showed participants to be more inclined to
attribute work meaningfulness through intrinsic rewards such as camaraderie among coworkers
and team members and feeling passion for the organizational goal rather than extrinsic rewards
such as prizes, more vacation time, or increased pay. Most responses indicated that a sense of
appreciation and internal acknowledgement from their direct supervisor was the preferred the
form of return, which is in keeping with the Confucian-based tenet of humility, or discretion, in
interpersonal relations (Yi et al., 2015).
Asian Americans tend to value group harmony and effort over individual goals (Gilbert et
al., 2003). There is also preliminary research in how Asian Americans have constructed meaning
in their careers and studies show that the familial influence, another important Confucian tenet,
can have a pervasive and extended influence on career development (Fouad et al., 2008). In
contrast, Millennials as a cohort are particularly intolerant of inflexible workplaces, particularly
when it comes to impeding personal and family goals (Schneer & Beutell, 2019). The most
common theme among participants was that the quality of supervisor-subordinate relationship
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had a significant impact on the employee’s own work-life balance and the overall harmony felt
in the workplace.
Female East Asian American Millennials and Communication Preferences
Asian Americans tend to communicate differently than other cultural groups and respond
to conflict situations by using more indirect and avoiding styles compared to European or
American counterparts (Park & Kim, 2008; Ting-Toomey et al., 2000). In comparison,
Millennials are perceived to desire frequent feedback from peers and supervisors and prefer
engaging in open two-way communication styles (Pinzaru et al., 2016; Walden et al., 2017). Key
themes that emerged were that indirect communication techniques are favored by this group, and
the nature of supervisory relations and directionality had an impact on the frequency of feedback
and communication style used by employees. Participants described emotional self-control as
being an important aspect of their professional identities, and although they tended to limit the
sharing of personal aspects and insights among coworkers and supervisors, they did indicate a
preference for complete transparency of institutional information as it flowed down from upper
management.
Many East Asian cultures tend to utilize high context communication, which employs
techniques such as being indirect, inferring meaning, using feelings to guide behavior, and using
silence. In contrast, low context communication is favored by Millennials and is characterized by
directly expressing their discontent and making an impression, regardless of their roles or status
within an organization (Chou, 2012; Park & Kim, 2008). Overall, participants indicated being
more comfortable and adept at using indirect communication techniques in their daily workplace
interactions, especially when it involved meeting with supervisors and people within their
organization’s vertical hierarchy. In this regard, the participants were more aligned with the
61
enculturated characteristics of utilizing high context in their communication preferences over
low context.
A benefit of the indirect communication style is that it allows for all parties to “save face”
and preserve the Confucian values of maintaining harmonious relationships. The concept of
“saving face” is defined by the communicator expressing negative feelings or disagreement in an
ambiguous manner, so that the receiver has flexibility in interpreting the message in either a
negative or non-negative way (Park & Kim, 2008). In contrast, the Millennial cohort is often said
to seek frequent and direct feedback, and also will readily gather and share information with
others (Gursoy et al., 2008; Chou, 2012). Based on responses, the nature of supervisory relations
and the directionality of the feedback seemed to impact the type of communication participants
chose to employ. When feedback was from supervisor to employee, participants in this study
indicated a preference for direct, detailed communication with rationales for the critique. When
feedback was from employee to supervisor, the preference was for employees to resort to more
indirect communication techniques to get their point across, thereby mitigating hurt feelings and
preserving their future promotional opportunities.
Traditional Confucian tenets about moderation in expectations emphasize emotional self-
restraint (Chuang & Wang, 2018). In contrast, Millennials as a cohort are defined by the
expectation that all information should be shared with them, regardless of their position in the
organization (Myers & Sadaghiani, 2010). They are not afraid to express discontent and prefer
centralized decision making, clearly defined responsibilities, and formalized procedures similar
to rubrics received in a school setting (Campione, 2015). A common theme among participants
in this study was the importance of conveying a calm and professional demeanor at all times,
aligning closely with the traditional Confucian tenets of exercising emotional self-control. Some
62
participants even adopted a distinct work persona in order to curtail the sharing of personal
information and increase the efficiency of their workplace interactions. This proclivity to
reflexively moderate emotions in the workplace is another example of how this group engages in
high-context communication, an enculturated characteristic. At the same time, they desire
complete transparency of information from upper management in terms of achieving
organizational goals, which is a Millennial characteristic.
Female East Asian American Millennials and Followership Styles
Followership is defined as an interactive role that an individual assumes which
complements the formal leadership in organizations (Chou, 2012). Certain tendencies such as
diligence and deference to authority in the workplace are reframed among Asian American
workers in particular as passivity or a lack of social skills, contributing to the bamboo ceiling
effect (Philip, 2014; Zhou & Lee, 2017). Asian American employees may attribute more
importance in the workplace towards hierarchy and compliance (Park & Kim, 2008) while
Millennials as a cohort value rubric-like direction and feedback, and at the same time desire
autonomy in the completion of tasks (Twenge et al., 2010). Key themes that emerged from the
study were that participants held deep respect for the vertical hierarchy and trust for authority,
but in daily transactional tasks actually preferred to work collaboratively within small teams.
They indicated feeling more fulfilled when their supervisory relations were characterized by trust
and personalized guidance, and were more inclined towards compliance to guidelines rather than
creative autonomy in the workplace.
Asian Americans are more likely to give deference to authority figures in their
interpersonal and work relations (Yi et al., 2015). They are perceived to be exceedingly
conformist in their followership tendencies by focusing more on the completion of tasks and the
63
overarching organizational goals, while Millennial employees are believed to attribute much
more direct influence to their leaders rather than the organization as a whole (Chong & Wolf,
2010; Chou, 2012). Millennials as a cohort also tend to rely more on teams and social networks
than a single employer for career guidance and knowledge growth (Hagel, 2014). The theme of
respect for authority figures, yet preferring to work in small teams at the task-level, was
prevalent among responses. Rather than working one-on-one under any supervisor, participants
indicated a preference for working in small teams to accomplish organizational goals, as they
believed the group dynamic promoted not only increased efficiency and autonomy, but a sense of
camaraderie as well.
Asian Americans may more closely observe the higher power distance between ranks and
subordinates and expect more guidance, protection, and care from their superiors (Yi et al.,
2015). Rather than abide by the strict verticality of interpersonal relations in the workplace,
Millennial employees prefer to utilize a two-way communication approach that emphasizes
horizontal and reciprocal relationships with subordinates and supervisors alike (Chou, 2012).
This study’s participants reported feeling more empowered by a supervisory relationship that
was less formal in nature and allowed for the reciprocity of opinions, or open exchange of ideas
with their supervisors. The sharing of thoughts and opinions helped foster feelings of trust and
loyalty by employees, and were favored above strict vertical relations, characterized by a
unidirectional communication flow and strict deference to the chain of command.
Traditional Confucian tenets promote the value of humility, and thus many Asian
American employees are less likely to do anything to attract attention to themselves or seem
contentious because they do not want to seem disagreeable or impose their individual needs upon
others (Park & Kim, 2008). Millennial employees tend to feel more committed to an individual
64
rather than an organization, and highly engaged followers will go above and beyond their job
descriptions and exert effort to accomplish goals, which in turn lead to positive outcomes like
increased job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and decreased turnover (Chou, 2012).
The prevalent theme amongst the participants in the study was that they were more inclined
towards strict compliance to work guidelines as opposed to the need to exercise creative
autonomy of tasks. Most emphasized the importance of following established rules and
expectations in their roles but among the few that cited a desire for more autonomy the
justification was to increase performance efficiency, rather than to satisfy any personal career
goal.
Recommendations for Practice
Two recommendations for human resource management are identified below to address
key findings. The first recommendation outlines an approach to promoting and institutionalizing
diversity through the moderation of unintended managerial bias against this intersectional group
being studied. The second recommendation outlines a process by which leaders can utilize
coaching skills in the workplace, versus just giving feedback, so as to cultivate an environment
where female East Asian American Millennial employees can feel empowered and encouraged to
perform at their highest level.
Recommendation 1: Establish Organizational Responsibility for Diversity and Inclusion in
the Workplace
Given that the workplace values, communication preferences, and followership styles of
female East Asian American Millennials in non-supervisory roles vacillate between their
enculturated and generational identities, it is important for leaders to fight stereotypes in hiring
and promotion and continue to broadly promote diversity across their organizations. Research
65
has shown that programs that reduce the social isolation of intersectional and minority groups
and moderate managerial bias through training and feedback often only show moderate to low
effects (Kalev et al., 2006). However, programs that formalize the assignment and responsibility
for the efficaciousness of diversity programming has been shown to have the strongest effects
and lead to the broadest increases in managerial diversity (Kalev et al., 2006). By
institutionalizing diversity, organizations can positively influence both problem-solving and
decision-making among female East Asian American Millennial non-supervisory employees, but
this integration of diverse perspectives must be well-managed in order to avoid the pitfall of
intergroup conflict (Duchek et al., 2019). The final effect on performance depends on different
mediators and moderators, but formal resilience-enhancing diversity management (REDM) can
boost the diversity culture within an organization by increasing employee anticipation
capabilities, observation and identification of problems, coping capabilities, sensemaking,
problem-solving, adaptation capabilities, reflection, and learning (Duchek et al., 2019).
Recommendation 2: Supervisors to Coach and Collaborate with Employees on
Performance Expectations
Performance expectation setting in the workplace has both technical and human
components, and in the case of female East Asian American Millennials in non-supervisory roles
the human components of involvement, understanding, acceptance and commitment cannot be
discounted (Bartz et al., 2017). Participants indicated their commitment to the technical
component of meeting performance expectations by way of following policy and procedures, but
were wary about offering their perspectives in the workplace without an established close
personal relationship with their supervisors. Participants also expressed a desire for collaborative
expectation setting in the workplace and a preference for open two-way communication across
66
the organizational hierarchy. In order to elevate their sense of commitment and satisfaction in
their roles, the expectation-setting process must be accomplished collaboratively with
supervisors, with staff members freely asking questions, voicing opinions, and feeling as though
they are an important part of the process (Bartz et al., 2017). Supervisors must cultivate an
environment where staff employees feel empowered to be their best not only through feedback,
but through coaching. Providing perfunctory feedback is often easier for supervisors, since it
involves merely indicating what is right or wrong with an employee’s performance. Coaching,
however, takes a whole-person approach to leadership development, and assistance is actually
given employees to improve performance when feedback indicates that expectations are not met
(Bartz et al., 2017; Zaidi & Bellak, 2019).
Recommendations for Future Research
Future research that further elucidates the perspectives of female East Asian American
Millennials in supervisory versus non-supervisory roles could be useful for human resource and
leadership development. A longitudinal study that follows the career path of larger groups of
female East Asian American Millennial employees within discrete industries could help to
further determine patterns of behavior among this intersectional group and catalogue institutional
biases they may experience. Similar to the work of Sims and Carter (2019), which looked into
the roles of African-American women and their ability to successfully code-switch and navigate
between corporate and diverse cultures, female East Asian American Millennials would benefit
from more in-depth research on ways to support their leadership development in the workplace.
The findings on followership tendencies among female East Asian American Millennials could
become a point of comparison for other intersectional groups with different sub-ethnic Asian
identities or gender identities, to see if patterns of behavior emerge across or within industries.
67
This would be particularly enlightening through the lens of multiple sub-ethnic, gender and
leadership identities, as real-life stories and experiences are pivotal in furthering cultural
transformation within organizations and ensuring the increased representation of diverse Asian
groups across industries.
Implications and Considerations for Equity
Extended economic shocks have a profound impact on the way organizations operate,
and the COVID-19 pandemic has likely reshaped perceptions of individuals and organizations
about work and occupations across industries and the segmentation in the workforce may have
long-term implications on gender, racial, and ethnic inequality in the workplace (Kramer &
Kramer, 2020). With the shift in workplace cultures and personnel dynamics associated with
working from home, female East Asian American Millennials in non-supervisory roles may face
increasingly limited opportunities to showcase their particular brand of workplace competencies
and contributions. A recent study by Feng and Savani (2020) found that before the COVID-19
pandemic, there were no significant gender differences in self-rated work productivity and job
satisfaction. However, during the lockdown, women reported lower work productivity and job
satisfaction than men, resulting in a perceived gender gap. Given the uncertainty surrounding
future public health mandates regarding COVID-19, many workplaces have already adopted
long-term work-from-home policies that could continue to have negative effects on women’s
perceived productivity and job-satisfaction in dual-career households (Feng & Savani, 2020). For
female East Asian American Millennials, a group that predominantly utilizes high-context and
indirect communication techniques, this produces another potential barrier to equity in the
traditional workplace. Redefining traits that constitute effective followership in the context of a
work-from-home environment may benefit the group being studied, so that their former
68
workplace behaviors can be adjusted or re-framed as a form of competitive advantage for
organizations, and have positive future implications.
Conclusion
The purpose of the study was to examine the alignment of enculturated and generational
characteristics of female East Asian American Millennials in non-supervisory roles, in terms of
workplace values, communication practices, and followership styles. The results of the data
indicated nine themes that emerged from the problem being explored: (1) collective work goals
and service orientation over individual goals, (2) meaningfulness of work defined by intrinsic
over extrinsic rewards, (3) impact of supervisory relations on work-life balance and workplace
harmony, (4) preference for indirect communication techniques, (5) impact of supervisory
relations and directionality on feedback frequency and style, (6) reservation of expression with
an expectation of management transparency, (7) preference for working in small teams with
strict observation of vertical power distance, (8) impact of vertical relations on reciprocity of
opinions, and (9) preference for compliance with guidelines over creative autonomy.
The findings and results indicated that the professional compunctions for female East
Asian American Millennials in non-supervisory roles reflected a combination or continuum of
both enculturated and generational characteristics, in terms of their work values, communication
preferences, and followership styles. A common feature across all the themes that emerged was
the importance of the perceived nature of the supervisor-employee relationship as a key factor
that directly impacted employee’s feelings and behaviors in most workplace interactions, and the
simultaneous alignment of perspectives as both Confucian-based and Millennial, with a heavy
reliance on social context to help participants navigate their daily workplace interactions. This
group displayed a duality of perspective that reflected both their traditional Confucian roots as
69
well as the acculturation that necessarily occurs while working in a Westernized space for a long
period of time. Their narratives conveyed the relational tension experienced by employees in
contemporary American workspaces due to the intersecting identities of being female, East
Asian American, and a Millennial. Participants reflexively shifted between being collectivist in
their outlook and deferential to authority and hierarchy, to wanting their opinions to be heard and
enjoying the efficiency and camaraderie that open communication and working in small casual
groups afforded them. In many cases, they still struggled against the persistent model minority
myth and sought to be viewed in the workplace as a holistic confluence of all their gender,
ethnic, and generational identities, versus a single reductive stereotype.
Based on the collected data, it is recommended that organizations increase leadership’s
awareness about the heterogeneity of cultural and generational characteristics and provide them
with training opportunities to act as coaches who conduct collaborative feedback with female
East Asian American Millennial employees in non-supervisory roles. Future recommendations
for research include an in-depth longitudinal study that follows the career path of employees
within discrete industries, to further determine patterns of behavior and institutional biases
collectively experienced by this group, or a comparative followership study using different sub-
ethnic Asian and gender identities. Organizations should consider the values and motivations of
female East Asian American Millennials in their retention policies by offering benefits and other
motivations based on both ethnically enculturated and generational characteristics, versus just
organizational policies alone. This could help to increase feelings of satisfaction and loyalty
among employees, foster their retention and representation, and enhance operational efficiency.
Findings from this study will also contribute to the extant knowledge base regarding the
70
heterogenous nature of diverse ethnic and generational subgroups in the workforce and improve
human resource management overall.
71
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Appendix A: Initial Delimiting Survey Protocol
Preamble:
Thank you for taking time to share your valuable insights. Please remember that all responses
will be kept confidential. By completing this voluntary survey, you agree to participate in the
study and can choose to withdraw at any time.
Question Open
or
Closed?
Level of
Measurement
Response options (if
close-ended)
RQ Concept being
measured
1. What year were
you born?
Closed Ratio Years (prior to 1980;
1980 through 2000)
1 Confirmation
of eligibility in
study and to
disaggregate
data
(Millennial
cohort
characteristics)
2. Were you born in
the U.S.?
Closed Nominal Yes / No 1,2,3 To
disaggregate
data
(Millennial
cohort
characteristics
and cultural
influences)
3. Were you
adopted?
Closed Nominal Yes / No
1,2,3 To
disaggregate
data (cultural
influences)
4. Were either of
your parents/step-
parents immigrants?
Closed Nominal Yes / No
* if yes, indicate
country of origin
1,2,3 To
disaggregate
data (cultural
influences)
81
5. Which levels of
schooling did you
attend in the U.S.?
Closed Nominal 1. Elementary
2. Middle School / Junior
High
3. High School
4. Junior College /
Technical School
5. College or University
1,2,3 To
disaggregate
data
(Millennial
cohort
characteristics
and cultural
influences)
6. Do you identify
as female?
Closed Nominal Yes / No
1,2,3 Confirmation
of eligibility in
study and to
disaggregate
data (cultural
influences)
7. Do you identify
as Asian American?
Closed Nominal Yes / No 1,2,3 Confirmation
of eligibility in
study and to
disaggregate
data (cultural
influences)
8. Which Asian
ethnic group do you
most closely
identify with?
Closed Nominal Chinese
South Korean
North Korean
Japanese
Taiwanese
Hong Kongese
Macanese (from
Macau)
Mongolian
Other
1,2,3 Confirmation
of eligibility in
study and to
disaggregate
data (cultural
influences)
9. Are you
currently a full-time
employee?
Closed Nominal Yes / No 2 Confirmation
of eligibility in
study and to
disaggregate
data
(followership
style)
10. Do you
formally supervise
anyone in your
current role?
Closed Nominal Yes / No 2 Confirmation
of eligibility in
study and to
disaggregate
data
82
(followership
style)
Questions 11-20 conditional upon affirmative responses to Questions 6, 7, 9, & 10 above:
11. I can
communicate with
my parents/step-
parents/grandparents
effectively in their
native language.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
5. Strongly agree
2,3 Enculturation
level measure
(language
usage as a
domain)
12. I am
knowledgeable
about my cultural
background, roots,
and traditions.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
5. Strongly agree
2,3 Enculturation
level measure
(cultural
identity as a
domain)
13. I eat the
traditional foods of
the culture that I
identify with.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
5. Strongly agree
2,3 Enculturation
level measure
(consumption
as a domain)
14. I still celebrate
the traditional
holidays and rituals
of the culture that I
identify with.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
5. Strongly agree
2,3 Enculturation
level measure
(cultural
knowledge as
a domain)
15. Following social
expectations is
important.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
5. Strongly agree
1,2,3 Asian values
measure
(Factor 1 –
conformity to
norms)
16. Occupational
failure brings shame
to the family.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
1,2,3 Asian values
measure
(Factor 2 –
family
recognition
83
5. Strongly agree
through
achievement)
17. I pride myself
on being able to
control my emotions
at work.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
5. Strongly agree
2,3 Asian values
measure
(Factor 3 -
emotional self-
control)
18. A good
employee should
consider the needs
of others before
their own.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
5. Strongly agree
1,2,3 Asian values
measure
(Factor 4 -
collectivism)
19. I don’t require
acknowledgment by
others to feel as
though I’m making
a difference.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
5. Strongly agree
1,2,3 Asian values
measure
(Factor 5 -
humility)
20. Older people
have more wisdom
and experience than
younger people.
Closed Ordinal 1. Strongly disagree
2. Somewhat Disagree
3. Neither agree nor
disagree
4. Somewhat agree
5. Strongly agree
2,3 Asian values
measure
(Factor 6 -
filial piety)
84
Appendix B: Semi-structured Interview Protocol
Preamble:
Thank you taking the time to participate in this study. My name is Tiffany Kim, I am a doctoral
student researcher at USC’s Rossier School of Education, currently exploring the work values,
communication preferences, and followership styles of female Asian American Millennials in the
workplace. Before we begin, I would like to go over the Information Sheet that is being
provided to you through the chat feature of the Zoom room. You will be asked a series of open-
ended questions pertaining to the topics being studied and your subsequent responses will be
recorded in this environment. Both video and audio transcriptions will be generated via a
dedicated Zoom account and stored on their cloud-based service. If you are not comfortable
having your responses captured through video, there is also the option of conducting the
interview using audio only. I will emphasize here that your identity and any identifiable
information about you or the organization you represent will be kept strictly confidential.
Pseudonyms will be used in place of real names and institutions and all stored recordings will be
destroyed by the researcher at the conclusion of the study. Your participation is completely
voluntary and you have the ability to skip questions or stop the interview at any time. Do you
have any questions before we proceed?
Work Values:
1. In your current role, what is an average day at work like for you?
o (RQ 1; achievement & task orientation)
o Probes: Tell me more about that… / Can you provide some more detail…?
2. Can you describe some of your favorite aspects of your role?
o (RQ 1; intrinsic & extrinsic motivations)
o Probes: How do you think other people would view it…? / How do you feel about
the role?
85
3. How do you feel you contribute to the overall goals of the org?
o (RQ 1; meaningfulness)
o Probes: Can you think of another example?
4. How do you balance work with external obligations?
o (RQ 1; work-life balance)
o Probes: Why do you feel that way…? / Is this typical of you…?
5. What do you need from your org in order to feel empowered in your role?
o (RQ 1; expectations, intrinsic & extrinsic rewards)
o Probes: Compare this to others, how are your needs unique, if at all?
Communication Preferences:
6. How do you feel about questioning authority figures in the workplace?
o (RQ 2, RQ3; respect for authority, high vs. low context communication)
7. Tell me about a time you questioned an authority figure, if you have.
o (RQ 2, RQ3; respect for authority, high vs. low context communication)
o Probes: What was the situation? / What did you learn about navigating
communication channels in the workplace?
8. How does criticism impact your performance at work?
o (RQ 2, RQ3; humility, harmony)
9. Tell me about a time you were criticized at work.
o (RQ 2, RQ3; humility, harmony)
o Probes: How did that make you feel? / What was the outcome of that situation?
10. What kind of relationship do you have with your supervisor or upper management?
o (RQ 2, RQ3; open communication preferences)
o Probes: In what ways is it rewarding or mutually beneficial?
11. Tell me how you feel about receiving feedback and opinions from people?
o (RQ 2, RQ3; feedback frequency preferences)
o Probes: Do you prefer a team setting or one-on-one when receiving feedback?
12. What kinds of communication protocols are there in your workplace, if any?
o (RQ 2, RQ3; indirect vs. direct communication styles, harmony)
o Probes: Can you describe what a work email or text to your supervisor might look
like? / What do work emails or texts to your peers look like? / If there are
differences between the two, what are they?
13. Describe in detail your communication style in the workplace.
o (RQ 2, RQ3; indirect vs. direct communication styles, harmony)
86
o Probes: Tell me more about that… / What is your preferred method of
communication and why?
Followership Styles:
14. Describe yourself as an employee, as others might see you.
o (RQ 2; initiative in the workplace)
o Probes: Explain that to me a little more… / What do you mean by…?
15. What is your relationship with leadership like at your org?
o (RQ 2, RQ3; trust in leadership and authority)
o Probes: What does the term ‘mentor’ mean to you? / What is your boss like?
16. How does collaboration fit into your role, if at all?
o (RQ 2, RQ3; team-orientation)
o Probes: What are group dynamics like at your organization? / What does
teamwork look like for you?
17. How do you innovate in your current role, if at all?
o (RQ 2; initiative, intensity)
o Probes: Do you normally respond this way? / What might make you respond
differently? / What were other people doing?
18. Describe in detail how you would handle a complicated or challenging task at work.
o (RQ 2; innovation, creativity, autonomy)
o Probes: Has your approach changed over time? / Do you ever ask for assistance?
Enculturated Values:
19. Tell me how does your family feel about your role at your organization.
o (RQ 1, RQ2, RQ3; filial piety)
o Probes: What sorts of work values made an impression on you at an early age?
Did your family have an influence on your career choice?
20. Describe how praise and acknowledgment of contributions motivate you at work.
o (RQ 1, RQ2, RQ3; collectivism, humility)
o Probes: Why did that matter to you? / What motivated your response?
21. How do you express yourself in the workplace?
o (RQ 2; emotional self-control)
o Probes: What is a typical outlet for thoughts and feelings at work? / How
important is it to you that you be heard and acknowledged? / What kinds of
emotions do you experience in the workplace?
22. What sorts of situations at work make you feel pressured to conform, if any?
o (RQ 1, RQ2; compliance, conformity to established norms)
87
o Probes: Can you give me an example of a time…? / Describe that for me…
23. Describe to me what 'work fulfillment' would look like to you.
o (RQ 1, RQ2, RQ3; extrinsic & intrinsic rewards)
o Probes: Tell me more about what that means… / Can you tell me what it means to
you? / Have you always felt this way? / Which aspect do you perceive to be the
most important?
88
Appendix C: Key Participant Responses to Interview Protocol Exploring Work Values,
Communication Preferences, and Followership Styles
Themes Categorical
Codes
Count of
Participants
with Coded
Responses
Participant Responses
Collective Work
Goals and Service
Orientation Over
Individual Goals
Collectivism
7
P2: I'm heavy on customer service,
accessibility, accommodations…I'm
usually the first to bring that stuff up.
P3: I don’t need people pontificating
about me, as long as the overarching
goals are achieved.
P5: I don’t measure success by how
much I’m earning.
P6: If I’m the only one out in some
direction, and no one's coming with
me, then I'm just kind of like, ‘I don't
know if this is worth it.’
P7: I would weigh like, is this worth
bringing up? Would it affect not just
me but other people? I would always
take that into account.
P8: I have a habit of customer service
and being oriented that way.
P11: I don’t necessarily feel
comfortable driving an agenda all on
my own, I like to be as collective as
possible.
Individualism
4
P2: I actually like to be the different
one…I’m okay with not being in the
know, or on trend.
P5: I like being encouraged to pursue
my own professional development.
P6: I would love to be on the
inside, learning what’s going on and
pushing change.
P10: I care more about career
development, getting involved, getting
more tasks so that I can get promoted.
89
Meaningfulness of
Work Defined by
Intrinsic Over
Extrinsic Rewards
Humility
5 P2: People who I didn’t think I made
an impact on wrote to say thank you,
that I was so helpful… wow, that really
made me feel good, made me want to
continue what I was doing.
P3: If something goes successfully, like
a workshop goes really well and
students and parents are talking about
how much they enjoyed it… that's just
perfect. That’s all I need.
P6: I think that I do have a lot of
insecurities and self-esteem issues that
I've worked to overcome.
P7: I think occasional praise and
acknowledgement is a good
motivator…but there's a certain way to
do it that doesn’t come off overdone or
patronizing.
P11: I don’t really like public praise…I
often feel like I’m not deserving of it.
Meaningfulness
12 P1: People get into this work because
they want to help other people…I don't
know how much of that I'm doing right
now, but I'm sure as s**t trying.
P2: I'm very honored just for the
opportunities to represent people in my
department and receive specialized
training.
P3: It’s all about the students, isn’t it?
When they get that light in their eye…I
find it personally satisfying mentoring
them, helping them make it through to
the end.
P4: My ideal situation would be where
I’m learning something every day, and
feel that kind of emotional connection
to it.
P5: I never wanted someone else to feel
like they didn't have opportunities or
the cultural capital to be successful.
P6: I'm going to give up my personal
life and time for it, so it better be
something that’s going to make the
world a better place.
90
P7: The main thing that keeps me at
my job is the relationship with my
boss…I feel empowered to do more
and encouraged and not patronized.
P8: I really like the idea of working on
things that are impactful to the
community.
P9: The thing that keeps me going isn’t
just a paycheck, it’s also the fact that I
am passionate about what I do.
P10: Learning new things and growing
in the role is also important.
P11: I like the relationship building
aspect of my career… want people to
feel better after they talk to me.
P12: I think the best thing would be to
always have a change in pace, and
having to think critically.
Impact of
Supervisory
Relations on Work-
life Balance and
Workplace
Harmony
Harmony
9 P2: I don’t want anyone to feel left out
or uncomfortable with attention…I
don't want to put the spotlight on them,
y’know? But I want everyone to be
involved and for it to be inclusive.
P3: I usually do a cost-benefit analysis
of whether this is something worth me
fighting against.
P4: When things run smoothly, I take it
as an indicator of success.
P5: People might say they find me a bit
stoic, but I’m friendly with you if
we’ve collaborated…I’m the kind of
person at work where once I’m there,
I’m on.
P7: I don't expect to be friends with
everyone…but the workplace should
be a respectful, comfortable place for
everyone.
P8: I just want to make the people I
work for happy…maybe make their
lives a little bit easier in some way.
P9: I think I always keep my personal
life separate from my work life…I
don’t really get angry easily.
91
P11: The best way that I can show that
I'm a part of this team is to find a way
to be useful.
P12: Am I going to enjoy it
necessarily? No… but you kind of have
to balance out whatever the room
needs.
Work-Life
Balance
10 P1: I've never had an entirely remote
job and that's been awesome.
P2: It’s pretty good right
now…money’s good, time off is
amazing, educational opportunities and
motivation are there.
P3: We’re brought up with this
idealistic mindset and that if you find
work that you’re passionate about,
you'll never work a day in your
life…but it's also burning us all out.
P4: I feel with quarantine and
stuff…we’re all working long hours
and getting burned out.
P5: Definitely work life balance is
important… sometimes there's that
undercurrent or expectation that you
need to keep working or be hyper-
working.
P7: I take my job seriously, but I also
take my time off seriously. When my
time at work is done, I’m done.
P9: My work doesn't feel intrusive on
my outside obligations…I'm able to
switch between the two easily.
P10: It’s nice working for a place that
allows you take time off and not be
always concerned that they're going to
view you in a certain way or a negative
way.
P11: I want it to be challenged and
busy but I don't want it to be super
stressful.
P12: Some supervisors don’t set you up
for long-term success…it’s so easy to
just always be working.
92
Preference for
Indirect
Communication
Techniques at Work
Indirect
Communication
9
P2: In a meeting if I don’t agree with
someone, I’ll usually present the
positive first, then the negative by
saying something like ‘hey, that’s a
really great idea - how do you feel
about this though?’
P3: I can find a way to get something
where it needs to go…it just might not
be in the most loud and public way
possible.
P4: I felt like it’s this internal battle I
had with myself…like ‘I want to voice
this opinion, but what will happen to
me if I voice it?’
P5: I get this negative feedback
sometimes…because I’m quiet and
they think I’m not ‘pleasant’.
P6: My perspective is if anyone doesn’t
take me seriously…I just need to let
my work speak for itself.
P7: I feel like when people initially
meet me at work they see me as a little
standoffish.
P8: Depending on who I’m working
with, I think it’s important to be a
chameleon and just like, read the
atmosphere.
P9: I notice a lot of my coworkers
won’t let you finish before they add
their own thing…that irks me a bit, it’s
frustrating.
P10: I like to really think through and
form an idea in my head before I say
anything.
Direct
Communication
6
P1: Growing up, you're taught to be
deferential to your elders or
whatever…but I will say as I get older,
I care a lot less.
P2: My manager and I feed off each
other and collaborate a lot, which I’m
very grateful for.
P4: I've gotten more comfortable with
it because I think I have a manager
who empowers me to ask questions and
state my opinion.
93
P5: I'm just a serious kind of a person
about work, actually…I don't really
like jokes or sarcasm.
P8: In the past I have been told that I'm
not talking to her like a boss…but I
like to share my viewpoints.
P12: I was almost too heavy handed
sometimes with telling my bosses
things, I think…but I have no ability to
be political with my bosses.
Impact of
Supervisory
Relations and
Directionality on
Feedback Frequency
and Style
Saving Face
6 P2: I tend not to ask for help…that’s
not my gut reaction. I want to do these
tasks and projects on my own as much
as possible.
P4: I feel like my default face at work
is, if not smiling, is just a very neutral
face.
P5: As a professional sometimes you
just have to present multiple solutions
for people…in order to deliver on the
larger goals.
P8: Whenever I do question things, I
tend to make sure to say it in a way
where it's not disrespectful.
P10: It’s hard to tell faculty no…I try
bring it up as a concern as opposed to
saying something is just wrong.
P11: I'm afraid to ask for help because
I should be able to fix this on my
own…and I don't want everybody to
know that I made a mistake.
Frequent
Feedback
6 P1: I love feedback, but I also don't
like it when it's when it's anything but
positive.
P2: Such a boost…that someone above
me can say you're allowed to speak up,
you're allowed to give ideas, and
you’re valued.
P5: Good feedback does continue to
motivate me to do more good work
P6: As long as I'm getting feedback
that my work is good, then that's all I
care about.
94
P7: When a boss hears criticism and
doesn’t take it well, it's very
discouraging, and doesn't motivate me
when it's a consistent issue.
P9: I like it when they see my work,
and give logical reasons or
explanations on how to be better.
Reservation of
Expression, with an
Expectation of
Management
Transparency
Moderation
6 P2: In my early days I expressed too
much… so I made the conscious
decision to separate professional work
from my personal life.
P3: In an open environment, it's harder
to kind of have your own personality
on display.
P4: My default face is smiling.
P8: I am definitely careful…I tread
lightly, when I’m at work I only show a
certain side of me.
P9: I always thought anger shows too
much…yeah, I guess to me
professionalism is when you're in
control.
P11: I try very hard to portray myself
in meetings and spaces as well-spoken
and even keeled.
Transparency
10 P1: We're at this unique crossroads in
our country where you can be heard
and talk and use our voices for good.
P2: I want to work better with my
colleagues…by sharing knowledge and
ideas and working towards the
betterment and goodness of our campus
as a whole.
P3: For me an ideal leader has candor
and transparency…gives you that edge,
the insight view.
P4: I want to be transparent and have
that support in the sense that they'll
listen to me and my words it won't be
used against me later.
P5: If [my boss] is honest about her
trajectory in her work, that gives me
the opportunity to also be honest about
my trajectory as well.
95
P6: My general strategy is to confirm
my understanding of everything…my
brain is interpreting it one way, but
maybe they didn't mean it that
way…the underlying concern should
be the focus.
P8: I’m the type of person in the group
who always brings up something that I
need.
P9: When my boss is transparent about
their intent, then feedback feels like it's
coming from a place of wanting to
grow my skills, rather than just cutting
me down.
P10: It doesn't matter if you agree with
each other or not, everyone gets to
voice their opinions.
P11: At work I hope that I can have
relationships where I feel like I can be
authentic.
Preference for
Working in Small
Teams with Strict
Observation of
Vertical Power
Distance
Respect for
Authority
5 P3: If it’s my supervisor or something
I’ll definitely be more circumspect in
my interactions.
P5: It’s really intimidating walking into
the suite of senior staff…I'm just going
to go get my business done and leave.
P7: I have a lot of trust in authority
because I grew up in martial arts, and
because of my mom.
P9: It’s not my thing at all…I cringe
every time I have to ask a question to
some authority figure.
P12: The director is absolutely the one
that steers the ship…you have to adapt
yourself to the director.
Teamwork
8 P2: It’s important to have support from
everyone and to be heard, not just
managers calling the shots.
P3: I’ve learned the value of being part
of a team, especially when there’s trust
and you have real camaraderie.
P4: A functional team is important…at
my last job I felt like I had to fend for
myself and it was isolating.
96
P5: I prefer working on a team, it just
helps to answer questions… better to
work on a small team, because
decisions are faster and easier.
P6: I like bouncing ideas back and
forth and having people give critiques
on ideas and be willing to run with
them.
P7: I want to work with peers…that’s a
main motivating factor.
P10: A management team that
supportive…I just think that’s
essential.
P11: My preference is to have a
collaborative team space where people
feel comfortable and like they can be
their authentic selves.
Impact of Vertical
Relations on
Reciprocity of
Opinions
Vertical
Relations
7
P2: I want to move up and get
promoted…nobody knows me here; I
can be this person that is very high-up
and professional.
P4: I'm very aware of the image I want
to project, especially to leadership… I
do spend more time thinking about
that, as opposed to my peers.
P5: In certain places you can’t express
that you want to grow or even start
pursuing other opportunities for fear of
retaliation or losing projects and those
kinds of things.
P6: With executives, you want to have
an answer with alternatives.
P7: He saw the potential in me and
invested…like he took responsibility
for his investment, that's how I felt.
P9: There's a certain rule that you can't
talk about in one group that you can
talk about in others.
P11: I do worry about being seen as
overly-ambitious or jumping from
place to place and having no loyalty.
Horizontal
Relations
9 P4: The people that I ended up
developing a mentorship relationship
with never really talked down to me…I
97
felt like I had a safe space with my
concerns.
P5: She treats me like a peer…there's
no hierarchy, you have to pass
everything by me first, or cc me on
everything.
P6: I took the lead in putting together
some ideas…but she would give her
input and we basically presented things
together.
P7: It makes everything a lot more
difficult when bosses take everything
so personally, and then patronize me
when they’re not happy.
P8: I like that she doesn't make me feel
bad for wanting things.
P9: My supervisor is very warm…took
it upon herself to help me out when I
started, to get me acquainted with the
role.
P10: I know that managers get really
busy…but I feel like a good manager is
going to make the time to meet with
you as soon as possible.
P11: I have gotten to a point with my
leadership where I have sort of shared
with her some of my insecurities about
things.
P12: People have to feel comfortable
coming to you…have to make sure
they're not setting up a toxic
environment.
Preference for
Compliance with
Guidelines Over
Creative Autonomy
Compliance
8 P2: I felt like I could only speak about
work…I didn't open up about personal
life.
P4: I literally imagine every
scenario…it makes me anxious, I
probably overthink it.
P5: I am a salaried employee…but if
there’s a project my day ends at five
o'clock, I will finish a project until
whenever.
P7: My boss would say, "You have to
do it this way." He would just tell me it
would be very cut and dry.
98
P8: I definitely play by the rules…but I
still do things that are not asked of me.
P9: I prefer having a lot of structure.
P11: I don't necessarily consider
myself a super creative, innovative,
visionary person…I’m more of a doer
and organizer and just get it done.
P12: I think I am in some ways a
perfectionist…I want things to go
perfectly.
Autonomy
6 P1: I guess I technically have a
mentor…but it’s hard to like bond with
someone you've met in person, like,
three times.
P4: I don't mind being told what to
do…but I don't like being told that I
have to do it in this specific way that
has been around for 20 years, and you
have no say in changing it.
P6: I appreciate the flexibility and the
speed at which you can work solo.
P8: I don’t like helicopter supervision.
P10: It’s important to feel like you’re
able to make decisions… I feel like it
affects your ability to do something
well.
P12: There’s a lot of regulations in how
and what I do, but there’s autonomy
with that.
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
Female East Asian American Millennials are a particularly overlooked intersectional group in the workforce from a human resource lens, due to the high potential for organizations to rely on stereotyping as a sense-making tool. The purpose of the study was to examine the alignment of enculturated and generational traits in female East Asian American Millennials in non-supervisory roles, in terms of their workplace values, communication practices, and followership styles. The conceptual framework was based on generation cohort theory (Mannheim, 1952), the Asian Values Scale (AVS) (Kim & Hong, 2004), the Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS) (Chung et al., 2004), and Kelley’s (1992) theory of followership. Data was collected through an online recruiting survey and semi-structured virtual interviews. Narrative responses were categorically and thematically analyzed and coded using Atlas.ti software. Interview transcripts were shared with participants in order to strengthen the credibility and trustworthiness of the interpretation of their responses. Nine themes emerged: (1) collective work goals and service orientation over individual goals, (2) meaningfulness of work defined by intrinsic over extrinsic rewards, (3) impact of supervisory relations on work-life balance and workplace harmony, (4) preference for indirect communication techniques, (5) impact of supervisory relations and directionality on feedback frequency and style, (6) reservation of expression with an expectation of management transparency, (7) preference for working in small teams with strict observation of vertical power distance, (8) impact of vertical relations on reciprocity of opinions, and (9) preference for compliance with guidelines over creative autonomy. Findings from this study may contribute to a deeper understanding of the heterogenous nature of ethnic and generational subgroups in the workforce and lead to improvements in leadership training and human resource management.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Kim, Sung Hyun Tiffany
(author)
Core Title
Female East Asian American Millennial work values, communication, and followership: an investigation
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)
Publication Date
04/14/2021
Defense Date
03/23/2021
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
Communication,Confucian,enculturation,female East Asian Americans,followership,generational traits,intersectional groups,Millennials,non-supervisory roles,OAI-PMH Harvest,work values
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Seli, Helena (
committee chair
), Kim, Esther C. (
committee member
), Phillips, Jennifer (
committee member
)
Creator Email
tifanyki@usc.edu,tkiminlosangeles@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-441871
Unique identifier
UC11668446
Identifier
etd-KimSungHyu-9451.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-441871 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-KimSungHyu-9451.pdf
Dmrecord
441871
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Kim, Sung Hyun Tiffany
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
Repository Name
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Repository Location
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Tags
Confucian
enculturation
female East Asian Americans
followership
generational traits
intersectional groups
Millennials
non-supervisory roles
work values