Close
About
FAQ
Home
Collections
Login
USC Login
Register
0
Selected
Invert selection
Deselect all
Deselect all
Click here to refresh results
Click here to refresh results
USC
/
Digital Library
/
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
/
The graduate school experience: exploring help-seeking behaviors of female South Asian international graduate alumni after experiencing sexual harassment or sexual assault
(USC Thesis Other)
The graduate school experience: exploring help-seeking behaviors of female South Asian international graduate alumni after experiencing sexual harassment or sexual assault
PDF
Download
Share
Open document
Flip pages
Contact Us
Contact Us
Copy asset link
Request this asset
Transcript (if available)
Content
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL EXPERIENCE:
EXPLORING HELP-SEEKING BEHAVIORS OF FEMALE SOUTH ASIAN
INTERNATIONAL GRADUATE ALUMNI AFTER EXPERIENCING SEXUAL
HARASSMENT OR SEXUAL ASSAULT
by
Mahitha Rao
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION UNIVERSITY
OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION
(EDUCATIONAL COUNSELING )
May 2021
Copyright 2021 Mahitha Rao
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to give my deepest gratitude and appreciation to my
thesis chair, Dr. Sheila Banuelos. My thesis would not have been possible without her constant
dedication, sincerity, and care. I would also like to thank my committee members, Dr. Kristan
Venegas, and Dr. Helena Seli for supporting me along this journey. I was lucky enough to have
all three of these empowering educators as my chair at some point throughout the duration of my
thesis project.
I would also like to thank my family, for which I owe everything in my life to. They are
my pillars of support, my guiding light, my constant cheerleaders, and my best friends. I couldn’t
have done this without their unwavering encouragement and love. I would also like to thank my
husband. He treated this thesis as his own, from patient, late night editing sessions to comforting
me during the most difficult days. I love you Akshay. Thank you for being my inspiration, my
rock, and my partner.
I would also like to thank my friends, classmates, and coworkers for their unconditional
support and belief in me. I am honored to walk alongside you as educators and professionals,
working towards a better future.
Lastly, and most importantly, I am eternally grateful for the brave voices of my
participants. My research would not have been possible without their vulnerability, strength, and
resiliency. Thank you for sharing your experiences in the hope to create impactful institutional
change.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………………………... ii
List of Tables ………………………………………………………..…………………………...iv
Chapter 1: Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1
Chapter 2: Discussion of Relevant Studies….………………........................................................ 8
Chapter 3: Research Methods ………………….......................................................................... 21
Chapter 4: Presentation of Data ................................................................................................... 26
Chapter Five: Discussion, Implications, and Conclusion ............................................................ 54
References .................................................................................................................................... 67
Appendix A ................................................................................................................................... 72
iv
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1 Participant’s Demographics ............................................................................................... 27
Chapter One: Introduction
The increasing number of international students in the United States contributes to the
economic and cultural wealth to our college campuses (Carr, Koyama & Thiagarajan, 2003). An
international student is an individual studying at an accredited institution, typically on an F-1
visa, J-1 visa, or M-1 visa (SEVIS, 2020). There are about 1.1 million international students
studying in institutions across the United States, making up 5.5% of the higher education
population (Institute of International Education, 2019). International students contribute
approximately $44 billion to the United States economy and originate mainly from China
(369,548), India (202,014), South Korea (52,250), and Saudi Arabia (37,080) (Institute of
International Education, 2019).
Although international students come from various backgrounds, they share common
stressors studying abroad. The process of adjusting to western culture is called acculturation, and
can be a challenging experience (Inose & Yeh, 2003). Students face language barriers, racial
discrimination, financial pressures, along with the adjustment to a new educational system (Carr
et. al, 2003; Choi & Protivnak, 2016; Dipeolu, Cooper & Kang, 2007). The stress associated with
acculturation is defined as acculturative stress and can create physical, social, and psychological
challenges for students (Berry, Kim, Minde & Mok, 1987). Inose and Yeh (2003) found that
English fluency, social support, and social connectedness are predictors of acculturative stress.
As such, studies show that international students originating from Westernized and English
speaking countries, such as England and Canada, experience less acculturative stress than their
international counterparts (Inose & Yeh, 2003). Given the increase of Asian international
students in the United States in the past decade (Institute of International Education, 2019), it is
2
important to understand not only their acculturative experiences, but also how students’ overall
well-being is supported once they enter an American college campus.
International Graduate Students
In the 2018-2019 academic year, 377,943 international graduate students were enrolled in
the United States, contributing to a third of the total international student population. While the
majority of international students obtain an undergraduate degree in the U.S., 18.9% of
international students earn graduate degrees (Council of Graduate Schools, 2016). Although
literature exists on the overall international student acculturative experience, there is little
research conducted on graduate students in particular (Curtin, Stewart & Ostrove, 2013). College
campuses and student services tend to be more focused on the undergraduate population (Rempel
et al., 2011). This can prove difficult for international graduate students as they experience more
social isolation and need to navigate new educational, financial, and governmental systems alone
in a foreign country (Curtin, Stewart & Ostrove, 2013).
Help-Seeking Behaviors
Help-seeking behaviors are defined as the recognition to seek help, the decision to seek
help, and the act of utilizing informal (friends and family) and formal (college counselors,
advisors, other on campus staff) mental health resources (Gatto & Debate, 2018). Formal mental
health resources on campus are vital to providing support for international students as they adjust
to a new country. However, Hyun et al. (2007) found that international graduate students use
mental health resources significantly less than their domestic peers. This was found to be
especially true for Asian international graduate students who reach out to friends for support
rather than mental health counseling resources provided by the institution (Hyun et al., 2007).
3
One reason that Asian international graduate students do not seek mental health resources may
be the culturally negative stigma associated with receiving psychological help (Li, Marbley &
Bradley, 2016). The higher levels of acculturative stress in students serve as a barrier to engage
in help-seeking behaviors (Li, Marbley & Bradley, 2016). These barriers are primarily because
of cultural differences in understanding the Westernized ideology of seeking for professional
psychological services (Shea & Yeh, 2008). Curtis’ et al. (2013) survey of international graduate
students’ relationship with their advisor showed that advisor support helps students develop a
sense of belonging, and navigate graduate school. As such, it is important for advisors on campus
to play an integral role in an international student’s transition to the United States.
Sexual Assault
Cultural Barriers to Reporting
With the rise of sexual assault on college campuses in the past decade (National Center
for Education Statistics, 2016), college aged women are three times more at risk for sexual
assault or harassment. In addition, graduate females (8.8%) experience rape or forced sexual
contact more than their male classmates (2.2%) (Rape, Abuse, and Incest National Network,
2015). International graduate students are particularly vulnerable to gender-based sexual
harassment and assault due to living in a foreign environment, language and cultural differences,
and distanced support from family and friends in their home country (Forbes-Mewett &
McCulloch, 2015). This is particularly the case for female international students who may be
reluctant to report sexual harassment or assault because of shame, guilt, and/or embarrassment
(Sable, Danis, Mauzy & Gallagher, 2006). Additional barriers to reporting include perceived
4
power imbalances with authority, visa invalidation, and fear of being forced to return to the
student’s home country (Forbes-Mewett & McCulloch, 2015).
Governmental Restrictions
In addition to cultural barriers, international students face governmental restrictions that
indirectly affect their reporting behaviors (Forbes-Mewett & McCulloch, 2015). In order to study
in the United States, international students must follow the rules and regulations of their student
visa status, and must be registered on the Student & Exchange Visitor Information System
database (SEVIS, 2020). Some rules include being required to remain enrolled as a full-time
student with the risk of losing their F-1 visa status if a student wishes to drop a class from their
course load or become a part time student. Students must also notify the government and
universities of any change in address or school in a timely manner. These visa restrictions may
cause additional acculturative stress as international students need to be vigilant in maintaining
their status.
These visa regulations may be even more for graduate students who experience sexual
assault on campus. A student can be allowed to reduce a full-time load of classes only in the
event of an extenuating circumstance which needs to be disclosed to the institution immediately.
This can be difficult for a student to openly disclose a personal matter as such to the school as it
goes against the student’s cultural values to admit to engaging in sexual activity (Carr, Koyama
& Thiagarajan, 2003). Additionally, it can be a traumatic experience to recount the incident
shortly after it had occurred (Hutcheson & Lewington, 2017). Since about 70% of rapes are
committed by someone known to the survivor (RAINN, 2015) the student might want to move to
a safe housing arrangement. However, the process of informing SEVIS of their change of
5
address may take time and put the student in further danger the longer they do not move to a safe
residence. Another regulation states that F-1 students must have good academic standing,
maintaining a minimum 2.0 grade point average. Overall, an international graduate student who
experiences sexual assault, may have the inability to drop classes, switch colleges, or move to a
new place of residence, all of which are potential barriers to support students in sexual
harassment and sexual assault cases. Cortina et al. (1998) found that female graduate students
who experience sexual assault began to have low self-efficacy and doubt their academic
competence. This can contribute to poor academic performance, and in turn risk the validity of
their student visa status. These regulations and restrictions prove an arduous journey of mental
health recovery for female Asian international graduate students.
Theoretical Model
Originally, the goal of this study was to understand the help-seeking behaviors of Asian
female international alum during their time in graduate school. However, due to snowball
sampling, the data reflects the narratives of South Asian female participants. This study was
conducted using Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model. Cramer developed a survey that
examined four psychological variables that influence an individual’s decision to seek counseling:
self-concealment, distress level, available social support, and attitude towards seeking
counseling. Cramer’s model was intended to resolve discrepancies between studies conducted by
Kelly and Archter (1995) and Cepeda-Benito and Short (1998) who studied these psychological
variables in a linear format, with one variable influencing the next. Cramer took a path model
and looked at how these variables are interconnected within each other. His study was conducted
on primarily White, college-aged students. His results showed that self-concealment and high
6
distress were related to having low social support. Most importantly, the role of self-concealment
was correlated to negative attitude towards seeking counseling.
Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model was applied to several Asian and Asian American
populations to test for cultural relevance (Liao, Rounds & Klein, 2005; Tuliao et al., 2016). This
study applies Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model qualitatively by examining each variable
used in his study through open-ended interview questions. This research studied participants who
attended a graduate program from a large private institution in California and was chosen due to
the large number of international students in their graduate student population, particularly
originating from Asian countries such as India and China. In order to contextualize the existing
literature of this study, Chapter 2 will further discuss acculturation, help-seeking behaviors, and
the effects of sexual assault on an international graduate student. Chapter 3 provides a detailed
description of the methodology utilized in this study. Chapter 4 presents findings from the
demographic sheet form and interview questions. The final chapter will include an analysis of
the findings and implications for policy, practitioners, and future research.
Research Questions
Due to the varying degrees that international students may experience acculturative
stress, personally, socially, and institutionally, it is crucial for students to seek mental health
resources. This thesis added to the literature by using a qualitative approach to Cramer’s (1999)
Help-Seeking Model to answer the following research question, “how does self-concealment,
social support, level of distress, and attitudes towards counseling affect help seeking behaviors
among South Asian female international graduate students after experiencing sexual harassment
or sexual assault?”. Overall, this study collected qualitative data through the powerful narratives
7
of international students and provides suggestions for best practices within higher education
institutions. The findings provide important implications for an overlooked and vulnerable
population on the American college campus.
8
Chapter Two: Discussion of Relevant Studies
The purpose of this literature review is to provide an overview of relevant studies
regarding international graduate students experiences when transitioning to the United States and
their help-seeking behaviors, including recognition to seek help, the decision to seek help, and
the act of utilizing informal (friends and family) and formal (college counselors, advisors, other
on campus staff) mental health resources. The chapter begins by explaining the academic and
mental health effects of acculturation on Asian international graduate students. Due to the lack of
existing literature, the discussion of studies briefly describes research pertaining to South Asian
international students in particular. Studies either generalized the Asian population, or grouped
subsects of the Asian population in the same study, such as South Asian or East Asian. This
chapter further explains help-seeking behaviors through the lens of sexual harassment and sexual
assault. Finally, different applications of Cramer’s Help-Seeking Model (1999) are discussed.
Although there were no studies applying Cramer’s (1999) model specifically to South Asian
participants, there were a few studies which applied Cramer’s (1999) model to Asian
international participants as a whole.
Acculturation
The term acculturation was originally proposed by anthropologists Redfield, Linton, and
Herskovits (1936), referring to changes within a group that results from contact between two
different cultures. The process of acculturation contributing to mental health concerns, is called
acculturative stress (Berry et al., 1987). Many studies have been done on the acculturative
stressors experienced by international students. Tseng and Newton (2002) highlight four specific
challenges faced by international students: (1) general living adjustment such as getting
9
accustomed to American food, housing system, modes and methods of transportation, and living
environment; (2) adjustment to the American educational system; (3) sociocultural adjustment to
cultural norms and behaviors; and (4) personal psychological adjustment such as experiencing
homesickness, and feelings of isolation. These acculturative stressors may increase when an
individual is unfamiliar with campus resources to support them through this transition.
Wang and Mallinckrodt (2006) further studied acculturation of Chinese and Taiwanese
international students through the lens of psychosocial adjustment and adult attachment styles.
The researchers explored the correlation between attachment anxiety and attachment avoidance.
Attachment anxiety is defined as the need for approval from others with the fear of rejection, and
attachment avoidance is defined as the need for self-reliance with the fear of interpersonal
dependency. After surveying 104 Chinese and Taiwanese international students, the study results
showed that high attachment anxiety and high avoidance were predictors for psychological
distress and sociocultural adjustment. The acculturative stressors that international students face
alone emphasizes the difficulty of adapting to a foreign country without the connectedness of
one’s friends and family.
Yeh and Inose (2003) also explored predictors of acculturative stress among a sample of
359 diverse international students in the United States. The researchers found that students from
Europe experienced less stress than their counterparts from Asia, Central/Latin America, and
Africa. This could be because American cultural values are Eurocentric (Yeh & Inose, 2003),
thus European international students may have less challenges adapting to an environment with
similar cultural values. Their results found that English fluency, social support satisfaction, and
social connectedness were all predictors of acculturative stress. Those who have lower levels of
10
English fluency experienced academic and social difficulties, and tended to remain in groups of
their own nationality. Yeh and Inose (2003) also found that English fluency may be related to
easier interactions with their domestic peers, thus creating social connectedness and establishing
a social support network. While social support is essential to the welfare of international
students, social connectedness is related to levels of self-esteem, anxiety and depression.
Although international students experience unique challenges, research has shown that this
population uses counseling services less than their domestic counterparts, especially among
Asian international students (Hyun, Quinn, Madon & Lustig, 2007).
Help-Seeking Behavior
Help-seeking behaviors are defined as the recognition to seek help, the decision to seek
help, and the act of utilizing informal (friends and family) and formal (college counselors,
advisors, other on campus staff) mental health resources (Gulliver, Griffiths, Christensen &
Brewer, 2012). To understand help-seeking behaviors of international students, it is important to
consider their perceived mental health needs, their knowledge of counseling resources on
campus, and their utilization of these resources.
Recognition to Seek Help: Mental Health Need and Awareness
Hyun and colleagues (2007) studied the mental health needs of international graduate
students. The researchers had surveyed 3,121 students, out of which 551 were international
graduate students. Although the study showed that the need for mental health services was
similar for domestic and international students, international graduate students reported less
awareness of counseling resources on campus (61% vs. 79%). A little fewer than half the
international graduate students reported that they had an emotional or stress-related problem that
11
affected their well-being or academic performance within the past year. Mental health need was
assessed through self-reported responses regarding frequency of feeling hopelessness,
exhaustion, sadness, and depression.
Decision to Seek Help: Cultural Barriers
A qualitative study of the cultural adjustment of Asian international students revealed
further cultural barriers for seeking help (Constantine et al., 2005). Fifteen women from Japan,
India, Vietnam and Korea were interviewed about their transition to living in the United States
(Constantine et al., 2005). The most common coping strategies they stated were asking advice
from family or friends who have gone through similar experiences (Constantine et al., 2005).
The students also said they found ways to be independent or self-sufficient when solving their
own problems (Constantine et al., 2005). Lastly, the participants tended to minimize or deny the
existence of their stressors to not be a burden to their family or friends (Constantine et al., 2005).
Zhang and Dixon (2003) surveyed 170 Asian international students from China, Japan,
and Korea, and their relationship between acculturation and attitudes towards seeking help. Their
results showed that there was a significant correlation between students’ levels of acculturation,
confidence in mental health practitioners, and their stigmatized beliefs towards counseling.
Disclosing one’s problems outside of the family, even in private to a therapist, goes against
particular Asian values (Leong, Kim & Gupta, 2011). Leong et al. (2011) examined cultural
barriers such as acculturation status, loss of face, and conception of mental health among 134
Asian American students. Their study results showed that loss of face strongly correlated to
being open with one’s issues with a counselor. Kim, Atkinson, and Yang (1999) developed the
Asian Value Scale through four different studies, taking into consideration culture-of-origin
12
values when determining acculturation. Kim et al. (1999) showed that one particular Asian value
is being able to control emotions and resolve psychological problems of one’s own issues as a
sign of strength.
Mallinckrodt and Leong (1992) surveyed international graduate students regarding social
support and seeking counseling services. The researchers found that international students
manifested emotional stressors as physical stressors, and therefore sought medical attention
instead of utilizing counseling services such as fatigue and inability to sleep (Hyun et al., 2007).
However, International students participating in group counseling helped foster social support
and normalize getting help for psychological distresses. In addition, Mallinckrodt and Leong
(1992) found that the gendered cultural norms for female international students who attended
graduate school while being a wife or a mother added another set of unique stressors, making
them a particularly vulnerable population in need of counseling support. These culturally Asian
values regarding mental health, stigma attached to seeking help, and unfamiliarity with
counseling services can be contributing factors to the underutilization of counseling services.
Use of Counseling Services: Role of Advisors
International graduate students use counseling services less (17%) than their domestic
counterparts (36%) (Hyun et al., 2007). International students more commonly experience their
emotional stressors somatically through physical manifestation (Hyun et al., 2007). As such, this
population tends to seek help through formal resources such as doctors, due to the authority they
hold in Asian cultures (Hyun et al., 2007). International students also reported relying more on
their academic advisors and their individual academic departments for support services (Hyun, et
al., 2007). Yi, Jun-Chih and Kishimoto (2003) studied 516 international students at a large
13
university in Texas. Most students who visited the counseling center mainly had concerns for
academic/grades, anxiety, and depression. Yi et al. (2003) mentioned that advisors may be
important in directing international students to appropriate resources on campus when necessary.
Curtin, Stewart, and Ostrove (2013) surveyed the relation to a student’s sense of belonging and
the role of an advisor among international and domestic doctoral students. International students
who reported having functional relationships with their advisors were less likely to report a stress
or emotional problem over the past year. In addition, the relationship with their advisor
positively affected their sense of belonging in their respective academic departments.
A literature review of international students’ help-seeking behavior conducted by Mori
(2000) found that institutional and social support has been shown to be positively related to
student’s emotional well-being. Mori (2000) also recommended that adequate orientation and
administrative support for international students are key factors to facilitate successful transitions
in students. Further recommendations include that the presence of knowledgeable counseling
staff members who address mental health concerns in international students is necessary (Mori,
2000).
Acculturation and Help-Seeking Behaviors
There have been several conflicting studies done regarding the relationship between
levels of acculturation to help-seeking behaviors. Zhang and Dixon (2003) found that
international students who have expressed higher acculturation to American culture were more
positive about seeking professional help, regardless of the amount of time spent in the United
States. Atkinson et al. (1995) on the other hand, stated that there was no relationship between
acculturation and willingness to seek counseling. However, Kim and Omizo’s (2003) research
14
showed that acculturation was not the only factor that needed to be looked at when determining
help-seeking behavior. Their findings show that the level of adherence to Asian values indicates
an individual’s willingness to seek counseling. The level of adherence towards Asian cultural
values extend to not only seeking psychological help, but also towards other negatively
stigmatized view such as sexual harassment or sexual assault.
Cultural Views towards Sexual Violence
Due to the difference of cultural norms and adjustment to the United States, international
female students may be more vulnerable to gender-based violence than their domestic
counterparts (Forbes-Mewett & McCulloch, 2016). Forbes and McCulloch (2016) interviewed
65 individuals who were involved in support services on college campuses working with female
international students from non-English speaking countries studying in Australia and the United
States (English speaking countries). The researchers focused on three types of gender-violence
across campuses: transactional sex, sexual harassment, and intimate partner violence. One
Student’s Rights Officer explained that a reason students do not report an act of sexual violence
might be due to the involvement of police involved, which leads to a fear of being in trouble with
the government, and risking deportation. A Gender Violence Educator stated that cultural norms
of international students would hinder their ability to identify behaviors that should be reported,
and therefore would not be aware of support services available to them. In addition, the Gender
Violence Educator emphasized that although support services are presented during campus-wide
orientations, international students may not understand how to access or navigate these new
resources at the time of being a victim or encountering an act of gender-violence. Overall, Forbes
and McCulloch (2016) found that international students statistically do not report, or seek help
15
regarding sexual harassment and sexual assault, due to cultural norms and expectations held in
their home country.
Koss (1998) conducted a survey across 32 institutions regarding campus sexual assault.
Results of the survey showed that 50% of women experience rape or some kind of sexual assault
since the age of 14 (Koss, 1998). In addition, women between the ages of 16 to 24 are more
likely to be raped (Koss, 1998). Although these incidents occur across all ethnic groups, Asian
women are the lowest to report. Rozee and Koss (2001) suggest that causes for underreporting
include language barriers, cultural differences in defining rape, and lack of trust in police
authorities. The extremely low percentage of reporting reasons were mainly expressed as feeling
embarrassment or shame, and being worried about losing employment or incurring a bad
reputation (Rozee & Koss, 2001). Lee, Pomeroy, Yoo and Rheinboldt (2005) used the Attitude
Towards Rape scale, surveying 169 Asian and Caucasian college students. Overall, the results
showed that underreporting of rape stems from cultural attitudes that focus on the victim-
blaming, and the importance stressed on female virginity (Lee et al., 2005). Sexual assault is
usually framed as a matter that should be settled between individuals, and not seen as an act of
crime or violence (Lee et al., 2005). Findings also showed that Asian students are more likely to
accept rape myth beliefs, such as the women should be held responsible for preventing rape, and
that rape is perpetrated by strangers and not usually known assailants (Lee et al., 2005).
However, there are several factors which indicated that Asian female students were in
disagreement with rape myths and stereotypes. One research study conducted by Kennedy and
Gorzalka (2002) assessed 400 Asian international men and women attitudes towards rape in
Canada. The results showed that the longer an individual has resided in Canada, the less
16
tolerance they had of rape myths and sexual harassment. This could be because higher levels of
acculturation to the dominant culture’s belief occurred the longer the individual has lived among
that culture. The findings also noted that women were less conservative than men. Similarly,
Hinck and Thomas (1999) also found that college women were in more disagreement regarding
rape myths than men after interviewing 150 Caucasian students on attitudes towards rape.
Cultures who had higher levels of sex role stereotyping, adverse sexual beliefs, and acceptance
of interpersonal violence, had a greater acceptance of rape myths (Burt, 1980). In addition, the
younger and higher educated individuals accepted rape myths less than their counterparts (Burt,
1980). The stigma of reporting sexual assault, in combination with adherence to Asian values,
can contribute to the willingness to seek counseling services.
Governmental Restrictions
International students have also experienced barriers to reporting sexual violence due to
government officials as perpetrators themselves. Hutcheson and Lewington (2017) described the
case Liu v. Striuli in 1998 involving a female international graduate student and a principal
designated school official (PDSO). The student traveled outside the country to Austria and came
across visa troubles upon her arrival back to the United States despite the PDSO’s confirmation
that there would be no issues when she travels. To ensure that her visa would be valid again, a
letter of moral character was allegedly needed by the PDSO. The PDSO used the letter as an
opportunity to get to know the student personally in order to produce an accurate statement about
the student. The campus official, however, used his power and position to sexually assault the
student with over one hundred instances throughout the span of one year, using the threat of
deportation as leverage. This experience led the student’s grades to decline, and inevitably
17
delayed the student from receiving her new visa. The institution did not reprimand the campus
official nor supported the student and ultimately, the court case did not result in a conviction.
The vulnerability of female international graduate students becomes troubling when the student
cannot rely on their own host institution.
Theoretical Framework
Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model
To assess help-seeking behaviors of international South Asian graduate students, I will be
using Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking model. Cramer’s model was intended to resolve the
discrepancies between two main help-seeking models created at the time between Kelly and
Achter (1995) and Cepeda-Benito and Short (1998). The original model looked at the direct
effects between four psychological variables: (a) attitude towards seeking counseling; (b)
available social support; (c) distress level; and (d) self-concealment. Kelly and Achter (1995)
found that self-concealment and attitude toward seeking counseling variables were the only
predictors of help-seeking behavior. Cepeda-Benito and Short (1998) results showed that distress
levels, attitude toward seeking counseling, available social support, and the interaction between
the available social support and self-concealment were all significant predictors of help-seeking
behaviors. Cramer’s (1999) approached these four variables through a path model, looking at
how the different variables correlate to each other, instead of having direct effects of help-
seeking behavior. Cramer’s (1999) path model showed that students were more likely to seek
counseling when their levels of distress are high, and their attitude toward counseling is positive.
He found that self-concealment was related to having a limited social support network, a high
level of distress, and a less favorable attitude toward seeking counseling. High distress levels
18
were related to having low social support networks. Self-concealment was the main factor to
affect the help-seeking process. Although Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model was a novel
addition to the literature, the demographics of the study were mainly White students. The
following section explores the application of Cramer’s (1999) model on diverse populations of
students.
A Test of Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model
Liao, Rounds, and Klein (2005) tested Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model for Asian
and Asian American college students. The purpose of their study was to take into account
acculturation as a variable to improve model fit. Research showed that Asian American’s level of
acculturation and attitudes toward counseling had a positive relationship. However, as previously
mentioned, the relationship between acculturation and willingness to seek counseling varies
between studies. In order to understand the effects of Cramer’s model on this population, Liao et
al. (2005) first tested the path model with no modifications. Then, to test the relationship
between acculturation and willingness to seek counseling, the researchers added acculturation to
the original variables. Kim et al. (1999) stated that a value approach better focused on how Asian
values influence behaviors. These cultural values including conforming to norms, family
recognition through success and achievement, emotional self-control, collectivism and humility
accounted for the different aspects that are associated with the acculturation process. For this
reason, Liao et al. (2005) added the Adherence to Asian Value variable as a modification to
Cramer’s Help-Seeking Model.
Liao and colleagues (2005) conducted the study in a large, predominantly White,
Midwestern university with a sample of 202 Asian college students, and 336 White college
19
students. The researchers surveyed students first to test Cramer’s (1999) model, then tested the
model to fit acculturative factors of Behavioral Acculturation and Adherence to Asian Values.
The survey consisted of several scales to measure for the variables: (a) attitude towards seeking
counseling; (b) available social support; (c) distress level; (d) self-concealment (e) behavioral
acculturation; and (f) adherence to Asian values. The scales used to measure these variables were
the Interpersonal Support Evaluation List (ISEL; S. Cohen, Mermelstien, Kamarack, &
Hoberman, 1985),the Self-Concealment Scale (SCS; Larson & Chastain, 1990), a revised
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale (ATHS; Fischer & Turner,
1970), and a modified 32-item Personal Problem Inventory (PPI; Gim, Atkinson & Whiteley,
1990). Asian and Asian American participants also completed the SL–ASIA (Suinn et al., 1987)
and the AVS (Kim et al., 1999). Their results showed that Cramer’s model fit both samples of
White students and Asian and Asian American students. However, Cramer’s (1999) model found
the biggest difference in results in self-concealment scales, which is attributed to Asian and
Asian American values towards seeking help. The addition of acculturation, especially adherence
to Asian values was a greater predictor for attitude towards counseling.
Tuliao, Velasquez, Bello, and Pinson (2016) tested Cramer’s (1999) model of help-
seeking behaviors. The researchers decided to test model fit for Filipino college students living
in the Philippines. Tuliao et al. (2016) accounted for Asian cultural values by adding Loss of
Face to Cramer’s model. The researchers used similar scales to Liao et al (2005) with the
exception of Adherence to Asian Values and Behavioral Acculturation, and with the addition of
Loss of Face Scale (Zane & Yeh, 2002). The results of the study showed that Cramer’s model
was an acceptable fit to the Filipino college student sample on only the relationship between
social support and problem severity. However, when including the loss of face scale, the model
20
was a good fit. Loss of face was also found to be positively associated with self-concealment and
negatively associated with attitudes towards counseling.
Connections Between Framework and Current Study
This current study used Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model to study the effects help-
seeking behaviors among female South Asian international graduate students through the lens of
sexual harassment and sexual assault. Previous studies in addition to this theoretical framework
proves that help-seeking behaviors are not linear, and involve multiple cultural, individual, and
societal factors. The different themes I coded for in this study are in accordance to Cramer’s
model’s four factors that lead to seeking help: (a) attitude towards seeking counseling; (b)
available social support; (c) distress level; and (d) self-concealment. This model is applicable to
this population, as several variables measured are relevant to Asian values. Existing literature
shows that social support networks are necessary for student success in times of crisis (Yeh &
Wang, 2000). In addition, self-concealment relates to the concept of loss of face (Tuliao et al.,
2016). Finally, Tracey et al. (1986) found that distress levels are known to be predictive of
attitude towards willingness to seek counseling. Cramer’s (1999) model was originally studied
on White undergraduate students, and has been replicated to many different demographics. The
purpose of this study is to add to the limited existing literature of help seeking behaviors of
female South Asian, international, graduate alumni through the lens of Cramer’s (1999) Help-
Seeking Model.
21
Chapter 3: Research Methods
This study used a qualitative approach and an interview protocol to collect qualitative
data from eight participants. Due to the nature of this study, qualitative findings have certain
advantages over quantitative results (Creswell, 2013). One advantage of qualitative data is that it
allows for greater depth within its findings which may not be identified in quantitative closed
ended survey questions. Unlike a quantitative approach, anonymous interviews will provide a
personal connection to the participant and allow a safe space to delve deeper into their narratives
especially due to the sensitivity of the research subject matter (Jackson & Trochim, 2002). This
perspective was also expressed within Raj and Silverman’s (2002) study assessing domestic
violence help-seeking behaviors of battered South Asian women residing in the United States.
Although the researchers used quantitative and qualitative methods, the qualitative interview
findings brought attention to additional issues not found in the quantitative surveys. Shen (2011)
highlighted another advantage to using qualitative methods in her study analyzing the help-
seeking behaviors of Taiwanese female victims of dating violence. Her research used qualitative
interviews to bridge gaps in existing literature by providing cultural views directly from the
perspectives of the women.
Method
Site Selection/Participants
The research site for this study was a large, private, predominantly white university
(PWU) in California. The most recent demographics indicated that as of Fall 2020, 22.6% of the
student population enrolled were international students with 45% of the international graduate
student population as female (The Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System, 2020). In
22
addition, the highest number of international graduate students originated from Asian countries
such as China and India (IPEDS, 2019). Based on these data points, this institution reflected the
target demographic for this research study.
Selection Criteria
Participants were selected based on the demographics being studied in this research
project. As participants were chosen through snowball sampling, inclusion, and exclusion criteria
were provided in an email template for all participants who wished to refer others to participate
in the study. The inclusion criteria included identifying as female and their place of origin from
an Asian country. In addition, participants were required to be a graduate alum from a college in
the United States and an international student at the time of attending graduate school.
Participants were excluded based on gender and ethnicity. The exclusion criteria included
anyone who identified as male and not originating from an Asian country. In addition,
participants could not be a current international undergraduate student or a domestic
undergraduate or graduate student.
Data Collection
My initial data collection method included collecting qualitative statements through an
online survey of current international female graduate students. However, due to the difficulty of
finding participants to fill out the online survey and due to the sensitivity of the subject, I revised
my study to conduct interviews with female international Asian graduate alumni. The participant
recruitment and data collection process started in September 2020 and concluded in October
2020. Through snowball sampling, eight participants were recruited through text messages and
emails. Although the original goal of my study was to examine the help-seeking behaviors of
23
Asian international female graduate alum, the recruitment process led all participants to identify
as specifically South Asian. All eight semi-structured interviews included open-ended interview
questions through an online video conferencing platform called Zoom.
The interview process began by agreeing to a time and date to conduct the Zoom call.
Once the Zoom call started, the video option was turned off, and the participant and I
communicated through the Zoom audio function. The consent form was sent via the Zoom chat
feature assuring participants that they can skip questions that they are uncomfortable with or
discontinue the interview at any time. Once the verbal consent was received from the participant,
the audio recording of the interview was started. Next, a Qualtrics demographics survey link was
sent via the Zoom chat box. The demographic sheet included seven questions which took
approximately five minutes to complete. The demographic survey asked for a pseudonym to
protect the identity of the participant for data collection and analysis purposes. The video option
remained off on Zoom to further protect the participant's identity. Once the participant completed
the demographic survey, the interview protocol began by stating the purpose for conducting this
study and the layout of how the interview would proceed.
The interview protocol consisted of 13questions and took 45 minutes to complete. The
interview protocol consisted of three series of questions regarding (1) familial and cultural views
on sexual harassment and assault, (2) familial and cultural views on seeking help and its impact
on a student’s decision to seek help, (3) the utilization of informal and formal resources either on
or off campus, and (4) any barriers experienced as an international graduate student. After the
interview, each participant was sent a $25 Amazon.com E-Gift Card, thanking them for being
24
vulnerable, open, and honest during the interview. A follow up email was also sent that included
free mental health resources that they could utilize.
Data Analysis
The data analysis process by transcribing each interview upon completion. The automatic
transcripts were available through the Zoom platform, and were reviewed a second time for any
corrections. The transcripts were then coded into categories based on the four overarching
themes, and sorted by common subcategories. These themes are factors that contribute to seeking
counseling according to the theoretical framework of this study, Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking
Model: (a) attitude towards seeking counseling; (b) available social support; (c) distress level;
and (d) self-concealment. The subcategories were then analyzed to find additional factors which
emerged from the interviews beyond these four factors. The demographic sheet was used to
make further connections of the participants’ experiences.
Trustworthiness of Data and Researcher Bias
Trustworthiness of Data
Due to the sensitive nature of this study, the trustworthiness of this data is critical. As a
researcher, I am personally connected to this study. I identify as an Asian American student
coming from a family of immigrants and culturally relate to many of my participants. Although I
was born in the United States, I have seen close friends and families struggling with the
adjustment to America, their hesitancy to seek mental health resources, and their reporting and
help-seeking behaviors regarding sexual assault. I limited my researcher bias by following an
interview protocol. Prior to beginning the interview questions, I explained my positionality and
25
purpose for conducting this research which was followed by a set of interview questions. Even
though the interview format was semi-structured, I asked follow-up questions to participants’
answers with the intention for clarification or further explanation. In addition, I continuously
validated participants’ responses to questions in order to build a trusting and engaging
environment while reflecting on sensitive and personal matters. Restricting my researcher bias
was more difficult than anticipated at times as the interviewee’s narratives were powerful and
emotional on a personal level.
Limitations
The qualitative interview approach presents a few limitations (Creswell, 2013). One
limitation is that not all participants were equally articulate about their experiences due to either
language barriers or difficulty in recollecting their graduate experiences. Participant recruitment
through snowball sampling presented another set of limitations. The delimitations of my study
narrowed the scope of my participant search to Asian, female, alum, who graduate from a
graduate program as an international student. Through snowball sampling, some interviewees
who were referred to participate in the study had a direct or indirect connection to me. In
addition, snowball sampling led to participants having similar demographics in terms of age and
country of origin. All participants were from India, and were in their twenties while attending
graduate school. The chain referral of participants at times included interviewees who fit the
demographic selection criteria, but did not attend the institution of the research site. As such, the
sample was not holistically representative of the target population. Despite these limitations, the
participants' experiences are valuable for the contribution of this gap in literature. Chapter 4 will
include the presentation of data and describe common themes that emerged across all interviews.
26
Chapter 4: Results and Findings
Originally, the goal of this study was to understand the help-seeking behaviors of
international Asian female alum during their time in graduate school. However, due to the
snowball sampling, the data reflects the narratives of South Asian female participants. The help-
seeking behaviors were categorized into the four major factors outlined in Cramer’s (1999) Help-
Seeking Model including self-concealment, level of distress, available social support, and
attitudes towards seeking counseling. These factors determined the overarching themes that I
explored in my qualitative narratives. I further explored emerging themes regarding the role of
experiencing sexual harassment or sexual assault and participants’ decision to seek counseling.
The findings in this chapter will discuss the sub-themes discovered within each overarching
theme of factors associated with help-seeking behaviors.
Participant Characteristics
A total of eight participants interviewed for this study in September 2020. The
participants ranged from 22-27 years of age at the time of attending their graduate program. All
participants identified India as their home country, with one participant identifying as being from
both India and Abu Dhabi. Six participants moved to the United States directly to attend graduate
school, while two participants moved to the U.S. when they were in high school. All participants
came to the United States on an F-1 visa, and graduated from a Masters program. Four
participants studied Engineering, two participants studied Marriage Family Therapy, one
participant studied Computer Science, and one participant studied Public Health. Through
snowball sampling, some students did not identify with the research site. Of the eight
participants, two participants attended a public PWU, while six attended a private PWU.
27
All eight participants experienced a form of sexual harassment in India, and three
participants additionally experienced sexual harassment in the United States. Of the three
participants who experienced sexual harassment in the U.S., two recounted experiencing sexual
harassment in graduate school, and one experienced sexual harassment in her undergraduate
program. Two participants disclosed experiencing sexual assault in India, and one described
almost getting sexually assaulted in India. Out of the eight participants, three decided to seek
counseling in graduate school.
Table 1 outlines the participant’s demographics, their experience of sexual harassment or
sexual assault, their decision to seek counseling, and any factors that prevented them from
seeking counseling or continuing counseling services. To protect the anonymity of the
participants, personally identifiable information was omitted as much as possible in this chapter
without compromising the integrity of the interviewees’ narratives.
Table 1: Participant’s Demographics
Participant
Country
of Origin
Age during
Graduate
School
Graduate
Program of
Study
Experienced Sexual
Harassment or
Sexual Assault?
Defined as gender
based comments or
actions without
consent
Sought
Counseling
Factors Preventing
Seeking Counseling
or Continuing
Counseling Services
A India
22
* moved to
the U.S in
high school
Masters in
Engineering
Sexual harassment and
sexual assault attempt
as a child in India
No
Lack of family
support
B India 27
Masters in
Computer
Science
Sexual harassment and
sexual assault in India
No
Lack of knowledge or
awareness of
counseling
28
C India 22
Masters in
Engineering
Experienced sexual
harassment in India
Yes
Did not persist due to
lengthy process
D India
23
*moved to
the U.S. in
high school
Masters in
MFT
Experienced sexual
harassment in U.S.
and India and
Experienced assault in
U.S.
Yes
Discontinued due to
financial reasons
E India 24
Masters in
MFT
Experienced sexual
harassment in U.S.
Yes
Discontinued due to
financial reasons
F India
22
Masters in
Public Health
Experienced sexual
assault in India
No
Did not feel
counseling was
necessary
G India
23
Masters in
Engineering
Experienced sexual
harassment in India
No
Intensity of incidents
in life not high
enough to seek
counseling
H
India and
UAE
23
Masters in
Engineering
Experienced sexual
assault in India and
sexual harassment in
India and UAE
No
Parents did not
support going to
counseling
Salient Trends
There were consistent commonalities among all interviews of this study. Given that all
the participants grew up in the same country, similarities were found culturally and personally
throughout the questions that were asked. The most common trends included: the normalization
of sexual harassment in India, the culturally negative stigma regarding sexual harassment and
sexual assault and the associated distress, the stressors of being an international student, the
existence of available social support, positive personal attitudes towards seeking counseling,
negative cultural attitudes towards counseling, and factors that prevented the decision to seek
counseling services or persist in seeking counseling.
29
“Men, they're always cat-calling.”
All eight participants shared that they experienced sexual harassment in their home
country. The most common form of sexual harassment was described as ‘eve-teasing’ or ‘cat-
calling’ in public. One participant felt that “every woman is sexually looked at.” Another
participant stated, “it's just almost expected that if you're walking by, like, a group of guys you’re
gonna be called out at.” Participant H described her experience as, “...even if you're just walking
by...there are like ten people or ten pairs of eyes just staring at you. I try not to look back or...I
try to avoid it. It makes me very uncomfortable.” The participants’ quotes showed the trend of
the normalization of sexual harassment growing up in India.
One participant stated, “...at least in India, I think harassment is just so normal, that it sort
of becomes ingrained [in the culture].” Participant A particularly described how the idea of
sexual harassment was internalized:
There was a lot of, kind of, conditioning that that's just how boys are right, which is not
true... but I was like, oh, this is just a part of life, it's not great but this is just how it is.
There was some part of me that was like this is how boys are. This is why you don't
interact with boys, that sort of thing. So I internalized that a whole lot…like it's a part of
life.
She described how integrated sexual harassment is as part of the society, and something that is
expected out of boys. Participant B described her experience with sexual harassment as
something that you are taught to ignore:
30
Well, I would be walking down the street people commenting on my dressing sense or
the way I've put on my makeup or something like that...when I used to bring [these
incidents] up, I would be told, like, you know, that's okay. Just ignore, just walk on your
own way. Just don't look around, or something like that.
Most participants mentioned that they did not experience sexual harassment in the U.S., and that
they mostly referred to experiences in the form of public harassment growing up. Solely
Participant H stated, “I think I've felt safer [in the U.S.] than I have anywhere else.” All other
participants did not mention their feelings of safety in the U.S. in particular.
Self-Concealment
Throughout the interviews, participants disclosed high levels of self-concealment based
on their cultural viewpoints, family values, or personal experiences upon moving to the U.S.
“Culture of Silence.”
Almost all participants stated that sexual harassment is not spoken about in their home
country. One participant stated, “People don't really talk about it. It's sort of a taboo topic.”
Another participant said, “[sexual harassment] is pretty much neglected. You don't even come to
know about it...I think that the highest ratio of people, it's just hidden like no one talks about it
because it's a huge taboo.” In regards to sexual assault, Participant H described that, “back home
it's really frowned upon, you know, even if any woman is sexually assaulted, it's...something that
is not spoken about too openly.” Their experiences depicted the trend of victim blaming and
negative stigma against survivors of sexual harassment or sexual assault.
“Silence, shame, repression.”
31
Three participants shared that the culture of silence is a result of victim blaming and the
negative stigma against survivors of sexual harassment or sexual assault. When asked about the
cultural views of sexual harassment in India, Participant A stated, “to start off with, there was a
fair amount of victim blaming.” Participant C explained, “a victim can also be, like, scared to
share that she or he is a victim because of how the culture [in India]...is not looked in a good
way.” Participant D disclosed that she “wasn't able to talk to anybody about [my sexual assault
experience], it was that... I had so much shame around it.” Three participants described that the
negative stigma was also associated with the idea of a woman’s virginity. A common theme was
the judgement from Indian society on a woman and their family if she had engaged in premarital
sexual activity. A couple of participants described the societal consequence as not being eligible
to be married. Participant F explained the thought process behind a family as, “who's going to
marry her...she becomes [the parent’s] headache and she has to live with you forever...and you
can't provide for her forever so that that is a huge issue.” Participant E further described this
cultural viewpoint:
A woman's virginity is very much prized...and if any of that is even slightly
compromised, it's kind of like taking away from the pride and honor of the family...If a
person has been sexually assaulted, unfortunately sometimes the blame is not fully on the
perpetrator. Part of the blame is put on the victim or the victim's family as well.
The shame associated with a women’s virginity being lost, even due to sexual assault, leads to
women concealing their experiences from their parents. Participant B recounted her thoughts
after experiencing sexual harassment in India stating, “you're kind of afraid that should I tell this
to my parents are they gonna be mad at me or something like that.” In regard to her experience
32
with sexual assault from her ex-partner, Participant D recounts disclosing the incident to her
parents:
You can't really mention sexual activity in front of your parents anyway. It was harder to
admit that than [to] tell them about my assault...It was also, like, scorn and contempt...
like [them thinking] how could you do that. Because my parents, I had to, like, kind of
came clean to them. And it was just like, oh my god...so you're a whore...they didn't say
that, but like the implications were there and I was just like, great.
For Participant D, disclosing her experience of being sexually assaulted to her parents caused her
shame and guilt. Additionally, she described the negative stigma with females engaging in sexual
activity, especially before marriage, even if it was not out of choice due to being sexually
assaulted.
Lack of Sexual Education
Two participants attributed the stigma of sexual harassment to the lack of sexual
education in India. Participant F described the cultural view of sexual harassment thus:
There isn’t enough education and there isn't enough awareness from where I come from
where you're openly allowed to talk about it. And because of that, that is like a lot of
ignorance and 99% of the time people don’t even know how to react to sexual assault.
The lack of sex education contributed to the lack of awareness of what to do in a situation of
gendered harassment or assault. Participant F continued to describe the impact of no sexual
education as, “we're never taught how to react to it or respond to it, you sort of just grow up with
33
that. And you don't know what to do about it. You just forget about it.” Participant B further
emphasized her lack of awareness of what to do after she experienced sexual assault in India:
It kind of made me confused because I did not know. I'm like [telling myself], okay, this
thing is bad...someone trying to touch your breasts is bad...okay, what should I do?
Should I tell anyone about it? Or should I just keep quiet? As I mentioned...in my
family...all these things are very hush hush. So at that point of time. I wish...I should have
told anyone about it, but I did not.
Participant F and Participant B both described their uncertainty of what to do in an
unprecedented situation such as sexual harassment or sexual assault at a younger age in India and
accredited their lack of sexual education to not knowing what to do after their experience.
International Student Experience
Five participants expressed moving to the U.S. and their international student status as a
reason for self-concealment. Participants did not want to worry their parents after moving so far
away from their home country. After experiencing sexual harassment in graduate school,
Participant C stated, “it didn't seem as serious...to bring it up to parents...they are like far away,
they cannot do anything about it, and...I don't want to worry them about something that's
happening.” Participant E experienced sexual harassment in graduate school and explained that
disclosing the incident to her parents would be counterproductive:
I would not share it with my family mainly because they would get super, worried…
[and] …would be overdramatic and it would cause them some amount of mental
34
hardship. Which wasn't productive in any way in terms of stopping the harassment, I was
able to stop the harassment by blocking the contact.
For both participants C and E, confiding in or sharing their experiences of sexual harassment
with their parents did not seem worthy of concern or added stress to their families. In
addition, participants described their fear of losing their international student visa status as a
factor for their self-concealment. One participant described this fear stating, “ [there] may be like
an inherent bias towards suppressing things in favor of just like not disrupting anything, because
I think when you come here as an international student like so much is at stake.” Participant D
also recounted this fear when deciding to report her sexual assault incident:
I don't want anything to impact my visa status...so I stayed anonymous, even in my
report, like I didn't want that to be linked to my name...that's always like a thing that
you're always doing the math of, like, what's going to impact my future prospects here,
you know.
She describes the uncertainty of her identity being protected as an international student.
Participant F specifically stated her fear of losing her visa status, not due to sexual harassment or
sexual assault, but due to stressors working as an international student:
Here [in the United States] I think my biggest fear is like sometimes you're like, okay...
what if I report this person...and it always backfires on me. So, [if I] lose the job I
immediately lose my visa so that also makes you shut up. A lot of times you don't want to
speak up...but you want to say something.
35
For both participants D and F, fear of repercussions of being an international student after
reporting their experiences was a major concern. Two participants also stated that at
times they were unsure whether the same services provided to domestic students were
applicable to them. Participant B mentioned, “as an international student that fear is
always in your mind like okay, I'm not sure if I can call up 911.” Participant D shared
this uncertainty:
I wasn't sure if the same rules applied to me that applied to [a] citizen. So when those
resources were [provided]... it just never even occurred to me like to access it, or that it was
something that was available to me.
For both participants B and D, their access to emergency responders in these situations was
unclear and was an added factor to not reporting these occurrences in a timely manner.
Additionally, these participants expressed feeling high levels of emotional distress due to their
self-concealment.
Distress
Participants experienced different levels of distress depending on their perceived level of
trauma after experiencing sexual harassment and/or sexual assault. A few participants described
the cultural changes of moving to a new country as an international student as their primary
stressor.
“I was just so traumatized.”
The four participants who experienced sexual assault either in their home country or in
the United States, commonly expressed their emotional trauma and its effect on their mental
36
health. After her sexual assault incident in India, Participant B stated, “...not being able to talk
about it. It kind of hurts you emotionally, it, like, kind of scars you inside from within.” Another
participant who experienced sexual assault in India described feelings of helplessness, stating,
and “I think more than the incident itself, is the fact that I couldn't do anything that still bothers
me so much. It hasn’t affected me academically, but has affected me a little bit emotionally.”
Participant D, however, conveyed in detail her distress after experiencing sexual assault in the
United States and how it affected her academics:
I had, like, no sense of self. You know...because it just, like, shook me to my core…. I
had my own boundaries and they had been violated... they were so, like, consciously
violated by somebody [and] I didn't know how to process it.
She went on to explain how despite her distress, she could not miss her classes. If she did not go
to class, she would not be able to finish her graduate degree, thus impacting her student visa
status. She recounted that, “...I was having, like, nervous breakdowns. I remember like two or
three classes where I sat in the back of the class behind everybody else and just cried my way
through the classes.” Her assault also impacted her relationships with her classmates, family, and
friends because, “I was just like a shell of who I was, so it just took me a really long time to feel
[again]... I still have a really hard time trusting people, especially men.” Each participant who
experienced sexual harassment and/or assault described varying levels of distress but most
described the impact these experiences had on their social relationships with others.
Additionally, despite experiencing severe distress, they also expressed feeling as though they had
to carry on due to their current international student status.
Lack of trust
37
Three participants who experienced sexual harassment described their newfound lack of
trust in others, especially in situations of meeting new people, or in romantic relationships.
Participant E stated, “My experiences of sexual harassment has taught me how to put up a
barrier...it has helped me to be more cautious in relationships.” Participant C described how her
sexual harassment changed who she is, and how she would normally interact with others:
My previous experiences with harassment and assault…I think it just made me someone
who I am not…I’m not a shy person. It takes me longer to trust someone even though I’m
not really a shy individual. I don’t feel super comfortable and I'm more closed off to
people in general and it's hard for me to share my real feelings and emotions when it
comes to, like, even within friends.
Participant D also expressed how her experiences changed her ability to develop trust in
relationships and how she interacts with others, “I only have female friends and now because I
just can't trust you know what the ulterior motives are [with men]...I can't trust them, you
know…” However, participants also mentioned that they were more confident as they got older,
and adjusted to the culture. Participant D stated, “I have a better sense of boundaries now, but it
took a while for me to get here. But I'm here now, like I’m grateful for it, but it just [took] a
really long time.” Participants, ultimately, described how their experiences had shaped their
behaviors.
“I wasn't able to walk alone for a long period of time.”
Three participants regardless of experiencing sexual harassment or assault described their
fear of walking alone at night after moving to the United States. Participant G described cultural
influences as the source of her fear, “my perceptions and behaviors just carried forward [from
38
India] in terms of like being careful and not going out like at night or being alone or things like
that.” Participant B experienced the fear of walking alone at night only initially after moving to
America, “you're in a completely new country…[and] when you're walking down the street a
stranger just smiles at you and...the first thing that strikes in your mind is that doubt...okay, why
is that person smiling at me?” Participant H described how she still feels the impact of her sexual
harassment after arriving to the U.S:
I think [when I] initially [moved to the U.S.] I had that a little bit, like, I think I still do
have, like, you know when someone's walking behind me for a bit I used to get paranoid.
I wouldn't feel it the same way if it was daytime. I wouldn't really walk alone at night and
I [still] try not to go out when it's really dark.
These three participants described how their behaviors adopted in India habitually were practiced
in the United States and their avoidance of walking alone at night and the fear they lived in due
to their experiences.
“It's like you're just thrown into a deep end.”
Participant C was the only participant to specifically describe the adjustment to a new
education system as a stressor. She stated that, “there was some sort of pressure...maintaining the
grades and I was a little stressed about that. I struggled with originally...and over time...I did find
out the culture and how the grading system works.” On the other hand, Participant C explained
that she never let her emotional well-being get in the way of her academics, “[I] manage to keep
the academics separate...having that view in mind that regardless of how you feel the world
keeps going.”
39
Participant B expressed pressure of excelling in school as an international graduate
student, “...you have to be at the top of your game to be even noticed in grad school...especially
if you're an international student.” She explained that “when you're a grad student, you
don't...really get time to adjust. You don't really get time to be homesick, or, you know, you don't
really get time to process the feelings you have.” Similarly, as a graduate lab assistant,
Participant F described her work environment:
This mentality that you're Indian and you've been given an opportunity in America. So
it's a huge deal...be thankful and grateful that you're even here, so you have to work
really, really hard...basically you have to spend all your time in the lab...I don't think I
can think of a time when I was that depressed.
Participant F was also the only interviewee who mentioned the cold weather as a
contributing stressor to adjusting to graduate school in the United States. She described her
experiences having to walk home from working at her university research lab early in the
morning, “it was insanely cold—beyond my imagination. I would stay back in lab [till] 3am to
walk home in like that cold with snowing.” These participants immersed themselves in their
graduate programs and did not allow the emotional toll of their experiences to impact their
academics. In fact, for several of the participants, the added stressors of being in graduate school
caused additional forms of distress.
Social Support
Participants had varying sources of available social support during their time in graduate
school. One trend found in the interviews was the feeling of social isolation upon initially
moving to the U.S. Some participants mentioned their family, while others mentioned friends,
40
roommates or significant others as their support system. Participants also had mixed levels of
support from their parents.
Social Isolation
Three participants did not have social support upon moving to the United States and
mentioned the feeling of social isolation. Participant F described the feeling as, “It's a huge
struggle, like…[I] moved to an entirely new country, you don't know anyone like literally when I
moved to the first time I knew zero people...you have to do everything ourselves...you're on your
own.” Participant G, similarly, felt the lack of social support as, “there's certain social
connections that you just don't have.” Participant B described how the social isolation made it
harder for her to make friends on campus on her first day of class:
Initially, that adjustment [was hard]. It's like when I walk into a class and I see a
bunch of unfamiliar faces that confidence doesn't come in that okay, I can go walk up
to someone and talk to them…when you are talking about undergrad, there's like 400
to 500 people in one class, but when you're talking about grad students there's hardly
15 to 20 people in your class.
Participant B goes on to state that as she continued through graduate school social support was
important to feeling a sense of community and belonging. Participant B and Participant G stated
that they were able to find support in her friends and roommates.
Friend and Roommate Support
Three participants mentioned continued sources of support from their home country, such
as friends, while others mentioned their roommates and friends in graduate school. The common
41
theme of these supportive figures had qualities of trust and level of comfort disclosing incidents
of stress, sexual harassment, or sexual assault. Participant B discussed the role of roommates in
her transition to a new country:
It was a good amount of culture shock when I moved here first but thanks to my
amazing roommates, who were from India itself...we had that common thing to talk
about. They used to share about their experiences and I will share about mine.
The commonalities in her social circle helped her feel a sense of community. Participant E also
described the level of comfort she had disclosing an incident with her friend, “I just felt like I
needed to share with my friend as a part of the friendship...we had a really good comfortable
relationship and so I was, I felt comfortable enough to share with him.” Participant H similarly
described her experience once she was able to share an incident with her friends, “I definitely
shared with my friend...and the moment that I share it, it's like a burden is off, you know, I sort
of like just dust it off.” For these participants, friend and roommate support was described as
instrumental in their post sexual harassment and assault experiences. Although, participants were
able to disclose their experiences of sexual harassment and assault to their friends, there were
varying levels of family support.
Family Support
Another common source of support found among participants was family. Two
participants mentioned their sisters as sources of support .Participant A had a sister who was a
counselor, and stated “...it was really helpful. It's not a substitute. But what is really helpful is to
have a sister who is a therapist.” She described the relationship she had with her sister as, “the
closest I got to talking about any of this stuff was always with [my sister]…because, like, there
42
weren't like really taboo subjects between us.” Participant F spoke about her comfort level
talking to others saying, “most of the times before even I go to a counselor I’m able to talk about
it with my sister or my friend.” Participant D also mentioned her sister as a source of support, in
addition to her spouse stating, “the only person that I actually had success talking to about [my
experience of sexual assault] was my husband.” Participant D was also the only participant to
mention her spiritual guru as one of the biggest sources of support, saying that, “what motivated
me to [tell my parents about my assault] was my guru. She helped me process...and helped my
parents…it was like drawing poison out of a wound… [she] just, like, took all that from me.”
Participants also had varying views of support from parents. During her first few months
in graduate school, Participant F said, “I shared this time with my friends and my family, [and]
of course I, like, cried [to] my mom bazillion times.” Similarly, other participants also mentioned
being more comfortable talking to their mom about personal issues, especially in regards to
sexual harassment or sexual assault. Participant C stated, “I think, like, my parents might be
divided on someone [experiencing sexual assault]. I would not be comfortable sharing with my
dad.” Participant H also recounted that she was more comfortable disclosing things to her mom,
“I am able to openly share what happens to my mom, or if not, my dad. Definitely my mom. So I
have that level of comfortability.” Participant D in particular shared her impaired relationship
with her dad saying that, “it took my dad like... a month or month and a half to talk to me.” She
further explained, “I don't think he wants to really hear about it...like, even when I tried to bring
it up...he wants to pretend like it didn't happen.” Participant H, however, was the only
interviewee to describe the amount of support she received from her dad after experiencing
sexual harassment in India. She mentioned, “my dad is…always has been my... support and
moral support, and I have told him a lot of things [that have happened to me].” She remembered
43
her dad’s words of support which were, “if you face any sort of such problem….you don't have
to keep everything to yourself. Even if you don't talk to anyone. You can always talk to me.”
Due to the cultural norms and stigma around expressing sexuality, four participants expressed
that they would more likely be comfortable talking to only their mom about personal and
sensitive issues regarding incidents of sexual harassment or sexual assault and that they would be
uncomfortable disclosing these incidents to their dad. Ultimately, regardless of family support,
social support from friends, roommates, and significant others was emphasized as the most
common form of utilized support.
Attitudes Towards Counseling
Another common finding across interviews were the participants' cultural attitudes
regarding counseling, familial values of counseling, and personal views towards seeking
counseling.
Negative Stigma
All eight participants mentioned the lack of counselors available in India, and the
negative stigma associated with seeking professional help in their culture. Participant G
emphasized this point by stating the following:
There is some level of stigma still, and so if you're seeking help from a counselor, most
people would keep it, like, hidden under the wraps because you don't want it to sort of
become a talking point...which, like, feeds to the stigma.
Participants also mentioned the judgement from society if one decides to seek counseling.
Participant B said:
44
[Counseling] is seen as a taboo back in my culture. I feel like if you're seeking
professional help from a psychiatric or any sort of counselor, that means something is
inherently wrong with you, like, something's wrong with your brain.
She explained that seeing a counselor meant that there was a negative connotation behind one’s
reason to get help. Participant F echoed the view of societal judgement stating, “[they] definitely
talk behind your back. And they would think that you have some sort of mental disorder.” A
couple participants mentioned that personal issues stayed within the community and
that, “[counseling] is not a thing. It's more like it's handled by the family” and “families, try to
resolve it within the family and just, you know, that's just the normal culture.”
One participant mentioned that her parents encouraged her to go to counseling when she
was younger. Participant C recounted that “when I was in probably middle school my mom
recognized that there was something that was, like, disturbing me so she actually encouraged me
to like speak to a counselor.” Two participants said they positively viewed counseling because a
family member had previously attended counseling. Participant A stated
Seeing [my sister] go through it...was, like, super helpful for me...because she de-
stigmatized that for me a lot. Or it, like, educated me about that being an option and [I]
literally didn't know that was an option, you know.
Similarly, Participant F saw her mom go through the counseling process which helped normalize
seeking help and said, “in my family at least we know that mental health is really important.”
Only one participant mentioned that she thinks her parents would not be okay if she
would seek counseling. She hypothesized, “I am not sure how many parents would take it though
45
[if I went to counseling]...my parents growing up, would say...you don't need therapy you’ll be
fine and just tell me about it.” Overall, parents had different cultural views regarding the
importance of seeking outside counseling help.
Personal Views
All participants supported the idea of seeking counseling. A common theme that came up
was the perceived benefits of talking to someone non-judgmental. Participant B stated “I feel that
it's really refreshing being able to talk to people who don't judge you for what you faced but are
just there to listen and provide help...even if not [to] provide help, [but] just listen.” Participant G
emphasized this point for survivors of sexual harassment and assault by stating, “they deserve
the right level of help...or come to an outlet without judgment or mocking or, like, stigma. And
so I think the only real...the way I can think about this is talking to a qualified professional.” As a
counselor herself, Participant D recounted her experience of seeking counseling:
I think that's what saved me. I think everybody should do it. I think that, like, was the
first thing that started to change in my life is [counseling]. And then you know all good
things that came out of...that first decision to, like, go into counseling, so I highly highly
recommend it.
Of the three participants who sought counseling on campus, two were graduates of counseling
programs.
Counseling Student Experiences
Two participants interviewed who were counselors themselves held positive attitudes
towards counseling. Both participants also extended their personal viewpoint on the lack of
46
cultural competence among counselors as a reason why international students may have negative
attitudes towards counseling. Participant E emphasized the importance of a culturally competent
counselor, “I personally believe that seeking help from a counselor can be beneficial to
anyone...but certain counselors, in my experience, have been more harmful because they were
not culturally competent.” Participant E also explained her approach to counseling fellow
international students:
As a counselor I'm aware that I need to explain problems in a different way. In order for
international students to get to seek help that they need, you need to frame words and
problems in a different way in order to get people to get students to seek the help that
they need.
As a counseling student, Participant E emphasized the importance of cultural competency when
talking to an international student. Participant D also echoed the importance of cultural
competency, and the need for more cultural education in counseling programs. She stated that
“cultural training was very rare...it was just the talk generally about cultural humility and stuff
like that. But it was never in depth.” Overall, both Participant D and Participant E reflected on
their own experiences going to counseling and their training as counseling students, and spoke
about the importance of cultural competency. They expressed the lasting effects of how harmful
it could be, inside and outside counseling sessions, if counselors are unaware of how cultural
competency can impact the therapeutic relationship.
Decision to Seek Counseling
Out of the eight participants, three sought counseling while they attended graduate
school. Those who sought counseling were directly recommended a counselor on or off campus.
47
A common theme for participants who did not seek counseling was the lack of awareness of
counseling resources on campus, or lack of knowledge of what to see a counselor about. The
participants who did seek mental health resources on campus also mentioned factors that
impacted their decision to continue counseling services.
Access to Counseling Resources
The three participants who sought counseling in graduate school were directly
recommended or introduced to a counselor. Two of the participants were in counseling programs
themselves. Both participants were recommended a direct contact with a counselor. Participant D
sought counseling only off campus, stating that “we only got like 10 sessions [on campus] and I
needed way more than that.” Participant E similarly mentioned that she had to be referred off
campus counseling, recounting that “when I first came [to campus], I went to the counseling
center and there's limited sessions. [When] I finished my sessions they referred me out.” Out of
the two counselors who were interviewed, Participant D mentioned that she was also able to use
her personal counseling hours towards her degree stating that “every hour of counseling I did
was three hours towards my [counseling] license.”
Participant C, however, was not recommended to a counselor directly by a professor, but
was first aware of counseling services through an event hosted for international graduate students
on campus. The counselor introduced herself, how to contact her, and the things she can talk to
students about including sexual harassment or sexual assault incidences. Participant C was able
to trust seeking help from this counselor:
48
I saw that that specific counselor was taking initiatives to make known the services that
are available on campus to international students so I think, like, I just thought that she
would be understanding and that she would understand my perspective.
Participant C also mentioned that she was encouraged to see the counselor due to the ease of
access of contacting her. Participant C stated that “the issue that I had at that point was resolved
through email itself” and accessing the counselor was convenient so that “I didn't need to follow
up with going in person.”
Barriers to Seeking Counseling
The five participants who sought counseling mentioned lack of financial support and
difficulty accessing resources as factors which impacted their continuation of seeking
professional mental health services. Participants who did not seek counseling cited lack of
awareness of campus resources, relying on friends and family, and lack of knowledge of what to
talk about with a counselor.
Financial Support. Both participants who sought counseling and were part of a
counseling graduate program noted that the reasons they discontinued counseling was for
financial reasons. Participant E stated, “there were a few therapists [who] were culturally
competent, but they were more expensive...there were a few which were affordable and I went
there, but they were not culturally competent, so then I stopped.” Participant D said she was
initially able to receive financial support from her dad, as her insurance did not cover the off-
campus counseling. However, recently she stopped going to counseling because “...I needed to
take a break... just because of money purposes.” Participant E and Participant D described how
49
the expense of affording quality counseling services served as a financial barrier which
prevented them to seek the help that they needed from a formal support system.
Cultural Competency. Two participants who did seek counseling, also expressed lack of
cultural competency of the counselor as a reason to discontinue services. Participant C stated “I
felt that even if I explained my situation, like, to the best of my ability the other person would
still not be able to understand my perspective.” Participant E mentioned:
In India...not being married after 24 is considered taboo. When I first said this to a
counselor they were like, ‘you have lots of time’, completely dismissing my concern or
anxiety around not being married yet, which definitely made me angry...and this was a
White woman [counselor].
As a counselor, Participant E also stated “As the patient or client, you don't want to have to teach
the counselor about your own culture because you’re not really getting to the work...you're not
really starting [counseling].” Participant C and Participant E expressed their feelings of
frustration and invalidation when they needed to explain their cultural norms and values to the
counselor, and that it was a disservice to their session as they were not able to get the help that
they were seeking.
Lack of Awareness of Resources. Five participants stated that they were not aware of
counseling resources on campus or did not know what they could talk to a counselor about. A
couple of interviewees attributed cultural differences as barriers to recognize the need for
seeking help. One participant mentioned, “there is no awareness [of counseling]...within Indian
50
society...whereas, like, here you're in this culture, definitely people give so much importance to
mental health.” Participant H also mentioned “[counseling] was new to me when I came here
because I never grew up, you know, thinking that, we could go for, like, therapy. My parents
never spoke about it.” Participant B stated that “it just took me some time, it might be because of
the cultural differences [but] I used to be very hesitant to actually go and talk to my advisor.”
Participant B also stated that “if I would have known that...there is [an] opportunity that I can go
and talk to someone about what I'm feeling or talk to, you know, someone it would have made
the transition a bit better.”
Other participants also mentioned the lack of awareness of existing resources on campus.
Many interviews brought up the topic that orientations would “mention it briefly, but it wasn't
something that was really emphasized.” They remembered that orientations instead provided
information about campus safety procedures, the health office on campus, different cultural
clubs, or local affordable grocery stores and places to eat. Participant H recalled “at the time that
I joined …. I [don’t] think this was something that was brought up. To be honest I actually don’t
remember involvement from the Office of International Students.” Participant G also recounted
that “there was no dedicated resource or...they never had a conversation about what you should
do or who you should speak to. The closest [person] you would speak to is your program
coordinator and hope that they were helpful.” These five participants recounted the lack of
understanding of available resources provided by the on campus orientations, international
program staff, and other key members on campus. Participants mentioned that although there
were efforts to help them understand how to navigate other aspects of on campus and off campus
life, there was not a lot of emphasis on counseling resources needed to help students adjust to a
new country.
51
Difficulty Accessing Resources. Four participants also brought up the demanding
lifestyle of an international graduate student as a barrier to seeking counseling. Participant F
stated “I did not know what sort of resources there were. We weren’t made aware of them so
much. And honestly, between 4pm to 9pm. I just wanted to sleep.” Participant B described being
stressed about the anticipated time commitment needed for weekly counseling:
Later on I did get to know that they [was] professional help available and there are
counselors available...You can actually go and talk...but like, frankly speaking, I was so neck
deep with the job search and all the internship search and all the projects and assignments.
It's like, for me, I never got a chance to actually process ...I kind of sideline [my] feelings.
She recounted the stress she experienced as a graduate student, and that due to her schedule she
did not have the capacity in her schedule to seek counseling. Participant C sought to seek
counseling a second time during a particularly stressful time in her graduate program; however,
she stated that the counseling center was closed during the hours that she wanted to access
counseling resources. She additionally stated that the lengthy process of accessing a counselor
prevented her from persisting and that, “every time I actually tried to follow through with like
reaching out, I hit a hurdle. And then I would just give up.”
Participant G was the only interviewee who mentioned being aware of campus security
due to the ease of access through an app, stating “the fact that someone just explicitly made that
information very accessible to [me] made it much easier to use.”
Gravity of Incident. Two participants mentioned that they did not think the gravity of the
sexual harassment or assault incident that they experienced warranted counseling. Participant G
said “I didn't consider [the incident] big enough that I had to talk to someone.” Similarly,
52
Participant F stated “I don’t think anything has really hindered with my life right now so I can
talk about it but...there is nothing to solve. Like there's nothing that’s broken to solve. So why fix
something that's not broken.”
Misconception of Counseling. As a counselor herself, Participant E stressed the
misconception of what counseling is that serves as a barrier to further seeking help. She
mentioned:
I’ve heard a lot of people from my country describe their experience of counseling is
different from what their expectation was when they received it...they expect advice or
teaching which is not necessarily what counseling is...After the first session was not good
...they stopped [going].
The misconception and misunderstanding of what counseling services entailed discouraged
students from further seeking counseling. Participant H emphasized this point by saying “[I
didn’t know] it's not like you need to have a problem to sort of go in. It's just, you know, if you
feel like it you can just go in for a casual talk.” Many participants also expressed the need and
wish for colleges to clearly explain what counseling is, and how to access it on campus.
Participant B emphasized this point by stating,
I feel the school can make a little bit clearer... when you're being admitted, or you know,
[when] you're going through [the] orientation process that there is someone always
available to help you with the transition from your culture to this culture or there is
someone always available to help you. That would be really a really, really great help
for...international students, especially the ones who have the language barrier.
53
Overall, there were many different reasons cited which influenced the decision to seek
counseling services.
Post Interview Intent to Seek Help. One participant discussed their intent to seek
counseling during and after the interview, remembering an ad they came across about online
counseling services. Another participant contacted the researcher regarding access to culturally
competent counselors in her area with the intent to re-engage in counseling services.
Summary of Findings
The salient trends in this chapter included cultural, familial, and personal views towards
sexual harassment and sexual assault, self-concealment, distress, social support, attitudes towards
counseling, and the decision to seek counseling. Chapter 5 will compare and analyze
participant’s narratives to Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model. In addition, Chapter 5 will
provide implications for best practices and policies for counseling support in higher education
institutions, in addition to implications for future research among this population.
54
Chapter 5: Data Analysis
The goal of this study was to examine the help-seeking behaviors of Asian female
international graduate students through Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model, especially after
experiencing sexual harassment or sexual assault. The study sought to further understand these
help-seeking behaviors by answering the following research question, “how does self-
concealment, social support, level of distress, and attitudes towards counseling affect help
seeking behaviors among South Asian female international graduate students after experiencing
sexual harassment or sexual assault?”. Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model found that levels of
self-concealment, social support, distress, and attitudes towards counseling were all factors that
were related to an individual seeking counseling. The findings in Chapter 4 showed that the
demographic studied fit with Cramer’s (1999) Help-Seeking Model in certain situations. While
these four factors were consistently found in all of the participants, cultural influences, recency
of trauma, and direct reference to counseling services were additional factors that affected help-
seeking behaviors in this population.
Connections to Theoretical Framework
Level of Distress and Reference to Counseling Services
Cramer (1999) found that individuals were more likely to seek counseling if they had
positive attitudes towards counseling, and high levels of distress. This only proved true with
participants who experienced high levels of distress through a traumatic event pertaining to
sexual harassment or sexual assault in graduate school. Cramer’s (1999) model did not
necessarily specify the different types of distress that an individual could experience based on
their demographic. As Asian, female, international graduate students, this population also had
55
high levels of distress due to maintaining their student visa status, fear of approaching law
enforcement as an international student, and the negative cultural stigma associated with
engaging in sexual activity. Although participants' families had negative attitudes towards
counseling, participants themselves had positive attitudes towards counseling. Two of the eight
participants who experienced sexual harassment and assault in graduate school were counseling
students. However, participants who had high distress through recent trauma only decided to
seek help once they understood how to access counseling resources or were directly referred to a
counselor.
Cramer’s (1999) finding that high distress and positive attitudes towards counseling leads
to seeking help did not hold true for participants who experienced past trauma of sexual violence
in their home country. These participants did not describe an event of sexual harassment or
sexual assault in graduate school, but expressed distress due to academic and visa stressors of
being an international student. Positive attitudes towards counseling were also found in these
participants; however, high distress and positive attitudes did not lead these participants to seek
counseling as they were not aware of counseling resources. This shows that regardless of distress
levels and attitudes towards counseling, individuals sought help only if they were directly
referred to a counselor.
Role of Social Support
Cramer (1999) found that high levels of distress was related to impaired social support
networks. This finding was true for participants only upon initially moving to the United States.
Interviewees expressed feeling social isolation with no guidance while navigating new
educational and governmental systems. These levels of distress remained high even as
56
participants continued their graduate programs. However, many participants mentioned that
distress was mitigated through informal sources of support, such as friends, roommates,
significant others, and siblings. The higher levels of social support allowed participants to feel a
sense of community and commonality among others.
Self-Concealment and Cultural Influences
Cramer (1999) found that self-concealment was related to low social support, high levels
of distress, and negative attitudes towards counseling. As previously stated, Cramer’s (1999)
findings held true for these participants briefly, upon their initial move to the United States.
Many participants had low social support as they moved to the United States without knowing
anyone. In addition, the process of adjusting to a new country proved to cause high levels of
distress. Negative attitudes towards counseling, however, were only expressed when participants
referred to cultural attitudes back home. As stated in existing literature, all of these factors led to
participants having high levels of self-concealment. The negative cultural attitudes towards
counseling shows that Cramer’s (1999) model did not account for cultural influences, such as
collectivistic values and cultural stigma as factors leading to self-concealment. Similar to Liao et
al. (2015) test of Cramer’s (1999) model, this study also found that collectivistic cultural values
contributed to self-concealment. Students did not want to worry their family back home about
issues they were facing in graduate school. Staying consistent with collectivistic values, students
also had high levels of self-concealment due to the cultural idea that individual problems should
be resolved within the family. This showed the impact of cultural values and self-concealment as
participants were not able to resort to their main source of support during initially challenging
times. However, as participants adjusted to the U.S., their levels of self-concealment and social
57
support changed. Although participants' distress level remained high because of academic and
student visa stressors, levels of self-concealment lowered due to increased social support through
friends and roommates. Negative cultural attitudes towards counseling only impacted the
participant’s self-concealment towards their family. Since participants built trust towards their
friends and roommates, they felt more comfortable disclosing their personal troubles, thus
leading to lower levels of self-concealment among informal sources of social support.
Cultural stigma was also an important factor that played a role in self-concealment
among participants. All interviewees expressed the impact of negative cultural stigma in their
home country against seeking help from a counselor, the normalization of sexual harassment,
and societal victim blaming when reporting incidents of sexual assault. If an individual
experienced sexual harassment, it was so normalized in their culture that they did not recognize
the incident as requiring attention or needing help. Individuals who experienced sexual assault
were not be able to report the incident due to the shame it may bring upon themselves and their
family. In addition, seeking help from a counselor means that an individual would be trusting
someone outside the family to help with a personal issue. Seeking professional help would also
mean that one has a serious mental disorder. The pressure to adhere to cultural values, while
being unable to recognize counseling services, can all contribute to high levels of self-
concealment when a female, Asian international student attends graduate school in the United
States.
Ultimately, cultural stigma was found to have the largest impact towards help-seeking
behaviors. Participants grew up in their home country with a cultural mindset that stigmatizes
counseling services, and to rely on informal sources of social support. Institutions can reduce
58
barriers for Asian, female, international graduate students from reaching out to a mental health
counselor on campus by helping them understand what constitutes of sexual harassment or
sexual assault, provide support required after experiencing sexual trauma, and de-stigmatize
seeking help from a counselor.
Implications for Practitioners and Future Research
Implications for Practitioners
The findings in this study have important implications for practitioners in higher
education institutions. The cultural lens of this unique population allows universities to
understand how to best serve international students, especially after experiencing a traumatic
event. Recommendations for best practices include refining graduate student orientations,
providing financial support, increasing ease of access to counselors, and incorporating cultural
competency training to counselors, faculty, international program staff, and all on-campus
personnel who directly work with international students.
International Graduate Student Orientation
Participants expressed feelings of social isolation upon moving to the United States, and
having difficulty navigating a new educational system. Some interviewees described the process
of getting to know classmates or understanding the American grading system as stressful. As
orientation is one of the first times a student is introduced to their graduate school, it is beneficial
for institutions to introduce and explain key cultural differences. Best practices can also include
activities during orientation to help facilitate conversation and create stronger bonds between
students and rapport with staff.
59
Participants acknowledged being aware of campus police, especially due to the
introduction during orientation and the ease of access campus safety services. Institutions should
continue to emphasize campus safety policies and procedures to students prior to starting classes
at the college and over the course of their graduate program. Although students remembered
campus safety resources, they only briefly remembered the mention of counseling services
during their orientation. Participants recalled that they did not know or were not sure whether
they could talk to a counselor about homesickness, academic stress, sexual harassment or assault
trauma. They also expressed not knowing where to find counselors when they needed help, or
only remembered existing services later into the school year went. Those who were aware of
services, and did seek counseling during their graduate program were counseling students
themselves, were referred to a counselor by a staff member, or were introduced to a counselor at
a campus event specifically for international graduate students. The direct impact of an informal
introduction or reference can potentially be the deciding factor of a student taking the step to
seek counseling services. As participants most commonly recounted that orientation was the time
where students were introduced to resources, institutions can best serve international graduate
students by having a college mental health counselor explain what counseling is, the process of
accessing counseling resources, and what one can talk to a counselor about during their
orientation.
All participants mentioned prior incidents of sexual harassment or sexual assault growing
up, and not being able to recognize or understand the trauma until they were much older. During
orientations, institutions can start to normalize the conversation by defining sexual harassment
and sexual assault, providing examples of what these incidents can look like, and who to reach
out to if they experience this on campus. In addition to counseling resources, it is important to
60
explicitly outline the process of what to do after experiencing sexual harassment or sexual
assault. Participants expressed the fear of losing their student visa status or future job prospects
as a consequence of associating themselves with law enforcement. International graduate
orientations can assure students of the specific resources they are allowed to access similar to
domestic students without penalty of losing their student visa status.
Knowledge and Availability of Counseling Resources
The ease of access to counseling resources can also be beneficial to international graduate
students. One important step to helping students access resources is consistently introducing
counseling staff in classes, events, and other spaces on campus. Although a student is introduced
to resources through orientation, the need for seeking counseling may not be recognized until a
student starts to experience academic or personal stressors throughout the year. The re-
introduction of resources may be helpful allowing students to be more aware of existing sources
of support on campus.
Access to Counseling Resources
Participants who were later aware of support services, described the demanding lifestyle
of their graduate program as a barrier to taking the first step to seeking resources. A potential
practice that institutions could adopt to increase utilization of counseling resources, is to have
counselors be more accessible at later hours of the day. Along with attending classes, graduate
students may be a part of internships, research lab, or graduate assistantships. This provides a
small window of time to access or seek counseling. As participants mentioned, this window of
time was usually in the evening. In addition, participants mentioned feeling stressed about the
time commitment that counseling could take. A participant who successfully accessed a
61
counselor, resolved their issue over an exchange of emails. She felt she had to cross many
hurdles once when she had to access counseling through a phone appointment. To accommodate
international graduate student lifestyles, it is recommended that institutions provide late night
counseling hours, or telehealth services such as counseling over email, phone, or online video
conferencing appointments (Christensen & Griffiths, 2004; Lechner et al., 2013;). Lechner et al.
(2013) also recommends connecting students to local community resources when on campus
counseling services are not available.
Financial Support
The findings of this thesis indicate that financial support can be beneficial for an
international student seeking mental health resources. Although on campus counseling sessions
are provided for free, they are usually limited in the number of sessions provided to each student.
Once students have exhausted their on campus options, they are referred out to off-campus
counseling services. However, these off-campus counseling services can often require health
insurance and a copay fee for each session. Participants who sought counseling expressed that
the fee associated with off-campus counseling was too expensive, which led them to discontinue
their appointments. In addition, students may not feel comfortable asking parents or family for
financial assistance due to the cultural stigma of going to counseling. As international students
are not eligible for governmental financial aid, it is recommended that institutions provide a
scholarship or emergency fund for students to receive outside counseling services. This financial
support can assist students in receiving the professional help they require without the added
stress of affordability as a barrier.
Cultural Competency
62
Training for Counselors
Perhaps the most important recommendation for practitioners is to receive continuous in-
depth cultural competency training. Female international graduate students, specifically coming
from an Asian background, move to the United States with cultural influences from their society
and, at times, their family. Seeking help from a counselor, experiencing sexual harassment, or
being sexually assaulted are severely stigmatized in their home country. Many students may
experience cognitive dissonance and cultural differences between the societal influences they
grew up with, and the independence they feel upon starting graduate school in a new country.
These conflicting views and beliefs can present themselves as barriers when students attempt to
seek various forms of help on campus. It is recommended that not only counselors, but
professors, departmental advisors, and international student program staff consistently undergo
cultural competency training to better understand this population and be equipped to support
these students.
Training for Staff and Faculty
It is also recommended that key staff and faculty, such as program advisors and
professors, be trained on the rules and regulations international students need to keep their
student visa valid. Although international program staff can be used as a reference on campus, it
is crucial for anyone on campus who may interact with international students to know these
important guidelines which could otherwise have grave legal repercussions if students are
misadvised.
It would also be helpful for faculty to be trained to identify the warning signs of
emotional distress among students in their classroom. Ketchen and colleagues (2014) discussed
63
the effectiveness of Gatekeeper training (GKT) and applying the Mental Health First Aid
approach (MHFA). GKT trains nonprofessional personnel to recognize, intervene, and connect
students to the appropriate mental health resources. The MHFA can help professors acquire the
skills to (1) assess the risk of a student’s distress, (2) listen non judgmentally and discuss the
student’s feelings, (3) provide information about resources on campus, (4) empower students to
help themselves, and (5) encourage help seeking behaviors by providing a referral to a counselor
on campus. For international students in particular, these warning signs could be due to cultural
adjustments, traumatic events, or stresses related to social isolation. The collaboration of
counseling services on campus with faculty and staff can provide holistic support to the
international student population.
Cultural Trauma Informed Therapy
It is especially important for counselors and counseling programs to learn cultural
viewpoints of their clients when addressing sexual harassment and sexual assault. International
students who come to the United States with collectivistic cultural influences prioritize their
family and community well-being over personal trauma. As this study shows, this leads to
students having high levels of distress and self-concealment. Conley & Griffith (2016) suggested
a trauma-informed counseling model through a feminist theory lens for counselors on a college
campus when working with survivors of sexual violence. Their model focuses on allowing
clients to feel safe and empowered to disclose sexual trauma. Although their counseling
techniques need to be explored further for effectiveness among diverse cultures, the participants’
narratives in this thesis study lend information to culturally competent and trauma informed
counseling practices.
64
Counselors can build trust in a counseling session by explaining what counseling is and
ensuring that the student understands the concept of confidentiality during the counseling
session. It may also be helpful for counselors to ask questions about the student’s familial or
personal viewpoint on counseling, to have a better understanding of their comfort to disclose
personal issues. On-campus counselors can also practice cultural competency by understanding
the impact the incident may have on the client's family dynamics. It is also important to validate
their self-worth as a result of cultural myths about rape, such as victim blaming, when a client
experiences a traumatic incident. Ultimately, participants in this study wished to be able to talk
to someone on campus without the fear of being judged. Continued efforts to de-stigmatize
seeking counseling and experiences of sexual harassment or assault before, during, and after the
session, can strengthen the therapeutic relationship between the counselor and the student, and
encourage students to return to counseling services should they need it in the future.
Overall, institutions should take a deeper look at existing programs and practices, and
reform policies to address the needs of diverse populations on campus who experience sexual
harassment or sexual assault, especially international graduate women (Magnussen & Shankar,
2019). Corcoran and colleagues (2020) introduced a ‘Digital Checklist’ online protocol, which
allowed institutions to assess the accessibility of their on-campus resources regarding sexual
violence to students. This checklist provided higher educational universities the opportunity to
reflect about their existing efforts, identify gaps and implement informed interventions. Utilizing
tools such as the ‘Digital Checklist’ can help increase accessibility to on campus sexual violence
resources and is the start to creating institutional change.
Implications for Future Research
65
Implications for future research primarily include expanding the study to accommodate a
larger sample of participants. Although the narratives of the eight participants in this study are
powerful and impactful, stronger themes and connections can be made with more participant data
from colleges across the United States. It would also be beneficial to compare similarities and
differences of help-seeking behaviors among domestic and international female Asian graduate
students to inform college counseling practices. In addition to the Asian demographic, I believe
future research should also seek to understand help-seeking behaviors in relation to sexual
harassment and assault across multiple nationalities of international students. To understand the
difference between help-seeking behaviors and resources available to students, it could be
beneficial to take a deeper comparative look into undergraduate international student experiences
as well. Lastly, it is important to include the voices and narratives of male survivors of sexual
violence as well.
Conclusion
International students contribute a wealth of knowledge and innovation upon moving to
the United States. They navigate entirely new cultural, governmental, and educational systems
independently and resiliently. It is crucial for counseling services and international program
offices to understand how to best serve international students through these immense changes.
International graduate students, in particular, have little time to adjust to the fast paced,
competitive environment and require intentional and consistent counseling and support services.
International graduate students, especially from an Asian nationality, may have grown up with a
culturally stigmatized view of seeking counseling. This can be harmful for female international
graduate students in particular who experience sexual harassment or sexual assault on campus.
66
Therefore, international students deserve the protection, care, and understanding to safely
achieve their goals once they enter a college campus in the United States. The powerful voices in
this study hope to culturally inform best practices and policies for institutions when addressing
sexual violence on their campus
67
References
Berry, J. W., Kim, U., Minde, T., & Mok, D. (1987). Comparative studies of acculturative stress.
International migration review, 21(3), 491-511.
Burt, M. R. (1980). Cultural myths and supports for rape. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 38(2), 217.
Carr, J. L., Miki Koyama, M., & Thiagarajan, M. (2003). A women's support group for Asian
international students. Journal of American College Health, 52(3), 131-134.
Carr, J. L., Miki Koyama, M., & Thiagarajan, M. (2003). A women's support group for Asian
international students. Journal of American college health, 52(3), 131-134.
Cepeda-Benito, A., & Short, P. (1998). Self-concealment, avoidance of psychological services,
and perceived likelihood of seeking professional help. Journal of Counseling Psychology,
45, 58–64.
Choi, K. M., & Protivnak, J. J. (2016). Leaping into the unknown: Experience of counseling
students participating in group work with international students. The Journal for
Specialists in Group Work, 41(3), 238-261.
Christensen, H., Griffiths, K. M., & Jorm, A. F. (2004). Delivering interventions for depression
by using the internet: randomised controlled trial. Bmj, 328(7434), 265.
Cohen, S., Mermelstein, R., Kamarck, T., & Hoberman, H. M. (1985). Measuring the functional
components of social support. In Social support: Theory, research and applications (pp.
73-94). Springer, Dordrecht.
Conley, A. H., & Griffith, C. (2016). Trauma‐informed response in the age of Title IX:
Considerations for college counselors working with survivors of power‐based personal
violence. Journal of College Counseling, 19(3), 276-288.
Corcoran, C. T., Miller, E., Sohn, L., & Chugani, C. D. (2020). The development and piloting of
a digital checklist to increase access and usage of campus online sexual violence
resources. Health Education & Behavior, 47(1_suppl), 36S-43S.
Cortina, L. M., Swan, S., Fitzgerald, L. F., & Waldo, C. (1998). Sexual harassment and assault:
Chilling the climate for women in academia. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 22(3),
419-441.
Cramer, K. M. (1999). Psychological antecedents to help-seeking behavior: A reanalysis using
path modeling structures. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 46, 381–387
Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods
approaches. Sage publications.
68
Curtin, N., Stewart, A. J., & Ostrove, J. M. (2013). Fostering academic self-concept: Advisor
support and sense of belonging among international and domestic graduate students.
American Educational Research Journal, 50(1), 108-137.
Curtin, N., Stewart, A. J., & Ostrove, J. M. (2013). Fostering academic self-concept: Advisor
support and sense of belonging among international and domestic graduate students.
American Educational Research Journal, 50(1), 108-137.
Dipeolu, A., Kang, J., & Cooper, C. (2007). Support group for international students: A
counseling center's experience. Journal of College Student Psychotherapy, 22(1), 63-74.
Fischer, E. H., & Turner, J. I. (1970). Orientations to seeking professional help: Development
and research utility of an attitude scale. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology,
35(1p1), 79.
Forbes-Mewett, H., & McCulloch, J. (2016). International students and gender-based violence.
Violence Against Women, 22(3), 344-365.
Forbes-Mewett, H., & McCulloch, J. (2016). International students and gender-based violence.
Violence Against Women, 22(3), 344-365.
Gim, R. H., Atkinson, D. R., & Whiteley, S. (1990). Asian-American acculturation, severity of
concerns, and willingness to see a counselor. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 37(3),
281.
Gulliver, A., Griffiths, K. M., Christensen, H., & Brewer, J. L. (2012). A systematic review of
help-seeking interventions for depression, anxiety and general psychological distress.
BMC Psychiatry, 12(1), 81.
Hinck, S. S., & Thomas, R. W. (1999). Rape myth acceptance in college students: How far have
we come?. Sex Roles, 40(9-10), 815-832.
Hutcheson, S., & Lewington, S. (2017). Navigating the labyrinth: Policy barriers to international
students' reporting of sexual assault in Canada and the United States. Education & Law
Journal, 27(1), 81-XI.
Hyun, J., Quinn, B., Madon, T., & Lustig, S. (2007). Mental health need, awareness, and use of
counseling services among international graduate students. Journal of American College
Health, 56(2), 109-118.
Jackson, K. M., & Trochim, W. M. (2002). Concept mapping as an alternative approach for the
analysis of open-ended survey responses. Organizational Research Methods, 5(4), 307-
336.
Kelly, A. E., & Achter, J. A. (1995). Self-concealment and attitudes toward counseling in
university students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 42, 40–46.
69
Kennedy, M. A., & Gorzalka, B. B. (2002). Asian and non-Asian attitudes toward rape, sexual
harassment, and sexuality. Sex Roles, 46(7-8), 227-238.
Kim, B. S., & Omizo, M. M. (2003). Asian cultural values, attitudes toward seeking professional
psychological help, and willingness to see a counselor. The Counseling Psychologist,
31(3), 343-361.
Kim, B. S., Atkinson, D. R., & Yang, P. H. (1999). The Asian Values Scale: Development,
factor analysis, validation, and reliability. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 46(3), 342.
Kim, B. S., Yang, P. H., Atkinson, D. R., Wolfe, M. M., & Hong, S. (2001). Cultural value
similarities and differences among Asian American ethnic groups. Cultural Diversity and
Ethnic Minority Psychology, 7(4), 343.
Koss, M. P. (1988). Hidden rape: Sexual aggression and victimization in a national sample of
students in higher education. In A. W. Burgess (Ed.), Rape and sexual assault (Vol. 2,
pp. 3-25). New York: Garland.
Larson, D. G., & Chastain, R. L. (1990). Self-concealment: Conceptualization, measurement,
and health implications. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 9(4), 439-455.
Lechner, K. E., Garcia, C. M., Frerich, E. A., Lust, K., & Eisenberg, M. E. (2013). College
students’ sexual health: Personal responsibility or the responsibility of the college?.
Journal of American College Health, 61(1), 28-35.
Lee, J., Pomeroy, E. C., Yoo, S. K., & Rheinboldt, K. T. (2005). Attitudes toward rape: A
comparison between Asian and Caucasian college students. Violence Against Women,
11(2), 177-196.
Leong, F. T., Kim, H. H., & Gupta, A. (2011). Attitudes toward professional counseling among
Asian-American college students: Acculturation, conceptions of mental illness, and loss
of face. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 2(2), 140.
Li, J., Marbley, A. F., Bradley, L. J., & Lan, W. (2016). Attitudes toward seeking professional
counseling services among Chinese international students: Acculturation, ethnic identity,
and English proficiency. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 44(1),
65-76.
Liao, H. Y., Rounds, J., & Klein, A. G. (2005). A test of Cramer's (1999) help-seeking model
and acculturation effects with Asian and Asian American college students. Journal of
Counseling Psychology, 52(3), 400.
Lipson, S. K., Speer, N., Brunwasser, S., Hahn, E., & Eisenberg, D. (2014). Gatekeeper training
and access to mental health care at universities and colleges. Journal of Adolescent
Health, 55(5), 612-619.
70
Love, J. M., Kisker, E. E., Ross, C., Raikes, H., Constantine, J., Boller, K., ... & Fuligni, A. S.
(2005). The effectiveness of early head start for 3-year-old children and their parents:
lessons for policy and programs. Developmental Psychology, 41(6), 885.
Magnussen, J., & Shankar, I. (2019). Where is it? Examining post-secondary students'
accessibility to policies and resources on sexual violence. Canadian Journal of Higher
Education/Revue canadienne d'enseignement supérieur, 49(2), 90-108.
Mallinckrodt, B., & Leong, F. T. (1992). International graduate students, stress, and social
support. Journal of College Student Development, 33(1), 71-78.
Mori, S. C. (2000). Addressing the mental health concerns of international students. Journal of
Counseling & Development, 78(2), 137-144.
Rafal, G., Gatto, A., & DeBate, R. (2018). Mental health literacy, stigma, and help-seeking
behaviors among male college students. Journal of American College Health, 66(4), 284-
291.
Raj, A., & Silverman, J. (2002). Violence against immigrant women: The roles of culture,
context, and legal immigrant status on intimate partner violence. Violence Against
Women, 8(3), 367-398.
Redfield, R., Linton, R., & Herskovits, M. J. (1936). Memorandum for the study of
acculturation. American Anthropologist, 38(1), 149-152.
Rempel, H. G., Hussong-Christian, U., & Mellinger, M. (2011). Graduate student space and
service needs: A recommendation for a cross-campus solution. The Journal of Academic
Librarianship, 37(6), 480-487.
Rozee, P. D., & Koss, M. P. (2001). Rape: A century of resistance. Psychology of Women
Quarterly, 25(4), 295-311.
Sable, M. R., Danis, F., Mauzy, D. L., & Gallagher, S. K. (2006). Barriers to reporting sexual
assault for women and men: Perspectives of college students. Journal of American
College Health, 55(3), 157-162.
Shen, A. C. T. (2011). Cultural barriers to help-seeking among Taiwanese female victims of
dating violence. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 26(7), 1343-1365.
Tseng, W. C., & Newton, F. B. (2002). International students' strategies for well-being. College
Student Journal, 36(4), 591-598.
Tuliao, A. P., Velasquez, P. A. E., Bello, A. M., & Pinson, M. J. T. (2016). Intent to seek
counseling among Filipinos: Examining loss of face and gender. The Counseling
Psychologist, 44(3), 353-382.
71
Wang, C. C. D., & Mallinckrodt, B. (2006). Acculturation, attachment, and psychosocial
adjustment of Chinese/Taiwanese international students. Journal of Counseling
Psychology, 53(4), 422.
Yakushko, O., Davidson, M. M., & Sanford‐Martens, T. C. (2008). Seeking help in a foreign
land: International students' use patterns for a US university counseling center. Journal of
College Counseling, 11(1), 6-18.
Yeh, C. J., & Inose, M. (2003). International students' reported English fluency, social support
satisfaction, and social connectedness as predictors of acculturative stress. Counselling
Psychology Quarterly, 16(1), 15-28.
Yeh, C. J., & Wang, Y. W. (2000). Asian American coping attitudes, sources, and practices:
Implications for indigenous counseling strategies. Journal of College Student
Development, 41, 94-103.
Yi, J. K., Jun-Chih Giseala Lin, J. K., & Kishimoto, Y. (2003). Utilization of counseling services
by international students. Journal of Instructional Psychology, 30(4).
Zane, N., & Yeh, M. (2002). The use of culturally-based variables in assessment: Studies on loss
of face. In Asian American Mental Health (pp. 123-138). Springer, Boston, MA.
Zhang, N., & Dixon, D. N. (2003). Acculturation and attitudes of Asian international students
toward seeking psychological help. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and
Development, 31(3), 205-222.
72
APPENDIX A
Interview Protocol
“Thank you for taking the time to participate in my thesis study. Please take a moment to fill out
the demographic/consent survey in the Zoom chat. The sheet will take about 5 minutes, and you
will be sent a copy of the form at the end of the interview. The interview has 12 questions and
will take approximately one hour to complete. Our conversation will only be audio recorded with
no video to protect your privacy. The questions asked in this interview can be sensitive and
difficult to answer. Please take your time to answer the question. Any question can be repeated if
needed at any time. In addition, please know that you may also skip any question that you feel
uncomfortable answering. Let us begin.”
1. What is the pseudonym you chose on the Google Form?
The first series of questions will be about sexual harassment. Sexual harassment is defined as
any or inappropriate sexual comments or behaviors based on your gender, either in person or
virtually, which are not wanted. If these questions are not applicable to you, or you feel in any
way uncomfortable answering the question, you can ask to skip the question.
1. How does your culture view someone who has experienced sexual harassment?
a. How does your family view sexual harassment?
b. How do you view someone who has experienced sexual harassment?
c. Has your culture’s and/or family’s views affected your view of sexual
harassment? If so, how?
2. Have you experienced any kind of unwanted sexual harassment from a stranger,
classmate, professor, colleague, friend, significant other, or spouse?
. If so, have you discussed this incident with a family or friend?
i.Have you discussed this incident with a counselor on or off campus? Why or Why not? (anyone
else on campus or off campus?)
ii.How has this experience impacted you? (academics, daily life, personal life)
a. If no, do you know anyone who has experienced sexual harassment?
73
.Have they discussed this incident with a friend, family member, counselor, or anyone on
campus? Why or why not?
i.How has knowing about this experience impacted you? (academics, daily life, personal life)
The second series of questions will be asking about sexual assault. Sexual assault is defined as
any type of sexual contact or behavior that occurs without the agreement or consent of both
people. Sexual assault can include forced or unwanted kissing, touching or rape. If these
questions are not applicable to you, or you feel in any way uncomfortable answering the
question, you can ask to skip the question.
1. How does your culture view someone who has experienced sexual assault?
a. How does your family view sexual assault?
b. How do you view someone who has experienced sexual assault?
c. Has your culture’s and/or family’s views affected your view of sexual assault? If so,
how?
2. Have you experienced any kind of unwanted sexual assault from a stranger, classmate,
professor, colleague, friend, significant other, or spouse?
. If so, did you experience sexual harassment that led up to the assault?
a. Have you discussed this incident with a family or friend?
i.Have you discussed this incident with a counselor on or off campus? Why or Why not? (anyone
else on campus or off campus?)
ii.How has this experience impacted you? (academics, daily life, personal life)
b. If no, do you know anyone who has experienced sexual harassment?
.Have they discussed this incident with a friend, family member, counselor, or anyone on
campus? Why or why not?
i.How has knowing about this experience impacted you? (academics, daily life, personal life)
The third series of questions will be asking about your help-seeking behaviors and what
influences it, access to support, and how these factors have impacted your life. Help-seeking
behaviors are defined as steps that you have taken to reach out for support among friends,
family, staff, faculty etc. If these questions are not applicable to you, or you feel in any way
uncomfortable answering the question, you can ask to skip the question.
1. How does your culture view someone seeking help from a counselor?
a. How does your family view seeking help from a counselor?
b. How do you view seeking help from a counselor?
c. Has your culture’s and/or family’s views affected your view of seeking help from a
counselor? If so, how?
d. Would you recommend someone who has experienced harassment or assault to seek help
from a counselor, friend, family, faculty, etc.
2. Were you aware of student support services on your campus? Which services were
available to you?
. If so, did you reach out to these services? Why or Why not?
74
a. Were there any barriers as an international and/or graduate student that prevented you
from seeking help or revealing the incident?
3. Can you describe how your past experiences of sexual harassment or sexual assault
impacted your personal, social, and/or academic life?
4. Is there anything else you would like to share?
Thank you for your time. It must have taken a lot of courage to talk about these experiences, and
I am grateful for the trust you had in me to discuss topics that are sensitive and personal to you.
Your participation in this study will create an impact for the future of resources and support
provided for international graduate students. I will be sending you a follow up email of mental
health resources should you ever need to reach out for someone to talk to. I will now stop the
audio recording.
5. Is there anyone you would like to recommend to participate in this study? (not recorded
for confidentiality of participants)
Abstract (if available)
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
Conceptually similar
PDF
Study abroad and the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students
PDF
Students in basic skills mathematics: perceptions and experiences of community college progress and help-seeking
PDF
Who’s taking care of our graduate students? The impact of the onboarding process for first-generation students transitioning into graduate school during the COVID-19 pandemic
PDF
Humanizing career development for international graduate students: an exploration of career development support offered by a higher education institution
PDF
Identifying and defining environmental stressors influencing law student wellness and well-being: an exploratory study
PDF
Help, I need somebody: an examination of the role of model minority myth and goal orientations in Asian American college students' academic help-seeking practices
PDF
Fulfillment of a regional college promise: lessons from the first year, first cohort
PDF
Exploring the impacts of war and relocation on Iraqi refugees and their educational experiences through Transition Theory
Asset Metadata
Creator
Rao, Mahitha
(author)
Core Title
The graduate school experience: exploring help-seeking behaviors of female South Asian international graduate alumni after experiencing sexual harassment or sexual assault
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Master of Education
Degree Program
Educational Counseling
Publication Date
04/03/2021
Defense Date
10/19/2020
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
Counseling,Cramer's Help Seeking Model,cultural competency,graduate alumni,graduate students,help seeking behaviors,higher education policy,international students,OAI-PMH Harvest,Sexual assault,sexual harassment,South Asian
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Banuelos, Sheila (
committee chair
), Seli, Helena (
committee member
), Venegas, Kristan (
committee member
)
Creator Email
mahithar@usc.edu,mahitharao13@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-436391
Unique identifier
UC11668436
Identifier
etd-RaoMahitha-9392.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-436391 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-RaoMahitha-9392.pdf
Dmrecord
436391
Document Type
Thesis
Rights
Rao, Mahitha
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Tags
Cramer's Help Seeking Model
cultural competency
graduate alumni
graduate students
help seeking behaviors
higher education policy
international students
sexual harassment
South Asian