University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Effects of parenting style and ethnic identity on European American and Asian Indian adolescents' academic competence and self esteem

(USC Thesis Other)

Effects of parenting style and ethnic identity on European American and Asian Indian adolescents' academic competence and self esteem

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content EFFECTS OF PARENTING STYLE AND ETHNIC IDENTITY ON
EUROPEAN AMERICAN AND ASIAN INDIAN ADOLESCENTS' ACADEMIC
COMPETENCE AND SELF ESTEEM
by
Bakhtawar Rayomand Bhadha
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(PSYCHOLOGY)
August 2001
Copyright 2001 Bakhtawar R. Bhadha
UMI Number: DP71315
All rights reserved
INFORMATION TO ALL USERS
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
in the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.
UMI
D issertation R jblishing
UMI DP71315
Published by ProQuest LLC (2015). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC.
All rights reserved. This work is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code
uesf
ProQuest LLC.
789 East Eisenhower Parkway
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
The Graduate School
University Park
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089^1695
This dissertatioiiy w ritten b y
Ic^^'taïA J û cr ..
U nder th e direction o f hPJC. D issertation
C om m ittee, an d approved b y a il its m em bers,
has been p resen ted to and accepted b y The
G raduate School, in p a rtia l fu lfillm en t o f
requirem ents fo r th e degree o f
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Dean o f Graduate Studies
fL^t :e August 7, 2001
DISSERTA TIO N COMM ITTEE
Chairperson
Acknowledgements
This dissertation would not have been possible but for the help, support and
encouragement from many people. I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. JoAnn
Farver for her guidance, help and support throughout the process. I would also like
to thank the rest of my committee: Dr. Frank Manis, Dr. Stephen Read, Dr. Michael
Newcomb, and Dr. Jean Phinney for their guidance and time. The fifth year of the
dissertation was fimded by a Valentine Dissertation Fellowship. My sincere thanks
to the participants who gave of their time and effort, and to all of the people who
came forward to connect me with people they knew in the community. Thanks are
also due to my research assistants, in particular, Sonia Narang.
I am grateful to my husband, Rayomand, and my children, Varun, Mithra,
and Zerxes who stood by me through all the stages of this process. I am also grateful
to my parents-in-law, Yasmin and Jehanbux, and my father, Aspi Elavia, for their
support and encouragement. My friends Jijoo, Roshan, and Sarosh Motivala,
Surinder Kaur, Sakina Basrai, Anoo Mistry, Binaifer Patel, Linda Clelland, Susan
Garcia, Marian Gracias, Sajedah Shaida, and Aban Commissariat deserve special
thanks. It is not possible to mention the names of all those friends and family who
came forward to help, and encourage me whenever I needed it, but I sincerely
appreciate their contribution.
Ill
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ii
Abstiact vii
Chapter I: Introduction I
Family Conflict 3
Family conflict as an outcome variable 3
Family conflict as a predictor of adolescent outcomes 7
Ethnic Identity 9
Other-Group Orientation 14
Parents’ Etlmic Identity and Other-Group Orientation 15
Parenting Styles 16
Asian Indian parenting 20
Self Esteem 22
Academic Competence 23
Specific Hypotheses 24
Chapter II: Method 27
Participants 27
Procedure 28
Ethnic Identity 29
Parenting Styles 29
Self-Esteem 30
Family Conflict 31
Academic Competence 32
Socioeconomic status 32
Chapter III: Results 35
Preliminary Analyses 35
Group Differences: Levels of Grades, Ethnic Identity, and Family
Conflict 37
Group Differences - Effect of Parenting Styles on Grades and Self-
Esteem
Within-Group Differences 39
Chapter IV: Discussion 46
Group Differences in School Performance 46
Group Differences in Family Conflict 47
Group Differences in Ethnic Identity, Other-Group Orientation and
their Correlates 47
Differential Effects of Parenting Style 49
IV
Table of Contents (contd)
Path Model 54
Direct piediclors of academic competence 54
Direct predictors of self-esteem 56
Demographic Variables 57
Conclusion 58
References 61
Appendix A: Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure 74
Appendix B: Child rearing beliefs and values 76
Appendix C: Self-Description Questionnaire 78
Appendix D: Issues Checklist 79
List of Figures
Figure 1 : Hypothesized model of relations between parent ethnic
identity, other- group orientation and parenting styles and
adolescent outcomes 25
Figure 2: Fitted model for Asian Indian Group 42
Figure 3: Fitted model for European American group 43
VI
List of Tables
Table 1 : Participant Demographics by Groups 28
Table 2a: Rivariate Correlations for Asian Indian group 33
Table 2b: Bivariate Correlations for European American group 34
Table 3: Mean differences between groups on variables 36
Table 4: Marginal Mean (with SES partialed out) Comparisons between
groups on all variables 37
Table 5: Parameter Estimates for the Path Models 44
Table 6: Significant Standardized Parameter Estimates and Correlations
of Variables with SES 45
vil
Abstract
One hundred and eighty Asian Indian and 180 European American parent-
adolescent dyads were interviewed. The effects of parenting styles, family conflict,
parent and child ethnic identification on adolescents’ self-esteem and academic
competence were examined. Using path modeling techniques, complex models of
relations between parenting style, family conflict, parent ethnic identification,
adolescent ethnic identification, self-esteem, and school performance were tested. It
was found that the ethnic groups differed on the levels of academic competence, and
sources of academic competence, and self esteem. Asian Indian adolescents reported
significantly higher academic competence than European American adolescents.
Academic competence was predicted directly by family conflict in both groups, and
distally by parent ethnic identity and other-group orientation in the Asian Indian
sample. In both groups adolescent ethnic identity predicted self-esteem. Shame
parenting style predicted family conflict in the Asian Indian group, while training
predicted family conflict in European American families. Implications for the
direction of future research are considered.
CHAPTER I
Introduction
The present study examines variables that affect psychosocial outcomes in
adolescents. The specific objective is to investigate the differential effects of
adolescent and parent ethnic identification, adolescent and parent other-group
orientation, parenting styles, and family conflict on Asian Indian and European
American adolescents’ self-esteem and school performance.
The study is directly concerned with the life experiences of immigrant
families as they adjust to living and raising their children in the U.S. For example,
Asian Indians report that they immigrate to the U.S. for the economic, social and
educational opportunities for themselves and their children (Segal, 1992). However,
despite the benefits, migration is also associated with unanticipated stresses for
families in terms of financial difficulties, (Thomas, 1995), discipline styles, and
forming or reforming a sense of ethnic identity (Phinney, 1996). Moreover, Asian
Indian adolescents often experience high levels of family conflict particularly with
regard to dating, arranged marriages, and occupational choice (Segal, 1992).
Therefore, in contrast with European American adolescents, Asian Indian immigrant
adolescents may suffer from lower self esteem, and problems with socio-emotional
adjustment, as well as other identity problems often associated with the adolescent
period.
Migration has also been found to alter social and community groupings and
the identities of immigrants as well as native-born Americans (Phinney, 1992).
Asian Indians in the Diaspora are much less likely to consider linguistic and caste
boundaries with as much stringency as Indians in their homeland do, and European
Americans must assess their own ethnic identity in relation to the increasing
pluralism in their own society.
Asian Indians are of particular interest because they have not been studied as
widely as other immigrant groups such as the Chinese-Americans and Mexican-
Americans. Yet the Asian Indian population continues to rise and is estimated at one
million by the year 2000 (Bouvier & Agresta, 1985). At present we know very little
about these families who are settling in the large urban areas of the U.S.
The present research is important because parents’ ethnic identity and other-
group orientation may have direct and indirect effects on their adolescent children’s
self-esteem, and reported family conflict. In addition, second-generation Asian
Indian adolescents are raised in two cultures and therefore may experience conflict
that may not be common to the mainstream culture. The issues of ethnic identity,
parenting styles and family conflict have emerged as most salient in much previous
qualitative research with Asian Indians (e.g. Almeida, 1996; Sethi, 1990; Siddique,
1977) and some of the quantitative work with this population (e.g. Mehta, 1998;
Patel, Power & Bhavnagri, 1996). Finally, it is important to consider these issues
while counseling minority and immigrant families. Findings can help design
preventive and therapeutic interventions to teach adaptive coping skills to teenagers
and parents, particularly in the immigrant communities. It is hoped that the findings
of this research can inform future research on the role of parenting, and ethnic
identity on adolescent well-being.
Family Conflict
Family conflict as an outcome variable
Family conflict has been demonstrated to be higher in immigrant than non
immigrant families. Studies have shown that family conflicts and disagreements
persist throughout adolescence (Hill & Holmbeck, 1985; Steinberg & Hill, 1978;
Montemayor, 1982). Conflict is particularly rife among Asian families where
parents’ values do not reflect the values of the American mainstream. Yao (1987)
has shown that conflicts between Chinese immigrant parents and their children occur
because Chinese parents expect their children to be obedient, respectful of authority,
and passive. Sue (1981) has also shown that conflicts in Chinese families arise from
the parents’ continual reminder to their children of their obligation to the family.
Yau and Smetana (1996) found that 100 Chinese families in Hong Kong
reported conflict similar to their European American counterparts in the U.S. Like
Americans, Chinese adolescents interpreted conflicts in terms of personal
jurisdiction, whereas their parents viewed conflicts in terms of pragmatics. Chinese
parents provided less autonomy than their adolescents sought. Chinese adolescent
and parent conflict frequency and intensity were positively related to greater parental
control and lower warmth. Parents who employed a more authoritarian parenting
approach encountered greater conflict in child rearing than those parents who
demonstrated more warmth.
Likewise, Rosenthal (1984) found more conflict between parents and
adolescents in immigrant families than non-immigrant families. In a study with 630
Anglo-Australian, Greek-Australian, and Italian-Australian teenagers, she found that
the Greek- and Italian-Australian parents and adolescents reported greater family
conflict than the Anglo-Australians. She attributed the increased conflict levels
among immigrant families to different childrearing practices.
In a study with 56 Southeast Asian children, Rousseau, Drapeau, & Gorin
(1997) family conflict was found to be related to an active social network in the
country of origin. Their results suggest that the extended family provides support,
but also exerts demands on immigrant individuals, which can be translated into
intergenerational conflict.
Overall, most Asian cultures discourage autonomy and independence among
their youth. In collectivistic cultures, adolescent-parent conflict may be expressed
differently and be more muted (Yau & Smetana, 1996). For example, a study by
Miller and Bersoff (1992) examined Indian and American adults’ and children’s
reasoning about moral dilemmas. The dilemmas involved conflicts between
interpersonal and justice expectations. Indians gave priority to interpersonal
expectations and resolved the perceived conflicts in moral terms. Americans gave
priority to justice expectations and resolved the perceived conflicts in personal terms.
A qualitative study by Kibria (2000) with 64 second-generation Chinese- and
Korean-American 21-40 year olds found that the conflict and stress facing these
individuals is a result of the multiple and contradictory pressures encountered as
immigrants. How much ethnic identification individuals feel, as well as how
positively they feel about the host culture directly affects how well they interact in
the mainstream culture and how well they do in the society.
Smetana (1995) examined differences between the perceptions of parenting
styles reported by 110 6 ^^, 8 ^^, and 1 0^^ graders, and their parents. Differences were
found in issues of adolescent and parents’ perceptions of personal jurisdiction.
Adolescents viewed their parents as more permissive and authoritarian, versus the
parents’ perception of themselves as more authoritative. The author also found that
conceptions of parental authority and parenting styles both had a significant effect on
family conflict.
In a study with 43 Asian Indian adolescents and their parents,
intergenerational differences in cohesion were indicated by intergenerational
differences in acculturation, and age of adolescents (Moideen, 1996). Moideen
(1996) found that older adolescents and their families reported lower family cohesion
than younger adolescents. She attributed this trend to the separation and
“launching” into young adulthood that occurs in late adolescence as perceived
differently in Eastern and Western cultures. Further, she found that mothers’
acculturation was more predictive of family cohesion than the acculturation of the
father or the adolescent.
Value conflicts between the host and native culture may also lead to parent-
child conflict. For example, ethnographic data reveal that Asian Indian immigrants
generally maintain characteristics of both American and Indian cultures (Wakil,
Siddique & Wakil, 1981). However, in the process of bicultural adaptation to the
U.S. culture, Asian Indian families nevertheless encounter great challenges in raising
their children.
Sethi (1990, p. 12) puts it succinctly: ‘the clash of tradition occurs when
parents with a collectivistic ethnic orientation are attempting to raise their children in
a society with an individualistic orientation’. On the one hand, parents attempt to
retain Indian cultural values of respect for elders, and discourage autonomy in their
young. On the other hand, Asian Indians have also been described as a materialistic,
achievement-oriented, and relatively affluent group, that places a high value on
formal education (Patel, Power & Bhavnagri, 1996) much like the individualistic
European Americans. With regard to their Eastern, “collectivistic” roots Indians
attempt to maintain their traditional family values, obedience toward elders, arranged
marriages, sharing and allocation of economic resources, and relatively strict gender
roles. Intergenerational relationships follow a designated cultural pattern and the
Western values of individualism, and privacy frequently conflict with Indian
collectivism and family-centeredness (Hines, Garcia-Preto, McGoldrick, &
Weltman, 1992).
Among Indian families, conflicts may also revolve around issues of dating,
respect for elders, and obedience. Indians maintain a strong commitment to family
relationships in the U.S. and in India (Segal, 1992). Individuals are expected to
make sacrifices for the good of the group. Males are valued more, and the Indian
society is patriarchal. Children are expected to be docile and obedient. In the
family, high levels of dependency are fostered. The concepts of obligation and
shame permeate relationships and behaviors. All of these values challenge the
immigration experience. The foundation of the Indian family system is changing
(Segal, 1992) for Asian Indian immigrants in the U.S.
The preceding discussion amply demonstrates that second-generation Indian
adolescents are subjected to much intergenerational conflict. First, they are
attempting to form a sense of identity amidst conflicting and contrasting pressures
from their parents and their traditional values, and from peers and colleagues in the
larger American society (Kurian, 1986). Second, the methods of discipline used by
the Indian parents are different from their American counterparts, as is the parents’
ethnic identification, and the values they hope to inculcate in their children (Kurian,
1986). The combination of these pressures and beliefs can be expected to have a
significant, and complicated, impact on their adolescent children’s self-esteem,
academic achievement, and other indicators of psychosocial well-being.
Familv conflict as a predictor of adolescent outcomes.
Undoubtedly family conflict is related to levels of psychosocial adjustment
exhibited by the children. Empirical research (Carson, Chowdhury, Perry, & Pati,
1999; Bradley & Corwyn, 2000; Go, 1999) demonstrates that higher family conflict
predicts less positive outcomes for children.
Carson, Chowdhury, Perry, and Pati (1999) studied 107 Indian 12-16 year
olds to identify family characteristics that contribute to adolescents’ competence as
measured by social competence, antisocial behavior and grades. Social competence
and grades were negatively related to family conflict and positively to democratic
discipline practices, more expressiveness, and close but not enmeshed family ties.
Another study (Bradley & Corwyn, 2000) examined the moderating effects of
family conflict on the relation between proximal aspects of the home environment,
and measures of adolescent well-being such as academic achievement, task
orientation, school and family self efficacy, and grades. In all three ethnic groups:
European American, African American and Chinese American, conflict moderated
these relations indicating that higher conflict leads to a heightened sensitivity to
social exchanges and events in the family, which in turn affects grades and academic
achievement.
Using path models Go (1999) examined how economic stress, acculturation,
and family conflict might affect depression and risk of delinquency in Southeast
Asian adolescents. He found that family conflict was a significant positive predictor
of adolescents’ depressive attitudes and delinquent behaviors.
A few studies have failed to find the predictive value of family conflict on
child outcomes, but their failure might be explained by methodological drawbacks
intrinsic to that research. Clearly this is so in Hoelter and Harper’s (1987) findings
that family support exerted the most influence on self esteem of all 654 9* to 12*
grade boys and girls, but parent-adolescent conflict was a significant predictor of self
esteem only among girls. Hoelter and Harper (1987) conclude that the family is
crucial for the development and maintenance of self-esteem among high school aged
students. The authors admitted that their failure to find significant relations between
conflict and self-esteem might be because they used restrictive measures. They
measured conflict with single questions regarding the frequency of conflict with
parents, and peers.
In a study with 51 second generation Chinese American women, Lau (1998)
analyzed the relations between parents’ and adolescents’ acculturation,
intergenerational conflict, and self esteem. For Chinese immigrant women,
intergenerational conflict was not related to self-esteem. The author suggests that the
measures used to measure family conflict and acculturation in this study might
account for why the predicted relations were not revealed in the data. She suggests
that future research might use a measure of family conflict that is more sensitive
specifically to Chinese intergenerational issues such as filial piety. The use of such a
measure would likely reveal a larger range of conflict, and therefore allow better
predictions and relations with other variables i.e. self-esteem and acculturation. As
the studies reviewed above suggest, empirical research does provide a basis for the
hypothesized regression path between family conflict and the predicted variables:
self-esteem and grades.
Ethnic Identity
Erikson (1968) argued that true identity formation includes one's perception
of the social context and support. For example, an adolescent is influenced by
mentors, religious groups, and peers while making a decision regarding religious
identity. This suggests that while identity development is an individual process, it
certainly does not develop in a vacuum. Phinney (1996) conceptualized ethnic
10
identity as the strength of individuals’ identification with their ethnic group. “Ethnic
identity has been conceptualized as an enduring, fundamental aspect of the self that
includes a sense of membership in an ethnic group, and the attitudes and feelings
associated with that membership” (Phinney, 1996, p. 922). Many studies (Carlson,
Uppal and Prosser, 2000; Roberts, Phinney, Masse, Chen, Roberts & Romero, 1999;
Phinney, 1992) have found that ethnic identity is an issue of great importance,
particularly to minority youth. The challenges of identity formation are particularly
difficult for minority youth because of the clash of traditional culture represented by
their parents, and the host culture (Ramisetty-Mikler, 1993; Markus & Kitayama,
1991). Ethnic identity formation is also difficult because of the prejudice,
discrimination, and barriers to economic opportunity encountered by minority
adolescents (Spencer, Swanson, & Cunningham, 1991).
A measurement issue that concerns researchers of ethnic identity is the
emphasis placed on the behavioral versus the attitudinal constructs. Some theorists
(e.g. Felix-Ortiz, Newcomb & Myers, 1994; Cuellar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995;
Landrine & Klonoff, 1994) emphasize behaviors such as language proficiency,
media and food preferences, and cultural practices. For example, a “behavioral
theorist” would hold that an Indian mother, who chooses to cook an Indian meal five
days of the week, is demonstrating greater ethnic identification than one who
chooses to feed her family a hamburger. “Attitudinal” theorists (e.g. Phinney, 1992)
emphasize the feeling aspect of ethnic identification. For example, this point of view
holds that whether Indians choose to watch “Namaste America,” a Saturday morning
11
TV show, does not reflect on how “ethnically identified” they are. Ethnic identity is
reflected in the identiflcation individuals feel with their culture, a phenomenon that
has been termed “symbolic ethnicity” or “ethnic loyalty” (Keefe, 1992). Still others
(e.g.. Berry, 1990) believe that ethnic identity should be studied within the context of
each group’s special circumstances because several dynamic processes are involved
such as the pluralism in the host culture, whether the minority status is a “visible”
one, and so on, and the interactions between these processes are unique to each
group.
Phinney (1992) examined ethnic identity achievement and other components
of ethnic identity such as belongingness, behavior, and orientation towards other
groups. Phinney (1990) argues that because there are many components of ethnic
identity, measures should also account for all of these factors. Phinney’s (1992)
Ethnic Identity measure (MEIM) is based on the theory that the experience of
ethnicity can be generalized across different cultures, and that how much persons are
affected by their ethnic group membership and how much their ethnicity means to
them, are independent of the actual cultural practices they follow.
The results of many studies elucidate the significance of ethnic identity as a
predictor of adolescents’ self esteem and psychosocial adjustment. The more
committed and positive adolescents feel toward their ethnic group, the higher their
self esteem.
In several studies (Roberts, Phinney, Masse, Chen, Roberts & Romero, 1999;
Phinney, 1989; Phinney & Alipuria, 1997; Phinney, Cantu & Kurtz, 1997; Phinney
12
& Chavira, 1992) a positive correlation was found between ethnic identity and self
esteem. Roberts et al. (1999) found that ethnic identity was positively related to
measures of psychological adjustment such as self-esteem and coping ability in a
sample of 5423 sixth-, seventh-, and eighth-graders from several ethnic backgrounds
including African Americans, Hispanics, and Asian Indians. Adolescents who were
more ethnically identified demonstrated better coping skills and higher self-esteem
than those who were less ethnically identified.
In a study with 91 high school students, Phinney (1989) found that those
minority adolescents who had an “achieved” ethnic identity showed higher scores on
self evaluation, sense of mastery and social, peer and family relations than those
adolescents who were not as ethnically identified.
Similarly, Phinney and Alipuria (1990) found that ethnic identity was
positively related to higher self-esteem. Ethnic identity achievement was positively
correlated with self esteem in a sample of 196 participants from Asian-American,
African-American, Mexican-American, and European-American college students.
In a study of 669 Latino, African American, and European American
adolescents, Phinney, Cantu, and Kurtz (1997) found that ethnic identity predicted
self-esteem. Phinney et al. (1997) used regression analyses and found that the
amount of variance in self-esteem predicted by ethnic identity, American identity,
other group attitudes, socioeconomic status, grade point average and gender differed
in the three ethnic groups. They concluded that in ethnically diverse settings, the
13
more positively attached individuals are to their own ethnic group, the higher their
self-esteem.
Phinney and Chavira (1992) found a positive correlation between ethnic
identity and self-esteem that remained consistent over time. In a 3-year longitudinal
study with young adults, the researchers found that ethnic identity changes over time,
and at each time period, participants’ ethnic identity achievement was correlated
positively with their self-evaluation, and their social, family and peer relations.
In a path-analytic study, with a large sample of 898 early adolescent female
participants from Hispanic, African American, and European American
backgrounds, Carlson, Uppal, and Prosser (2000) found that ethnic identity
significantly predicted self-esteem in the minority groups. Carlson et al. (2000)
found that Hispanic girls reported significantly lower levels of self-esteem than
African American and European American girls, and that their self esteem was
significantly predicted by ethnic identity, teacher support, and family stress. They
found that the same variables i.e. ethnic identity, teacher support, and family stress
accounted for a similar amount of variance in the self-esteem of Alfrican American
girls. However, ethnic identity was not a significant predictor of European American
self-esteem in their study.
The findings from these studies provide a strong basis for the relation
between adolescent ethnic identity and self-esteem. This relation is particularly
relevant among minority groups because ethnic identity is a salient issue among
minorities. In some studies (Roberts et al., 1999; Phinney, 1992) a significant
14
relation between European American ethnic identity and self-esteem has also been
found, while other studies (Carlson et ah, 2000) have failed to establish a relation
between ethnic identity and self-esteem among European Americans.
Other-group Orientation
The construct “other-group orientation” as measured by the Multigroup
Ethnic Identity Measure (Phinney, 1992) encompasses attitudes and self reported
behavior towards ethnic groups other than one’s own in the society. For minority
and immigrant participants, this measure may serve as a proxy for acculturation
indicating how positively the individual feels about the mainstream culture.
According to Berry, Kim, Power, Young, and Bujaki (1989) attitudes toward one’s
own ethnic group, and attitudes toward the dominant culture interact to produce four
possible acculturative styles that minority individuals can adopt i.e. integration,
assimilation, separation and marginalization. They theorize that in a pluralistic
society, it is through integration (feeling positive about both the natal and the host
culture) that the members of all groups will develop optimally. Several studies
(Berry & Kim, 1988; Subramaniam, 1998; Mehta, 1998; Ghuman, 1997; Krishnan &
Berry, 1992; Phinney, Chavira, & Williamson, 1992) suggest that not only one’s
attitude to one’s own group, but one’s attitude toward the host culture (assimilation
or integration) are more predictive of healthy outcomes for minorities than
marginalization or separation. Phinney, Cantu, and Kurtz (1997) found that Hispanic
adolescents’ self esteem was predicted in part by their other-group orientation.
Phinney and Devich-Navarro (1997), in a study with 46 Mexican-American and 52
15
African-American high school students, found that other-group orientation was
significantly and positively correlated with self-esteem. Further, the research by
Ogbu (1988) indicates that among “voluntary” minorities, higher academic
competence might be expected. The concept of “voluntary” migration might well be
embodied in one’s attitudes toward other groups in the society that the MEIM
measures. Other theories (Scapoznik, Kurtines & Fernandez, 1980; LaFromboise,
Coleman & Gerton, 1993) suggest that failure to form connections with the majority
culture can lead to problems. Hence, considering the theoretical and conceptual
precedents, it is reasonable to expect that other-group orientation will positively
predict psychosocial outcomes for adolescents.
Parents’ Ethnic Identity and Other-Group Orientation
Unfortunately very little research is extant on parents’ ethnic identity and
other-group orientation, and its effect on the psychosocial functioning of adolescents.
Minde and Minde (1976) suggest that parents’ bicultural involvement does predict
positive child outcomes. Further, a recent study by Phinney, Romero, Nava, and
Huang (2000) found that parents’ cultural maintenance behavior in three minority
groups: Armenian, Hispanic, and Vietnamese directly or indirectly influences
adolescents’ ethnic identity. These authors suggest that parental influence is an
important predictor of ethnic identity particularly because it is relatively independent
of the size of the minority community.
While the present research did not explicitly study parental cultural
maintenance practices, it is reasonable to assume that these practices would be
16
affected by parents’ own ethnic identity and other-group orientation. In the absence
of explicit empirical research, it is a reasonable theory that parents who demonstrate
higher ethnic identity will have children who also have high ethnic identity as
compared with parents who have lower ethnic identity. For example, Rosenthal and
Cichello (1986) found at the general level that parents’ involvement in the ethnic
community was related to their adolescents’ ethnic identity. On the other hand,
Szapocznik and Kurtines (1980) found that conflicts result when second generation
adolescents clash with their traditional parents over values and behaviors. Thus it is
reasonable to expect that parent ethnic identity would lead to greater family conflict.
Parenting Styles
Past research suggests that authoritative parenting, characterized as a
democratic childrearing philosophy emphasizing control and warmth, is best for all
children (Baumrind, 1967, Aunola, Stattin, & Nurmi, 2000; Carlson, Uppal, &
Prosser, 2000, Chen, Dong & Zhou, 1997). This model originates in Baumrind’s
early work suggesting that authoritative parenting predicts higher self-esteem and
academic competence among children. On the other hand, authoritarian
(characterized by high control and low warmth) and permissive (characterized by
low control and low warmth) parenting practices are associated with poor outcomes
for children.
The literature is inconsistent regarding how well this model fits Asian
samples. Chen et al.’s (1997) study with 304 second-graders and their parents found
17
that authoritative parenting styles were predictive of the best school and social
indicators for children even in Beijing, China.
McBride-Chang & Chang (1998) did a 4-phase study of 906 Hong Kong
Chinese adolescents and parents. They found that of the two parenting styles
studied, neither authoritativeness nor training was associated with school
achievement. They did find, however, that parents whose children attended the most
academically oriented schools in Hong Kong reported using more authoritative child
rearing practices than did parents whose children attended the lowest academically-
oriented schools.
Herz & Gullone (1999) explored authoritarianism with 118 Vietnamese
Australian, and 120 Anglo-Australian adolescents aged 11-18 years. Admittedly
“affectionless control” (low levels of acceptance, and high levels of overprotection)
is common amongst Asian collectivistic cultures, and is not thought to have a
negative effect on psychosocial adjustment within the collectivistic cultures.
However, Herz and Gullone hypothesized that for immigrant adolescents, the
cultural context of collectivism no longer supports an authoritarian parenting style
mainly because adolescents acculturate faster than their parents. Indeed their
findings supported the hypothesis. “Affectionless control” related negatively with
self-esteem for both groups in the sample.
On the other hand, in two studies of high school students, Dombusch, Ritter,
Leiderman, Roberts, and Fraleigh (1987) found that Asian American children fared
better with an authoritarian parenting style as compared with an authoritative or
18
permissive style. Overall the Asian families were the highest on the authoritarian
parenting style, but their children also had the highest grade point averages.
Kim (1999) suggested that applying Baumrind’s parenting typology across
sociocultural contexts must be done cautiously. The findings with Korean American
adolescents indicated that perceived parental authoritativeness had a positive effect
on 245 students’ GPA. However, perceived paternal involvement in schooling,
maternal acceptance, and family acculturation accounted for 15% of the variance in
GPA, after controlling for demographic variables.
Chao (1994) proposed that Baumrind’s theory is strongly rooted in the
American cultural context and does not account for the notion of ‘training’, which is
an important element in the traditional Chinese childrearing paradigm. “Training” is
based on deep-rooted Confucian principles. Chao (1994) explains that Chinese
mothers are expected to make many sacrifices for their children’s education, and that
they are committed to the education and socialization of their children. In this
context, training refers to “an immense devotion and sacrifice on the part of the
mother” (Chao, 1994). Chao (1994) suggests that training involves restricting
children’s exposure to undesirable behaviors and allowing them access to clear
examples of desirable behaviors.
In a study comparing immigrant Chinese mothers with European American
mothers, Chao (1994) found that the “training” component of childreaiing plays an
important part in the parenting style of the Chinese, but not the Euro-American
mothers. The latter are more influenced by the Western authoritative notion of
19
childrearing, than the Asian mothers who were committed to “training” their children
as soon as the children were ready. Chao (2000) points out that in Japanese and
Chinese cultures, parents’ attitudes toward children, and particularly their children’s
education, is one of “cultivation”. The parents’ role in providing the child with the
proper education is seen as essential.
Chao (2000) tested this model by investigating parenting styles, and
involvement among 123 immigrant Chinese-American parents and 64 European-
American parents of 2"^, and 3 * ^ ^ graders. She found that “training”, socialization
emphasizing filial piety, and structurally involved parental practices were more
important for the Chinese parents than for the European American parents.
Other research (Stewart, Bond, Zaman, McBride-Chang, Rao, Ho, &
Fielding, 1999) also indicates that the dimension of “training” may play a
particularly important role in functional parenting in other non-Westem cultures.
Stewart et al. (1999) studied parenting styles in Pakistan. The participants were 102
second and third year nursing students. In a factor analysis this research found that
parenting items reflecting warmth and dominating control made a coherent factor as
tested on this Pakistani sample. The study revealed that the preeminence accorded to
warmth in European American research is misplaced in this Asian sample, and that
“training” did indeed emerge as a significant positive factor in parenting.
While the concept of ‘training’ proposed by Chao derives from Confucian
ideology, it is also similar to Indian childrearing practices and beliefs. For example,
the principles of Confucian thought (i.e. people are defined by their social
20
relationships, relationships are structured hierarchically, and social order and
harmony are maintained by honoring the requirements and responsibilities of social
relationships (Bond and Hwang, 1986)), are also essential to Indian cultural
functioning. These Confucian principles are similar to the Indian cultural and
religious beliefs such as the Dharma theory in the Vedas and the Upanishads
(prehistoric Hindu religious texts). Therefore, it is appropriate to investigate
“training” as a dimension to measure parenting styles in the present study.
Asian Indian parenting.
Asian Indian immigrant parents often use guilt, shame, and moral obligation
to control adolescents’ behavior (Sue, 1981). Shah (1982) found that the greatest
challenge for immigrant Indians is child rearing. Indian cultural values are not
compatible with the typical, fairly open American parent-child communication.
Indian adolescents are brought up with a respect for duty towards the family
(Mullatti, 1995). Furthermore, Segal (1992) points out that Indian parents often do
not recognize their adolescents’ ability to make sound decisions and they view
independence and autonomy as “cultural contamination” that may lead to deviant
adolescent behavior. Kurian and Ghosh (1983) have reported ethnographic findings
showing that immigrant Indians often try to adopt Western parenting styles.
However, Indian parents view Westernization and modernization as a digression
from cultural traditions. Siddique (1977) found that newly inunigrated parents were
only slightly stricter than their counterparts who had migrated much earlier. These
results suggest that there is not necessarily a trend toward quicker acculturation, or
21
an abandonment of the “old ways” in terms of the content or the methods used in
discipline and parenting styles.
Buchignani, Indra and Srivastava (1985) also point out how cultural
traditions are retained with close community contacts and language retention. They
also note that many parents are only selectively focused on these issues and therefore
tremendous culture loss occurs even in just one generation. But this is the exception
rather than the rule. In the majority of Indian households in the U.S., traditional
values continue to be upheld. Socialization of children focuses on sociocultural
continuity rather than change. An inevitable generation gap emerges because the
parents view their traditions as part of their cultural identity and are reluctant to give
up their “old-fashioned” ideas. Children, and particularly adolescents, adapt to the
new culture relatively easily and the gap between the generations seems to widen.
Wakil, Siddique, and Wakil (1981) studied Pakistani and Asian Indian
immigrants to Canada. They found that immigrant families adapted to changes with
regard to their “pragmatic” values, for example, celebrating Western festivals, but
resisted alterations in “core” values, for example, arranged marriages. It appeared
that conflicts still arise in areas, such as dating, where the children resist their
parents’ ideas, and the parents view their children as rebellious and succumbing to
“corrupting influences”. In authoritarian tradition, religion and other social sanctions
are often used to maintain cultural norms However this technique is rendered
somewhat impotent in the new urban industrial societies of Canada and the U.S.
22
Self-Esteem
Several studies (e.g. Crandall, 1973; Luck and Heiss, 1972; Bachman, 1970)
have shown self-esteem to be an important psychological variable in adolescent
adjustment. Harter (1980) proposed that as the individual develops, the sense of self
becomes sharper, and various components of the self become differentiated. Marsh,
Parker and Smith (1983) have corroborated this notion. They provide a multifaceted
model of self-concept that becomes better differentiated with age.
Self-esteem is the evaluative part of the self. In studying self-esteem,
psychologists have attempted to design scales that measure how positively children
perceive themselves. Self-esteem measures the Jamesian concept (1890) of ‘me’, or
the self as object for knowing. This self can be distinguished into the physical,
spiritual, social, and so on. One of these distinguishable parts is an appreciation of
the self: “the feelings and constituents that the ‘me’s constituents arouse” (Damon,
1983, p.226). Several studies have been conducted with self-esteem as the central
variable. Self-esteem has been found to impact upon many other significant child
outcomes, such as life satisfaction (Crandall, 1973), happiness (Bachman, 1970),
anxiety (Luck and Heiss, 1972), and maladjustment (Kaplan & Pokomy, 1969).
Self-esteem theorists view the parent-child relationship as the foundation
from which self-esteem is developed (Buri, 1989; Coopersmith, 1967; Rosenberg,
1979). Hence family conflict may point to lower self evaluations among
adolescents, and less family conflict would predict higher self-esteem.
23
Academic Competence
There is little need to justify academic competence or school performance as
an important child outcome. Obviously academic success portends future financial,
social, and economic success. Academic success is also an indicator of adjustment
to the school milieu where children and adolescents spend a major portion of their
waking hours. Studies conducted in Asian classrooms (Stevenson & Lee, 1990)
have shown that Asian students outperform their American counterparts. However,
it is not only the classroom structure, the teaching methods, and teachers themselves
that are responsible for this success. Eastern cultural traditions emphasize education
and learning. The Asian families who migrate to the West generally retain the
advantage of these cultural values, and therefore these students tend to do well
academically. Asian immigrant children fare better at school than their Black,
Hispanic, and even their White counterparts (Kim & Chun, 1994; Sue & Abe, 1988;
Suzuki, 1988). Asian students’ success has been related to the families’ emphasis on
effort, and hard work.
Academic success is related to many positive developmental outcomes, apart
from being a positive outcome in and of itself. It is associated with higher self
esteem, perceived self-competence, and so on. While grades may not necessarily
indicate higher intellectual ability, they indicate successful adjustment to an
institution of learning where children spend a large amount of their time. Academic
achievement also contributes to positive psychological adjustment in general,
including peer relations.
24
Specific Hypotheses
Based on the literature reviewed above, several hypotheses were developed
about differences in the levels and sources of academic competence, family conflict
and self-esteem in the two ethnic groups. First, it was hypothesized that the level of
school performance would be different in the Asian Indian and European American
groups. Specifically it was expected that Asian Indian adolescents would report
higher school performance than European American adolescents. Second, it was
predicted that Asian Indian adolescents and parents would have higher ethnic
identification scores than would European American adolescents and their parents.
Third, Asian Indian families were expected to have greater family conflict scores
than European American families.
Fourth, it was hypothesized that in the Asian Indian families, parental
training would account for greater variance in their adolescent children’s self-esteem
and school performance, and that this path would be a positive one. It was
hypothesized that in the European American group, parental authoritativeness would
account for greater variance in adolescent’ self-esteem and school performance, and
that this path would be positive.
Fifth, it was hypothesized that there would be within-group differences in the
relations between the variables, and that parents’ and adolescents’ ethnic identity,
other-group orientation, and parenting style would significantly predict adolescents’
self-esteem and academic competence, and that the prediction would be mediated by
family conflict, in both groups. This hypothesized model is diagrammed in Figure 1.
25
O )
O
I
8
9h
I
B 5
T 3 ^
< D ^
O) Cv
II
o
b û
I
C Ü
§
0
d
1
D
x >
(72
w
( 7 2
I
26
More specifically, even after the effects of SES were partialed out, it was
hypothesized that parents’ other-group orientation would positively influence
adolescents’ other-group orientation. It was hypothesized that parents’ and
adolescents’ other-group orientation would positively predict adolescents’ grades,
and parents’ other-group orientation would negatively predict family conflict.
Parenting styles would affect grades and self-esteem directly (training and shame
would predict positive outcomes in Asian Indians, and authoritativeness would
predict more positive outcomes in European Americans) and indirectly through
family conflict (family conflict would contribute negatively to outcomes, and be
affected positively by training and shame). Parents’ ethnic identity would affect
adolescents’ ethnic identity positively, and parents’ and adolescents’ ethnic identity
would affect self-esteem positively.
27
CHAPTER II
Method
Participants
One hundred and eighty Asian Indian adolescents (81 boys and 99 girls) and
their parents were recruited from Indian associations in Southern California. One
hundred and eighty European American adolescents (79 boys and 101 girls) and their
parents were recruited from the community around the same geographical area.
Subjects included males and females between the ages of 13 and 19 years (Indian
M= 15.99 years, SD = 1.81; European American M=16.1 years, SD = 1.84), and one
of their parents (Indian mothers N=141, fathers N=39; European American mothers
N=135, fathers N=45) (Please see Table 1).
Participants for the study were obtained in the following manner. For the
Indian sample, Indian student clubs at USC, CSU Pomona, CSULB, and UCLA were
contacted, and sign-up sheets were passed around asking for names and phone
numbers of families with teenage children. Sign-up sheets were also made available
at the meetings of social and religious groups such as Bal Vikas, Dhoom Dhadaka,
Zoroastrian Association of California, and Gurudwara religious classes. The sample
was allowed to snowball. People referred themselves or others they knew that met
the criteria: parents needed to be immigrants and the adolescents (13-19 year olds)
needed to be bom in the I IS, Then participants were asked for names and numbers
of other people they knew who met the same criteria.
28
Table 1 : Participant Demographics by Groups
Asian Indians European Americans
Mean SD Min Max Mean SD Min Max
Age 15.99 1.81 13 19 16.1 1.84 13 19
Family Size 4.44 1.13 2 10 4.11 0.98 2 7
Mother’s age 44.54 4.57 32 55 44.2 5.31 26 60
Father’s age 49.03 4.85 38 65 46.55 5.73 32 62
Mother yrs in US 20.6 4.52 13 38
Father yrs in US 23.6 6.13 12 43
The European American sample was obtained by word of mouth also.
Families with teenagers were identified either by the principal investigator, research
assistants, or by teachers and social workers at local high schools. Then participants
were asked if they knew other families who met the criteria. Each family was
recruited on the phone or by personal introduction and a time was arranged for the
interview. Parents and adolescents were interviewed separately to reduce potential
bias.
Procedure
Parents completed child rearing, ethnic identity, family conflict, and
demographic questionnaires (described below). Adolescents completed ethnic
29
identity, family conflict, and self-esteem questionnaires, and provided their recent
school grades.
Ethnic Identity. - Phinney’s (1992) Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)
was used to measure the ethnic identity of adolescents and their parents. This scale
consists of 20 items on which participants rate their agreement. Scores on this scale
range from 1, low ethnic identification to 5, high ethnic identification. The scale
yields a total ethnic identification score, and subscale scores for ethnic
belongingness, identity achievement, and ethnic behaviors. It also yields a score for
^'other-group orientation’ ' which measures attitudes toward groups other than one’s
own. Please see Appendix A for items used in the scale. This scale has been used
reliably with African-Americans, Mexican-Americans, and Asian Americans (e.g.
Carlson, Uppal & Prosser, 2000).
Total ethnic identification scores were used in the present study. The scale was
highly reliable with adolescents (Cronbach’s alpha was .89 with Asian Indians, and
.85 with European American subgroup) and parents (Cronbach’s alpha = .86 for
European Americans and .75 for Asian Indian parents). Other-group orientation
scores were also used in the study. These scores were somewhat less reliable but
still within an acceptable range. (Cronbach’s alpha was .66 for Asian Indian
adolescents, .73 for European American adolescents, .74 for Asian Indian parents
and .73 for European American parents.)
Parenting styles. - Parents completed the Child-rearing Beliefs measure (Lieber,
Fung, Leung & Leung, 1997). The scale requires participants to rate their agreement
30
or disagreement with each item in a six-point Likert format. Items refer to aspects of
parental responsibility, importance of discipline and obedience. Scores range from
1, strongly disagree with a method to 6, strongly agree with the method. The scale
yields scores on four facXovs: Training, Authoritativeness, and Shame. “When my
child transgresses, it is necessary to have him confess and repent” is an example of
an item that measures training parenting style. “Children should be made to feel
ashamed when they disobey rules” is an example of an item that measures shame
parenting style. “Children should be encouraged to fully express their opinions and
feelings even if they disagree with their parents” is an example of an item that
measures authoritativeness. (Please see Appendix B for items on the scale) Lieber
et al. (1997) found that the reliabilities of these factors ranged from .61 to .79 with
Taiwanese and Hong Kong Chinese samples. In the present study the training,
authoritativeness and shame subscores were used. Similar reliability coefficients
were obtained in the present study. Training parenting style yielded reliability
coefficients of .71 in the European American subgroup, and .70 in the Asian Indian
subgroup. Training parenting subscore yielded reliability coefficients of .76 in the
European American subgroup and .74 in the Asian Indian subgroup. Shame
parenting style yielded reliability coefficients of .70 in the European American
subgroup and .73 in the Asian Indian subgroup. See Appendix B for all the items on
the scale.
Self-Esteem. - Adolescents completed 20 items of the Self Description
Questionnaire (Marsh, Parker & Smith, 1983). The scale provides participants with
31
20 statements that they are required to rate as true or false with respect to
themselves. The measure yields a global self-esteem index, as well as subscores in
physical appearance, social areas, and overall self-esteem. Scores range from 1, low
self perception, to 5, high self perception. This scale has been reliably used with
African (Watkins, Akande, & Mpofu, 1988), Australian (Marsh, Parker & Smith,
1983), Chinese (Watkins & Dong, 1994), and Filipino (Watkins & Gutierrez, 1990)
adolescents. In the present study the total self- esteem scores yielded a high
Cronbach’s alpha of .92 with European American adolescents and .90 with Asian
Indian adolescents. See Appendix C for items used on the scale.
Familv Conflict. - The Issues Checklist (Prinz, 1970) was used to measure
family conflict. Yau & Smetana (1996) used this scale reliably with Asian families.
This scale lists 44 issues that parents typically discuss with their children. Parents
and adolescents report whether the issue has been discussed (WD), how often the
issue has been discussed in the last two weeks (F), and how heated the discussions
were (H), ranging from 0, calm to 4, very angry. Frequency (sum of F) and
Heatedness scores are obtained. Heatedness scores are obtained by multiplying the
heatedness on each issue (H) with the frequency (F) reported for that issue. Then the
individual issue heatedness scores are summed and divided by the total number of
issues the individual reports having discussed (WD). Heatedness sores were used as
a measure offamily conflict in the present study because it is a more valid indicator
of conflict than frequency of discussions. A composite mean of parent and
32
adolescent perceived conflict were used in the analyses. See Appendix D for a
complete list of items.
Academic competence. - Grades were used as a measure of academic
performance. A composite mean of adolescents’ most recent Math, Science and
English self reported grades (A-4, F=0) were used:
Socioeconomic status. - Parents answered information about their employment
status, and educational level. The Four Factor Index of Social Class (Hollingshead,
1975) was used to determine socioeconomic status (SES). The index does not
require participants to provide income information, but rather uses education and
occupational status information to create an index of SES. Parents answered
questions about both mothers’ and fathers’ education and occupation. Education was
coded on a scale from 1 to 6 with lower numbers representing less formal education
and 6 indicating a graduate or professional degree. Occupation varied from 1 to 6,
where 1 represented unemployment, and 6 indicated a professional job such as
doctor or attorney, or owner of large business. Both mothers’ and fathers’ education
and occupation information was used to determine SES.
33
o
o
as
o
o
*
lO
*
*
( N
o o
o
o
*
*
as
< N
*
00 0 \
o
o
O
*
C N
o
o
*
o o
o
o
r -
o
o
*
*
o
m
*
as
*
*
v o
C N
m
o
o
*
*
( N
S
*
*
lO
< N
0\
O
0\
o
m
o
m
o
o
*
*
00
m
* *
CN
O
*
*
00
CN
v o
o 8
v o
o
§ t
I
S
I
s
C
I
u
>
p q
ô d
CN
< u
I
CN
O
o
o
o
*
*
m
CN
*
SD
*
*
v o
" 4 "
*
*
CN
Q O
w
C /D
G
( N
c o
1
m *
I
o
*
*
CN
*
OO 0 0
o
m
o
f
i
ü
.y W
I
I
P k
SD
8
M
I
*
SD
*
0 0
i
î
• g
I
I
oo
en
I
I
CN
*
*
m
m
i =
1 1
as o
I
as
o
v o
o
m
o
I
W
%
C/D
0
1
*
*
34
os
0 0
so
m
C N
o
o
o
o
0 0
o
o
o
g
g
o
o
*
*
g
m
o
o
m
o
g
*
OS
o
o
o
*
*
CN
CN
C /D
w
C / D
C
g
CN
I
en
(L>
g
Ü
U
%
P U |
iri
I
O
M
I
PL,
SD
o
O
*
*
SD
en
0 0
o
s
*
*
o
CN
en
O
I
ü
o
o
*
*
M
*
« n
CN
O
*
*
SD
CN
OS
O
*
O s
!
I
i
I
0 0
O
O
*
*
o
m
*
*
SD
CN
« n
O
*
u n
*
*
o
CN
o
*
*
o
CN
I
i
I
o
o
o
o
SD
O
*
ov
*
*
*
en
*
u n
*
*
o
en
S
en
O
*
*
T i
en
CN
*
u n
I
(L>
P L )
%
C / D
un
0
1
o
*
*
35
CHAPTER III
Results
Preliminary Analyses
To examine the relations among the variables a correlation matrix was
computed for the Asian Indian and European American subgroups. The use of shame
was positively correlated (r=.24, p<.01) with family conflict in the Indian sample
(see Table 2a). In the European American sample, only the “training” parenting
style was positively correlated with family conflict (r=.16, p<.05) (see Table 2b). In
the Indian sample, family conflict was negatively correlated with grades (r=-.26,
p<.01). In the European American sample family conflict was negatively correlated
with grades (r=-.30, p<.01). (See Tables 2a and 2b)
T-tests revealed there were significant differences between the Indian and
European American groups on some variables and none on other variables (see Table
3). Marginal mean comparisons (with SES partialed out) between the two groups
revealed that Asian Indians scored higher on many variables, and that the group
differences were resilient to the effects of SES. (See Table 4).
The only mean difference that became nonsignificant by partialing out SES,
was adolescents’ other-group orientation, indicating that for adolescents’ other-group
orientation differences in SES are more important than the group differences in
belonging to Asian Indian or European American groups. The difference between
parents’ other-group orientation (difference = 0.18, p = .004) became significant
36
when SES was covaried out. The mean differences between the groups on
adolescents’ self-esteem and the parenting style “shame” remained nonsignificant.
Table 3: Mean differences between grouns on variables
European Asian Indian
American_______________
M SD M SD
Family Conflict report 3.39 4.75 7.84 12.90 4.29 .000
Shame Parenting style 2.53 0.75 2.61 0.80 1.02 .358
Training Parenting style 3.94 0.64 4.35 0.65 6.00 .000
Authoritative Parenting style 4.77 0.61 5.02 0.52 4.35 .000
Esteem Parenting style 4.12 0.46 4.52 0.43 8.49 .000
Adolescent Ethnic Identity 3.24 0.67 3.98 0.71 10.16 .000
Ad. other group orientation 3.53 0.51 3.67 0.48 2.72 .000
Parent Ethnic Identity 3.50 0.67 4.31 0.45 13.46 .000
Parent other group orientation 3.49 (153 3.42 0.60 -1.18 .239
Grades 3.12 0.64 3.51 0.36 6.38 .000
Self esteem 3.90 0.53 3.97 0.47 1.35 .175
SES 4.60 0.90 5.25 0.76 7.31 .000
37
Table 4: Marginal Mean (with SES partialed out) Comparisons between Groups on
all variables
European
American
Asian Indian
M
Std.
error
M
Std.
error F
E
Family Conflict report 2.43 0.75 8.48 0.74 30.58 .000
Shame Parenting style 2.49 0.06 2.64 0.06 2.95 .09
Training Parenting style 3.87 0.05 4.38 0.05 48.80 .000
Authoritative Parenting
style
4.79 0.05 5.01 0.04 10.87 .001
Adolescent Ethnic Identity 3.24 0.06 3.97 0.05 85.44 .000
Ad. other group orientation 3.57 0.04 3.63 0.04 1.46 .23
Parent Ethnic Identity 3.54 0.05 4.30 0.04 134.86 .000
Parent other group
orientation
3.54 0.04 3.36 0.04 8.43 .004
Grades 3.20 0.04 3.43 0.04 13.76 .000
Self esteem 3.96 0.53 3.90 0.47 1.04 .31
Group Differences: Levels of Grades. Ethnic Identity, and Familv Conflict
The hypothesis that Asian Indian adolescents would report higher grades than
European American adolescents was upheld. Asian Indian adolescents’ had higher
grades (M = 3.51, SD = 0.36) than did the European American adolescents (M =
3.12, ^ = 0.64). The difference was significant (t = 6.38, p<.000) and remained
significant even when SES was covaried out (mean difference = 0.23, p = .000).
38
The hypothesis that Asian Indian adolescents would report higher ethnic
identity than would European American adolescents was also upheld. Asian Indian
adolescents reported higher ethnic identity scores (M = 3.98, ^ = 0.71) than did
European American adolescents (M = 3.24, SD = 0.67). The difference was
significant (t = 10.16, p<.000) and remained significant even when SES was
covaried out (mean difference = = 0.73, p = .000).
Asian Indian parents’ had higher ethnic identity scores (M = 4.31, ^ = 0.45)
compared to European American parents’ mean ethnic identity (M = 3.50, ^
=0.67). The difference was significant (t = 13.46, p<.000), and remained significant
even when SES was covaried out (mean difference = 0.73, p=.000).
The hypothesis that Asian Indian families would report greater family
conflict was upheld. European American families reported mean family conflict of
3.39 (SD = 4.75), whereas Asian Indians mean reported family conflict was 7.84 (SD
= 12.9). The mean difference was significant (t = 4.29, p<.000), and remained
significant even when SES was covaried out (mean difference = 6.05, p = .000).
Group Differences - Effect of Parenting Styles on Grades and Self-Esteem
The structural equation modeling program EQS (Rentier, 2001) was used to
test the path model in Figure 1. Path models (Asher, 1983) were used to examine the
direct and indirect result of the predictors on adolescents’ self-esteem and grades.
Path analysis was used because there were not enough manifest variables to define
each latent variable. Path coefficients deseribe the unique eontributions of the
39
particular predictors on the predicted variables, while all the other variables are held
constant statistically.
The path analyses results did not bear out the hypothesis that the parenting
style “training” would have a greater impact on Asian Indian adolescents’ grades and
self esteem than on European American adolescents’ grades and self esteem. Also,
the hypothesis that authoritative parenting style would be a positive predictor of
European American adolescent outcomes was not confirmed.
Within-Group Differences
However, these analyses did reveal that there are both similarities and
differences in the sources of grades and self esteem between the Asian Indian and
European American groups.
The hypothesis that within each participant group, parents’ ethnic identity,
and other-group orientation, parenting styles, and adolescents’ ethnic identity and
other-group orientation would significantly predict adolescents’ school performance
and self-esteem and that these relations would be mediated by family conflict was
partially upheld.
The hypothesized model yielded an inadequate fit (x^ (34) = 200.31, p=.000,
CEI = .353, RMSEA = .165) in the Asian Indian group. Typically a good fit is
indicated with a non-significant chi-square (or at least a ratio of chi-square to degrees
of freedom lower than 2), in addition to RMSEA lower than . 1, and a comparative fit
index over .9. An examination of the residuals suggested that the following positive
path be added: between adolescent other-group orientation and self-esteem. The
40
examination also revealed that the following paths be removed: between training and
family conflict, between training, shame, and authoritativeness, and self esteem and
grades, between family conflict and self esteem, between adolescent ethnic identity,
and family conflict simultaneously. The resultant fitted model is shown in Figure 2.
Parent other-group orientation was a significant predictor of adolescent other-group
orientation (b = . 14, p<.05), and family conflict (b = -.29, p<.05). Shame parenting
style was a significant predictor of family conflict (b = .14, p<.05). Parent ethnic
identity was a significant predictor of adolescent ethnic identity (b = .18, p<.05), and
family conflict (b = . 16, p<.05). Family conflict was a significant predictor of grades
(b = -.38, p<.05). Adolescent ethnic identity was a significant predictor of self
esteem (b = .23, p<.05). Adolescent other group orientation was a non-significant
positive predictor of family conflict and self-esteem, and training parenting style was
a non-significant positive predictor of grades.
In the European American group, the hypothesized model yielded an
unacceptable fit (34) = 113.26, p=.000, CFI = .581, RMSEA = .112). An
examination of the residuals indicated that the following paths should be removed:
between shame and authoritativeness and family conflict, between training, shame
and authoritativeness, and grades, between shame and authoritativeness and self
esteem, between adolescent ethnic identity, and family conflict, between adolescent
and parent other-group orientation, and grades and self esteem simultaneously. The
revised model fit the data perfectly: ^ (41) = 38.39, p=.59, RMSEA = .00, CFI =
1.00. In the European American group, parent other-group orientation significantly
41
predicted adolescent other-group orientation (b = .50, p<.05), training parenting style
significantly predicted family conflict (b=.15, p<.05), parent other-group orientation
(b=.16, p<.05) and parent ethnic identity (b=.35, p<.05) significantly predicted
adolescent ethnic identity. Family conflict significantly predicted grades (b=-.22,
P<.05). Adolescent ethnic identity significantly predicted self-esteem (b=. 18,
P<.05).
Further, all the data were entered into a two-group model and run
simultaneously with all parameters and covariances constrained for equality. The fit
statistics were inadequate indicating that some of the parameters were in fact
significantly different in the two groups. Specifically the paths leading from parent
other-group orientation to adolescent other-group orientation was significantly larger
in the European American group, and the paths fi*om shame parenting style to family
conflict, and fi*om parent other-group orientation, parent ethnic identity, and
adolescent other-group orientation to family conflict were all significantly larger in
the Asian Indian group. (See Table 5)
42
I
'S
<
I
Î
k
C N
1
§
A
V O
B S
o o
m
1 1 1
m
< N
OO
< o o
( N
oo
*
ë
o
a
'S
B
c /5
w
c / 5
V O
o
V
A
43
I
I!
< B %
1 3 06
T 3 m
Q M
I S
E ^
m
I
p H
m
00
HI
( N
( N
§ ■ g
o o
Û Û
*
■l
Ü
c d
S
t 3
I
C / 3
p q
c /3
m
o
44
Table 5: Parameter Estimates for the Path Models
Predictor Variable Outcome Variable
Standardized Parameter
Estimate in the Two
Groups
Equality of
Path
coefficients
Asian
Indian
European
American
in Ethnic
Groups
Family Conflict Grades -J8* -^2* equal
Training Grades -.12 0 equal
Adolescent Ethnic
Identity Self-Esteem ^3* .18* equal
Adolescent other-
group Orientation Self-Esteem .05 0 equal
Adolescent Other-
Group Orientation Family Conflict -.12 0 unequal
Shame Family Conflict .14* 0 unequal
Parent Ethnic Identity
Parent Other Group
Orientation
Family Conflict
Family Conflict
.16*
^29*
0
0
unequal
unequal
Parent Ethnic Identity Adolescent Ethnic
Identity .18* 35* equal
Parent Other Group
Orientation
Adolescent Other
Group Orientation .14* 30* unequal
Parent Other Group
Orientation
Adolescent Ethnic
Identity 0 .16* equal
Note: Paths with a 0 coefficient indicate those relations that were not estimated for
that group
45
Table 6: Significant Standardized Parameter Estimates and Correlations of Variables
with SES
Variable correlated with SES Asian Indian European
American
Training — -.18*
Parent Ethnic Identity
—
.17*
Parent Other-Group Orientation .41*
—
Variable predicted by SES
Family Conflict -.15* -.21*
Grades .14* .21*
Adolescent Other-Group Orientation .27*
—
* p<.05
The unreported paths were not estimated in the fitted models because they did not
correlate significantly with the variables in the initial analysis.
46
CHAPTER IV
Discussion
Findings from the current study provide evidence that there are many
similarities as well as differences between the levels and sources of family conflict,
academic competence and self esteem between the two ethnic groups.
Group Differences in School Performance
The hypothesis that Asian Indian adolescents’ grades would be significantly
higher than their European American counterparts’ was upheld. This finding
replicates previous research (Yao, 1987) suggesting that Asian minorities in the US
perform better academically than other minorities including European Americans.
Ogbu (1988) has suggested that this is because Asian minorities, unlike their Black,
and Native American counterparts, are a “voluntary minority” and are therefore more
eager to incorporate the mainstream values of education as a means to achieve more
in the host culture. The author’s experience corroborates this theory. Asian Indians
migrate to look for better opportunities for their families. Asian Indians in India
already emphasize the value of education toward socioeconomic improvement.
Indians who choose to migrate, believe that their conscientiousness will be rewarded,
and try to encourage these values in their children as well. Perhaps it is this trend of
wanting to fit in to the mainstream culture that is reflected in the relation between
“other-group orientation” and grades seen in bivariate correlations.
47
Group Differences in Family Conflict
The hypothesis that Asian Indian families would report greater family
conflict than European American families was upheld. In keeping with previous
qualitative data on Indian families (Sethi, 1990; Moideen, 1996), and quantitative
research with other immigrants (Rosenthal, 1984), it has been found that
intergenerational conflict is exacerbated among immigrant families because of the
dual and opposing forces that adolescents perceive in the form of their parents’
traditional values, and their peers more progressive values. The difference in family
conflict between Asian Indians and European Americans remained significant even
when socioeconomic status was partialed out. SES and family conflict were
negatively correlated, and Asian Indians reported higher SES than European
Americans. Therefore, when the effects of SES were partialed out, the difference
between the groups on family conflict increased. This means that as compared with
European American families of the same socioeconomic status as themselves, Asian
Indian families actually have much greater family conflict, than when compared with
European American families of a slightly lower socioeconomic status. Belonging to
the Asian Indian group is more predictive of family conflict than is socioeconomic
status.
Group Differences in Ethnic Identity. Other-Group Orientation and their Correlates
The hypothesis that Asian Indians would be more etlmically identified than
European Americans was upheld. In keeping with virtually all previous findings
(Carlson et al., 2000; Roberts et al., 1999; Phinney & Alipuria, 1990), the European
48
American adolescents and their parents scored significantly lower on ethnic identity
than did Asian Indian parents and their adolescents. Although ethnicity might be
important to European Americans in Southern California, it is perhaps more salient
to Asian Indian immigrants and their adolescent children. Again partialing out SES
had no effect on the mean difference between the groups suggesting that belonging
to the Asian Indian group rather than having a higher socioeconomic status, is
predictive of higher ethnic identity.
In the Indian group, adolescent other-group orientation was positively
correlated with both outcome variables: self-esteem and grades. In the European
American group, other-group orientation was positively correlated with self-esteem
and not with grades. This suggests that Asian Indian adolescents’ feelings about
other groups influences their psychosocial adjustment, but that the corresponding
feelings in the European American majority affects their self esteem, but not their
grades.
The finding that parents’ ethnic identification was positively, though
indirectly associated with their adolescents’ self esteem in the Indian sample
suggests that when parents feel identified with the Indian culture, their children tend
to have a higher psychosocial adjustment as measured by self-esteem. None of the
other outcome variables were related to parents’ ethnic identification in the Asian
Indian subgroup. Amongst the European American sample, adolescents’ academic
competence was positively correlated with parent ethnic identification, but a
predictive link was not established in the model.
49
Many of the findings point to the fact that at least for Indian immigrants and
their children, attitudes toward other groups is a better indicator of family conflict,
and therefore indirectly of grades, than ethnic identification with the Indian culture.
On the other hand, other-group orientation among Indians may be related to higher
levels of acculturation. However, future research needs to examine acculturation
explicitly before this can be regarded as a definitive conclusion.
Differential Effects of Parenting Stvle
The hypothesis that in the Asian Indian group the “training” parenting style
would positively predict outcomes, such as academic competence and self esteem,
and in the European American group, the “authoritativeness” parenting style would
predict positive outcomes was not upheld. The “training” and “shame” parenting
styles contributed directly to family conflict and therefore made an indirect
contribution to adolescent outcomes. In the European American group, “training”
had a positive effect on family conflict, a path that was also positive, but not
significantly so, in the Asian Indian group. The lack of significant difference
between the path coefficients in the two group analysis suggests that “training”
parenting style might be a positive predictor of family conflict in the Asian Indian
group as well, but is not a significant predictor when the Asian Indian data is
analyzed separately. In the Asian Indian group “shame” had a positive effect on
family conflict, significantly different from the European American group. This
could be because the European American parents showed very low variance on
50
“shame” parenting style, and hence may lead to the decrease of significant relations
between “shame” parenting and any other variable in this group.
These findings also suggest that Chao’s (2000) model of parenting styles in
Chinese society may not be generalized to Asian Indian immigrants. The more
Asian Indian parents use a “shame” parenting style, the greater the family conflict
scores. Therefore, the indirect effects of “shame” on academic competence were the
inverse of what Chao’s theory suggests. Certainly Asian Indians are in fact different
fi*om other Asians, and their ideas about parenting may be more similar to European
Americans (note the lack of significant differences between the two groups on the
parenting style “shame” - see Table 2). There are no studies directly examining the
role of “training” and “shame” in Asian Indian parenting. Indeed, even the research
with Chinese families has not been conclusive in establishing whether these
parenting styles are predictive of positive outcomes for Chinese children. For
example, some studies with Chinese samples have found (Chen et al., 1997;
McBride-Chang & Chang, 1998) that “authoritativeness” parenting style is a better
predictor of child outcomes than either “training” or “shame”.
In the current study, during parent interviews, the Asian Indian parents were
uncomfortable with questions concerning the parenting style “shame”. Parents
frequently asked interviewers to repeat the questions, thought very deeply about
them, and some said that they did not like the questions. It appears that the Indian
cultural values do not reflect the Chinese values as suggested by Chao (1994, 2000).
Indeed Zeng’s (1999) study on child gender and temperament perceptions among
51
Chinese parents conflicts with the basic notions in Chao’s research. Zeng (1999)
found, among other things, that higher maternal education was linked to more
maternal warmth and involvement, and that child attention focusing (a positive
outcome) was related to a lower use of maternal punishment, and to greater maternal
warmth and involvement. Children whose fathers demonstrated more involvement
also indicated more attention focusing, while children whose fathers indicated less
respect/confidence showed more emotionality.
Only one of the parenting styles, i.e. training, contributed indirectly to grades
in the European American group. European American parents who employed the
“training” parenting styles had higher family conflict scores than did European
American parents who employ fewer training strategies. The “training” subscale
was made up of items that included parents’ beliefs about “keeping a close watch on
their children’s activities,” necessitating that children “confess and repent” for their
transgressions, and the necessity “to sometimes discipline children harshly.” These
concepts are similar to what more traditional parenting style theorists (e.g.
Baumrind, 1967) might describe as highly controlling and authoritarian practices.
Future research should explicitly explore whether among European American
families “training” issues are in fact perceived to be synonymous with authoritarian
practices.
Unfortunately the Chinese childrearing scale did not yield very high
reliabilities in the present sample. None of the subscale reliabilities were higher than
.76. This would certainly affect the correlations and path coefficients between the
52
parenting style variables and other variables. In addition, it might also be that
authoritativeness had low variance in both groups: in the Indian group, the minimum
score was 3.33, and in the Euro-American, 3 though the possible range was 1 to 6.
Lastly, past research is not conclusive about the effect of parenting styles on the
psychological well being of adolescents. Dombusch et al.’s (1987) study found that
in Asian families authoritativeness did not yield the best child outcomes. Chao
(1999, 2000) elaborated on other parenting issues, namely training and shame, which
might have more of an impact on child outcomes in Chinese families. Chen et al.
(1997) on the other hand provides evidence for the positive effects of
authoritativeness in Chinese families in China.
In the present study, bivariate correlations between parenting style and
demographic variables indicated that as Asian Indians live longer in the U.S., they
use more authoritativeness, and less shame and training in their parenting. A
significant negative correlation was observed between parents’ reported use of
shame as discipline styles and mothers’ length of stay in the US (r=-.16, p=.03)
suggesting that as mothers live longer in the US, their parenting styles change i.e.
shame is an inappropriate method of parenting. Also parents’ other-group
orientation was negatively related to shame (r=-.25, p<.01) and training (r=-.16,
P<.05) as discipline techniques. This suggests that parents who feel more positively
toward other ethnic groups are less likely to use shame and training parenting styles,
than parents who feel less positively toward other ethnic groups suggesting that
53
shame and training are linked with values of other ethnicities versus an intrinsic
Indian value.
It might appear strange that both authoritativeness and training are used
significantly more in the Asian Indian sample than in the European American
sample. Perhaps Asian Indians, by virtue of the fact that they are in new
surroundings, think more actively about their parenting, and the effect it will have on
their children.
Indeed the interviews with parents revealed that they were often struggling
with issues of child rearing. Asian Indian parents were aware and worried about the
fact that their children viewed them as stricter than other American parents. Many
stated they were trying to incorporate the ideas of equality and democratic parenting
found in the US. But at the same time, they often had doubts about some of the
questions in the parenting style measure such as “I treat my child as an equal”. One
parent eloquently put it “No, I am her mother, not her equal”.
Many Asian Indian parents were intrigued by the question about the issue of
“challenging children with demanding activities” and whether that causes children
stress. One mother commented that this is really true, and that she knew of many
Indians who put too much pressure on their children and that she did not think this
was right. The data shows that Indian parents overall felt more strongly that
challenging children stresses them too much. However many other Indian parents
scoffed at the notion that demanding activities stress children out. One parent
54
remarked “Children rise to your expectations, and you should have high expectations
that they can live up to.”
Path Model
The hypothesis that adolescent other-group orientation, adolescent ethnic
identity, and family conflict would be direct predictors of academic competence and
self-esteem, and parent other-group orientation, parent ethnic identity, and training,
shame and authoritativeness would be indirect predictors was only partially upheld.
Direct predictors of academic competence.
Family conflict was an equally significant negative predictor of academic
competence in both groups. This finding replicates previous research (e.g. Moideen,
1996; Carlson et al., 1999) showing that family variables account for adolescent
school performance.
In the Asian Indian group, parent other-group orientation was a negative
predictor of family conflict. This was not true of the European American group.
This finding suggests that among immigrant groups, parents’ positive attitudes
towards other groups in the society makes for more harmonious relations with their
second generation adolescent children. Previous research has indicated that
immigrant families experience much intergenerational conflict (Ramisetty-Mikler,
1993; Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Parents’ positive “orientation toward other
groups” might reflect a greater acceptance of the host culture’s values among
immigrant adults, and therefore predict less conflict with their adolescent children.
This is a non-issue among European American families.
55
Phinney (1992) suggested that attitude toward other groups are not a part of
ethnic identity, but that other-group orientation does interact with ethnic identity,
particularly for minority individuals. Studies with many immigrant groups support
the theory that integration leads to the best psychosocial outcomes for minority
individuals (Ghuman, 1997; Krishnan & Berry, 1992; Phinney, Chavira, &
Williamson, 1992). In the present research, acculturation was not explicitly
measured, but it is possible that high other-group orientation is related to higher
acculturation, which in turn is related to higher academic achievement. However,
future research should explicitly study the relation between acculturation and
academic achievement among Asian Indian adolescents to examine this possibility.
Further, if other-group orientation is a proxy for acculturation among
minority and immigrant groups, it is difficult to conceptualize its meaning among
European Americans. While there has been some theoretical discussion about how
majority or host cultures are affected by immigrant and minority cultures (Berry,
1990), acculturation measures, concepts, and theories have dealt only with the
influence of the host culture on the minority culture. In a study like the present
research, it is therefore an issue of some concern whether the concept ‘other-group
orientation’ means the same thing in the two ethnic groups being compared. This
issue of emic versus etic (Triandis, 2000) has long concerned cross cultural
researchers. Unfortunately, there is no easy solution to the problem, but it is
important to acknowledge and keep in mind that the problem does exist, and
therefore the findings should be interpreted with some caution.
56
Among the Asian Indian group, parent ethnic identity was also a significant
positive predictor of family conflict, indicating that parents who are more ethnically
identified engage in more conflicted relationships with their adolescent children.
The qualitative research among Indian families (Sethi, 1990; Segal, 1992) indicates
that the reason for this may be the intrinsic differences parents perceive between
being Indian, and the cultural demands of the American society where they are
raising their children. Parents who feel more strongly about being Indian are likely
to be more unbending about their values and hence experience greater
intergenerational conflict with their adolescents, than Indian parents who feel less
strongly about their Indianness.
Direct predictors of self-esteem.
Ethnic identity significantly predicted adolescent self-esteem in both groups.
This finding is similar to previous research (Roberts et al., 1999; Phinney &
Alipuria, 1990). As observed by Roberts et al. (1999), the relation between ethnic
identity and self-esteem was significant, but relatively modest. As expected, ethnic
identity is only one of the factors that contribute to self-esteem. The finding that
ethnic identity positively predicted self esteem in the European American group may
be because the sample was drawn from metropolitan areas with a highly diverse
ethnic mix in the population. Arguably, the reason that European Americans are
thinking about their ethnic identity is because in large urban areas like Los Angeles,
they are surrounded by other ethnic groups. In line with this conjecture is the finding
that in the European American group, adolescent other-group orientation was
57
significantly and positively correlated with adolescent ethnic identity. This may
suggest that those adolescents who are thinking more about their own ethnicity are
also thinking about the ethnicity of others around them: that ethnicity has acquired a
salience in their lives. Also in further support of this notion, is the finding that in the
European American group, parent other-group orientation was a significant predictor
of adolescent ethnic identity.
In the Asian Indian group, adolescent other-group orientation was a
significant positive predictor of self-esteem. This finding supports Phinney and
Devich-Navarro’s (1997), and Phinney, Cantu and Kurtz’ (1997) research and
suggests (as discussed above) that among immigrant adolescents, a positive attitude
toward natal and host culture (biculturalism, or integration) predicts more positive
psychosocial outcomes.
Demographic Variables
As expected, higher socioeconomic status was predictive of positive
outcomes in both groups: less conflict, higher academic competence; and a positive
trend toward higher self-esteem in the European American group. The groups were
significantly different in the amount of education the parents had received. Mothers
and fathers in the Asian Indian sample were more highly educated, and fathers held
better jobs than did parents in the European American sample. This may be an
artifact of the self-selection bias in the Asian Indian sample. Mostly Asian migration
to the US is a selective process, meaning that those individuals who choose to
58
migrate are those who are likely to be better educated and more motivated to educate
themselves and consequently to succeed.
Conclusion
The present study contributes to our understanding of parenting practices and
ethnic identification and their relation to self esteem and academic competence of
Asian Indian adolescents. It also contributes to an understanding of comparisons
between immigrant and European American families. However, there were several
limitations that may have affected the results. The results are based on self report
data that might be subject to participant bias, and that need not necessarily mirror
actual behavior but at best only perceptions, and philosophies. In addition, it is
important to note that the sample was drawn mainly from urban areas, and may not
be easily generalized to immigrants or European Americans living in rural US areas.
However it is representative of the urban immigrant groups. Another issue that may
have impacted the findings of this study is whether Asian Indians are a homogenous
group in terms of culture, which is what this study assumes. Phinney & Landin
(1998) point out that more cross-cultural research has been focused on between-
group, rather than within group designs, but that there isn’t much evidence indicating
that many of these groups are as homogenous as the studies assume. Future research
examining differences between different Indian regional and religious groups is
warranted.
The purpose of the study was to examine the immigrant experience among
Asian Indian families. Therefore these data cannot be used to draw conclusions
59
about Indians in general. The fact that all the Asian Indians were immigrants might
have incorporated a selection bias into the sample. Those Asian Indians who choose
to migrate to the US are all similar in that they are capable and willing to move to a
different part of the world in search for greater opportunities for their families. They
are also on average more educated, and of a higher socioeconomic status than their
counterparts in India. It is advisable to evaluate the parenting style results in the
study with caution because the parenting practices of Asian Indian immigrants may
not be representative of Indians in general. That was not a purpose of this study.
Lastly the reliability of the parenting style scale was somewhat low, and the
findings based on this measure need to be interpreted with caution. Perhaps the
parenting scale could be modified for use with different ethnic groups.
This research provides basis for further investigation into the relations
between parenting style, ethnic identity, family conflict and psychosocial outcomes
for adolescents. For example, it would be interesting to find out how these results
compare with an Indian sample in India. It would also be interesting to measure
acculturation explicitly to examine its effects on the outcomes in this model. An
examination of the parenting styles issue in the Asian Indian context is warranted.
This study demonstrates that parenting styles may be differentially conceptualized in
different ethnic groups, and therefore it would be interesting to examine the Asian
Indian perspective on parenting styles
The study also suggests that there are indeed differences between Asian
Indian and European American adolescents and their families. Counseling
60
psychologists who work with immigrant communities should find these differences,
particularly the data relating family conflict with ethnic identity and parenting style
variables, very interesting and useful. Further research concentrated on more clinical
aspects of the immigrant community will yield greater insight into the family
dynamics of Asian Indian immigrants.
61
References
Almeida, R. (1996). Hindu, Christian and Muslim families. In M.
McGoldrick, J. Giordano, & J. Pearce (Eds.). Ethnicity and Family Therapy. New
York, NY: The Guilford Press.
Asher, H. B. (1983). Causal Modeling. Newbury Park, CA: Sage
Publications.
Aunola, K., Stattin, H., & Nurmi, J. E. (2000). Parenting styles and
adolescents’ achievement strategies. Journal of Adolescence, 23 (21 205-222.
Bachman, J. (19701 Youth in Transition: The Impact of Family Background
and Intelligence on Tenth-Grade Bovs (Vol.21 Ann Arbor, MI: Survey Research
Center Institute for Social Research.
Baumrind, D. (1967). Child care practices anteceding three patterns of
preschool behavior. Genetic Psychology Monographs, 75, 43-88.
Bentler, P.M. (2001). EQS 6 Structural Equations Modeling Program
Manual. Encino, CA: Multivariate Software.
Berry, J. W. (1990). Psychology of acculturation. In J. Berman (Ed.)
Nebraska Symposium on Motivation: Vol 37. Cross-Cultural Perspectives (pp.201-
234). Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press.
Berry, J. W., & Kim, U. (1988). Acculturation and Mental Health. In P.
Dassen, J.W. Berry and N. Sartorius (Eds.), Health and cross-cultural psychology:
Towards Applications, pp. 207-238. London: Sage Publications.
62
Berry, J. W., Kim, U., Power, S., Yoimg, M., & Bujaki, M. (1989).
Acculturation attitudes in plural societies. Applied Psychology: An International
Review. 38. 185-206.
Bond, M., & Hwang, K. (1986). The social psychology of Chinese people. In
M.H. Bond (Ed.), The psychology of the Chinese people (pp.213-264). Hong Kong:
Oxford University Press.
Bouvier, L.F., & Agresta, A.J. (1985). The fastest growing minority.
American Demographics. 7. 31-33.
Bradley, R. H., & Corwyn, R. F. (2000). Moderating effect of perceived
amount of family conflict on the relation between home environmental processes and
the well-being of adolescents. Journal of Family Psychology. 14. 349-364.
Buchignani, N., Indra, D., & Srivastava, R. (1985). Continuous Journey: A
Social History of South Asians in Canada. Toronto, Canada: McLelland & Stewart.
Buri, J. R. (1989). Self-esteem and appraisals of parental behavior. Journal
of Adolescent Research. 4, 33-49.
Carlson, C., Uppal, S., & Prosser, E. (2000). Ethnic differences in processes
contributing to the self-esteem of early adolescent girls. Journal of Early
Adolescence. 20. 44-67.
Carson, D. K., Chowdhury, A., Perry, C.K., Pati, C. (1999). Family
characteristics and adolescent competence in India: Investigations of youth in
Southern Orissa. Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 28. 211-233.
63
Chao, R. (1994). Beyond parental control and authoritarian parenting style:
Understanding Chinese parenting through the cultural notion of training. Child
Development. 65. 1111-1119.
Chao, R. K. (2000). Cultural explanations for the role of parenting in the
school success of Asian-American children. In R. Taylor (Ed.). Resilience Across
Contexts: Family. Work. Culture and Community. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates:
Manwah, NJ.
Chen, X., Dong, Q., & Zhou, H. (1997). Authoritative and authoritarian
parenting practices and social and school performance in Chinese children.
International Journal of Behavioral Development. 21. 855-873.
Coopersmith, S. (1967). The antecedents of self-esteem. San Francisco, CA:
W. H. Freeman and Company.
Crandall, R. (1973). The measurement of self-esteem and related constructs.
In J.P. Robinson & P.R.Shaver (Eds.), Measures of Social Psychological Attitudes
(rev.ed.) Ann Arbor, MI: Institute for Social research.
Cuellar, I., Arnold, B., & Maldonado, R. (1995). Acculturation Rating Scale
for Mexican Americans - II: A revision of the original ARSMA scale. Hispanic
Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 17. 275-304.
Dombusch, S., Ritter, P., Leiderman, P., Roberts, D., & Fraleigh, M. (1987).
The relation of parenting style to adolescent school performance. Child
Development. 58. 1244-1257.
Erikson, E. (1968). Identity. Youth and Crisis. New York, NY: Norton.
64
Felix-Ortiz, M., Newcomb, M., & Myers, H. (1994). A multidimensional
measure of cultural identity for Latino and Latina adolescents. Hispanic Journal of
Behavioral Sciences. 16. 99-116
Ghuman, P. A. S. (1997). Assimilation or integration? A study of Asian
adolescents. Educational Research. 39(1). 23-35.
Go, C. G. (1999). The relationship of acculturation, parent and peer relations
to delinquency and depression: An exploratory study of adaptation among Southeast
Asian youth. Unpublished Dissertation.
Harter, S. (1980). A model of intrinsic mastery motivation in children:
Individual differences and developmental change. In W.A. Collins (Ed.) Minnesota
Symposium on Child Psvchologv (Vol. 141. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Herz, L., & Gullone, E. (1999). The relationship between self-esteem and
parenting style: A cross-cultural comparison of Australian and Vietnamese-
Australian adolescents. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psvchologv. 30. 742-761.
Hill, J. P., & Holmbeck, G. N. (1985). Familial Adaptations to pubertal
change: The role of conflict. Paper presented at the biennial meeting of the Society
for Research in Child Development, Toronto.
Hines, P., Garcia-Preto, N., McGoldrick, M., Almeida, R., & Weltman, S.
(1992). Intergenerational relationships across cultures. Families in Society. 73. 323-
338.
65
Hoelter, J. W., & Harper, L. (1987). Structural and interpersonal family
influences on adolescent self-conception. Journal of Marriage and the Family. 49.
129-139.
Hollingshead, A. S. (1975). Four factor index of social class. Unpublished
manuscript. Yale University.
James, W. (1890). The Principles of Psvchologv. New York, NY: Holt.
Kaplan, H., & Pokomy, A. (1969). Self-derogation and psychosocial
adjustment. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease. 149. 421-434.
Keefe (1992). Ethnic Identity: The domain of perceptions of and attachment
to ethnic groups and cultures. Human Organizations. 51. 35-43.
Kibria, N. (2000). Race, ethnic options and ethnic binds: Identity negotiations
of second-generation Chinese and Korean Americans. Sociological Perspectives. 43.
77-95.
Kim, K. (1999). Parental warmth, control, and involvement in schooling in
relation to Korean American adolescents’ academic achievement. Unpublished
dissertation.
Kim, U., & Chun, M. (1994). Educational “success” of Asian Americans: An
indigenous perspective. Journal of Applied Development. 15. 329-339.
Krishnan, A., & Berry, J.W. (1992). Acculturative stress and acculturation
attitudes among Indian immigrants in the I Inited States. Psvchologv and Developing
Societies. 4. 187-212.
66
Kurian, G. (1986). Intergenerational integration with special reference to
Indian families. Indian Journal of Social Work. 47. 39-49.
Kurian, G., & Ghosh, R. (1983). Child rearing in transition in Indian
immigrant families in Canada. In G. Kurian & Srivastava (Eds.), Overseas Indians:
A studv in adaptation (pp. 128-140). New Delhi, India: Vikas.
LaFromboise, T., Coleman, H., & Gerton, J. (1993). Psychological impact of
biculturalism: Evidence and theory. Psychological Bulletin. 114. 395-412.
Landrine, H., & Klonoff, E. (1994). The African American Acculturation
Scale: Development, reliability, and validity. Journal of Black Psvchologv. 20. 104-
127.
Lau, A (1998). Acculturation. Intergenerational Conflict and Self-Esteem in
Chinese Immigrant Women. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, California School of
Professional Psychology, Los Angeles.
Lieber, E., Fung, H., Leung, P., & Leung, K. W. (1997). Chinese child-
rearing beliefs scale. Paper presented at the second conference of the Asian
Association of Social Psychology, Kyoto, Japan.
Luck, P., & Heiss, J. (1972). Social determinants of self-esteem in adult
males. Sociology and Social Research. 16. 33-47.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for
cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review. 98. 224-253.
67
Marsh, H., Parker, J., & Smith, I. (1983). Preadolescent self-concept: Its
relation to self-concept as inferred by teachers and to academic ability. British
Journal of Educational Psychology. 53, 60-78.
McBride-Chang, C., & Chang, L. (1998). Adolescent-parent relations in
Hong Kong; Parenting styles, emotional autonomy, and school achievement. Journal
of Genetic Psychology, 159, 421-436.
Mehta, S. (1998). Relationship between acculturation and mental health for
Asian Indian immigrants in the United States. Genetic, Social and General
Psychology Monographs, 124, 61-78.
Miller, J. G., & Bersoff, D. M. (1992). Culture and moral judgment. How are
conflicts between justice and interpersonal responsibilities resolved? Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 62, 541-554.
Minde, K., & Minde, R. (1976). Children of immigrants: The adjustment of
Ugandan Asian primary-school children in Canada. Canadian Psychiatric
Association Journal, 21, 371-381.
Moideen, Y. (1996). Family functioning and acculturation in Asian Indian
families. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. De Paul University, Chicago.
Montemayor, R. (1982). The relationship between parent-adolescent conflict
and the amount of time adolescents spend alone with parents and peers. Child
Development, 53, 1512-1519.
68
Mullatti, L. (1995). Families in India: Beliefs and realities. Journal of
Comparative Family Studies. Special Issue: Families in Asia: Beliefs and Realities,
26(1), 11-25.
Ogbu, J. U. (1988). Cultural diversity and human development. New Directions
for Child Development, 42,11-28.
Patel, N., Power, T., & Bhavnagri, N. (1996). Socialization values and
practices of Indian immigrant parents: Correlates of modernity and acculturation.
Child Development, 67, 302-313.
Phinney, J. (1989). Stages of ethnic identity development in minority group
adolescents. Journal of Early Adolescence. 9, 34-49.
Phinney, J. (1990). Ethnic identity in adolescents and adults: A review of
research. Psychological Bulletin, 108, 499-514.
Phinney, J. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for
use with adolescents and youth adults from diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent
Research, 7, 156-176.
Phinney, J. (1996). When we talk about American ethnic groups, what do we
mean? American Psychologist, 51, 918-927.
Phinney, J. S., & Alipuria, L. L. (1990). Ethnic identity in college students
from four ethnic groups. Journal of Adolescence, 13, 171-183.
Phinney, J. S., Cantu, C. L*, & Kurtz, D. A. (1997). Etluiic and American
Identity as a Predictors of Self-Esteem Among African American, Latino, and White
Adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 26, 165-185.
69
Phinney, J. S., & Chavira, V. (1992). Ethnic identity and self-esteem: An
exploratory longitudinal study. Journal of Adolescence. 15, 271-281.
Phinney, J. S., Chavira, V., & Williamson, L. (1992). Acculturation attitudes
and self-esteem among high school and college students. Youth and Society, 23.
299-312.
Phinney, J. S., & Devich-Navarro, M., (1997). Variations in bicultural
identification among African-American and Mexican-American adolescents. Journal
of Research on Adolescence, 7, 3-32.
Phinney, J. S., & Landin, J. (1998). Research paradigms for studying ethnic
minority families within and across groups. In V. McLoyd & L. Steinberg (Eds.)
Studying Minority Adolescents: Conceptual, Methodological and Theoretical Issues.
Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Earlbaum Associates.
Phinney, J. S., Romero, I., Nava, M., & Huang, D. (In Press). The role of
language, parents and peers in ethnic identity among adolescents in immigrant
families. Journal of Youth and Adolescence.
Prinz, R. J., Foster, S., Kent, R. N., & O’Leary, K. D. (1970). Multivariate
assessment of conflict in distressed and non-distressed mother-adolescent dyads. .
Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis. 12, 691-700.
Ramisetty-Mikler, S. (1993). Asian Indian immigrants in America:
Sociocultural issues in counseling. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and
Development, 21, 36-49.
70
Roberts, R. E., Phinney, J. S., Masse, L. C., Chen, Y R., Roberts, C. R.,
Romero, A. (1999). The structure of ethnic identity of young adolescents from
diverse ethnocultural groups. Journal of Earlv Adolescence. 19. 301-322.
Rosenberg, M. (1979). Conceiving the self. New York, NY: Basic Books.
Rosenthal, D. A. (1984). Intergenerational conflict and culture: A study of
immigrant and non-immigrant adolescents and their parents. Genetic Psvchologv
Monographs. 109. 53-75.
Rosenthal, D. A., & Cichello, A. (1986). The meeting of two cultures: Ethnic
identity and psychological adjustment of Italian-Australian adolescents.
International Journal of Psychology, 21, 487-501.
Rousseau, C., Drapeau, A., & Corin, E. (1997). The influence of culture and
context on the pre- and post-migration experience of school aged refugees from
Central America and Southeast Asia in Canada. Social Science and Medicine, 44,
1115-1127.
Segal, U. (1992). Cultural variables in Asian Indian families. Families in
Society. 72, 233-241.
Sethi R. (1990) Intercultural communication and adaptation among first
generation Asian Indian immigrants. Paper presented at Conference on
Individualism and Collectivism, Korean Psychological Association, Seoul, Korea, 9-
13 July 1990.
Shah, P.M. (1982). The health care of working children. Paper presented at
the Fourth International Congress on Child Abuse and Neglect, Paris.
71
Siddique, C. (1977). Structural separation and family change: An exploratory
study of the immigrant Indian and Pakistani community of Saskatoon, Canada.
International Review of Modem Sociology. January-June. 13-34.
Smetana (1988). Concepts of self and social convention: Adolescents’ and
parents’ reasoning about hypothetical and actual family conflicts. In M.R. Cunnar
and W.A. Collins (Eds.), 21^ Minnesota Symposium on Child Psvchologv:
Development during the transition to adolescence (pp. 79-122). Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.
Smetana, J.G. (1989). Adolescents and parents’ reasoning about actual family
conflict. Child Development, 60, 1052-1067.
Smetana, J. G. (1995). Parenting styles and conceptions of parental authority
during adolescence. Child Development. 66. 299-316.
Spencer, M., Swanson, D., & Cunningham, M. (1991). Ethnicity, ethnic
identity, and competence formation: Adolescent transition and cultural
transformation. Journal of Negro Education. 60. 366-387.
Steinberg, L., & Hill, J. (1978). Patterns of family interaction as a function
of age, the onset of puberty and formal thinking. Developmental Psvchologv. 14.
683-684.
Stevenson, H.W., & Lee, S.Y. (1990). Contexts of achievement. Monographs
of the Society for Research in Child Development. 55. (1-2, Serial No. 221).
72
Stewart, S. M., Bong, M.H., Zaman, R. M., McBride-Chang, C., Rao, N., Ho,
L. M., & Fielding, R. (1999). Functional parenting in Pakistan. International
Journal of Behavioral Development. 23. 747-770.
Subramaniam, S. (1998). Contextualization and mental health among second-
generation Asian Indian-Americans. Unpublished dissertation.
Sue, D. W. (1981). Counseling the culturally different. New York: John
Wiley.
Sue, S., & Abe, J. (1988). Predictors of academic achievement among Asian-
American and White students (Report No. 88-11). College Board Report.
Suzuki, B. (1988). Asian-Americans in higher education: Impact of changing
demographics and other social forces. Paper presented at the meeting of the National
Symposium on the Changing Demographics of Higher Education, New York.
Szapocznik, J. & Kurtines, W. (1980). Acculturation, biculturalism, and
adjustment among Cuban Americans. In A. M. Padilla (Ed.), Acculturation: Theory,
models, and some new findings. Boulder, CO: Westview.
Szapocznik, J., Kurtines, W., & Fernandez, T. (1980). Bicultural
involvement and adjustment in Hispanic-American youths. International Journal of
Intercultural Relations. 4, 353-365.
Thomas, T. N. (1995). Acculturative stress in the adjustment of immigrant
families. Special issue; A psychological view of mental illness. Journal of Social
Distress and the Homeless. 41. 131-142.
73
Triandis, H. C. (2000). Cross cultural versus cultural psychology: A
synthesis. In A. Comunian, & U. Gielen (Eds.). International Perspectives on
Human Development p p . 81-95. Lengerich, Germany: Pabst Science Publishers.
Wakil, S., Siddique, C., & Wakil, F. (1981). Between two cultures: A study
in the socialization of children of immigrants. Journal of Marriage and the Family.
43, 929-940.
Watkins, D. & Gutierrez, M. (1990). Causal relationships among self-
concept, attributions and achievement in Filipino students. Journal of Social
Psvchologv. 130. 625-631.
Watkins, D., & Dong, Q. (1994). Assessing the self-esteem of Chinese school
children. Educational Psvchologv. 14. 129-137.
Watkins, D., Akande, A, & Mpofu, E. (1996). Assessing self-esteem: An
African perspective. Personality and Individual Differences. 20. 163-169.
Yao, E. L. (1987). Asian-immigrant students - Unique problems that hamper
learning. NASSP Bulletin. 71. 82-88.
Yau, J. & Smetana, J (1996). Adolescent-parent conflict among Chinese
adolescents in Hong Kong. Child Development. 67. 1262-1275.
Zeng, Q. (1999). An exploratory study of child temperament and parenting:
A Chinese perspective. Unpublished dissertation.
74
Appendix A
Multi group Ethnic Identity Measure (Phinney. 1992f
Directions: In this country people come from a lot of different cultures and there are
different words to describe the different backgrounds or ethnic groups that people come
from. Some examples of the names of ethnic groups are Mexican-American, Hispanic,
Black, Asian-American, American Indian, Anglo-American, and White. Every person
is bom into an ethnic group, or sometimes two groups, but people differ on how
important their ethnicity is to them, how they feel about it, and how much their
behavior is affected by it. These questions are about your ethnicity or your ethnic group
and how you feel about it or react to it.
Please fill in:
In terms of ethnic group, I consider myself to be • _____________
Use the numbers given below to indicate how much you agree or disagree with each
statement
5. Strongly agree 4. Somewhat agree 3. Neutral 2. Somewhat disagree 1. Strongly
disagree
Ethnic Identity Achievement^
I have spent time trying find out more about my own ethnic group, such as its history,
traditions, and customs.
I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me.
I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership.
I am not very clear about the role of my ethnicity in my life. (Reverse)
I really have not spent much time trying to learn more about the culture and history of
my ethnic group. (Reverse)
I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me, in terms of
how to relate to my own group and other groups.
In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often talked to other people
about my ethnic group.
Affirmation and Belonging^
I am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to.
I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group.
I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group and its accomplishments.
I feel a strong sense of attachment towards my own ethnic group.
I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background.
Ethnic Behaviors^
I am active in organizations or social groups that include mostly members of my own
ethnic group.
75
I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food, music or
customs.
Other group orientation^
I like meeting and getting to know people from ethnic groups other than my own.
I sometimes feel it would be better if different ethnic groups didn’ t try to mix together.
(Reverse)
I often spend time with people from ethnic groups other than my own.
I don’ t try to become fnends with people from other ethnic groups. (Reverse)
I am involved in activities with people from other ethnic groups.
I enjoy being around people from ethnic groups other than my own.
76
Appendix B
Child rearing beliefs and values (Lieber. Fung. Leung. & Leung. 1997) ^
Directions:
Using the rating scale below, please circle the number that indicated how much you
agree or disagree with each statement.
Strongly Slightly Slightly Strongly
Disagree Disagree Disagree Agree Agree Agree
1 2 3 4 5 6
Authoritativeness^
Children should be encouraged to fiilly express their opinions and feelings even if
they disagree with their parents.
A child should be encouraged and assisted to openly express and articulate a full
range of emotions.
Parents should try to give a child reasons for the things he/she is asked to do.
When you punish you child, it is important to let him/her know that you separate
his/her behavior from his/her person.
It is important for my child to know that no matter what they do, I love him/her
unconditionally.
Sometimes parents must adjust to children rather than the children always adjusting
to the parents.
Children have their own way of understanding things.
I look for opportunities to praise my child.
Even when a child dislikes a rule, parents should show respect for his/her feelings
and ideas.
Parents who spend more time playing and doing things with their children have
children who are more apt to listen to them.
As much as reasonable I treat my child as an equal.
Shame^
Parents should always avoid making their children feel ashamed. (Reverse)
Making a child feel ashamed of his/her behavior helps him/her learn to behave.
Sometimes the only way to get children to listen is to make them feel afraid.
Shaming children damages their self-esteem (Reverse)
Shaming is not an effective way of correcting a child’s behavior. (Reverse)
Children should be made to feel ashamed when they disobey rules.
Shaming in a playful and teasing manner shows your intimate relationship with your
child.
If a child misbehaves in public, his/her parents should feel ashamed of themselves.
Training^
Parents should take every opportunity to correct a child’s misbehavior.
77
Parents are fully responsible for their children’s misbehavior.
When my child transgresses it is necessary to have him/her confess and repent.
Parents must begin training their child as soon as he/she is ready.
For his/her ovm good, it is sometimes necessary to discipline my child harshly
Mothers should be expected to do everything for their children’s education and to
make many sacrifices.
Keeping a close watch on your child’s activities lets him/her know that your care
about him/her.
When a child misbehaves in public parents should correct him/her immediately, even
in front of other people.
A good child is a child who is obedient.
In order for a child to learn, parents should continuously monitor and correct his/her
behavior.
Parents must train their child to work very hard and to be disciplined.
Children should often be reminded of the rules of appropriate conduct.
Children should be expected to obey their parents’ orders without an explanation
78
Appendix C
Self-Description Questionnaire (Marsh. Parker & Smith, 1983)^
This is a chance to look at yourself. It is not a test. There are no right
answers and everyone will have different answers. Be sure that your answers show
how you feel about yourself.
Use the numbers given below to indicate how much each statement is true or false
about you.
5. True 4. Mostly True 3. Sometimes true, sometimes false 2. Mostly False 1.
False
Phvsical^
I am good looking.
I like the way I look.
I have a pleasant looking face.
I am a nice looking person.
I am ugly. (Reverse)
Other kids think I am good looking.
I have a good looking body.
Tm better looking than most of my friends.
I have nice features e.g. nose, eyes & hair.
I can run fast.
Social"
I have lots of friends.
I make friends easily.
Most kids have more friends than I do. (Reverse)
I get along with other kids easily
I am easy to like.
I have more friends than most other kids.
I am popular with kids of my own age.
Most other kids like me.
Other kids want me to be their friend.
Overall"
I do lots of important things.
Overall, I am no good. (Reverse)
In general I like being the way I am.
Overall I have a lot to be proud of.
I hate myself. (Reverse)
Overall I am good at things I like to do.
79
Appendix D
Issues Checklist (Prinz. 1970)"
Below is a list of things that sometimes get talked about at home. We would like
you to look carefully at each topic on the left-hand side of the page and decide
whether the two of you together have talked about that topic at all during the last two
weeks. If you have not discussed it enter 0. If you have discussed it enter the
number of times you have discussed it in the past two weeks. Also enter how hot the
discussions were according to the following scale.
1. calm 2. a little angry 3. somewhat angry 4. mostly angry 5. very angry
1. Telephone calls
2. Time for going to bed
3. Cleaning up bedroom.
4. Doing homework
5. Putting away clothes
6. Using the television
7. Cleanliness (washing, showers, brushing teeth)
8. Which clothes to wear
9. How neat clothing looks
10. Making too much noise at home
11. Table manners
12. Fighting with brothers or sisters
13. Cursing
14. How money is spent
15. Picking books or movies
16. Allowance
17. Going places without parents (shopping, movies, etc)
18. Playing stereo or radio too loudly
19. Turning off lights in the house
20. Drugs
21. Taking care of records, games, toys and things
22. Drinking beer or other liquor
23. Buying records, games, toys and things
24. Going on dates
25. Who should be friends
26. Selecting new clothing
27. Sex
28. Coming home on time
29. Getting to school on time
30. Getting low grades in school
31. Getting in trouble a school
32. Lying
80
33. Helping out around the house
34. Talking back to parents
35. Getting up in the morning
36. Bothering parents when they want to be left alone
37. Bothering teenager when he/she wants to be left alone
38. Putting feet on the furniture
39. Messing up the house
40. What time to have meals
41. How to spend free time
42. Smoking
43. Earning money away from the house
44. What teenager eats
a. In administering the measures, the titles and are not included, and the item orders
are scrambled.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Effects of parenting style and ethnic identity on European American and Asian Indian adolescents' academic competence and self esteem

PDF

Ethnic identity in Parsee teenagers

PDF

An experimental study of the effect of aikido training on the self-concept of adolescents with behavioral problems

PDF

Factors that effect the changes in degree aspirations of African American and Latino community college students

PDF

Bulimia nervosa: A response to trauma associated with parental alcoholism and sexual abuse in college sorority women

PDF

The effect of cooperative and individualistic goal structures on the preferences and attribution of field-dependent and field-independent students

PDF

The role of perceptions of parental behavior, cultural values conflict and ethnic identity on Mexican American identity development

PDF

Women's autobiography and national identity: Natalia Ginzburg, Anna Banti and Renata Vigano

PDF

I'm not much different: Occupation, identity, and spinal cord injury in America

PDF

Outside the Whale: Reading the American Political Novel in the Age of Reagan

PDF

SEC's enforcement actions and its effectiveness in an efficient market

PDF

William Lawes: His life and works

PDF

A structural and psychoanalytic analysis of the symbolic ritual process in three sets of Russian folk tales

PDF

Psychologists' perceptions of older clients: The effect of age, gender, knowledge, and experience

PDF

An investigation Piaget's theory of cognitive development as a basis for the assessment of reading disability of Afro-American junior high school students and for developing remedial curricula

PDF

The sociolinguistics of tagging and Chicano gang graffiti

PDF

Reaffirmation and transformation of gender in popular film: A feminist approach to mythic rhetoric

PDF

Fate in the novels of Zola and Couperus; a comparison with the Greek concept of fate

PDF

Life goals of retirement home residents and applicants in selected organizational climates

PDF

An experimental analysis of source credibility and message discrepancy under differential levels of ego-involvement in political television commercials

Asset Metadata

Creator Bhadha, Bakhtawar Rayomand (author)

Core Title Effects of parenting style and ethnic identity on European American and Asian Indian adolescents' academic competence and self esteem

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Education,OAI-PMH Harvest,Social Sciences

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c37-40861

Unique identifier UC11632759

Identifier DP71315.pdf (filename),usctheses-c37-40861 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier DP71315.pdf

Dmrecord 40861

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Bhadha, Bakhtawar Rayomand

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA