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The Cambodian American college experience: intergenerational transmission of trauma, intergenerational conflict, and multiple worlds and identities

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The Cambodian American college experience: intergenerational transmission of trauma, intergenerational conflict, and multiple worlds and identities

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Content Running head: TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS

THE CAMBODIAN AMERICAN COLLEGE EXPERIENCE: INTERGENERATIONAL
TRANSMISSION OF TRAUMA, INTERGENERATIONAL CONFLICT, AND
MULTIPLE WORLDS AND IDENTITIES

by

Monida Hean

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2020

Copyright 2020 Monida Hean

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DEDICATION
To my loving parents.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The completion of this dissertation and doctoral program marks a significant moment in
my life. It has been an incredible journey, and one for which I am very proud and grateful. I
would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the people who made this achievement
possible for me.
First and foremost, I would like to thank my family for their unconditional love. To my
mother, thank you for your sacrifices. I recognize and appreciate your immense contribution to
my life and success, and I owe everything that I have to you. To my late father, thank you for
teaching me kindness, compassion, and love. You are my inspiration and I hope that I make you
proud. To my wonderful sister, thank you for being my biggest cheerleader. You have been
rooting for me since day one and I am very fortunate to have had you there for me through it all.
To my life partner and best friend, thank you for being my rock and giving me strength when I
needed it most.
I would also like to thank my cohort for making this experience so meaningful. I am
privileged to have been surrounded and supported by such an intelligent and caring group of
individuals. To my friends, thank you for being there and encouraging me every step of the way.
My work family, thank you for supporting my goals. Your energy is contagious and your
ambition and determination motivates me to do better every day.
Next, I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my dissertation chair, Dr. Tracy
Tambascia. Thank you for your guidance, support, and kindness throughout this entire process.
To my committee members, Dr. Ruth Chung and Dr. Simon Kim, I would like to express my
appreciation for your expert advice. Dr. Chung, you were instrumental in the completion of my
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dissertation. Dr. Kim, you believed in me and pushed me to my highest potential, and for that I
thank you.
I would also like to send a heartfelt thank you to the Cambodian community and each and
every person who has graciously helped me throughout this dissertation process. Your generosity
is much appreciated. And lastly, I would like to express my most sincere gratitude to the
individuals that participated in this study. Thank you very much for sharing your life experiences
with me. I am honored and grateful to have heard your stories.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ iii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ vii
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ viii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study ...............................................................................................1
Statement of the Problem .....................................................................................................3
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................4
Research Questions ..................................................................................................5
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................5
Limitations ...........................................................................................................................6
Delimitations ........................................................................................................................6
Assumptions .........................................................................................................................7
Definitions............................................................................................................................7
Conclusion ...........................................................................................................................8

Chapter Two: Literature Review .....................................................................................................9
Historical Context of Cambodians in the United States ......................................................9
The Cambodian Genocide......................................................................................10
U.S. Refugee Policies ............................................................................................11
Cambodian Refugee Migration to the United States .............................................12
Intergenerational Transmission of Trauma ........................................................................15
Parents’ Unresolved Trauma..................................................................................15
Intergenerational Communication about Trauma ..................................................17
Parent-Child Conflict .............................................................................................17
Child Trauma and Coping ......................................................................................19
Racial and Ethnic Identity Development ...........................................................................20
External Influences ................................................................................................21
Ethnic Identity Exploration ....................................................................................22
Cambodian American Identity ...............................................................................22
Gang Associations .................................................................................................23
Ethnic Identity Associations ..................................................................................24
Parents and Families’ Influences on Educational Outcomes .............................................25
Parental Influence and Expectations ......................................................................26
Cambodian Parents’ Perspective on Education .....................................................26
Cambodian Parental Involvement ..........................................................................27
Societal Expectations of Parents ............................................................................28
Balancing Family and Academic Responsibilities ................................................28
Academic Implications ..........................................................................................29
Cambodian American Experiences in College ......................................................30
Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................................32
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Social Capital Model..............................................................................................33
Community Cultural Wealth Model ......................................................................35

Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................38
Research Questions ............................................................................................................38
Research Methodology ......................................................................................................39
Site Selection .....................................................................................................................39
Population and Sample ......................................................................................................40
Recruitment ............................................................................................................41
Instrumentation ..................................................................................................................41
Data Collection ..................................................................................................................42
Data Analysis .........................................................................................................44
Validity ..................................................................................................................44
Role of the Researcher .......................................................................................................45

Chapter Four: Presentation of Data and Findings ..........................................................................47
Research Questions ............................................................................................................47
Participants .........................................................................................................................47
Themes ...............................................................................................................................49
Parents’ Destructive Behavior ...............................................................................49
Parental Absence ....................................................................................................53
Survivor’s Guilt .....................................................................................................59
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................63

Chapter Five: Summary, Discussion, Conclusions, Implications ..................................................65
Findings..............................................................................................................................65
How Do Cambodian American Students Perceive Intergenerational
Transmission of Trauma and Intergenerational Conflict in Shaping their
Experiences in College? .........................................................................................66
How Do Family Trauma and Conflict Influence Their Identity? ..........................67
The Role of Social Capital and Community Cultural Wealth ...........................................68
Recommendations for Practice ..........................................................................................69
Implications for Practice ....................................................................................................72
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................73
References ......................................................................................................................................74
Appendix A: Recruitment E-Mail ..................................................................................................85
Appendix B: Screening Survey ......................................................................................................86
Appendix C: Individual Interview Protocol ...................................................................................88
Appendix D: Focus Group Interview Protocol ..............................................................................90
Appendix E: Information Sheet for Exempt Research ..................................................................92

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Participant Profiles...........................................................................................................48

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ABSTRACT
Cambodian Americans are underrepresented in higher education and degree attainment.
This qualitative study examined issues affecting persistence and retention among Cambodian
American students in college, and how intergenerational transmission of trauma,
intergenerational conflict, and multiple worlds and identities may shape their college
experiences. Interviews and a focus group were conducted with current college students and
recent college graduates from various universities in California.
Participants in this study reported that intergenerational transmission of trauma and
conflict have shaped their overall college experience. The combination of trauma, conflict,
family dynamics, and pressure all contributed to high levels of stress for this group of students.
In addition, the study found that family trauma and conflict initially influenced the identity of
young Cambodian Americans. However, when this group of students entered college and gained
more exposure to the historical background of Cambodia, their perspective on their ethnic and
cultural identity shifted. As young adults in college, Cambodian Americans better understood the
impact of family trauma on their identity.

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CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Between 1975 and 1979, Cambodia was under the Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge regime
(Schlund-Vials, 2012). Over the course of nearly four years, approximately 1.7 million
Cambodians (one quarter of the population) died from torture, starvation, execution, and diseases
(Schlund-Vials, 2012). Following the Khmer Rouge, Cambodia was in a state of political and
economic instability. Survivors of the genocide fled to neighboring countries, and some
eventually immigrated to the United States.
In the 1970s, approximately 150,000 Cambodians refugees settled in the U.S. (Lin &
Suyemoto, 2016). Although these refugees escaped the killing fields, they did not escape the pain
and trauma of the genocide. Posttraumatic stress disorder, dissociation, and depression rates were
high among these survivors (Carlson & Rodder-Hogan, 1991). In addition to mental health
related issues, Cambodian refugees faced challenges related unresolved trauma (Blair, 2000;
Carlson & Rodder-Hogan, 1991; Hinton, Field, Nickerson, Bryant, & Simon, 2013; Kinzie,
Fredrickson, Ben, Fleck, & Karls, 1984; Nicholson & Walters, 1998; Strober, 1994), poverty
(Chung & Kagawa-Singer, 1993; Quintiliani, 2014; Southeast Asia Resource Action Center
[SEARAC], 2011), linguistic (Chung & Kagawa-Singer, 1993), and cultural (Muruthi & Lewis,
2017).
Through intergenerational transmission of trauma, anxiety and distress channeled from
Cambodian genocide survivors to their American-born children (Letzter-Pouw, Shrira, Ben-Ezra,
& Palgi, 2014; Yehuda, Halligan, & Grossman, 2001). While children of these refugees were
indirectly affected by the Cambodian genocide, they could not understand the full extent of their
parents’ trauma and experiences. Cambodian refugees suffered silently (Lin, Suyemoto, & Kiang
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(2009), and faced difficulties adjusting to their new lives in the U.S. Consequently, some
Cambodian refugees became dependent on their children (Muruthi & Lewis, 2017).
Cambodian American youths have academic responsibilities in addition to their familial
responsibilities. Without having received proper education of their own, many Cambodian
American parents were unable to provide adequate educational support and guidance to their
children (Chhuon, Hudley, Brenner, & Marcias, 2010; Wallitt, 2008). These refugee parents
believed in destiny and accepted that their children’s academic abilities were fixed. Accordingly,
many Cambodian American parents were not involved in their children’s education (Blakely,
1983; García Coll et al., 2002; Morrow, 1989; Tang & Kao, 2012). Moreover, these parents
expected that their children prioritize familial obligations above all else, including their
education (Morrow, 1989).
Despite their unique situation, Cambodian Americans are still tied to the model minority
label. Model minority is a myth that classifies Asian Americans as academically and
economically high achieving, as compared to other minority groups (Ng, Lee, & Pak, 2007).
While the American society hold Asian Americans as the model minority, there are no
distinction in historical differences between the various Asian American ethnic groups. For
example, Cambodians came to the U.S. as refugees (Blair, 2000; Carlson & Rodder-Hogan,
1991; Hinton et al., 2013; Kinzie et al., 1984; Nicholson & Walters, 1998; Strober, 1994). Yet,
they are held to the same standards as other Asian American groups that immigrated to the U.S.
under different circumstances. As such, Cambodian American youths are faced with the pressure
of societal expectations.
Children of Cambodian refugees often struggle academically (Tang & Kao, 2012), but do
not receive adequate attention (Museus & Kiang, 2009). The myth of the model minority
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conceals many challenges of this Asian American subgroup. For example, Cambodian American
students in high school have difficulties with basic grammar and writing (Tang & Kao, 2012),
and 84% were not prepared for college-level English (Her, 2014). In 2015, only 30% of
Cambodian American students enrolled in postsecondary education (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.).
Cambodian American students who did make it to college felt that their academic preparation
were not comparable to those of their peers, and were at a disadvantage (Chhuon & Hudley,
2008).
Cambodian American students struggle with their parents’ unresolved trauma, familial
and academic expectations, which has implications on their outlook on life, including their
interest in attending college. Various theoretical and conceptual frameworks have been used to
study the experiences of Cambodian American students. However, few studies have looked at
this problem through the theoretical lens of Coleman’s (1988) and Stanton-Salazar’s (2011)
model of social capital and Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth.
Social capital explains the consequences of missing resources, as in this case –
educational support within the family. Simultaneously, social capital model draws attention to
the importance of valued resources, such as institutional agents, in furthering the academic
achievements of minoritized youths. Community cultural wealth supports social capital in
highlighting valued resources as the route to success for disadvantaged students. Together, the
two models provide a theoretical framework that enables a comprehensive view in understanding
the college experiences of Cambodian American students.
Statement of the Problem
Cambodian Americans are underrepresented in higher education and higher education
attainment. For example, 49% of Chinese, 62% of Taiwanese, and an overall 41% of Asians
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enrolled in college in 2015 (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.). That same year, only 30% of Cambodian
American students enrolled in college (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.). Accordingly, while 27% of
Chinese, 33% of Taiwanese, and an overall 30% of Asian Americans graduated with a college
degree in 2015, only 14% of Cambodian Americans graduated from college that year (U.S.
Census Bureau, n.d.). To ensure equity and equality among students in education, the
achievement gap needs to be addressed.
Currently, there is limited research on this topic. Many studies on Cambodian American
students have focused on the experiences of this population in high school, specifically as it
pertains to behaviors such as gang involvements and alcohol and drug abuse. The few studies
that focused on their experiences in postsecondary education do not explore their experiences as
a result of parents’ unresolved trauma. Collectively, current studies portray a narrow
understanding of the educational issues of Cambodian American students.
Further research is needed to unveil the underlying issues of persistence and retention
among Cambodian American students in college. While there is significant research on
intergenerational conflict, there is little on this topic as it relates to the Cambodian refugee
population. Exploring the parent-child relationship of this group is imperative because
unresolved trauma from the Cambodian genocide has had a damaging impact on Cambodian
American students’ multiple worlds and identities and educational outcomes. This gap in
literature needs to be filled.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this exploratory study was to understand the experiences of Cambodian
American students from the perspective of intergenerational transmission of trauma,
intergenerational conflict, and multiple worlds and identities. This study examined the ways in
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which children of Cambodian refugees maneuver through obstacles while pursuing college
education. Results of this study contributed to the limited research on unresolved trauma of being
a refugee on Cambodian American students’ identities and educational outcomes in
postsecondary education.
Research Questions
The following research questions guided the study:
1. What are the experiences of Cambodian American students in college?
a. How do Cambodian American students perceive intergenerational transmission of
trauma and intergenerational conflict in shaping their experiences in college?
b. How do family trauma and conflict influence their identity?
Significance of the Study
This study seeks to provide a better understanding of the educational challenges of
Cambodian American students in college. Specifically, this study aimed to learn how Cambodian
American students undertake and push through their obstacles and succeed. Furthermore, the
study was intended to bring awareness to the intergenerational trauma and uniqueness of
experiences on educational aspirations and outcomes of these students. The goal was to generate
discussion within the education community in order to provide necessary and applicable support
for Cambodian American students.
This research showed that Cambodian American students are a unique Asian American
subgroup, and therefore, cannot be grouped under the broad category of Asian Americans.
For higher education administrators, this study is useful in providing insights into the educational
struggles of this group of minoritized of students. Results from this study identified areas in
which institutions can improve upon in order to better serve this student population. Thus,
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institutional leaders can use this study’s findings as a foundation to form and implement social
and academic support services to increase student success for Cambodian American students.
In addition to its contribution to the work of higher education administrators, this study
contributed to the limited information for policy makers to make informed decisions related to
support for this community. This study added to the existing literature on educational issues of
Cambodian American students, making the problem more visible. The educational problems
related to Cambodian Americans have been overlooked for decades. Results from this study
provided more evidence to decision makers to take actions and confidently make changes to
create a positive educational experience for Cambodian American students.
Limitations
The participants in this study were limited to students whose parents are survivors of the
Cambodian genocide. Participants were highly aware of their cultural background and sense of
belonging through their involvement in the Cambodian student organization on-campus or
community organizations, and therefore their cultural identity prevailed as a result. The
participants were not representative of the population because the study sample is small, utilized
a snowball sampling technique, and was limited to students from a number of institutions in
California. Therefore, study findings cannot be generalized to the overall Cambodian American
student population.
Delimitations
This study did not include all offspring of Cambodian genocide survivors. To capture an
effect of intergenerational conflict on educational outcomes of American-born children, the
population was bounded to second-generation Cambodian Americans who were currently
enrolled in college or have recently graduated from their undergraduate studies (within five years
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of graduation). Due to generational differences in experience, this study intentionally excluded
first- and third generation Cambodian Americans.
Assumptions
It is the researcher’s assumption that Cambodian American students exhibited some
levels of intergenerational trauma passed down through their parents, and that intergenerational
conflict exists, creating multiple worlds and identities in college. Therefore, if the community
and institutional agents understand the struggles experienced by this group of students, efforts
can be made to improve their educational experiences and outcomes.
Definitions
The following terms will be used throughout the dissertation:
Intergenerational conflict: Disagreements about differences in values and lifestyle
between two generations (i.e. parents and child; Lee & Liu, 2001).
Intergenerational transmission of trauma: Anxiety, distresses, and emotion about a
traumatic event shown through frightening parental behaviors that is passed down from parents
to child (Letzter-Pouw et al., 2014).
Khmer: A term that refers to the official language of Cambodia or the people of
Cambodia.
Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD): A mental health problem that is triggered by
experiencing or witnessing a traumatic event (Yehuda et al., 2001).
Refugee: A person who is forced to leave their country to escape war, genocide, or
danger.
Second-generation Cambodian American: American-born children of Cambodian-born
parents.
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Unresolved trauma: Untreated/ongoing anxiety and distress that occur as a result of a
traumatic event.
Conclusion
There is not enough research on Cambodian American students, and additional research
is needed to understand the educational experiences of this group of students. As institutes of
higher education move towards closing the achievement gap of minority students and enable an
equity mindset, it is important that the educational struggles of Cambodian American students
are addressed. The next chapter will focus on the literature review for the study.

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
There are countless studies on students’ college experiences and there is research on
intergenerational transmission of trauma of refugees. Yet, there are very few studies that focus
on the college experiences of Cambodian American students, as shaped by unresolved parental
trauma from the Cambodian genocide. This chapter reviews historical context of the Cambodian
genocide, refugee policies and immigration, and acculturation. In addition, this literature review
explores research on intergenerational transmission of trauma, racial and ethnic identity
development, and parents and families’ impact on educational outcomes. This chapter concludes
with an overview of the theoretical framework and its application to the study.
Historical Context of Cambodians in the United States
In 1954, Cambodia gained its independence from France and declared a neutral stance on
foreign policy (Bitar, 1999). To ensure the continued independence of Cambodia, Prince
Norodom Sihanouk did not want to involve the country in the conflict between North and South
Vietnam (Bitar, 1999). Nonetheless, Cambodia was forced into the Vietnam War and became
collateral damage. The U.S. provided Cambodia with a great deal of aid in an attempt to
influence its foreign policy views. Despite the incentives, however, Cambodia eventually cut ties
with the U.S. and permitted North Vietnam to maintain its military bases in the country (Form,
2009). Convinced that the North Vietnamese were transporting troops and supplies through
Cambodia into South Vietnam, the Nixon administration secretly organized and bombed the Ho
Chi Minh Trail to destroy the supply line (Form, 2009). The carpet-bomb released half a million
tons of explosives on Cambodia, and took the lives of 600,000 Cambodians (Form, 2009).

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The Cambodian Genocide
The Cambodian Genocide, also known as Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge regime, occurred
between 1975 and 1979 (Schlund-Vials, 2012). The damage of the Vietnam War caused Pol Pot
to eliminate all Western influences. The Khmer Rouge regime sought to build an agrarian
society. To further its mission, the regime systematically conducted a large-scale transfer to
evacuate Cambodians from cities to labor camps in the countryside (Walque, 2005).
Consequently, citizens were stripped of their personal belongings and private property. In
addition, religion, education, currency, and the use of family names were prohibited (Schlund-
Vials, 2012).
Consumed with the anti-Western stance, the Khmer Rouge wanted to turn Cambodia
back to its pre-revolutionary days and reverse societal progress (Schlund-Vials, 2012). The
regime began its campaign with an elimination of all potential threats, which included
Cambodians with an urban or educated background (Walque, 2005). Teachers, judges, doctors,
performing artists, and other educated or professional citizens were targeted and executed
(Schlund-Vials, 2012). By the end of the regime, three-quarters of teachers had died or escaped
the country, nine judges remained, only 48 out of 550 doctors survived, and 90% of dancers and
musicians were dead (Schlund-Vials, 2012). To prevent outside influences, the Khmer Rouge
forced remaining Cambodian expatriates, Cambodian Muslims, and Cambodian Vietnamese to
leave the country. Moreover, the Khmer Rouge closed schools, destroyed libraries, and burned
books. (Schlund-Vials, 2012). The regime referred to this period as “year zero” (Schlund-Vials,
2012).
The Khmer Rouge emphasized extreme labor, thus, anyone unable to work, such as the
sick, the weak, and the elderly were of little use to them and were ultimately killed (Schlund-
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Vials, 2012). Moreover, the regime instituted a number of practices to develop this new society.
For example, the word “sleep” was replaced by “rest” to allude its commitment to labor
(Schlund-Vials, 2012). Life under the Khmer Rouge was torture. Anyone who did not abide by
their rules were executed (Schlund-Vials, 2012).
The Cambodian Genocide lasted three years, eight months, and twenty days (Schlund-
Vials, 2012). Over the course of this period, the Khmer Rouge tortured, executed, starved,
overworked, and allowed diseases to spread and eventually took the lives of approximately 1.7
million Cambodians, which was roughly 25% of the country’s population (Schlund-Vials, 2012).
By the end of the regime, very few educated individuals remained; only nine judges and forty-
five doctors were left (Schlund-Vials, 2012). After the genocide, the country was left with
political uncertainty, no infrastructure, food shortages, and lack of medicine. As a result, 510,000
Cambodians fled to Thailand, while 100,000 Cambodians went to Vietnam (Schlund-Vials,
2012).
U.S. Refugee Policies
Prior to 1960, the U.S. was focused on refugee admission. Resettlement policy was not
part of the national debate, as admitted refugees were required to restart and adjust to their new
lives on their own (Zucker, 1983). Federal funds were not used to assist refugees with
resettlement. When Fidel Castro became the leader of Cuba, however, the U.S. received an
influx of Cuban refugees (Zucker, 1983). To response to the emergency, the U.S. used private
funds from voluntary agencies, but soon learned that it was insufficient in managing the large
number of refugees (Zucker, 1983). In the late 1960’s, the U.S. established its first refugee
assistance program with federal funds to assist Cuban refugees with resettlement (Zucker, 1983).
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Following the end of the Vietnam War, the U.S. responded with a program that mirrored
that of the Cubans: the Indochinese Refugee Assistance Program (IRAP) (Zucker, 1983). IRAP
provided temporary relief and settlement for this group of Asian refugees. The refugee assistance
programs for the Cubans and Indochinese were successful, but supporting refugees became a big
undertaking for the U.S., especially with the refugee situation in Southeast Asia (Zucker, 1983).
By the time Cambodian refugees entered the U.S., IRAP had been terminated and replaced by
the Refugee Act of 1980.
Cambodian Refugee Migration to the United States
There were two waves of Cambodian refugees that resettled in the United States
(Needham & Quintiliani, 2007). The first wave of Cambodian refugees came to the U.S. when
the Khmer Rouge began taking control of Cambodia in 1975 (Needham & Quintiliani, 2007).
This group of refugees was small, with approximately 2,000 Cambodians (Needham &
Quintiliani, 2007). Some of the first wave refugees consisted of students and professionals from
Cambodia, while others were Cambodian students, business people, and military and embassy
personnel from other parts of the world who did not have a country to return to (Needham &
Quintiliani, 2007).
Through the congressional passage of the 1980 Refugee Act, Cambodians who sought
temporary refuge in Thailand and Vietnam were permitted to enter the U.S. and seek asylum
(Schlund-Vials, 2012). Between 1980 and 1985, the second wave of Cambodian refugees
immigrated to the U.S., and this time there were nearly 150,000 Cambodians (Schlund-Vials,
2012). Unlike the first wave of Cambodian refugees, the second wave of Cambodian refugees
consisted of Cambodians from the rural areas, many of whom did not have a formal education
(Needham & Quintiliani, 2007).
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Today, the U.S. is home to the largest Cambodian population outside of Southeast Asia,
with more than 237,000 Cambodians living in the country (Schlund-Vials, 2012).
Language and literacy. Among Southeast Asian refugees in the mid-1990’s,
Cambodians had the lowest level of English literacy (Chung & Kagawa-Singer, 1993). For
example, only 28% of Cambodians reported fair to good English literacy, which is far below
those of the Vietnamese and Lao, with 70% and 49% (Chung & Kagawa-Singer, 1993).
Language barriers interfere with the process of adjustment and resettlement. It was presumed that
learning English would lessen the distress. Chung and Kagawa-Singer (1993) found that for
Cambodian refugees, however, attendance of ESL courses were linked to depression and anxiety.
One explanation provided for this phenomenon was that Cambodian refugees suffered memory
and concentration problems as a result of trauma experiences from the genocide (Chung &
Kagawa-Singer, 1993). As such, they were unable to comprehend materials learned in ESL
courses, which increased distress.
Psychological distress and acculturation. Nicholson and Walters (1998) found that
Cambodians refugees who suffered severe trauma from the genocide had higher acculturative
stress, as compared to those with who suffered less trauma. Of the sample that Nicholson and
Walters (1998) studied, 50% reported that they had at least one family member separated from
them or killed during the regime. Under the Khmer Rouge, Cambodians were concerned with
basic survival needs, such as obtaining food and water and staying alive (Nicholson & Walters,
1998). They had very little time to process deaths and illnesses of family members. As a result,
Cambodian refugees experienced delayed trauma and grief after immigrating to the United
States, which made acculturation more stressful.
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While some Cambodians endured the genocide in their homeland of Cambodia, others
lived in concentration camps with their families in neighboring countries. The conditions of the
concentration camps were not much better, but for families that lived in those camps, Blair
(2000) found less association to PTSD and depression. Having family members together during
that period buffered the effects of trauma and subsequent psychological distress. Those who
experienced and lost family members to the genocide, on the other hand, had increased risks of
developing mental disorders, as trauma of losing family accentuated vulnerability (Blair, 2000).
Strober (1994) found that Cambodian refugees acculturated at a slower pace than other
refugee groups, and suggested that their struggles stemmed from psychological distress.
Consistent with Nicholson and Walters (1998) and Blair (2000), Strober (1994) acknowledged
that Cambodians experienced severe trauma and losses from the genocide. However, instead of
solely focusing on pre-immigration experiences, Strober (1994) placed part of the blame on post-
immigration experiences. For example, Cambodians did not have a pre-existing community in
the U.S. and did not have the social support needed to reduce discomfort with unfamiliarity,
leading to difficulties acculturating to American culture (Muruthi & Lewis, 2017; Strober, 1994).
In addition, Cambodians are Buddhist and believe that life is predetermined by actions in a
previous life (Strober, 1994). As a religion, Buddhism stresses the importance of acceptance of
one’s own fate and suffering, and encourages honorable behavior to ensure good karma.
Consequently, some Cambodian refugees accepted their inability to adjust and suffered silently
(Strober, 1994).
Poverty and welfare. Due to the effects of trauma and acculturated stress, 79% of
Cambodian refugees were consequently dependent on welfare (Chung & Kagawa-Singer, 1993).
With the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996, however, Cambodians
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15
refugees lost crucial economic resources (Quintiliani, 2014). As a result, many Cambodians were
not able to attain social mobility and had one of the highest poverty rates among all Asian
groups. The rate of Cambodians living in poverty is 22%, while those of other Asian groups such
as Vietnamese, Lao, and overall Asian population are 15%, 16%, and 12%, respectively
(SEARAC, 2011).
Historical events of Cambodia (i.e., wars and the genocide) left damaging effects on its
people. Furthermore, immigration and resettlement conditions added distress to Cambodians in
the U.S. The combination of unresolved trauma and acculturative stress have significant impacts
on the lives of Cambodian parents, as well as their American-born and American-raised children.
The next section details the effects of intergenerational transmission of trauma.
Intergenerational Transmission of Trauma
A number of studies found that trauma channels through generations. However, there are
limited studies on the effects of intergenerational transmission of trauma from the Cambodian
genocide on Cambodian Americans. This section will review the research on parents’ unresolved
trauma, intergenerational communication about trauma, parent-child relationship, and child
trauma and coping. These studies will provide a greater understanding of the effects of trauma on
this population.
Parents’ Unresolved Trauma
The Cambodian Genocide killed between one to three million Cambodians (Kinzie et al.,
1984) and left 28% of the remaining population with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Jong
et al., 2001). The survivors witnessed brutality perpetrated by its own people (Kinzie et al.,
1984). Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge Regime executed people in front of their families, killed others
through starvation, evacuated cities and forced its people into labor camps, where families were
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16
separated (Kinzie et al., 1984). The cruelty of this regime has lasting effects on the people of
Cambodia, even after their departure from the country.
Carlson and Rodder-Hogan (1991) found that Cambodian refugees have severe trauma
and psychiatric symptoms. Even four to six years after their immigration to the United States,
Cambodian refugees still had high levels of depression, anxiety, dissociation, and PTSD
symptoms that were comparable to war veterans. Moreover, Kinzie et al. (1984) found notable
indicators of unresolved trauma. One indicator was the avoidance of any discussions related to
Khmer Rouge. Cambodian refugees minimized their experiences and showed little to no sign of
emotion when asked about the events of the genocide. Although many of them avoided the topic,
another indicator was that all of them reported disturbing thoughts and frequent nightmares about
deaths of family members, occurring anywhere from nightly to weekly. Hinton et al. (2013)
learned that nightmares of Cambodian refugees were of relatives who died during the Khmer
Rouge, 32 years ago. This bereavement process is similar to those of the Vietnam War veterans
who still have high levels of complicated grief symptoms, 30 years after the war.
In the Cambodian culture, dreams of the deceased reflect their spiritual status, often
regarding rebirth (Hinton et al., 2013). In some instances, dreams about the deceased are taken as
a dangerous sign. The Cambodian culture is very different from those of Americans, where
nightmares of the deceased are viewed as disturbing but not dangerous. As an outcome of their
cultural beliefs, Cambodian refugees were found to be easily startled (Boehnlein, 1987; Kinzie et
al., 1984), struggled with sleep disorders (Boehnlein, 1987; Hinton, Pich, Chhean, Pollack, &
Mcnally, 2005; Kinzie et al., 1984), and suffered from memory and concentration problems
(Boehnlein, 1987; Chung & Kagawa-Singer, 1993; Kinzie et al., 1984). Disinterest and
detachment from family life became a byproduct of the unresolved trauma.
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Intergenerational Communication about Trauma
Cambodian people believe that the genocide stemmed from disgraceful events in a
previous life, and they view the pain and suffering as a repayment of their debt (Kinzie et al.,
1984). Cambodians are shameful that they brought such torment to their nation and therefore are
unable to speak of their Khmer Rouge experiences. In addition to guilt, Lin et al. (2009) found
that silence was perpetuated by the refugee communities and families. Washington (2016)
learned that Cambodian refugees do not believe that the younger generations (i.e., children and
grandchildren) want to hear about their experiences. The need to communicate in English makes
it especially difficult for the older generations to transmit information and share their stories.
Lin et al. (2009) suggested that intergenerational relationships and psychosocial
development are improved when history of war and trauma is discussed across generations.
Nonetheless, intergenerational communication about trauma is rarely spontaneous (Lin et al.,
2009). It requires intentional communication, and a willingness from both parties (i.e., younger
and older generations) to learn and share about previous traumatic experiences. Lin et al. (2009)
found that when younger generations seek details about trauma from their parents, information
was provided in pieces. Cambodian refugees often provided their offspring with limited windows
of opportunities to discuss matters related to the genocide. When the window of opportunity
closes, discussions are over. As such, children of these refugees had to seek supplemental
sources, often from community members, schools, or the media. Knowledge gathered from such
inquiries, however, are often insufficient and inconsistent.
Parent-Child Conflict
When Cambodian refugees settled in the U.S., they had to adapt to mainstream society
while simultaneously retaining cultural aspects of their ethnic community, a process Gonzales
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George, Fernandez, and Huerta, (2005) referred to as dual cultural adaptation. For many of the
refugees, dual cultural adaptation was difficult. Muruthi and Lewis (2017) found that Cambodian
refugees experienced immigration related stressors such as a change in family structure, change
of socioeconomic status, and limited language abilities. These stressors prevented this group of
refugees from fully assimilating to the American culture. As a result, they became dependent on
their children and developed feelings of isolation and decreased sense of self-efficacy.
The challenges in acculturating to their new environment created a gap between
Cambodian refugees and their children. Published literature suggests there are incompatibilities
in cultural values between Cambodian parents and their American-born or American-raised
children (Choi, He, & Harachi,, 2008; Dinh, Weinstein, Tein, & Roosa, 2013; Gonzales et al.,
2005; Lee & Liu, 2001; Lee, Choe, Kim, & Ngo, 2000). Cambodian American youth incorporate
both their Cambodian and American cultures (Dinh et al., 2013), something that their parents
struggle to do. Cambodian American children who identified more with their American identity
experienced larger acculturation gaps with their parents, as compared to those who identified
more with their Cambodian identity. As a result, the cultural imbalance between parent and child
produced hierarchical communication patterns, which increase the likelihood of family conflict
(Lee et al., 2000). Highly acculturated children who perceive their parents to be less acculturated
reported more conflict and disagreements with their parents (Choi et al., 2008; Lee et al., 2000).
Child neglect. In 2003, Cambodians had the highest number of child maltreatment cases
reported to the Los Angeles County Department of Child and Family Services, with neglect
being the most common type (Chang, Rhee, & Berthold, 2008). Different cultural values and
gaps in acculturation tend to lead to conflicts and disagreements (Dinh et al., 2013), which
heighten the risk of maltreatment (Chang et al., 2008). Chang et al. (2008) found that when
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19
neglect was carried out by mothers, it was mainly due to depression or PTSD. Moreover, role
reversal is common in Cambodian families (Field, Muong, & Sochanvimean, 2013). Due to their
parents’ limited English-speaking abilities, Cambodian American children often act as translators
when in contact with people of a different ethnic background (Chang et al., 2008). As such,
Chang et al. (2008) suggested that the risk for maltreatment could be caused by the unstable
parent-child dynamic.
Child Trauma and Coping
Holocaust salience has considerable impact on children and subsequently grandchildren
of the survivors. Letzter-Pouw et al. (2014) found that the transmission of parental burden,
enacted through the mother, father, or grandparents, caused secondary traumatization in children.
As a consequent of parents’ PTSD, adult offspring of Holocaust survivors exhibit strikingly high
levels of childhood trauma, specifically emotional neglect and abuse (Yehuda et al., 2001). The
effects of childhood neglect and abuse on family relationships is especially apparent in college-
age individuals. For example, Asian American students in college reported the highest rate of
family conflict when compared to other immigrant groups, such as Hispanics and European
Americans (Lee & Liu, 2001). Yet, Kalibatseva, Leong, Ham, Lannert, and Chen (2017) found
that they seek the least amount of mental health services as compared to other groups of students
and received the least amount of treatment for depression. The generational status (i.e., first- and
second-generation) and different levels of acculturation between parent and child of Asian
American immigrant families make Asian Americans more susceptible to intergenerational
conflict (Kalibatseva et al., 2017).
Ying and Han (2007) suggested that psychological distress caused by intergenerational
family conflict produces depressive symptoms in children as early as late adolescence. In
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20
college, Asian American students use two types of coping strategies: direct and indirect coping.
Direct coping strategies refer to the active management of one’s thoughts and feelings, while
indirect coping strategies refer to thought suppression (Lee & Liu, 2001). Asian American
students, along with other groups of students, utilize indirect coping strategies to deter thoughts
of family disagreements. Lee and Liu (2001) found that such suppression of one’s own feelings,
however, led to anxious, neurotic, worried, depressed, and obsessive compulsive behaviors.
Child trauma is critical and families play a large role in determining the ways in which children
cope with stress (Gonzales et al., 2005).
Unresolved trauma made it difficult for Cambodian refugee survivors to acculturate to the
American lifestyle, and this created an acculturation gap between Cambodian parents and their
American born children. Consequently, the differences in cultural values and lifestyles caused
parent-child conflict, which in turn have had significant impacts on the identity of Cambodian
American children. The next section discusses details of racial and ethnic identity development
and association, as it pertains to Cambodian American youths.
Racial and Ethnic Identity Development
Racial and ethnic identity development is a multidimensional and complex process, by
which individuals form a sense of self through external forces (Chan, 2017b; Johnston-Guerrero
& Pizzolato, 2016; Yeh & Huang, 1996). External forces include personal experiences and
relationships, cultural factors, and the environment (Chan, 2017-a; Hunt, Moloney, & Evans,
2011; Kawaguchi, 2003; Lizardo & Collett, 2013; Tse, 2000; Yeh & Huang, 1996). Chan
(2017a) found that Asian American youth typically become aware of their racial identity through
peer interactions in academic settings. These interactions often take the form of racial jokes and
phrases that imply certain academic expectations (i.e., model minority) that trigger Asian
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21
American youth to become conscious of their racial identity. Depending upon their environment,
Asian American youths can form feelings of relatedness to those of the same race or experience a
disconnect due to racial isolation (Chan, 2017a).
External Influences
Race and ethnicity awareness occur through unique interactions in different environments
and with different types of people (Chan, 2017a). Of significant importance to race and ethnic
awareness and identification is geographic location. Yeh and Huang (1996) learned that
geographic location influenced ethnic identity development for 64% of Asian Americans in their
study. The place in which an individual is located can limit or expand options for identity
expression (Chan, 2017a; Yeh & Huang, 1996). For example, youth who live in racially isolated
communities often develop the identity of the dominant racial group (Chan, 2017a). In a study on
the effects of ethnic identity formation, Tse (2000) learned that Asian American youth in her
study grew up wanting to be accepted into the White community. As such, they neglected their
ethnic background and self-identified as just “Americans.” The demographic makeup of their
environment consequently fostered negative associations to their racial and ethnic identity.
Some Asian American parents believe that English is superior to their heritage language
and discourage learning of native languages (Tse, 2000). Accordingly, their discouragement
produced feelings of shame and embarrassment in their children about their ethnic language.
Asian American youth rejected from the dominant, White culture felt isolated and uncomfortable
in their social contexts (Tse, 2000). Asian American youths consequently associated rejection
with their ethnic culture and heritage language (Chan, 2017a; Tse, 2000). Since the desire to seek
approval and confirmation from the dominant culture is geographically driven, once Asian
Americans relocate to a different social setting, their sense of identity tends to change (Chan,
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22
2017a). For example, Kawaguchi (2003) found that Asian American students were likely to
change perceptions of their racial and ethnic identity upon entering college. A diverse college
environment enabled Asian American students to experience positive interactions with those of
their own racial and ethnic backgrounds and curtailed previously held negative perceptions
(Chan, 2017a; Lizardo & Collett, 2013). These experiences allowed students to appreciate their
own culture and relieved them of any pressure related to fitting in to the dominant group.
Ethnic Identity Exploration
In a study on the development of ethnic identity in Asian American adolescents, Ying
and Lee (1999) suggested that more than half of Asian Americans undertook a process of ethnic
identity exploration before committing to their ethnic identity. One way that this group of
individuals explored their racial and ethnic identities is through academic settings (Chan, 2017b;
Kawaguchi, 2003). Identity exploration in the academic setting typically occurred in courses
such as East Asian studies, ethnic studies, sociology, history, etc. (Chan, 2017b; Kawaguchi,
2003). Race and ethnic-related content from such courses enabled Asian American students to
learn more about their history, read literature from authors of their cultural background, and
develop new understandings and make connections to their life experiences (Kawaguchi, 2003).
This form of identity exploration instilled racial and ethnic pride in Asian American students
(Chan, 2017b).
Cambodian American Identity
Most Americans consider Cambodian American as Asians – an academically high
achieving group of individuals (Chhuon, 2014; Tang & Kao, 2012; Wallitt, 2008). Contrary to
this stereotypical perception, in a study on ethnic stereotypes of Cambodian students at one
California high school, Chhuon and Hudley (2010) found that teachers and school peers viewed
TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
23
Cambodian students as academic low performers. In addition, Chhuon (2014) learned that
Cambodian boys at in high schools were seen as “ghetto” because of their behavior and clothing.
These perceptions caused some Cambodian Americans to accept the low expectations and
negative identity linked to them (Chhuon, 2014; Chong et al., 2009).
Gang Associations
Cambodian refugees who immigrated to the U.S. in the early to mid-1980s clustered in
communities such as Long Beach, Oakland, Stockton, Seattle, Chicago, Lowell, and Providence
(Lay, 1997). The areas in which they settled, however, were soaring in drug use, gang
affiliations, violence, and crime (Lay, 1997), but it was all that they could afford. As new
immigrants with limited language abilities, Cambodian refugees became victims of harassment
(physical and non-physical), particularly from other minority groups such as Latinos and African
Americans (Lay, 1997). Despite being new to the community, Cambodian refugees were not
afraid of the hostility. These refugees experienced extreme violence in their home country during
the Khmer Rouge and had very little tolerance for it in their new home. In response, Cambodian
refugees united together to form gangs to protect themselves from the violence.
The Tiny Rascal Gang (TRG) was formed in the early 1980s and was the first and largest
Cambodian gang in the U.S. (Lay, 1997). For Cambodian refugees, establishing a gang was their
only means for safety and defense against the violence perpetrated at them. Though the original
Cambodian gang’s mission was to protect its people from violence, other Cambodian American
gangs following TRG had different missions. Lay (1997) found that Cambodian gangs in
subsequent periods eventually changed their ways to mirror those of other gangs in America.
This means that Cambodian gangs started involving themselves in theft, robbery, and drug sales
(Lay, 1997). Today, joining a gang is less about seeking safety in numbers and more about the
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24
thrill of danger (Lay, 1997). Cambodian gangs, like other American gangs, are territorial and
center themselves on drugs, alcohol, and women.
Cambodian American youth join gangs because the lifestyle appears more exciting than
the restrictive ones required by their parents (Lay, 1997). Gang affiliations allow Cambodian
American youth to participate in activities that they otherwise would not have access to, such as
wearing fashionable clothes, attending parties, and having romantic relationships. For
Cambodian American youths, gang membership is the closest route to an American lifestyle. Lay
(1997) learned that gangs recruit youths as young as 11 years old. Such early exposure to a gang
lifestyle has an immense impact on identity formation; being part of the gang becomes their
identity (Lay, 1997). Dinh et al. (2013) found that Cambodian American youth tend to integrate
both American and Cambodian identities. For example, while Cambodian gangs explored a
lifestyle that is more closely related to ones of the Americans, they were still very prideful of
their ethnicity and culture. Regardless of their lifestyles, Cambodian gang members still
displayed respectful manners to their parents (Lay, 1997). Traditional words of respect were
often used and proper behavior were regularly shown when interacting with parents or elder
members of their ethnic community (Lay, 1997).
Ethnic Identity Associations
As a marginalized group, Cambodian Americans realize the negative stereotype inflicted
on their ethnic group. Despite the unflattering image, Chhuon and Hudley (2010) found that
Cambodian American youth were proud of their ethnic identity. For example, 79% of students in
their study identified as Cambodians and held positive attitudes towards their ethnic identity
(Chhuon & Hudley, 2010). While these students were proud to be Cambodians, they did not
TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
25
subscribe to the stereotype. Rather, Cambodian-identified students used negative perceptions as
motivation to prove others wrong and succeed in school.
While Cambodian students were comfortable with their identity, Chhuon and Hudley
(2010) found that 78% of students were uncomfortable with their Cambodian ethnic identity. In
addition to their discomfort, these students preferred to avoid interactions with other Cambodian
students at their school. Cambodian American students in magnet programs wanted to fit in with
their other “smart” Asian friends and therefore identified with a pan-ethnic identity (i.e., Asian
American) or a mixed identity (i.e., Chinese Cambodian; Chhuon & Hudley, 2010). Cambodian
American students used pan-ethnic and mixed identities to associate a positive academic identity,
rather than a negative on that is tied to Cambodian American students (Chhuon & Hudley, 2010).
To find their racial and ethnic identity, Cambodian American youth underwent a process
of self- exploration. Depending on their geographic location, Cambodian American adolescents
eventually subscribed to or rejected typical Cambodian American stereotypes. The next section
discusses the impacts of parents’ and societal expectations on educational outcomes of
Cambodian American students.
Parents and Families’ Influences on Educational Outcomes
There is limited research on parental influence and expectations of Cambodian
Americans. Therefore, this section starts with broad studies about parenting in the South-East
Asian American (SEAA) community. The section then examines the perspectives of Cambodian
parents on education and concludes with the academic outcomes and experiences of Cambodian
American students.

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Parental Influence and Expectations
Parents play a vital role in the college attendance of SEAA students (Maramba, Palmer,
Kang, & Yull, 2018; Museus, 2013; Tang, Kim, & Haviland, 2013). SEAA parents emphasize
the value of a college education, as they believe that a degree is the route to resources, economic
stability, and happiness (Maramba et al., 2018; Museus, 2013; Tang et al., 2013). These parents
endured hardships in their home countries and made sacrifices in in the hope of providing a
better life for their children (Maramba et al., 2018; Museus, 2013). SEAA parents have
expectations that their children would attend and obtain a college degree. Through parental
influences and expectations, SEAA students gained intrinsic motivation to succeed (Museus,
2013). Hence, the sense of cultural and familial obligations shaped their decisions to take
advantage of academic opportunities and advance in college (Maramba et al., 2018; Museus,
2013; Tang et al., 2013).
While parental influences positively impacted college attendance, excessive parental
pressure has negative consequences for these students (Museus, 2013). Immigrant parents have a
narrow understanding of major and career options, but are persistent in their desire for their
children to have stable careers (Museus, 2013). Parents tend to put pressure on their children to
select science majors and pursue jobs in the medical field, as such jobs are seen to hold high
prestige (Museus, 2013). Over time, SEAA students were either unhappy or struggled to persist
in their majors. As a result, these students ultimately changed their field of study or dropped out
of college (Museus, 2013).
Cambodian Parents’ Perspective on Education
The Khmer Rouge regime killed many of Cambodia’s urban and educated members of
society (Walque, 2005). The surviving Cambodian refugees were those from rural areas who had
TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
27
little to no experience with the education system. Nonetheless, Cambodian refugees had high
hopes and aspirations and wanted their children to receive a college education and become
respected members of society (García Coll et al., 2002). Specifically, García Coll et al. (2002)
found that Cambodian refugees wanted their children to become physicians, attorneys, or
engineers, and recognized that education was the route to achieving those careers. Despite their
aspirations for their children, however, these parents had traditional beliefs and practices that
conflicted with this perspective (Eng, Szmodis, & Mulsow, 2014; García Coll et al., 2002),
including the belief that their children’s academic abilities and achievement are controlled by
destiny (Eng et al., 2014).
Cambodian Parental Involvement
Eng et al. (2014) found that the more Cambodian parents believed that a child’s academic
abilities are predetermined, the less involved they were in the child’s education. This theory is
supported by a number of studies that found low levels of parental involvement from Cambodian
parents in their child’s education (Blakely, 1983; García Coll et al., 2002; Morrow, 1989; Tang
& Kao, 2012). Beyond traditional beliefs, there are a number of other explanations for the lack of
parental involvement from Cambodian parents, including insufficient knowledge about the
American education system (Wallitt, 2008), limited English language capabilities (García Coll et
al., 2002), and time constraints due to job obligations (Tang & Kao, 2012).
In addition to lack of involvement in their children’s academics, Wallitt (2008) found that
Cambodians believed that whatever happens at school is the responsibility of the teachers.
Parents do not question or express concerns regarding school policies or expectations (Tang &
Kao, 2012). Furthermore, some Cambodian families do not have conversations about school
within the family (Wallitt, 2008), which is a disadvantage to Cambodian children. In fact,
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28
Cambodian parents taught their children, from an early age, to place importance on family above
all else (Morrow, 1989), meaning that they expected that their children put family obligations
over their educational needs (Tang & Kao, 2012). As a result, students’ academic goals were
overshadowed by familial roles and expectations.
Societal Expectations of Parents
The American education system encourages, and sometimes even expect, parents to play
a role in their children’s school (Morrow, 1989). Parental involvement typically involves
volunteering at school events, joining a committee, or participating in other school-related
functions. As such, school districts are accustomed to high levels of parental involvement and a
sense of mutual partnership between teachers and parents. When Cambodian parents did not
share the same outlook or took part of such activities, however, confusion, concern, and criticism
arose (Wallitt, 2008). Blakely (1983) found that Cambodian parents often missed scheduled
conferences with teachers. Accordingly, administrators and staff frequently compared
Cambodian parents’ level of involvement to those of other Asian parents, such as Koreans,
Japanese, and Taiwanese parents who always showed up and arrived prepared (Blakely, 1983).
To the community, the low levels of involvement from Cambodian parents was perceived as lack
of caring or disinterest in their children’s education (Collignon, Men, & Tan, 2001).
Balancing Family and Academic Responsibilities
The transition between home and school worlds of Cambodian American students may be
challenging, as the two worlds often collide (Tang et al., 2013). Cambodian American parents
want their children to excel in school, as they themselves did not have the opportunity to receive
an education (Tang et al., 2013). However, these parents were refugees and still coping with
struggles of their own. Tang et al. (2013) found that Cambodian American parents tied certain
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29
familial obligations to their children, including upholding the family’s image, serving as mentors
and role models to younger siblings, and contributing financially to support their families. Many
Cambodian American parents have less than a high school education from Cambodian and did
not go through the American education system (Tang et al., 2013). Consequently, they do not
understand the level of commitment needed to succeed in college. Cambodian American parents
expect that familial duties take precedence over academic responsibilities.
Academic Implications
While teachers may have been concerned with the lack of involvement from Cambodian
parents regarding their children’s education (Blakely, 1983), school districts have not
differentiated Cambodian American students from the generic Asian American group (Tang &
Kao, 2012; Wallitt, 2008). Cambodian American students were still labeled under the general
Asian category, making them part of the high achieving group of students that did not appear to
require additional support (Tang & Kao, 2012; Wallitt, 2008). Cambodian American students
had to carry the burden of fluctuating expectations from teachers and school districts, without
necessarily being equipped with academic, social, or emotional support from the schools
(Wallitt, 2008).
Although these students were U.S. born or raised, Tang and Kao (2012) found that
Cambodian American students struggled with grammar and writing, in addition to their overall
coursework. Cambodian parents taught their children to show respectful behavior, which at
school meant not interrupting others or speaking in class (Wallitt, 2008). Therefore, Cambodian
American students appeared to be more timid, were less likely to participate in class, or did not
voice their opinions or concerns. To teachers, the lack of expression from Cambodian American
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30
students was worrisome, as they were seen as too quiet and passive when compared to students
from other cultural backgrounds (Tang & Kao, 2012).
Moreover, Cambodian American students would stay silent and not express their
difficulties even when they struggled with assignments (Tang & Kao, 2012) because they did not
want to disappoint their teachers (Tang & Kao, 2012). Another part of the reason they were silent
about their academic struggles was due fear of being judged by their peers (Tang & Kao, 2012).
Tang and Kao (2012) found that students of other racial and ethnic groups perceived Cambodian
American students as being poor and marginalized them as a group (Tang & Kao, 2012). As
such, Cambodian students avoided talking about their learning difficulties out of fear of being
further marginalized and ridiculed. Many Cambodian American students were left with no
choice other than to drop out of school (Wallitt, 2008).
Cambodian American Experiences in College
In a study on the patterns of social and academic college integration of successful
Cambodian American students, Chhuon and Hudley (2008) found that Cambodian American
students believed that they were at a disadvantage in college because they felt that their academic
preparation was not equivalent to those of their peers. Congruent with their beliefs, Her (2014)
found that a high percentage of Southeast Asian American (SEAA) juniors in high school were
not academically prepared for college. Using data from the California State University Early
Assessment Program, Her (2014) noted that in 2011, 84% of Cambodian American students
were not ready for college-level English, and 38% were not ready for college- level math. That is
significantly higher than the 59% and 18% of the broader category of Asian American students
who were not prepared for college-level English and math that year. Additionally, according to
the U.S. Census Bureau (n.d.), 30% of Cambodian American students enrolled in college or
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31
graduate school in 2015. However, only 14% of Cambodian American students defied the odds
and obtained a bachelor’s degree that year (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.).
Institutional agents and resources. In lieu of parental educational guidance, SEAA
students received academic validation and support from institutional agents such as college
instructors and advisors (Maramba et al., 2018; Museus & Mueller, 2018). Museus and Mueller
(2018) found that SEAA students felt more comfortable with faculty who shared similar
backgrounds and educational experiences to theirs. Similarities in racial, ethnic, and cultural
backgrounds made instructors more approachable to SEAA students, allowing them to feel at
ease in building meaningful relationships with these mentors (Maramba et al., 2018; Museus &
Mueller, 2018). Through interactions with their college professors, SEAA students gained access
to information, opportunities, and support. Such access to social capital allowed these students to
have a rich and fulfilling academic and social life in college.
While institutional agents served as positive forces in SEAA students’ academic journey,
Chhuon and Hudley (2008) found that meaningful faculty connections and interactions are
scarce. College is an overwhelming experience for many students, but especially for Cambodian
American students. The Cambodian ethnic group is not well represented on college campuses,
making social integration very challenging (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008). In addition, there is very
little academic and social support offered to this group directly. Consequently, many Cambodian
American students struggle with their arrival at the university (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008).
Ethnic student organizations. To lessen the intimidation of college, SEAA often seek
peers of their cultural identities through participation in ethnic organizations (Maramba &
Palmer, 2014; Museus, Shiroma, & Dizon, 2016). Ethnic communities on college campuses
provided social and emotional support to students who needed help navigating and adjusting to
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32
life at the university (Chhuon & Hudley, 2008). Sharing physical space and maintaining
connections through these organizations increased a sense of belonging for SEAA students
(Museus et al., 2016). Chhuon and Hudley (2008) conducted a study on Cambodian American
students at universities in California, with the purpose of understanding factors supporting their
successful transition into the university. Chhuon and Hudley (2008) found that Cambodian
American students struggled with their social and academic adjustment into the university. These
students credited joining a Cambodian club on-campus as the turning point in their college
experience, as participation in the ethnic student organization relieved their social and academic
anxieties.
Cambodian American students are held to the minority myth, despite their shallow roots
in education. Cambodian refugee parents did not receive an education and thus did not contribute
to their children’s education. As a result, Cambodian American students struggled with their
academic courses and some eventually left school. Nevertheless, some Cambodian American
students did defy the odds and maneuvered their ways through college, despite their
disadvantaged backgrounds. The next section leads into the conceptual framework for the study.
Theoretical Framework
Social capital and community cultural wealth models were applied as the theoretical
framework for the study. Social Capital framed the role between resources within the family and
resources outside the family on educational outcomes. The community cultural wealth model
explained the understanding between resources, access, and experiences of students of color.
This theoretical framework constituted a structure to better understand how Cambodian
American students manage intergenerational transmission of trauma and intergenerational
conflict, all while negotiating their identities.
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Social Capital Model
The model of social capital presented here is derived from Coleman’s (1988) notion of
social capital in the family and Stanton-Salazar’s (2011) concept of institutional agents. Coleman
(1988) defined social capital as the relationship between parent and child (i.e., time spent
together, parents’ roles in their children's lives). Coleman’s definition of social capital is rooted
in the perception that family background plays a vital role in students’ academic achievement.
Components of family background include financial capital, human capital, and social capital
(Coleman, 1988). Financial capital refers to the wealth and income of families that make
available material resources (i.e., studying materials) to boost academic attainment (Coleman,
1988). Human capital is defined as parental education – a resource that stimulate an environment
for cognitive learning (Coleman, 1988). According to Coleman, while financial and human
capital is important, social capital in the family is especially important when considering
education outcomes of the next generation.
Social capital in the family (i.e., physical presence of parents) is important in shaping a
child’s intellectual development (Coleman, 1988). Close interactions and attention provide
opportunities for human capital transfer from parent to child (Coleman, 1988). The absence of
social capital in the family prevents fluid structural movements that is essential for the formation
of a stable parent-child relationship. Coleman (1988) found that single-parent families are most
vulnerable to social capital deficiency in the family, as parents from those families spend most of
their time working outside of the home. Children from single-parent households were six percent
more likely to likely to drop out of high school than those from two-parent’ households, even
when other forms of capital were controlled (Coleman, 1988).
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Contrary to Coleman’s view of social capital, Stanton-Salazar (2011) highlighted the
importance of “nonfamily adult agents” in the academic attainment and success of young adults.
Stanton-Salazar (2011) defined social capital as “resources and key forms of social support
embedded in one’s network or associations, and accessible through direct or indirect ties with
institutional agents. Institutional agents refer to high-status individuals in positions of power who
has the authority to transmit and provide highly valued resources (Stanton-Salazar, 2011). While
individuals in upper-class and upper-middle-class society have a broad network of valuable
resources available, those from the working class do not have the same privileges. Stanton-
Salazar (2011) found that when lower-status members find ways to empower themselves and
succeed, it is often coupled with the help of higher-status members of society.
Higher-status members of society, such as institutional agents, have the capacity to
transmit funds of knowledge and negotiate forms of networking (Stanton-Salazar, 2011). In their
role, institutional agents can provide direct and integrative support (Stanton-Salazar, 2011). They
act as a resource to students in ways that include advising, advocating, network coaching and
coordinating. In addition, institutional agents also act as a system developer and system linkage
and networking support (Stanton-Salazar, 2011). They may develop programs, lobby for
organizational resources, recruit students, assess student’s needs and provide institutional
resources as necessary. The idea here is that when capable institutional agents assume the role of
empowerment, they permit access to resources to low-status youth that they otherwise would not
have access to (Stanton-Salazar, 2011). In turn, it enables educational attainment and success for
these young adults (Stanton-Salazar, 2011).
Coleman’s (1998) model explains one part of social capital that is missing for Cambodian
American students – social capital in the family. Cambodian American parents struggle with
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35
unresolved trauma (Kinzie et al., 1984), and may not be present in their children’s lives. The
absence of social capital in the family affects the social development and educational attainment
of this student group. When Cambodian American students do defy the odds and succeed in
college, it is often through the support of institutional agents that connected them to services,
organizations, and resources (Maramba et al., 2018; Museus & Mueller, 2018; Museus & Mueller,
2018).
Community Cultural Wealth Model
Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth model comprises six forms of capital,
including aspirational, linguistic, familial, social, navigational, and resistant. Aspirational refers
to the obstinate continuance to pursue “hopes and dreams” in spite of structural and systemic
inequality and oppression (Yosso, 2005). Linguistic is defined by communication skills and
abilities achieved through experiences with multi languages (Yosso, 2005). Having been
engaged in storytelling, both as the narrator (i.e., translator for parents) and the listener (i.e.,
hearing traditional stories and histories), individuals of color are thus equipped with the art of
communication. Such skills include memorization, attention to detail, and flexibility with vocal
timing and tone, and expression of facial form. Familial refers to the communal network of
immediate and extended family, as well as close friends (Yosso, 2005). Communal bonds foster
important connections and resources while minimizing isolation. Social capital is defined as a
system of interconnection of people and resources (Yosso, 2005). Drawing on social connections
thus provide material (i.e., information, ideas) and nonmaterial (i.e., emotional support) means to
navigate social institutions. Navigational refers to the social and psychological ability to move
through and manage social institutions, despite institutional constraints (i.e., racially hostile
environments; Yosso, 2005). Resistance is defined as behavioral stance against inequality – one
TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
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that challenges the status quo (Yosso, 2005). This form of capital stems from parental,
communal, and historical resistance to oppressive structures in race, gender, and class. The six
forms of capital are not fixed, rather, it is a system of processes that builds on one another to
accumulate wealth to empower individuals in the community of color. Yosso’s (2005)
community cultural wealth redirected deficit-based to strength-based views of marginalized
groups by positioning community of color with cultural knowledge, skills, and abilities, rather
than positioning them in unfavorable circumstances for success.
For successful Cambodian Americans college students, community cultural wealth
enhances their academic achievement and enriched their overall experience. Their hopes and
dreams of going to college can be pursued and maintained despite perceived barriers (Chhuon et
al., 2010; Tang et al., 2013). Being bilingual students speaking English and Khmer (Chang et al.,
2008), Cambodian Americans entered college with communication maturity that allowed them to
speak with social and cultural awareness. In college, these students received support through
contact with their prior community (Chhuon et al., 2010) as well as participation with on-campus
ethnic community (Maramba & Palmer, 2014; Museus et al., 2016). In addition, Cambodian
American students gathered social capital resources through guidance of institutional agents,
such as college instructors (Maramba et al., 2018; Museus & Mueller, 2018). They managed
racially hostile environments with the support of peers (Chhuon et al., 2010; Maramba & Palmer,
2014; Museus et al., 2016). Finally, Cambodian American students resisted the status quo by
persisting in college (Chhuon et al., 2010; Tang et al., 2013). In this instance, Cambodian
American students used components of community cultural wealth as building blocks for their
success.
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Social capital and community cultural wealth provided insights into accrued capital, both
within the community and outside of the community. Social capital explained the importance of
access to resources in the educational conditions and outcomes of immigrant groups. The
community cultural wealth model provided a lens into the ways in which students maneuver
disadvantaged circumstances and find success. Together, the two models provided a framework
to better understand the college experiences of Cambodian Americans in college.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
Cambodian Americans students are often overlooked in the education system because of
the model minority myth. The stereotype conceals challenges and disadvantages of this Asian
American subgroup. Cambodian refugees settled in the U.S. and faced issues related to
unresolved trauma (Blair, 2000; Carlson & Rodder-Hogan, 1991; Hinton et al., 2013; Kinzie et
al., 1984; Nicholson & Walters, 1998; Strober, 1994), poverty (Chung & Kagawa-Singer, 1993;
Quintiliani, 2014; SEARAC, 2011), linguistic (Chung & Kagawa-Singer, 1993), and cultural
(Muruthi & Lewis, 2017). The struggles of Cambodian refugees have significant implications for
their offspring, second-generation Cambodian Americans. Cambodian American students are
underperforming and not prepared for college (Her, 2014; Tang & Kao, 2012), underrepresented
in postsecondary education (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.), and have college graduation rates well
below the national average (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.), yet they are receiving inadequate
attention (Blakely, 1983; Tang & Kao, 2012; Wallitt, 2008). The purpose of this exploratory
study was to understand the experiences of Cambodian American students from the perspective
of intergeneration transmission of trauma, intergenerational conflict, and multiple worlds and
identities.
Research Questions
The following research questions guided the study:
1. What are the experiences of Cambodian American students in college?
a. How do Cambodian American students perceive intergenerational transmission of
trauma and intergenerational conflict in shaping their experiences in college?
b. How do family trauma and conflict influence their identity?

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Research Methodology
This study used a qualitative design as the research methodology. A qualitative method
was selected because the study was interested in “how people interpret their experiences, how
they construct their worlds, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences” (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Students’ experiences are unique to the nature of the setting, and cannot be
captured quantitatively (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In addition, a qualitative approach allows the
researcher to be the primary instrument for data collection and analysis (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Placing the researcher as the primary instrument is pivotal for processing information,
e.g., immediate responses, adaptation, clarification, or interpretation to unique circumstances
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Qualitative research entails an inductive process, which produces rich data. Pieces of
information from individual interviews and focus group interview permit researchers to combine
themes and categories to form theories or hypothesis for the research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Moreover, qualitative data is rich in words and description, which is powerful in understanding
the meaning of student experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Considering the nature of the
study and characteristics of qualitative research, a qualitative method was most appropriate in
answering the research questions.
Site Selection
This study was not institution-based, and included students from a number of four-year
institutions in California. The inclusion of several four-year institutions provided a
comprehensive overview of student experiences across institutions and produced more
participants for sample selection. California has a high concentration of Cambodian American
students in postsecondary education. It is home to Cambodia Town and thus attracts many
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Cambodian American students. Considering the limited number of Cambodian Americans in
higher education, this approach allowed the research to find an appropriate sample and gain a
comprehensive overview of student experiences.
Population and Sample
The study population was second-generation, Cambodian American, current college
students and recent college graduates (within five years of graduation). The sample included 18
participants. Of the 18 participants, 13 individuals participated in individual interviews and 5
individuals took part in a focus group interview. The sample was purposively composed, and
criteria for participant selection included being children of Cambodian refugees, U.S. born,
current college student or recent graduate, and the requirement to have completed at least one
year of college.
Interested individuals completed a screening survey containing questions related to
student demographics and criteria for selection. The survey also included a question regarding
interview type preferences; i.e., individual or focus group interview. Survey results were
reviewed and individuals who meet all of the criteria for selection were classified as potential
participants. These potential participants were contacted to participate in the study. Individuals
who did not meet all of the criteria for participant selection were classified as non-potential
participants and were not interviewed.
The sample was nonrandom, purposeful, and small. This approach was selected to
provide information that is relevant to the focus of the study and answer the research questions
(Maxwell, 2013). Purposeful sampling allows for a typical and snowball sample. A typical
sample reflects the average – nothing that is extreme or unusual (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016),
which was the goal of the study. The study sought to understand the typical college experience of
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Cambodian American students as shaped by intergenerational transmission of trauma and
intergenerational conflict. In addition, the study aimed to understand the influence of family
trauma and conflict on the identity of Cambodian Americans. The participant selection criteria
for the study was very specific, and while standard recruitment provided the researcher with a
number of participants, it was not sufficient in reaching data saturation. Therefore, the study also
utilized snowball sampling. Snowball sampling requires the researcher to seek referrals from
participants for other possible participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). A combination of two
forms of purposeful sampling, typical and snowball, were appropriate in producing the study’s
sample.
Recruitment
Students were recruited through community-based organizations, social media platforms
(e.g., Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter), student groups and organizations, and flyers. The
researcher sought the support of contacts (i.e., former colleagues, staff, faculty, administrators,
and friends) disseminate recruitment emails and flyers.
Instrumentation
This study utilized two forms of interviews as its instrument, individual interviews and a
focus group. Individual interviews provide personal views and constructs, while focus group
interviews provide a socially constructed view (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Focus groups allow
time for discussions and refinement of views based on information heard in a larger setting
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Both forms of interviews were beneficial for data collection.
Interviews were selected as an instrument of data collection because the study sought to
“obtain a special kind of information,” and this technique allowed researchers to acquire that
specific information through conversations with the participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To
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42
understand how intergenerational transmission of trauma and intergenerational conflict play a
part in their college experiences and influence their identity, it was necessary to gain their
perspectives on events that shaped their experiences. Interviews helped capture experiences and
thus were the most suitable method of data collection in this case (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Additionally, interviews have the ability to capture quality data in a short period of time, as
compared to other methods, which made it the most viable option (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The interview protocol followed an open-ended and less structured interview, referred to
as semi-structured interviews (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Semi-structured interviews provide
flexibility and adaptability to the situation, while guided by a list of questions (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). The research questions focused on how Cambodian American students perceive
intergenerational transmission of trauma and intergenerational conflict in shaping their college
experiences and influencing their identity. The perception of such experiences vary from one
individual to another. Thus, highly structured interviews were too restrictive and
unstructured/informal interviews were too open-ended to capture relevant information needed to
answer the research questions. Semi-structured interviews were most fitting for this study, as it
would capture key concepts related to the purpose of the study.
The construction of the interview protocol involved drafting the interview questions,
receiving dissertation chair’s review and feedback, making revisions based on dissertation
chair’s review and feedback, and field testing the instrument.
Data Collection
Data collection took place at a location of selected by the participants (i.e., college
campuses, coffee shops, etc.). If participants were unable to meet in-person, then the interviews
were conducted online. A discussion of the study and Information Sheet took place before all
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43
interviews, individual and focus group. Specifically, the discussion of the study included an
explanation of the purpose of the study, permission request for tape recordings, assurance of
confidentiality, notation to the participant of their rights to opt out of any question or end the
interview altogether at any time, and a check for questions or concerns. To maintain anonymity,
participants were asked to select pseudonyms. Participants were referred to by their selected
pseudonym names throughout the study.
Data collection for individual interviews were straightforward. All questions were asked
once, unless participants requested for questions to be repeated. Full responses were captured via
the tape recorder for further analysis. Notes were purposefully not taken during the interview to
allow maximal eye contact and full engagement in the conversations, as interviews were audio
recorded for transcription purposes. Interview transcriptions were reviewed upon the conclusion
of all interviews.
Data collection for the focus group interview were similar to the individual interviews,
though the process varied slightly. All questions were asked twice; once for initial reactions and
discussion, then again after the group have discussed the questions. This is designed purposely to
capture changes in response based on group discussions. Notes were not taken during the focus
group interview to allow for an active facilitation of the open discussion. As with individual
interviews, the focus group interview was audio recorded for transcription purposes. Focus group
interview transcription was reviewed with the individual interview transcriptions.
Participants were told they can cease participation at any time. Research subjects were
compensated for their participation in the study. Compensation was in the form of a $25 gift card
to Starbucks or Target. Data were stored on a secure laptop with password protection. List of
participant names and associated pseudonyms were kept separate from the data.
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Data Analysis
The data analysis approach was to consolidate, reduce, and analyze data in ways that
makes sense and answers the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This process
required constant comparison between data sets from individual interviews and focus group
interview. At this stage, the researcher was looking for repetition and saturation of data. The goal
was to find commonalities between participant responses in order to form theories.
Data analysis activities and tasks included five steps. Step one was category construction,
where open coding were explored to expand useful data. Grouping of open codes (i.e. axial
coding) was utilized to break down categories and themes (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Step two
of the procedure involved sorting of categories and data for precise classification of categories
and subcategories formation, based on the assigned codes (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Step three
was simply naming the categories using terms and concepts that reflected the data set (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). Step four called for a process cleanup, where categories were reduced and
combined to develop ones that were comprehensive and manageable (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Finally, in step five, data were used to theorize and make connections between observable and
unobservable data to link conceptual elements together in a meaningful way (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
Validity
The study used internal and external strategies to ensure credibility and trustworthiness of
findings. Triangulation and member checks were used to ensure internal validity, while an audit
trial and rich, thick description were employed to ensure external validity.
Triangulation were used in the form of multiple methods of data collection (i.e.
individual interviews and focus group interview) to cross-reference collected data (Merriam &
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45
Tisdell, 2016). For example, individual interview transcriptions were compared to and checked
against the focus group interview transcription to enable clear convergence points. Member
checks were also used to solicit feedback from participants to rule out any possibility of
misinterpretation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). For example, if a statement made by a participant
was unclear, the phrase was clarified with the participant to ensure proper understanding and
eliminate researcher’s assumptions and biases.
To authenticate the study, an audit trail was organized to capture details of the data
collection process, category constructions, and how decisions were made (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). For example, researcher’s reflections were written at the completion of all interviews,
notes were taken during the coding procedure, and reasons for decisions were all jotted down and
saved to a designated file. To ensure transferability to another setting, the study recorded
information with rich, thick description (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). For example, detailed
descriptions of the setting and participants were documented, along with quotes from individual
and focus group interviews.
Role of the Researcher
Measures were taken to remove the researcher’s assumptions and biases. The study
articulated the researcher’s position or reflexivity. Clarifying information related to the
researcher’s experiences and worldviews were provided to allow readers to better understand
how the researchers arrived at a certain conclusion or interpretation of data (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). The study notated that the researcher shared significant similarities to some of the
participants (i.e. Cambodian American, current college student, former student of some of the
colleges where students were/are attending, etc.) that could influence the interpretation or
understanding of certain phenomena in the study. Therefore, to ensure credibility and
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reasonableness of research findings, peer examination/review was conducted by a fellow
doctoral student who is familiar with the topic.

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CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION OF DATA AND FINDINGS
This study examined how intergenerational transmission of trauma, intergenerational
conflict, and multiple worlds and identities shaped the college experiences of Cambodian
American students. Current college students and recent college graduates from various
universities in California participated in the study. Semi-structured interviews were conducted
with 18 participants, 13 who participated in individual interviews and five who participated in a
focus group. This chapter presents participant interview data, organized by themes, that emerged
through data analysis.
Research Questions
The following research questions guided the study:
1. What are the experiences of Cambodian American students in college?
a. How do Cambodian American students perceive intergenerational transmission of
trauma and intergenerational conflict in shaping their experiences in college?
b. How do family trauma and conflict influence their identity?
Participants
Eighteen current college students and recent college graduates who are children of the
Cambodian genocide survivors participated in the study. Of the 18 participants, 70% identified
as female, and 30% identified as male. The participants were between the ages of 18 and 28.
Current college students made up 38%, while recent college graduates were 61% of total
participants. The participants were enrolled in seven four-year universities in California. To keep
the participant’s identities confidential, pseudonyms were used.

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Table 1
Participant Profiles
Pseudonym Gender Age Undergraduate
Institution
Undergraduate
Major
Classification
Level
Interview
Type
Mary Female 18 California State
University
Long Beach
Undeclared Sophomore Individual
Ara Female 19 California State
University
Long Beach
International
Studies
Sophomore Focus
Group
Jim Male 28 California State
University
Long Beach
Mechanical
Engineering
5th year Individual
Conrad Male 22 California State
University
Long Beach
Theatre Senior Individual
Suzie Female 19 California State
University
Long Beach
English
Literature
Sophomore Focus
Group
Kaily Female 25 San Jose State
University
Biology Graduated Individual
Sandy Female 27 University of
California,
Irvine
Social Ecology Graduated Individual
Melissa Female 23 University of
California,
Irvine
Biological
Sciences
Graduated Individual
Susan Female 22 University of
California, Los
Angeles
Psychobiology Graduated Individual
Sophia Female 24 University of
California, Los
Angeles
Geography Graduated Individual
Christina Female 20 University of
California, Los
Angeles
Psychobiology Junior Individual
Kalianne Female 24 University of
California, Los
Angeles
English Graduated Focus
Group
David Male 23 University of
California, Los
Angeles
Biology Graduated Individual

TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
49
Table 1, continued
Pseudonym Gender Age Undergraduate
Institution
Undergraduate
Major
Classification
Level
Interview
Type
John Male 23 University of
California, Los
Angeles
Biology Graduated Individual
Shawn Male 28 University of
California,
Riverside
Theatre: Film-
Making
Graduated Focus
Group
Anna Female 22 University of
California,
Riverside
Psychology Graduated Individual
Alice Female 21 University of
California, San
Diego
Human Biology Senior Focus
Group
Andrew Male 24 University of
California,
Santa Barbara
Financial Math Graduated

Individual

Themes
A variety of data emerged from the individual interviews and focus group. From those
data, themes were extracted to answer the research questions. Themes were identified as factors
that influenced intergenerational transmission of trauma and conflict, identify, and the overall
college experiences of Cambodian American students. The following section describes three
themes: 1) parents’ destructive behaviors, 2) parental absence, and 3) survivor’s guilt.
Parents’ Destructive Behavior
Participants felt that unresolved trauma from the Khmer Rouge influenced their parents’
behavior. Reported behavior included anger, abuse, avoidance of distressful memories, and
denial. The participants believed that exposure to their parents’ behavior had damaging effects
on their own behavior. Sophia recalled that her father displayed harmful behaviors and she felt
that it affected how she expressed her emotions at a young age. She explained,
My dad, he has very explosive anger. I grew up with explosive anger too actually; I
actually had to work on anger management. I truly thought that if you're angry, you're
TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
50
supposed to express it with explosion because I grew up with my dad doing that so much.
My dad definitely yelled a lot. He was very just verbally abrasive, and it was scary. I still
walk on eggshells with authority figures who are male because of my dad's explosive
anger.
Sophia believed that her parents’ trauma shaped her behavioral response. Thus, she felt that it
influenced her identity. Similarly, Jim was exposed to his father’s ruinous behavior. He said,
He [my dad] was drunk, kind of angry. So it was [hard] to have a relationship with him
when I was younger. Because he was never around. And when he was around, he was
always drunk. He just never could hold a job... And then he just never keep the job for
more than a few months, like he will always fight with the bosses or something.
Jim reported that he built resentment towards his father because of his behavior. He felt that the
trauma experienced by his father shaped his own mental and emotional response, which affected
his behavior.
Melissa reported that her father frequently exhibited damaging behavior during her
childhood and adolescent years. As such, she felt that her father’s trauma influenced her identity
formation. She recalled,
Growing up, there was a lot of domestic violence going on, so I definitely grew up seeing
my dad physically, verbally, emotionally abusing my mom. There was a pretty traumatic
time my junior year of high school where I basically walked out of the house and I said I
was not going to be going back in.
Melissa also recalled that her father had a gambling addiction and would often lie about it. As a
result, she developed feelings of distrust and confusion towards her father. She believed that the
TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
51
emotional toll of her father’s damaging behavior led her to struggle with her mental health,
which she felt influenced her college experience in a negative way.
While some of these refugee parents displayed obvious destructive behaviors, others
concealed behind silence and denial, which was equally as damaging for young adolescents and
young adults. Silence and denial created feelings of confusion, frustration, and anger for the
participants in this study. Ten of the participants reported that at least one of their parents did not
talk in detail about the Khmer Rouge or the Cambodian genocide and often avoided the subject.
Jim’s father did not share stories of the genocide with this son. Thus, Jim did not feel close to his
father, as he could not understand his experiences. He was often angry with this father because
he could not comprehend his behaviors. However, Jim expressed sympathy for his father after
learning about the Cambodian genocide and the effects of PTSD a few years ago.
Participants from the study believed that they developed anxiety and depression after
having been exposed to their parents’ destructive behaviors as young adolescents. Melissa
reported that her father’s behavior led her to be depressed. Sophia witnessed domestic abuse, and
had to grow up at a very young age in order to take care of her mother and sibling. She recalled,
From everything that's happened, just witnessing everything and being the oldest child
and feeling like I had to protect my mom and my sisters was very stressful. I was
depressed. Starting off in high school, I started taking antidepressants when I was 14,
seeing a therapist when I was 14. With my dad... I feel like that's something I'm still
working through. It affected [me] a lot, I would say, in negative ways because of the
emotional trauma and the worsening depression and things like that.
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Sophia’s parents were not there to support her when she was growing up because they had
problems of their own. Therefore, she had to be responsible for herself, which she believed was
the reason she produced feelings of anxiety at an early age. She stated,
Since I was like eight years old, I realized, "Oh, all this responsibility of up-keeping my
education is kind of on me now. They're not going to always be there." That's when I
learned that and I started having anxiety where I couldn't go to sleep because I'm thinking
about, "Oh, this is the homework that's due tomorrow," or, "What's going to be on the test
tomorrow?" I had those kinds of anxieties that young because I felt that sense of
responsibility that I'm on my own now. I hold this anxiety to this day sometimes.
Sophia believed that the trauma of her parents led her to experience anxiety, which she felt
largely influenced her identity as a young adult.
Trauma, identity and shame. The participants in this study experienced some level of
familial trauma that affected their identity. Thus, they developed feelings of shame and
embarrassment about their Cambodian American identity. Sophia recalled being embarrassed by
her parents playing Cambodian music, and annoyed by her grandparents for speaking Khmer.
Sophia was so ashamed of her ethnic identity that she even tried to change her appearance in
order to fit with her peers. “I straightened my hair, I dyed it lighter brown. I contoured my face to
where I could look a little more Eurocentric.” It was after learning about the history of her roots
that Sophia began to embrace her identity. She stated,
I learned more about my history and it became more important to my identity of
resilience, and it was beautiful just learning about it. Although it's sad, it's tragic, it's also
a part of our history of being resilient. Now, I'm very proud of that identity, but I wish I
realized that earlier, because I didn't know my history.
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One of the sub-research questions that guided this study seek to understand how family trauma
and conflict influenced the identity of Cambodian American students. The sections above
showed that the participants in this study reported that their parents displayed destructive
behavior when they were growing up. Some reported that they experienced anger, frustrations,
and confusions, while others reported that they developed anxiety and depression. Due to their
exposure, many of the participants in this study stated that they became ashamed and
embarrassed about their Cambodian American identity. These findings connect to the sub-
question that seek to understand how Cambodian American students perceived intergenerational
trauma and intergenerational conflict in shaping their college experiences. As shown in the
findings above, the damaging feelings and emotion about their Cambodian American identity
followed some of the participants to college, which created more challenges and produced
stressful experiences for these young adults.
Parental Absence
Eleven participants in this study reported having decent or good relationships with their
parents. However, due to their parents’ experience of having their belongings taken away and not
having enough food to eat during the genocide, many of the participants said that at least one of
their parents worked many hours to ensure that they were able provide for their family. The
participants reported that their parents’ absence made it difficult for family time, advice, or help
on homework and other school-related matters during their childhood or adult life. Many of the
participants in this study were mainly raised by one parent or their grandparents. Daniel said,
I would say that for the majority of my childhood, I had to spend a majority of time with
my mother. Because my dad, he was always working. He owned a store when I was
really young. And then he moved on to become a postman, which he is currently. And so
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it's always been from what I remember just me, my brother and my mom all the time
until night time, that's when I really got to see my dad. And so that was the majority of
my childhood.
Daniel reported that his father was away most of the time due to work obligations. As such, he
was left to rely solely on his mother for emotional support and guidance.
Andrew stated that both of his parents were always working, therefore, he was mainly
raised by his grandmother. He said that his dad was “really all into working, making more
money, being prepared. Growing up here, I just wanted to be happy.” Andrew felt that he missed
out on his parents’ physical presence, emotional support, and general parental guidance.
While many participants described having good relationships with their parents despite
their absence, seven participants reported that they had a strained or non-existent relationship
with at least one of their parents. Thus, these participants reported that their parents’ physical
absence led to a void in emotional support and guidance. Sophia reported that her mother was in
and out of her life, which she expressed was difficult for her. Sophia said that she was left
without parental support as a young child. As a college student, she struggled further. She stated,
I actually had depression for the first two years of college; I attended therapy, but I didn't
understand my culture enough at that time that I didn't know that it played a role, a large
role in my depression. I didn't know it took such a toll on me, but it did because when she
[my mother] first left when I was younger, she still kept in touch calling me, but I still felt
kind of abandoned. It didn't help with being in college and being alone, and then this
person who's kind of my mentor, my mom, left, so I felt just more alone, and I dealt with
the depression… Schoolwork was hard for the reason that, I guess I felt lonely and I was
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55
battling my depression. I just struggled that much with the mental illness and missing my
family, and trying to make sense of this adult relationship.
Sophia felt that her mother’s absence took an emotional toll on her. She believed that her
mother’s absence and lack of emotional support led her to depression.
Similarly, Kalianne felt abandoned by her family. She reported that her mother was not
around for the majority of her life. Kalianne recalled feeling hurt by her mother not visiting her
in college while her mother was in town. She thus continued to struggle with her parents’ lack of
physical presence and emotional support. Kalianne believed that her mother’s absence led her to
depression.
Participants in this study experienced an emotional roller coaster with having their
parents in and out of their lives. As such, they felt that their strained or non-existent relationship
with their parents led them to emotional breakdowns and depression.
Lack of parental involvement in educational decisions A majority of the participants
in this study said that their parents valued education, since they themselves were stripped of
educational opportunities by the Khmer Rouge. However, due to their lack of exposure to
education, many participants said that their parents did not understand the American education
system and therefore were unable to provide them with necessary guidance and assistance
through their time in school. In addition, many of these parents were absent from their children’s
life so the participants were left to maneuver college on their own.
Jim reported that his parents did not have the educational background to help him in
school. He stated that they were not there to provide him with any form of guidance when he was
growing up. “It really affected my education in college… the classes are a lot harder. And then I
just had no idea... I never had much people are to turn to. And I just had to figure it out on my
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own.” Jim felt that he did not have anyone to rely on for support and guidance. Thus, he believed
that it led to his poor performance in college.
Similar to Jim, Sophia felt that she was left to manage college on her own. She said,
I felt like I didn't have much support during college. A lot of my parents' mental health
really caught up with them at that point, and my grandparents passed away. A lot of my
support network back home, it felt deteriorating.
Sophia said she struggled in college because she did not receive emotional or educational support
from her family.
As a result of minimal parental guidance, 83% of participants in this study reported that
they felt underprepared for the academic rigor of their universities and thus struggled with their
coursework during their first year of college or even after. When asked about his peers in
college, Andrew recalled that he was surprised by their level of preparedness. He described them
having a better foundation for college. He said,
They've had like an amazing life. “Like, what you guys took the SAT prep like 20 times
before you really took it?” I took it once, and I didn't know you're supposed to prepare for
it. And I just took it once, because you have to take for college. I didn't know people were
preparing for a year. And it's like, to them at their school, that's normal. That's like
ridiculous, you know, to me. I know and like tutoring to them is normal, though. “You
guys got tutored in high school?” I was like, “that's a thing?” So there's a lot of
differences.
Andrew believed that he struggled in college because he did not receive adequate academic
support and guidance from his parents to set him up for success.
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David offered insight into his experience when he entered college. He stated, “So when I
got there, I realized how difficult it was and how much I maybe wasn't as cut out as I thought I
was for higher education and how unprepared I actually was.” Christina echoed David’s
experiences, as she, too, found college to be “really challenging academically” when she first
started at UCLA. Another participant, Conrad, found college to be so challenging that he took
one year off before reenrolling at his university. Similarly, Jim went to college right after high
school but was not ready for the academic rigor of his classes. Thus, he took six years off from
college before returning to college. All of these participants reported one commonality – they did
not have the emotional or academic support from their parents to help them in college. Thus,
they felt that they had to figure it out on their own.
The participants in this study reported that they were not as prepared for college as their
peers. They recalled having received minimal to no guidance from their parents regarding
educational matters. In addition, they did not receive tutoring or additional help with their
academic work, which affected their performance in college. The participants in this study felt
that they struggled during their first few years because they were not ready for the academic
rigor of college.
Alternative sources of support. The participants in this study stated that they struggled
in college because they did not receive support and guidance from their parents, and that they
found the adjustment period to be difficult and challenging. On-campus resources were not
helpful to them. As an alternative, these participants reported that they turned to student
organizations as sources of support. In addition, these participants relied heavily on their family
and friends throughout their time in college.
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Kalianne did not enjoy most of her time college. She credited the Cambodian club on
campus for turning her experience around during her final year. She recalled,
The first three years at UCLA were actually really rough for me. I really hated it there. I
couldn't find a niche. I didn't really have any friends. I didn't have good roommate
experiences. I was in a car accident, and I actually came home a few times and
considered transferring back home, but when I joined the United Khmer Students, it
turned around for the better. I had finally people that shared common interest and had
common background. Then it ended up being... My senior year ended up being a really
great experience.
Kalianne reported that she did not have a support system during most of her time in college. She
believed that her participation in the student organization provided her with the social and
academic support that she needed.
Mary reported that college was “pretty difficult to get by, because I didn't really know the
environment that way.” But she reported that her sister provided her with what their parents
could not – emotional support and academic guidance. In addition, she stated that she also
received support from her Cambodian American peers from the Khmer language class and
Cambodian club on campus. Mary recalled her Cambodian American peers to be very helpful to
her, especially in her first year. In one instance, she said, “I started talking with them, and then
asking for help. They're like, ‘Oh, if you ever need this, or if you ever have any questions, go
ahead, feel free to ask me. Here's my number.’” Though Mary reported that her parents were not
there to provide her with support and guidance in college, she found other sources of support to
help her succeed.
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A sub-research questions that guided this study examined how Cambodian American
students perceived integrational trauma and intergenerational conflict in shaping their
experiences in college. Some of the participants from this study reported that their parents
worked very hard to ensure that their families were cared for, and that their parents did not want
to put them in a vulnerable situation without financial resources or food, like they were during
the genocide. However, these participants reported that that their parents’ physical absence left
them without emotional support or educational guidance. Seven participants in this study
reported that familial conflict created a lack of parental presence and they also missed out on
emotional support and guidance in school. Five of the participants believed that the lack of
emotional support led to feelings of abandonment, anxiety, and depression, which followed them
throughout their time in college.
The research question guiding this study examined the experiences of Cambodian
American students in college. Due to parental absence and a low level of academic involvement
by parents, participants in this study felt underprepared for college, especially when they
compared themselves to their peers. Participants who became involved with ethnic organizations
on campus reported that they had better social and academic integration.
Survivor’s Guilt
The participants in this study reported that they experienced survivor’s guilt from being
children of Cambodian genocide survivors. Various types of emotions were described – guilt,
sadness, anger, and helplessness, regarding their parents’ experiences with the Khmer Rouge.
When asked if the participants could describe if the Khmer Rouge had affected them in any way,
Kaily said that she felt guilty about the genocide. She believed that her feelings of guilt about the
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pain and suffering that her parents endured during the Khmer Rouge led her to have multiple
segments of depression in college.
Seven of the participants reported that they felt the need to make up for their parents’
suffering, losses, and sacrifices. They believed that if they succeeded in their academic work,
they would make their parents proud, lessen any chance of continued suffering, and they thus
would be able to provide for and take care of their parents. David felt guilty that his parents went
through the genocide and thus questioned his existence while in college. He stated,
I am a child of death. It's like this weird feeling in that I of course don't want my parents
to have to go through what they did, but I wouldn't be here right now if it wasn't for that.
I think just that struggle kind of paints everything I do, whether it comes to being
thankful for my parent's sacrifices or just having existential crises when it's middle of the
quarter. I think in a way, me and my Cambodian American peers feel survivors guilt in a
way, for lack of a better term. I think... the fact that our parents... it's so hard to get it out
of our parents, to really see what happened makes that even worse because we want to
know what happened, but then we feel guilty for being children in a way. I think that's a
common experience. That's just a way I could sum it up.
In addition to guilt, David felt that he was in debt to his parents for the life that he has today. He
recalled,
Everything I do is kind of like in the context of what my parents have done for me. Not
only just coming to this country, but the background of where they come from, of course,
like immigrating here. So for me, it's always like, if my mom could go through that, I can
deal with whatever is so hard for me here. On top of that, it's just like, and this is not
necessarily a good thing, but I'm always going to feel... it doesn't help that my parents
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gave up so much in terms of their work life, but I'm always going to feel like I owe my
parents because of what they had to go through. In a way, I shouldn't even be born, if that
makes sense. That I'm only here because they had to flee all of that.
David reported that he felt a tremendous amount of survivor’s guilt due to his parents’
experiences with the Cambodian genocide. He believed that it had a large part in shaping his
identity. As such, David believed that his guilt followed him to college, which led to his
“negative” and “stressful” experience.
Mary stated that she felt guilty for being a child of genocide survivors. Thus, she reported
that she put lot pressure on herself to do well in college. She explained,
It's like, if I don't pass this test, I don't pass the class, and if I don't pass this class, I don't
get my degree. If I don't get my degree, I can't repay them. I think one of my main
focuses is just giving them the lifestyle that they deserve. I want to be able to repay them
without being so reckless, especially as a college student, everything is so expensive.
Mary believed that her parents’ experiences shaped her actions, decisions, and overall experience
in college, which she reported as “difficult” and “tough.”
Similar to Mary, Kaily reported feeling sad and guilty about her parents’ suffering during
the genocide. She stated,
I felt more connected to my family, or well I already respected them for doing so much,
just in general. Before I knew about the situation, about the genocide, and all the things
that they sacrificed. But hearing that made me definitely more sad, and definitely more
guilty whenever I did something that I felt like was a mistake, or like would hurt the
family. Because financially we're not as well off as most people are. I'm reluctant to like
be rebellious, because I feel worse about doing something that would hurt my parents,
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than doing something, that was temporary happiness or something like that. For me,
getting like a good career, and doing well was my idea. Being able to obtain like a
comfortable life for them, kind of just paying back.
Kaily believed that her parents’ history with the Cambodian genocide molded her into a more
cautious individual, one that makes careful decisions. Thus, she reported that college was a
“stressful” time for her because she was worried about the impact of her every decisions.
Therefore, Kaily felt that her parents’ history largely shaped her identity and experience in
college.
Andrew reported that he felt survivor’s guilt. He felt that his parents missed out on their
lives because of the genocide. Thus, he wanted to give his parents another opportunity at life. He
stated,
I wish I can like, shrink my parents back to children, but I take care of them, and give
them a good life. She's always like, that's really weird. Don't say that. But like, I really do
think that... I really wish I could do that. To actually raise them, or like, give them like
the life I think they deserve. Because I don't know, I just don't want them to feel like they
waste their life or anything.
Andrew felt that he had put an immense amount of pressure on himself in college because he
wanted to succeed and make his parents proud. He believed his self-imposed pressure shaped his
actions, behavior, and experience in college. Andrew reported his college experience as
“challenging.”
Sandy reported that she felt the pressure of being the child of a Khmer Rouge survivor.
Growing up, she recalled wanting to make her parents proud. However, she expressed that “I
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built up all this emotion and anxiety because my whole life, I tried to get straight A’s” and did
not know how to cope with it when she struggled in college.
The research question that guided this study seek to understand the experiences of
Cambodian American students in college. The participants in this study reported that they felt
survivor’s guilt from being an offspring of Cambodian genocide survivors. As such, they wanted
to make up for their parents’ pain and suffering by making them proud through academic
excellence. These participants put a lot of pressure on themselves to perform well in school.
They believed that their desire for repayment to their parents and their self-imposed pressure
shaped their college experiences into one that is stressful and challenging.
Conclusion
In conclusion, interviews with the 18 participants provided insights into the ways in
which intergenerational transmission of trauma, intergenerational conflict, and multiple worlds
and identities shaped the college experiences of Cambodian American students. Thus, three
themes were identified: 1) parents’ destructive behaviors, 2) parents’ absence, and 3) survivor’s
guilt.
The participants in this study reported that they noticed signs of unresolved trauma in
their parents. Some Cambodian refugees developed destructive behaviors as a result of PTSD,
and the participants reported that those behaviors destroyed their parent-child relationships.
Other Cambodian American parents had decent relationships with their offspring, but were not
around to provide emotional support or general parental guidance. Some of these parents coped
with the genocide by focusing on work and providing for their families. The participants
believed that their parents’ destructive behavior and absence led some of them to anxiety and
depression.
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The participants expressed sadness and helplessness towards their parents’ experiences
with the genocide. Thus, they wished to repay their parents by taking care of them. Cambodian
parents placed an importance on education because they were stripped of educational
opportunities by the Khmer Rouge. Participants in this study reported that they struggled in
college because they did not receive educational guidance from their parents and were not as
academically prepared as their peers. To get through college, these students said that they relied
on on-campus student organizations and their family and friends.
The next chapter will provide a summary of the study, discussion of findings,
recommendations for practice, and implication for practice.

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CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS
Children of Cambodian refugees often struggle academically (Tang & Kao, 2012), but do
not receive adequate attention (Museus & Kiang, 2009), and are underrepresented in higher
education and higher education attainment (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.). The purpose of this
exploratory study was to understand the experiences of Cambodian American students from the
perspective of intergenerational transmission of trauma, intergenerational conflict, and multiple
worlds and identities.
Interviews from the participants revealed with three themes: parents’ destructive
behaviors, parents’ absence, and survivor’s guilt. Through the lenses of the social capital and
community cultural wealth, this study explored access to resources in the educational conditions
and outcomes of Cambodian American students. It also looked into the ways in which this group
of students maneuvered disadvantage circumstances to find success.
Findings
This section will discuss findings in relation to the research question that guided this
study: What are the experiences of Cambodian American students in college?
The participants in this study attended various institutions and therefore had very
different experiences in college. Yet, they all had one commonality – all of the participants in
this study described their time in college to be stressful, difficult, isolating, and challenging.
Fun, enjoyable, and enriching experiences were sprinkled among their responses, but were very
far and few in between. These findings align with the research from Chhuon and Hudley (2008),
who found that minimal academic and social support were offered to Cambodian American
students, thus making their arrival at college more challenging. Ten of the participants did not
use resources offered by their college campuses, such as writing centers, academic counseling,
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psychological services, extracurricular activities, etc. Those who utilized resources did not find
them helpful. Therefore, these participants relied heavily on their family, friends, and ethnic
student organizations to get them through college. These findings are consistent with research
that found that minoritized communities on college campuses are not provided adequate social
and emotional support to navigate and adjust to life in a university from (Chhuon & Hudley,
2008).
How Do Cambodian American Students Perceive Intergenerational Transmission of
Trauma and Intergenerational Conflict in Shaping their Experiences in College?
Data from this study found that the participants perceived intergenerational transmission
of trauma and intergenerational conflict to have shaped their overall college experience. Parental
absence, strained parent-child relationship, and parents’ destructive behaviors, and survivor’s
guilt reportedly led to anxiety and depression for some of the participants in this study. These
findings align with research from Yehuda et al. (2001), who found the effects of familial trauma
and conflict to be especially evident in college-aged individuals. In addition, these findings echo
a study from Lee and Liu (2001) that found that Asian American students tend to suppress
personal feelings, leading to anxious, neurotic, worried, depressed, and obsessive compulsive
behaviors. Furthermore, absence (i.e., physical, emotional) and conflict reportedly created
distance between Cambodian parents and their American-born children. Participants in this study
said they received minimal guidance from their parents and were left to maneuver college on
their own. These findings support findings from studies by Blakely (1983), García Coll et al.
(2002), Morrow (1989), and Tang and Kao (2012) that found low levels of parental involvement
from Cambodian parents in their children’s education. In college, the participants in this study
experienced an enormous amount of pressure from being the children of genocide survivors.
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These participants felt the need to succeed and make their parents proud. Thus, the combination
of trauma, conflict, family dynamics, guilt, and pressure, all produced a lot of stress for this
group of students. Ultimately, these factors influenced their college experiences.
How Do Family Trauma and Conflict Influence Their Identity?
Data from this study found that family trauma and conflict initially influenced the
identity of these participants. Participants said they were ashamed and embarrassed by their
family dynamics and history as young adolescents. They did not want to associate or identify
themselves as Cambodian Americans. These findings align with the research of Chhuon and
Hudley (2010), who found that Cambodian American students in high school were
uncomfortable with their identity and wanted to avoid ties to negative stereotypes. However,
when this group of students entered college and gained more exposure, their perspective of their
ethnic and cultural identity shifted. As young adults in college, these participants better
understood the impact of family trauma on their identity. They formed a community of support
and were able to help one another towards success. These findings align with the research of
Chhuon and Hudley (2008), who found that Cambodian American students were able to
overcome their struggles by empowering themselves through peers of their ethnic background.
Overall, data from this study supports research from Carlson and Rodder-Hogan (1991)
that found that Cambodian refugees still suffer from trauma even years after immigrating to the
U.S. Participants from this study noted signs of unresolved trauma in their parents’ behavior.
Letzter-Pouw et al. (2014) found that trauma enacted through the mother, father, or grandparents,
caused secondary traumatization in children, which was also reflected in findings in this study.
The participants reported that their anxiety and depression developed through their relationship
with their parents.
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Research from Maramba et al. (2018); Museus (2013); and Tang et al. (2013) found that
SEAA parents emphasize the value of education, which was also found be supported by this
study. Cambodian parents encouraged their children to pursue their education. However,
participants in this study found themselves at a disadvantage in college because they felt that
their academic preparation was not equivalent to those of their peers. This finding echoes those
of Chhuon and Hudley’s (2008) research on the patterns of social and academic integration of
successful Cambodian American students.
In addition, data from this study supports the research of Maramba and Palmer (2014)
and Museus et al. (2016) that found that Cambodian American students turned to ethnic student
organizations to lessen the intimidation of college. A majority of the participants from this study
joined ethnic organizations. They often credited it for turning their college experience into one
that is positive and enjoyable.
The Role of Social Capital and Community Cultural Wealth
Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth model comprises six forms of capital,
including aspirational, linguistic, familial, social, navigational, and resistant. The community
cultural wealth redirected deficit-based to strength-based views of marginalized groups by
positioning community of color with cultural knowledge, skills, and abilities, rather than
positioning them in unfavorable circumstances for success (Yosso, 2005). This model was
present in the college experiences of the participants in this study. They pursued hopes and
dreams despite barriers of familial trauma and conflict. Being bilingual students speaking
English and Khmer, the participants entered college with communication maturity that allowed
them to speak with social and cultural awareness. In college, they received support through
contact with their prior community such as family and friends. In addition, this group of
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participants engaged in an on-campus ethnic community (i.e., Cambodian club). The
participation of such organizations allowed these students to share ideas, support one another,
and push forward. Thus, the participants managed hostile environments with the support of their
peers. Lastly, the participants in this study resisted the status quo by persisting in college. They
used components of community cultural wealth as a foundation for their success.
Coleman (1988) defined social capital as the relationship between parent and child (i.e.,
time spent together, parents’ roles in their children's lives). Coleman’s definition of social capital
is rooted in the perception that family background plays a vital role in students’ academic
achievement. Stanton-Salazar (2011) highlighted the importance of “nonfamily adult agents” in
the academic attainment and success of young adults. Stanton-Salazar (2011) defined social
capital as “resources and key forms of social support embedded in one’s network or associations,
and accessible through direct or indirect ties with institutional agents.”
The participants in this study often the lacked social capital needed to be successful in
college, as described by Coleman (1988) and Stanton-Salazar (2011). They struggled with their
relationship with their parents, and they did not have institutional agents connecting them with
valuable resources that they otherwise did not have access to. However, they were able to build
some levels of social capital through their relationships with their siblings, other family
members, and peers. Thus, it allowed them to persist in college. Coleman (1988) and Stanton-
Salazar’s (2011) notions of social capital is significant in the success of this student group. Thus,
their concepts were considered and incorporated into the recommendations for practice.
Recommendations for Practice
Participant interviews provided an understanding on the complexity of the challenges
faced by Cambodian American students in college. Their college experiences were shaped by
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familial trauma and conflict, lack of academic preparedness, and engagement with their ethnic
community. To enhance the college experiences of this group of students, the following are
recommendations for practice:
1. Implement a college preparation program. Fifteen of the participants expressed that
they were academically unprepared for college. In addition, all of the participants noted
that they found college to be isolating and challenging. The participants did not know
how to navigate the college environment and thus did not take advantage of campus
resources. Furthermore, many participants stated that meeting other Cambodian
American students and learning about the history and culture of their background
positively impacted their college experience. College campuses with large concentrations
of Khmer students should create a bridging program aimed at helping Cambodian
American students ease the transition to college academic life. The program design could
include one general course, one course on the history and culture of Cambodia, faculty-
student mentorship, and various social activities. Students could be required to live in
dorms for the entirety of the program. A program that pre-exposes Cambodian American
students to college would help them adapt them to the academic rigor of their colleges
and universities. In addition, it would allow them meet other entering Cambodian
American students and build a sense of community. Furthermore, it would allow them
time to explore and familiarize themselves with campus resources that may be beneficial
for their success. For institutions with small concentrations of Cambodian American
students, the bridging program could be included as part of the Summer Bridge program,
if it exists at the institution. In addition, the program could connect these small groups of
students with Cambodian American students at other campuses.
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2. Implement a peer-mentorship program. The participants in this study often noted that
their parents did not have the knowledge to guide them in their education. They did not
have anyone to turn to when they had questions about school-related matters. Therefore,
institutions could initiate a peer-mentorship program to pair Cambodian American
underclassmen with Cambodian American upperclassmen. An ethnic-based mentoring
program would provide first-year Cambodian American students with a positive mentor
who have persisted, understands their circumstances, and have knowledge on how to
navigate the college environment. The mentoring program would allow early connections
to be formed and thus a smoother adjustment to college.
3. Provide training for counselors. Many of the participants in this study experienced
anxiety and depression as a result of their parents’ unresolved trauma from the Khmer
Rouge. Participants stated that they attended a few therapy and counseling sessions on
campus but found them unhelpful. These students explained that the therapist or
counselor assigned did not understand their background or experiences. Thus, providing
therapists and counselor with proper education and training that can offer valuable
session would be beneficial for the mental health and overall wellbeing of Cambodian
American students.
4. Provide psychological support for students. The participants in this study reported
psychological stress from their parents’ destructive behaviors, parental absence, and
survivor’s guilt from being offspring of genocide survivors. Five of participants stated
that they suffer from anxiety and depression that developed in adolescent years.
Therefore, providing psychological counseling and support for these students in college is
TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
72
necessary for their academic success. It would allow them the proper space and support
to manage their difficult situations and problems.
5. Increase faculty engagement. The participants in this study noted that they did not
establish meaningful relationships with the faculty. Stanton-Salazar (2011) described
higher-status members of society, such as institutional agents, to have the capacity to
transmit funds of knowledge and negotiate forms of networking. Without the support of
institutional agents such as faculty, Cambodian Americans students do not have access to
highly valued resources. Therefore, institutions need to assess levels of faculty
engagement with students, build programs, and evaluate program outcomes in order to
ensure that faculty interact with students and offer individual support and guidance.
Implications for Practice
Cambodian American students are a unique Asian American subgroup, and therefore, cannot
be grouped under the broad category of Asian Americans. The educational problems related to
Cambodian Americans have been overlooked for decades. This study shed lights into the
complexity of the educational challenges of this group of minoritized students. Higher education
administrators need to build upon and create programs and support services to enhance the
academic success and overall college experience for Cambodian American students. Higher
education administrators need to allocate of time and resources for this group of students, who
may require more attention and support, especially during their early years of college. Results
from the study made the problem more visible. For policy makers, that calls for discussions and
changes to the current policy. It is time to disaggregate data and recognize that Cambodian
Americans is an underrepresented group that is in dire need of assistance. Policy makers need to
TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
73
construct policies that allow this groups of students to succeed despite their academic and social
barriers. Considerations to mental health support is especially important to this population.
Conclusion
Cambodian Americans are underrepresented in higher education and higher education
attainment. For example, 49% of Chinese, 62% of Taiwanese, and an overall 41% of Asians
enrolled in college in 2015 (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.). That same year, only 30% of Cambodian
American students enrolled in college (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.). Accordingly, while 27% of
Chinese, 33% of Taiwanese, and an overall 30% of Asian Americans graduated with a college
degree in 2015, only 14% of Cambodian Americans graduated from college that year (U.S.
Census Bureau, n.d.). Given the low rate of higher education attainment of Cambodian
Americans, it is essential to have a better understanding of the barriers that impact the college
experiences of this group of students.
This study found that Cambodian American students perceived intergenerational
transmission of trauma and intergenerational conflict to have shaped their overall college
experience. The participants in this study struggled with the intergenerational effects of their
parents’ PTSD. The mental health support services at their institutions were inadequate.
Participants also struggled academically in college due to lack of preparation and support. They
had to maneuver college on their own. These participants had a challenging and stressful
experience in college, but were able to persist with the support of their ethnic community.

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74
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APPENDIX A
Recruitment E-Mail

Dear [Name],

My name is Monida Hean, and I am a doctoral candidate in the Rossier School of Education at
the University of Southern California. I am conducting a research study as part of my
dissertation, which examines the college experiences of second-generation Cambodian American
students. You are invited to participate in this study.

If you are interested in participating in this study, please complete the 5-minute online survey.
This survey will assist me in determining if you qualify to participate. If you meet the participant
criteria, I will contact you to schedule a date and time for your interview. The interview will last
approximately 60 minutes, and will be audio recorded for transcription purposes. Participation in
this study is completely voluntary and your identity will be kept confidential.

If you are selected to participate in the study, you will be compensated with a $25 Starbucks or
Target gift card at the conclusion of the interview.

Survey Link: https://usc.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_0Bww1sMlfJLEXn7

If you have any questions or concerns, please feel free to contact me at hean@usc.edu or 562-
743-2246.

Thank you for your consideration,

Monida Hean
Doctoral Candidate – Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California

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APPENDIX B
Screening Survey

1. Gender:
a. Male
b. Female
c. Other

2. Age: _________

3. Are you Cambodian American?
a. Yes
b. No

4. What is your generational status?
a. First-generation (born in Cambodia, immigrated to the U.S. as an adult)
b. 1.5-generation (born in Cambodia, immigrated to the U.S. as a child or
adolescent)
c. Second-generation (born in the U.S. to Cambodian-born parents)
d. Third-generation (born in the U.S. to U.S.-born parents)

5. Was/were your parent(s) a refugee or survivor of the Cambodian genocide/Khmer
Rouge?
a. Yes
b. No

6. Please indicate the undergraduate institution in which you are associated with:
____________________

7. What is your college enrollment status?
a. Full-time
b. Part-time
c. Other: College graduate

8. What is/was your college major? _________________________

9. Have you completed at least 1 year of college?
a. Yes
b. No

10. What is your college classification level?
Freshman (1st year)
Sophomore (2nd year)
Junior (3rd year)
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Senior (4th year)
5th year
6th year
College graduate
Other _________________________

11. Would you be willing to participate in a 60-minute interview?
a. Yes
b. No

12. Please indicate your interview preference:
a. Individual Interview
b. Focus Group Interview
c. No preference

13. Please identify your interview availability:
a. Mornings
b. Afternoons
c. Evenings

14. If you are willing to participate in a 60-minute interview, please provide your name and
contact information below:

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APPENDIX C
Individual Interview Protocol

Hi [name of interviewee]. My name is Monida Hean. Thank you for agreeing to participate in
this research study. The purpose of this study is to understand the college experiences of second-
generation Cambodian American students. This interview involves a set of 13 questions and will
last approximately one hour. Does that still work for you?

Before we begin, I would like to ask if you are comfortable with the interview being audio-
recorded. The recording will be used for transcription purposes and will be deleted upon
completion of the study. The information you provide will be kept strictly confidential.

If at any point you would like to skip a question or stop the interview, please let me know. Do
you have any questions before we begin? Please let me know at any time throughout the
interview if you have any questions. Let us begin.

Introduction Question
1. Can you tell me a little bit about your college experience? Has it been/was it positive,
negative, enjoyable, stressful, etc.?

Main Interview Questions
2. How would you describe your relationship with your parents?
3. In what ways do your cultural values and lifestyle differ from or align to those of your
parents?
o If there are gaps in cultural values and lifestyle between you and your parents,
how do you work around it?
4. To what extent do you feel that your relationship with your parents affect/ed your
education?
5. Have your parents ever talked to you about their experiences with the Khmer Rouge?
o If yes, what have they shared with you about their experiences? What are some of
the stories that you have heard? How do you feel about their experiences?
o If no, have you asked them about their experiences? If you have not asked them,
can you tell me why you have not asked? Perhaps you are not interested about this
particular event in their life or you have not thought to ask?
o If you have asked but only bits and pieces of information were given, did you
seek other sources (other family members, community members, books, etc.) for
additional information? If so, did you find that your sources provided information
that were consistent with and/or filled in the gaps of your parents’ stories? From
the gathered information, how do you feel about the experiences that your parents
went through?
6. In what ways do your parents’ experiences with the Khmer Rouge affect you?
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o For example, growing up, did you parents remind you of how fortunate you are to
live in a safe and free country? If yes, how did that influence the way that you live
your life, your actions, and how you make decisions?
o If your parents were/are sad or angry with the events of the Khmer Rouge, how
did their feelings toward the genocide affect their moods and actions? In turn,
how did that affect your moods and actions? Do you feel distressed from hearing
their stories? Are you more sympathetic to the refugee population or those who
have experienced a life-changing event?
7. How do you feel about being Cambodian American? Are you proud, embarrassed, or
neutral?
8. How do you balance both worlds, Cambodian and American?
o Which do you identify with more, Cambodian or American?
9. Can you tell me a little bit about your core group of friends in college? What are/were
their ethnic backgrounds?
10. How do/did you manage your multiple worlds at school and at home (i.e., the demands of
school and work obligations and expectations)?
11. How do/did you navigate the resources on-campus? For example, how do you connect
yourself with appropriate resources and information in order to succeed?
12. Tell me about your support network. Who contributes/d to your college experience?
o Are there community members, extended family, faculty, staff, etc., that
contribute/d to your college experience? If so, in what ways do/did they
contribute to those experiences?

Snowball
13. Do you know anyone who may be interested in participating in this study? If so, would
you be willing to share their contact information or pass along my information?

Conclusion
That concludes our interview. Is there anything else you would like to add?

Thank you for sharing your experiences with me today. I appreciate your participation in this
study.

TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
90
APPENDIX D
Focus Group Interview Protocol

Hi [name of interviewees]. My name is Monida Hean. Thank you for agreeing to participate in
this research study. The purpose of this study is to understand the college experiences of second-
generation Cambodian American students. This interview involves a set of 8 questions and will
last approximately one hour. Does that still work for you?

Before we begin, I would like to ask if you are comfortable with the interview being audio-
recorded. The recording will be used for transcription purposes and will be deleted upon
completion of the study. The information you provide will be kept strictly confidential.

If at any point you would like to skip a question or stop the interview, please let me know. Do
you have any questions before we begin? Please let me know at any time throughout the
interview if you have any questions. Let us begin.

Introduction Question
1. Can you tell me a little bit about your college experience? Has it been/was it positive,
negative, enjoyable, stressful, etc.?

Main Interview Questions
2. How would you describe your relationship with your parents?
3. Have your parents ever talked to you about their experiences with the Khmer Rouge?
o If yes, what have they shared with you about their experiences? What are some of
the stories that you have heard? How do you feel about their experiences?
o If no, have you asked them about their experiences? If you have not asked them,
can you tell me why you have not asked? Perhaps you are not interested about this
particular event in their life or you have not thought to ask?
o If you have asked but only bits and pieces of information were given, did you
seek other sources (other family members, community members, books, etc.) for
additional information? If so, did you find that your sources provided information
that were consistent with and/or filled in the gaps of your parents’ stories? From
the gathered information, how do you feel about the experiences that your parents
went through?
4. In what ways do your parents’ experiences with the Khmer Rouge affect you?
o If your parents were/are sad or angry with the events of the Khmer Rouge, how
did their feelings toward the genocide affect their moods and actions? In turn,
how did that affect your moods and actions? Do you feel distressed from hearing
their stories?
5. How do you feel about being Cambodian American? Are you proud, embarrassed, or
neutral?
6. How do you balance both worlds, Cambodian and American?
TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
91
o Which do you identify with more, Cambodian or American?
7. Tell me about your support network. Who contributes/d to your college experience?
o Are there community members, extended family, faculty, staff, etc., that
contribute/d to your college experience? If so, in what ways do/did they
contribute to those experiences?

Snowball
8. Do you know anyone who may be interested in participating in this study? If so, would
you be willing to share their contact information or pass along my information?

Conclusion
That concludes our interview. Is there anything else you would like to add?

Thank you for sharing your experiences with me today. I appreciate your participation in this
study.

TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
92
APPENDIX E
Information Sheet for Exempt Research

University of Southern California
Information Sheet for Research

INFORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR EXEMPT NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

The Cambodian American College Experience: Intergenerational Transmission of
Trauma, Intergenerational Conflict, and Multiple Worlds and Identities

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Monida Hean under the supervision
of Dr. Tracy Tambascia at the University of Southern California. Please read through this form
and ask any questions you might have before deciding whether or not you want to participate.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This research study aims to understand the experiences of Cambodian American students from the
perspective of intergenerational transmission of trauma, intergenerational conflict, and multiple
worlds and identities. This study examines the ways in which children of Cambodian refugees
maneuver through their obstacles while pursuing college education. Results of this study contribute
to the limited research on unresolved trauma of Cambodian refugees on the Cambodian American
students’ identities and educational outcomes in postsecondary education.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you agree to take part in this study, you will be asked to complete a 5 minute online survey and
participate in a 60-minute interview. The interview will be audio recorded. You do not have to
answer any questions you do not want to.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $25 Starbucks or Target gift card at the conclusion of the interview.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential. At
the completion of the study, direct identifiers will be destroyed and the de-identified data may be
used for future research studies. If you do not want your data used in future studies, you should
not participate.

TRAUMA, CONFLICT, AND KHMER COLLEGE STUDENTS
93
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies
to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Monida Hean
at hean@usc.edu or (562) 743-2246, or Faculty Advisor Dr. Tracy Tambascia at
tpoon@rossier.usc.edu or (213) 740-9747.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Hean, Monida (author)

Core Title The Cambodian American college experience: intergenerational transmission of trauma, intergenerational conflict, and multiple worlds and identities

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 05/08/2020

Defense Date 01/30/2020

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Cambodian American,Cambodian genocide,child trauma and coping,college experience,destructive behavior,educational outcomes,ethnic identity development,ethnic identity exploration,family trauma,identity,intergenerational conflict,intergenerational transmission of trauma,Khmer Rouge,multiple worlds,OAI-PMH Harvest,parental absence,parent-child conflict,parents’ unresolved trauma,racial identity development,survivor’s guilt

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tambascia, Tracy Poon (committee chair), Chung, Ruth H. (committee member), Kim, Simon (committee member)

Creator Email mohean@yahoo.com,monidahean@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-304482

Unique identifier UC11663448

Identifier etd-HeanMonida-8463.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-304482 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-HeanMonida-8463.pdf

Dmrecord 304482

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Hean, Monida

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA