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Pa’delante, la lucha continúa: resiliency among Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying

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Pa’delante, la lucha continúa: resiliency among Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying

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Content Running head: RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 1
Pa’delante, La Lucha Continúa: Resiliency among Latinx College Students with Past
Experiences of Bullying
by
Yanira Hernandez
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2020
Copyright 2020 Yanira Hernandez
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 2
Acknowledgements
First, I want to thank God for watching over me throughout this journey. ¡Gracias Diosito!
I also thank my virgencita, La Virgen de Guadalupe, for guiding me and helping me. ¡Mi Santa
Madre, gracias!
I would not be at this point in my life without the loving care and support of my parents,
Luisa Martiñon and Efren Hernandez. Ama y apa, gracias por todo sus sacrificios y su amor, que
me han dado la fortaleza de ser una guerrera. Les doy las gracias hoy y siempre por ser mis
doctores de la vida. Nos quisieron enterrar, pero no sabían que éramos semillas. I wish to also
thank my little brother, Jesse. Thank you for being my guardian angel and always protecting me.
How I thank God for sending me such a smart, spirited, caring little brother. You’re next! To my
amazing partner, Ricardo, thank you for your patience, selflessness, kindness, and love. You are a
blessing and I am beyond grateful for your support throughout this doctoral journey. I love you!
To my best friends, Mercedes and Angie, I appreciate and love you both so much. Thank
you for cheering me on before and throughout this process, for lending me a shoulder to cry on,
and for bringing so much joy to my life. I am also grateful for my pueblo of support: my
amigas/os/xs, my sorority sisters of Lambda Theta Nu Sorority, Inc., my SAFC co-workers, my
LA Weekend cohort, my fellow doctoras, Jess and Nat, and everyone else who said a prayer for
me and believed in me. ¡Con todo corazón, mil gracias! To my beloved South Central LA, thank
you for strengthening my resilience.
I would like to also thank all the educators and mentors who have contributed to my
educational journey. I am grateful for the consejos, learning through your commitment to others,
and pushing my limits to places I didn’t know I could go. A very special thanks to the devoted
USC Rossier faculty who guided me, especially my Chair Dr. Briana Hinga, along with my
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 3
dissertation committee members, Dr. Eugenia Mora-Flores and Dr. Rebekah Blonshine. Thank
you Dr. Blonshine for motivating me to apply to the USC Ed.D program. To Las Siete Voces
Resilientes, thank you for sharing your stories with me and for allowing me to learn from your
resiliency journeys. I hope I diligently captured your determination, resistance, and commitment
to yourselves, families, and communities. ¡Estoy eternamente agradecida!
Lastly, to the First-Gen Brown students from South Central LA, si se puede porque si se
pudo!
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 4
Table of Contents
List of Tables 7
List of Figures 8
Abstract 9
Chapter One: Introduction 10
Background of the Problem 13
Statement of the Problem 15
Purpose of the Study 16
Research Questions 18
Significance of the Study 18
Organization of the Study 20
Operational Definitions 22
Chapter Two: Literature Review 26
Introduction 26
Research Questions 27
Theoretical Framework 27
Critical Race Theory (CRT) 29
Latino Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) 31
Figure 2.1. Concept Model of Theoretical Frameworks 37
Resilience Concepts 37
Origins of Resilience 38
Definitions of Resilience 39
Significant Adversity and Positive Adaptation 40
Resilience and Social Justice 46
Sociocultural Factors Promoting Resilience among Latinx
Students 47
The Role of Family 48
Cultural Influences and Ethnic Identity 50
Bullying 51
What is Bullying? 52
Types of Bullying 53
Bullying Roles and Characteristics 54
Victims/Survivors 54
Bullies 55
Bully-Victims 56
Bystanders 56
Prevalence of Bullying 57
Bullying and Academic Functioning 60
Bullying and Psychological Functioning 61
Long-term Consequences of Bullying 63
Latinx Students’ Transition to College 64
Sense of Belonging 65
Social Capital 67
First-Generation Latinx Students 69
Undocumented Latinx Students 70
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 5
Summary 72
Chapter Three: Methodology 74
Research Questions 74
Narrative Inquiry 75
Critical Race Methodology 75
Testimonios 76
Positionality 79
My Relationship to the Topic 79
My Relationship to the Participants 82
Sample 84
Setting 84
Recruitment of Participants 85
Informed Consent 86
Participants 87
Data Collection 88
Interviews 88
Data Analysis 92
Narrative Analysis 92
Limitations and Delimitations 96
Credibility and Trustworthiness 97
Ethics 98
Summary 100
Chapter Four: Findings 101
Las Siete Voces Resilientes 102
Table 4.1 Participant Demographics Characteristics 102
MJ 103
Ana 105
Patty 108
Alan 109
Jose 111
Ruby 113
Derek 115
Summary 116
Pathways of Resilience 117
Échale Ganas, Tu Eres Chingona 117
Just Keep Going 121
Con La Frente En Alto 124
I’m Still Standing 125
Never Give Up 128
I’ll Rise Up 131
I’m Different and That’s Okay 133
Latinx Families as a Supportive Network 134
La Motivación 135
Los Sacrificios 137
Short- and Long-term Effects of Bullying 139
Short-term Effects of Bullying 141
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 6
Impact on Psychological Functioning 141
Impact on Academic Functioning 145
Long-term Effects of Bullying 147
Impact on Psychological Functioning 147
Impact on Academic Functioning 148
Challenges and Resources for First-Generation Community College
Students 149
Financial Challenges 150
On-Campus Resources 153
Summary 155
Chapter Five: Discussion 157
Discussion of Findings 160
Bullying Victimization, Resilience, and Resistance 160
Mechanisms of Support 163
Recommendations for Research 164
Implications for Practice 165
Consejos from Las Siete Voces Resilientes 167
MJ 167
Ana 168
Patty 169
Alan 169
Jose 169
Ruby 170
Derek 170
Conclusion 171
References 172
Appendix A: Informed Consent 201
Appendix B: Interview Protocol 205

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 7
List of Tables
Table1: Table 4.1, Participant Demographic Characteristics 106

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 8
List of Figures
Figure A: Figure 2.1, Concept Model of Theoretical Frameworks 38

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 9
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to explore how Latinx college students with past experiences of
bullying describe their resilience and navigate their transition to college. Since originally
theorized, bullying experiences among Latinx students have been primarily investigated through
a damaged-centered framework, naturally silencing and omitting Latinx students' diverse and
unique ways of being. In illustrating more nuanced manifestations of resilience, this study
employs critical race theory (CRT) and Latino critical race theory (LatCrit) frameworks to
deconstruct and reconstruct dominant epistemologies in the resilience and bullying literature and
educational research. This study uses narrative inquiry within a critical race methodological
framework and the methodological approach of testimonios. Seven testimonios are
contextualized using a thematic approach within narrative analysis. The findings uncovered
Latinx college students’ unique pathways of resilience that manifest as individual and collective
resistance and consciousness as they redefine resilience through their own terms. The findings
also highlight the short- and long-term adverse consequences of childhood and adolescence
bullying victimization, specifically impacting students’ well-being in social and academic
settings, thus, making the adjustment to college particularly difficult. Latinx college students also
use various supportive systems for their resiliency processes and to navigate the transition to
college. The findings suggest the need for culturally-appropriate, trauma-informed prevention
and early intervention programs in K-12 settings and a comprehensive, multifaceted preventive
approach in college campus communities to support the unique needs of Latinx college students
with past experiences of bullying.

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 10
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Bullying has gained media attention in recent years after an increase in highly publicized
school shootings and deaths by suicide among youth as a result of bullying incidents (Juvonen &
Graham, 2014). Although violent reactions to bullying are rare, awareness of bullying has
generated an influx of research to better understand this phenomenon. These tragic incidents have
affected individuals, families, communities, schools, and society at large resulting in a national
outcry to “do something” about the problem of bullying. According to the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, anti-bullying laws and policies at the state and local levels have been
instituted, including anti-bullying policies by local school districts (U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services, 2018). Despite the ubiquity of the policies and efforts by school leaders and
stakeholders, bullying continues to plague the school system, negatively impacting the social-
emotional well-being of students (Sansone & Sansone, 2008) and school climate (Sprague &
Walker, 2005). In a national study, 20% of students ages 12 to 18 reported experiencing bullying
in 2017 (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019) and 19% of students in grades 9 to 12
reported experiencing bullying on school grounds (U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Evidently, bullying is an epidemic
that is increasingly affecting students in primary and secondary schools.
Furthermore, bullying has the potential to affect students’ academic and psychological
functioning and overall socio-emotional well-being. Nakamoto and Schwartz (2009) found that
students who are bullied are more likely to earn lower grades and score lower on standardized
achievement tests. Early bullying research investigated incidents of bullying among White
American children in middle-class settings (Ladd, Kochenderfer, & Coleman, 1997); however,
proponents of bullying recently began to investigate the bullying phenomena among ethnically
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 11
diverse populations. Although limited research exists on ethnically diverse populations,
researchers studying bullying among ethnically diverse school-aged children found an association
between low academic performance and bullying (Schwartz, Gorman, Nakamoto, & Toblin,
2005). Among Latino children in underserved neighborhoods, bullying was associated with low
grade point averages (GPAs) and school engagement (Nakamoto & Schwartz, 2011). In addition
to academic and school functioning, bullying has also been linked to short- and long-term
psychological difficulties including loneliness, social difficulties, low self-esteem, anxiety,
depression, suicidal ideation, and somatic complaints (Kochenderfer-Ladd & Wardrop, 2001;
Smokowski & Kapasz, 2005).
As the bullying epidemic increases, researchers are finding that the consequences of
bullying extend far beyond immediate repercussions. The aftermath of bullying has the potential
to extend into adulthood (Sansone & Sansone, 2008). Recent studies have found evidence that
indicates shyness, inhibition in intimate relationships, poor socialization, anxiety, and depression
among adults who experienced childhood bullying (Jantzer & Cashel, 2017). As the investigations
of the long-term consequences of bullying are on the rise, some studies are beginning to highlight
the impact of bullying among college students.
Transitioning to college places high demands on all students, especially students who
have disadvantaged backgrounds (i.e. lower socio-economic status, students of color, immigration
status, first-generation college-going) (Castellanos & Gloria, 2007). Some researchers state that
students who are transitioning to college who have disadvantaged backgrounds and have a history
of childhood and/or adolescence bullying victimization may have more difficulty adjusting to the
collegiate environment (Wei, Russell, & Zakalik, 2005). For Latino college students, difficulties
may extend beyond healing from the bullying victimization. Such difficulties may encompass
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 12
negotiating identities in order to achieve success. It may include a constellation of psychological
(i.e. beliefs, attitudes, perceptions), social (i.e. networks, connections, mentors), and cultural (i.e.
values validation, sense of belonging) factors that may be influenced by individual and institutional
forces (Castellanos & Gloria, 2007; McNairy, 1996).
Nevertheless, since initially theorized, bullying experiences among Latino students have
been primarily investigated through a “damaged-centered” framework (Tuck, 2019). Damaged-
centered research documents pain and loss in order to obtain political or material gains (Tuck,
2019). Investigating the consequences of bullying is critical to the development of policies;
however, one must extend the bullying research beyond the “effects” of bullying and instead
highlight the various forms of resilience from bullying as a method of desired-based research.
Limited research has explored the resiliency of survivors of bullying, and if explored, it is often
through Eurocentric views on resiliency. Tuck (2019) urges researchers to move towards “desired-
based” research to understand “the cultural, intellectual, and sacred knowledges” of marginalized
communities (p.423).
Resiliency can manifest in unique ways, especially among communities of color who have
diverse ways of being. However, the resilience literature often seeks to understand the resilience
construct by operationalizing it through its core concepts: significant adversity and positive
adaptation (Luthar, Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000). When resiliency from bullying victimization is
operationalized through these core concepts, it omits students of color diverse ways of being
resilient and dismisses voices that have been historically silenced. The voices of Latinx college
students with past experiences of bullying matter and deserve to be uplifted. The term Latinx refers
to individuals with ancestry in any country within the sub-continent of Latin America (Marrow,
2003), “which explicitly acknowledges diversity in forms of gender identity and expression via
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 13
use of ‘x’ in lieu of the gendered articles ‘a’ or ‘o’” (Santos, 2017, p. 12). Thus, I employ the term
Latinx throughout this body of work as it can disrupt traditional notions of inclusivity and shape
understandings of intersectionality (Salinas & Lozano, 2017). In this study, Latinx college students
are characterized by students who self-identified as Latina/o/x, have past experiences of bullying,
are receiving mental health services, attend local community colleges, and reside in low-income
communities within the Southeast region of Los Angeles County. This study urges the inclusion
of the voices of Latinx college students with childhood and/or adolescence bullying experiences
in educational research and to be theorized through a desired-based lens to illuminate the different
and multiple forms of resiliency.
Background of the Problem
The Latinx population is the largest growing ethnic minority group in the United States,
yet approximately only 19% of Latinx students enroll in college (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017).
Although college enrollment numbers are low among Latinx students, statistical data only imparts
a small fraction of a larger puzzle in the Latinx college transition. Unfortunately, much of the
educational research on Latinx students focuses on high school dropout rates, low rates of
completion in college, or risk factors that contribute to low academic success, with little
consideration for the systems that are rooted in institutional racism and oppression that result in
social disadvantage or for the multiple forms of resiliency that may manifest among Latinx
students. Rather educational research draws attention to the deficiencies of Latinx students. In
terms of bullying victimization among Latinx students, research focuses on risk factors such as
low parental education and income, poor family functioning, gang involvement, social rejection
by peers, substance use, community violence, and poverty (U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2019). When experiences of Latinx students
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 14
are theorized through a damaged-centered framework, it has the potential to produce deficit-based
narratives, which is often used to push forward practices and policies.
Thus, Latinx student experiences are decontextualized within formal educational settings
through erasure or omission of their experiences, cultures, histories, and languages (Delgado
Bernal, 2002). Dominant Eurocentric epistemologies do not only exist within the school context
but have the potential to influence spaces of temporal and spatial hierarchies through which people
have learned to operate throughout history. Consequently, Eurocentric epistemologies sustain
dominant ideologies embedded in white superiority (Huber, 2008; Delgado Bernal & Villalpando,
2002), such as the construct of resilience. Historically, resilience has been theorized through
Eurocentric epistemologies that inherently omit and/or silence the voices of people of color.
Existing notions of resilience do not adequately reflect the lived experiences of students of color,
in this instance, Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying victimization. As
resilience continues to be theorized in educational research through its operational concepts:
significant adversity and positive adaptation, it provides an overly prescriptive understanding of
how students ought to function, reproducing Eurocentric views on what counts as resilience and
who is resilient.
Evidently, a more nuanced understanding of the concept of resilience may validate the
diverse ways in which Latinx college students navigate their experiences and challenges. In
addition, when clarified, “the concept of resilience may more robustly capture the complexities
and contradictions of interaction, relationships, and processes within which these individuals
navigate their lives” (Hutcheon & Lashewicz, 2014, p. 1386). In illustrating more nuanced
manifestations of resilience, this study employs critical race theory (CRT) and Latino critical race
(LatCrit) frameworks (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001) to deconstruct and reconstruct dominant
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 15
epistemologies in the resilience literature and educational research that produce particular forms
of knowledge among Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying rather than
recognizing them as agents with diverse identities and experiences (Montecinos, 1995). Critical
race epistemology acknowledges Latinx college students as holders of knowledge (Delgado
Bernal, 1998). It is now more than ever a crucial time to shift the narrative of bullying among
Latinx students. With the prevalence of bullying and the current social and political climate
towards Latinx communities, desired-based research has the power to influence culturally-relevant
educational practices and policies. Given the social-cultural histories and influences among Latinx
students, it is vital that the intersections of race, class, gender, and immigration status are
considered when exploring resilience-based research. Using CRT and LatCrit theoretical
frameworks and methodology (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001), I sought to illuminate and uplift the
voices of Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying and explore the manifestations
of their resilience, while simultaneously understand how they navigate the transition to college.
Statement of the Problem
While educators are gradually becoming aware of the problem pertaining to bullying in
primary and secondary schools and the potential impact of bullying on marginalized communities,
under emphasis has been placed on how Latinx students and other students of color, are resilient
despite bullying victimization, more specifically, the manifestations of resilience among Latinx
college students with childhood and/or adolescence bullying experiences. Resilience is largely
framed as the ability to cope, adapt, or mobilize protective resources in the face of adversity
(Morrison & Cosden, 1997; Young, Green, & Rogers, 2008 as cited in Hutcheon & Lashewicz,
2014). Research on resilience to childhood and adolescence bullying victimization has primarily
focused on the individual’s coping abilities and positive adaptation. However, “when adversities
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 16
faced by [students of color] result from embedded inequality and social disadvantage, resilience-
based knowledge has the potential to influence the wider adversity context” (Hart et al., 2016, p.
1). Thus, it is vital that resilience research “encompasses this potential for marginalized people to
challenge and transform aspects of their adversity, without holding them responsible for the
barriers they face” (Hart et al., 2016, p.1). In bullying research, when discussing coping abilities
and positive adaptation to adversity, it is often synonymous with personality traits and a
constellation of characteristics that are supposed to enable students to adapt to the bullying
victimization they encountered. These characteristics are often quantified as high self-esteem, high
self-efficacy, social skills, problem solving skills, and academic competence (Masten, 2001;
Fletcher & Sarkar, 2013). However, these clusters of characteristics are benchmarks of healthy
adaptation and developments perpetuated by western perspectives of resilience.
Furthermore, there is little research on the diverse ways resilience manifests among
students of color, particularly, Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying. For many
college students, including those who are survivors of bullying, going to college presents major
developmental challenges (Jantzer & Cashel, 2017). This study challenged dominant ideology
within the resilience literature by exploring the unique and diverse ways Latinx college students
with past experiences of bullying describe their resiliency. Additionally, this study examined the
way in which these students navigate their transition to college.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this narrative study was to explore how Latinx college students with past
experiences of bullying describe their resiliency and navigate their transition to college. These
experiences were explored as they intersected with race, class, gender, and immigration status to
understand the limitless range of identities of Latinx college students that contributed to their
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 17
resiliency. I framed the research within narrative inquiry, blending critical race methodological
approaches (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001) with narrative analysis (Riessman, 1993) of participants’
testimonios (Latina Feminist Group, 2001). By employing CRT and LatCrit frameworks, I
centered my analysis on the ways in which Latinx college students with past experiences of
bullying describe their resiliency as a means of deconstructing dominant epistemologies of
resilience. No studies have presented the relationship between Latinx college students’ childhood
and/or adolescence bullying experiences and resiliency while navigating the college transition.
Conversely, these constructs are often studied independently in educational research or theorized
separately in the bullying, resilience, and higher education literature.
This study challenges the deficit discourse in educational research by demonstrating how
Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying are resilient by using their community
cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005). Deficit discourse often “sees” deprivation in communities of color,
positioning students of color and families at fault for their adversities or poor ability for success
(Yosso, 2005). Traditional notions of resilience are primarily based on Luthar and colleagues’
(2000) definition of resilience: “dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation within the
context of significant adversity” (p. 543). This traditional view of resilience is narrowly defined
by White, middle-class values that place value on a very narrow range of assets and characteristics.
By asserting the need to deconstruct the monolithic notions of resilience based on dominant
culture, the term dominant culture is used to recognize the power of dominant groups in U.S.
society (Espino, 2008).
As a way to deconstruct and reconstruct dominant resilience paradigms that do not
encompass Latinx student voices, critical race methodology centers the research lens on the
accumulated assets and resources that exist in the histories and lives of Latinx college students
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 18
(Yosso, 2005). In accordance with CRT and LatCrit, experiential knowledge is a central aspect of
research that uncovers and contextualized issues of oppression among Latinx communities
(Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). Through these lenses, the experiences of Latinx college students with
past experiences of bullying are illuminated through a qualitative research approach. By employing
the methodological approach of testimonios, the lived experiences of Latinx college students are
respected, empowered, and validated as truths (Latina Feminist Group, 2001). Testimonios provide
opportunities to witness issues of oppression among Latinx college students, confront traditional
notions of resilience, and provide venues for stories from the perspectives of marginalized,
silenced students who share their personal experiences in an effort to form a collective
consciousness (Espino, 2008).
Research Questions
1. How do Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying describe their
resiliency?
2. How do these students navigate their transition to college?
Significance of the Study
The goal of this research study was to provide a firsthand experience of the various forms
of resiliency among Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying and understand how
these students navigate their transition to college. The lived experiences of Latinx college students
with a history of bullying as framed in this study are currently not being reflected in the literature.
This research is significant because it will address the ways in which Latinx students navigate
through structures and barriers created by the dominant culture to create particular notions of
resilience. I de-centered the dominant perspectives of what constitutes resilience and shifted the
focus to the lived experiences of Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying. In
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 19
addition, the significance of this study is to also provide additional literature on bullying among
Latinx students as it is an understudied population in the bullying research. This information is
vital for educators, practitioners, and policymakers as they have the power to influence the ways
in which Latinx students will experience and navigate the educational systems.
This study could assist with the development of culturally-appropriate anti-bullying
programs and trauma-informed practices in K-12 settings. As the bullying epidemic continues to
spread across educational settings, it is essential that prevention and early intervention programs
are appropriately instituted in K-12 schools to reduce bullying victimization occurrence among
students (Ansary, Elias, Greene & Green, 2015). Addressing childhood/adolescence bullying
during the period of victimization may reduce long-term adverse consequences, including those
presenting in higher education settings (Schafer et al., 2004). Furthermore, within the higher
education context, this study could help college counselors and mental health practitioners provide
additional resources to students that may be specifically designed for those with
childhood/adolescence bullying experiences and have a better understanding of their lived
experiences, in addition to the emerging emotions of the college transition (Reid, Holt, Bowman,
Espelage, & Green, 2016). Through administrative support, students with past experiences of
bullying are more likely to access these resources. More importantly, this study may provide
insight for the development and implementation of national and local educational policy as it
pertains to bullying and marginalized communities. At a district level, implementation of anti-
bullying policies that promote a safe school environment may create a caring environment among
students, parents, educators, and administrators (Vincent, Wangard, & Weimer, 2004).
Ultimately, this study is important because it contributes to the vast array of educational
literature on bullying, resilience, and college transition among Latinx students. Thus, I present
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 20
multiple truths about the manifestations of resilience among Latinx college students with past
experiences of bullying. This research provides a venue for narratives on Latinx college students
that reflect struggle and survival, vulnerability and resilience. To share testimonios “is to
participate in confronting issues of oppression, form a collective consciousness for [Latinx]
communities, and find ways to take action as researchers, practitioners, and community members
to resolve issues of oppression that directly affect [Latinx college students with past experiences
of bullying]” (Espino, 2008, p. 25).
Organization of the Study
In the first section of chapter two, I present an overview of the theoretical frameworks that
guide my study: CRT and LatCrit as framed by Daniel G. Solorzano and Tara J. Yosso (2001).
This section reviews the history and emergent of CRT and LatCrit in educational research,
followed by a discussion of the five tenets of CRT and LatCrit and how they pertain to this study:
(1) the centrality of race and racism and intersectionality with other forms of subordination; (2)
the challenge to dominant ideology; (3) the commitment to social justice; (4) the centrality of
experiential knowledge; and (5) the interdisciplinary perspective. In the next section of the
literature review, I discuss common concepts in the resilience literature to unmask dominant
epistemological perspectives on resilience. In doing so, I hone in on the notions of significant
adversity and positive adaptation and call attention to resilience through a social justice lens.
Additionally, I discuss sociocultural factors that promote resilience among Latinx students,
highlighting the role of family, cultural influences, and ethnic identity.
To understand the scope of bullying and magnify the importance of this study in
educational research, I provide an overview of the bullying epidemic and highlight the potential
short- and long-term academic and psychological consequences on students with experiences of
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 21
bullying victimization. In addressing the aftermath of childhood/adolescence bullying
victimization, I emphasize the literature on the impact on college students with past experiences
of bullying who are also navigating their transition to college. Additionally, I review the literature
on the common challenges Latinx students face while transitioning to college to better understand
how these students might navigate college while simultaneously dealing with the aftermath of the
bullying victimization. Using CRT and LatCrit goggles, I highlight the development of a sense of
belonging to college communities, limited social capital and influence of community cultural
wealth, and obstacles with first-generation and undocumented immigrant status to place the layers
of oppression at the forefront among this population. Factors associated with the college transition
among Latinx college students are presented as they may relate to the experiences of the
participants of this study. In the final section of chapter two, I summarize the relationship between
the key concepts that create this study.
Chapter three details the methodological strategies I employed in this study. I present the
research questions that guide this study and discuss the use of narrative inquiry within a critical
race methodological framework, specifically drawing from CRT and LatCrit theoretical
frameworks (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001), testimonios (Latina Feminist Group, 2001), and
narrative analysis (Riessman, 1993). In addition to methodological approach, I also discuss my
positionality within the study, participants’ background, approaches to data collection and data
analysis, limitations and delimitations of the study, credibility and trustworthiness processes I
use to ensure analysis and interpretation of findings are aligned to participants’ reflections and
experiences, and my ethical stance within the study.
Chapter four presents the findings of this study by contextualizing participants’
testimonios to answer the research questions this study intends to answer. Participants' stories are
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 22
honored and referenced in chapter four as ‘Las Siete Voces Resilientes’ [The Seven Resilient
Voices]. In the first thematic section, participants’ stories highlight the multiple pathways of
resilience as they are examined within the context of culture, development, and history among
Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying. Participants describe their resilience
journey and highlight the influence of their intersected identities. The second thematic section
highlights the participants’ family, nuclear and extended, as a supportive network. It details two
mechanisms within familial support: la motivación [motivation] and los sacrificios [sacrifices] to
best understand how family acts as a supportive network and thus, contribute to their resiliency.
The third thematic session highlights the impact of bullying victimization on psychological and
academic functioning during and after victimization. It details the participants’ lived experiences
with childhood and adolescence bullying and shows how these experiences continue to present
as college students. Lastly, the fourth thematic section examines how participants navigate
community college as first-generation Latinx students.
The final chapter presents a discussion of the findings from the study, addresses
recommendations for future research, and provides implications for practice. Furthermore, it
shares the consejos [advice] from the participants for students who are victims of bullying and
for educators in K-12 and postsecondary education settings and concludes with my mother’s
consejos [advice] as a way to honor the resilient mindset she instilled in me since early in life.
Operational Definitions
Bully: is someone who repeatedly hurts another individual on purpose (Veenstra et. al, 2005).
Bully-victim: is someone who bullies others and has been bullied in the past (Smokowski &
Kopasz, 2005).
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 23
Bullying victimization: Based on Dr. Dan Olweus (1993), a pioneer of research on bullying
victimization, many researchers examining bullying behaviors acknowledged key features of
bullying: (1) bullying consists of behavior that is directed towards a victim with the intention to
harm or instill fear in the victim; (2) the behavior occurs without provocation from the victim;
(3) the aggression occurs repeatedly over a period of time; (4) the behavior occurs within the
context of socialization; and (5) an imbalance of power exists between the aggressor and victim.
Class: refers to a group sharing the same social rank that is directly related to their social
privilege, political influence, and access to various resources (Amenta, 2016).
Critical Race Theory (CRT): is a theoretical framework utilized to analyze the role of race,
racism, and other forms of oppression in the lives of people of color within the field of
education. The centrality of racism in CRT aims to conceptualize the race-related challenges and
resilience of people of color by acknowledging that racism is at the crux of those experiences
(Salahuddin, 2008).
Dominant culture: is a term used to recognize the power of dominant groups in U.S. society.
These dominant groups are primarily composed of White middle- and upper-class groups that
continue to benefit from and solidify their power in U.S. society based on nationalism,
ethnocentrism, and European culture (Giroux, 1991).
Gender: “refers to a social construct regarding culture-bound conventions, roles, and behaviors
for, as well as relations between and among, women and men and boys and girls” (Krieger, 2003,
p. 653).
Immigration status: refers to the way in which a person is present in the United States (i.e. U.S.
citizen, legal permanent resident, conditional permanent resident, asylee or refugee, non-
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 24
immigrant, person with temporary protected status, undocumented person) (National Latino
Network, 2019).
Intersectionality: was originally coined by Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw (1989). It is a lens
through which power comes, collides, interlocks, and intersects with other systems based on
privilege and oppression.
Latino Critical Race Theory (LatCrit): “extends critical race discussions to address the layers
of racialized subordination that compromise Chicana/o, Latina/o experiences” (Arriola, 1997,
1998; Stefancic, 1998 as cited by Yosso, 2005, p. 72). Racial inequities among Latinx in U.S.
society intersect with other layers of subordination based on immigration status, sexuality,
culture, language, ethnicity, identity, phenotype, accent, and surname (Yosso, 2005; Davila,
2015). Five tenets of CRT and LatCrit (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001) can potentially inform
educational research, practice, and policy: (1) the centrality of race and racism and
intersectionality with other forms of subordination; (2) the challenge to dominant ideology; (3)
the commitment to social justice; (4) the centrality of experiential knowledge; and (5) the
interdisciplinary perspective.
Latinx: is a descriptor for individuals in the U.S. with ancestry in any country within the sub-
continent of Latin America (Marrow, 2003), “which explicitly acknowledges diversity in forms
of gender identity and expression via use of ‘x’ in lieu of the gendered articles ‘a’ or ‘o’”
(Santos, 2017, p. 12). The term Latinx can disrupt traditional notions of inclusivity and shape
understandings of intersectionality (Salinas & Lozano, 2017). It reflects solidarity with others
fighting intersecting oppressive forces of heterosexism as well as other isms (i.e. racism) that
affect the Latinx community (Santos, 2017).
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 25
Racism: is a system of ignorance, exploitation, and institutional power used to oppress people of
color (Soló rzano & Yosso, 2002).
Resilience: Although a universal definition of resilience does not exist in the literature, this
study deconstructs a common definition used in resilience research, a “dynamic process
encompassing positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity” (Luthar et al.,
2000, p. 543).
Victim/Survivor: The victim of bullying is defined as an individual who is repeatedly exposed
to negative actions from peers (Olweus, 1993) through physical attacks, verbal assaults, or
psychological abuse. Someone who is bullied is less powerful than the individual who is
bullying. Due to the linguistic implications of the word victim, the “victim-survivor” dichotomy
is acknowledged in this study by interchangeably using the words victims and survivors to honor
differences in healing journeys among Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying.

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 26
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to understand how the resiliency of Latinx college students
with early experiences of bullying is pictured in dominant resilience ideology and how these
students navigate their transition to college. First, I present an overview of the theoretical
frameworks that guide my study: CRT and LatCrit as framed by Daniel G. Solorzano and Tara J.
Yosso (2001). This section begins with a review of the history and emergent of CRT and LatCrit,
followed by a description of the five tenets of CRT and LatCrit: (1) the centrality of race and
racism and intersectionality with other forms of subordination; (2) the challenge to dominant
ideology; (3) the commitment to social justice; (4) the centrality of experiential knowledge; and
(5) the interdisciplinary perspective. Then, I unfold common concepts in the resilience literature
to uncover Western epistemological perspectives on resilience, specifically concentrate on the
notion of significant adversity and positive adaptation and call attention to resilience through a
social justice lens. Additionally, I discuss sociocultural factors that promote resilience among
Latinx students, highlighting the role of family, cultural influences, and ethnic identity. Then I
provide a literature overview of bullying to understand the scope of such victimization and
highlight the short- and long-term academic and psychological consequences on students with
experiences of bullying. In addressing the aftermath of bullying victimization, I emphasize the
potential effect on college students with past experiences of bullying. Lastly, to understand how
might Latinx college students with early experiences of bullying navigate their transition to
college, I delve into the literature to discuss common challenges among Latinx students during
this academic transition, highlighting the development of a sense of belonging to college
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 27
communities, limited social capital and influence of community cultural wealth, and obstacles
with first-generation and undocumented immigrant status.
Research Questions
This literature review is guided by the following research questions:
1. How do Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying describe their
resiliency?
2. How do these students navigate their transition to college?
Theoretical Framework
Dismantling prevailing notions of resilience and understanding individual experiences
and processes of resilience among students of color is critical for academic discourse,
specifically research on bullying victimization. Often, the narratives of people of color who are
survivors of trauma such as bullying victimization, if not omitted, are carved into a resiliency
box, which hyper focuses on the individual’s positive adaptation to current systems. For
instance, research on resilience to bullying victimization frequently quantifies students’ positive
academic and psychological adjustment. Students who show positive developmental outcomes
despite facing stressors such as bullying are often referred to as “resilient” (Rutter, 2006 as cited
in Sapouna & Wolke, 2013). Resilience literature commonly focuses on the factors that promote
positive outcomes in students who have experienced negative events. However, when examining
factors that promote positive outcomes in students, the embedded societal inequalities
contributing to any outcome are often neglected or not properly acknowledged in academic
research. Students who experience bullying victimization, especially students of color, respond
in diverse ways based on the social-cultural context of the victimization.
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 28
Dolores Delgado Bernal (2002) argues that “although students of color are holders and
creators of knowledge, they often feel as if their experiences, cultures, histories, and languages
are devalued, misinterpreted, or omitted within formal educational settings” (p.106). Students of
color encounter spaces where they must engage in cultural negotiations and often confront
dominant Eurocentric epistemology, or a system of knowing (Ladson-Billings, 2000). Dominant
Eurocentric epistemology stretches beyond classroom curricula; it is seen in any space of
temporal and spatial hierarchies through which people have learned to operate. Delgado Bernal
and Villalpando (2002) state that “this epistemological perspective presumes that there is only
one way of knowing and understanding the world, and it is the natural way of interpreting truth,
knowledge, and reality” (p. 171). Historically, Eurocentric epistemological perspectives have
perpetuated dominant ideologies rooted in white superiority (Huber, 2008; Delgado Bernal &
Villalpando, 2002). Critical race epistemology recognizes students of color as holders of
knowledge (Delgado Bernal, 1998). Yosso, Villalpando, Delgado Bernal, and Solorzano (2001)
posit that “critical race epistemologies reflect a raced history and focus on the intersectionality of
racism, sexism, classism, and other forms of subordination in recognizing the multiple
knowledges of people of color” (p. 96). These epistemologies also highlight students’ “rich
historical legacy of resistance and survival and translate them into a pursuit of social justice in
both educational research and practice” (Yosso et al., 2001, p. 96). Critical race epistemologies
directly challenge positivism paradigms that draw from a narrow foundation based on the social,
historical, and cultural experiences of Whites (Yosso et al., 2001). Existing dominant ideologies
of resilience do not adequately reflect the experiences of students of color, in particular, Latinx
students. It is vital that the alternative understandings of resilience that encompasses diverse
ways of being in the world are reflected through research, practice, and policy.
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 29
Critical Race Theory (CRT)
I employ critical race theory (CRT) and Latina/o critical race theory (LatCrit) as my main
theoretical frameworks because the theories place race and racism at the center of political,
social, and educational discourses. Specifically, I draw from the theoretical constructs of CRT
and LatCrit as framed by Daniel G. Solorzano and Tara J. Yosso to understand the unique
experiences of Latinx college students with a history of bullying victimization. CRT is a
theoretical framework utilized to analyze the role of race, racism, and other forms of oppression
in the lives of people of color within the field of education. Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado, and
Crenshaw (1993) assert that CRT in education is used to:
develop a theoretical, conceptual, methodological, and pedagogical strategy that accounts
for the role of race and racism in the U.S. education and works towards the elimination of
racism as part of a larger goal of eliminating other forms of subordination such as gender,
class, and sexual orientation. (Yosso et al., 2001, p. 90).
Similarly, Perez Huber (2008) describes CRT as “an invaluable tool for critical scholars who
seek to expose and disrupt oppressive conditions within educational institutions in the U.S.” (p.
159). CRT can be used to illuminate oppressive realities that mediate the experiences of people
of color (Perez Huber, 2008); specifically, it allows survivors of victimization such as bullying to
have a voice. CRT is founded on the notion that racism is a deeply embedded component of
American society (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004); thus, it recognizes racism as a continuous risk factor
present among people of color (Salahuddin, 2008). In addition, the centrality of racism in CRT
aims to conceptualize the race-related challenges and resilience of people of color by
acknowledging that racism is at the crux of those experiences (Salahuddin, 2008). Perez Huber
(2008) explains that “critical race scholarship in education… unapologetically centers oppressive
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 30
structures such as racism, sexism, and classism in research analysis” (p. 160). As a theoretical
framework in the field of law, CRT challenges laws and policies that perpetuate racial/ethnic
subordination (Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller, & Thomas, 1995) and “uncovers and explores the
various ways which racial thinking operates” (Flores, 2000, p. 437).
CRT emerged in the 1970s from criticism of the critical legal studies (CLS) movement
(Yosso et al., 2001). CLS scholars criticized the inability to incorporate racist discourse that
affected the slow progress of civil rights legislation and the experiences of people of color within
the judicial system (Yosso, 2006). They also saw the liberal and positivist views of laws as being
color blind and ignorant of racism that is pervasive in the law (Solorzano & Delgado Bernal,
2001). Scholars such as Derrick Bell and Alan Freeman have been attributed to the start of CRT
(Ladson-Billings, 1998). Bell and Freeman criticized the slow pace and unrealized promise of
racial reform in the U.S. and argued that traditional approaches of combating racism were not
progressively advancing (Ladson-Billings, 1998). Kimberle Crenshaw (2002) explains that
various scholars in the late 1980s searched “for both a critical space in which race was
foregrounded and a race space where critical themes were central” (p. 19). In essence, CLS
scholarship was limited by the omission of the lived experiences and histories of those oppressed
by institutionalized racism (Yosso, 2005). Furthermore, scholars such as Derrick Bell, Alan
Freeman, Richard Delgado, Mari Matsuda, and Charles Lawrence, among others, met during the
early 1990s to chart the major tenets of CRT. Delgado and Stefancic (2002) identified a number
of themes as hallmarks of CRT scholarship: (1) belief that racism is ordinary and not aberrational
in U.S. society; (2) interest convergence or material determinism; (3) race as a social
construction; (4) intersectionality and anti-essentialism; and (5) voice or counternarrative.
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 31
In the mid-1990s, educational researchers began to utilize CRT in examining persistent
racism against African American communities in educational systems and discourses (DeCuir &
Dixson, 2004). For example, William Tate (1994) is credited to represent the first use of CRT
principles in education in his autobiographical article, “From Inner City to Ivory Tower: Does
My Voice Matter in the Academy.” A year later, Gloria Ladson-Billings and William Tate
(1995) applied CRT frameworks to education by centering race and racism in analyzing
educational inequities among African Americans and Latinos. Two years later, Daniel G.
Solorzano (1997) applied CRT to a specific subfield of teacher education. CRT scholars in
education argued that educational agents (i.e. policy makers, administrators, and teachers)
employ terms such as meritocracy, objectivity, color-blindness, race-neutrality, and equal
opportunity to support social hierarchies and “camouflage the self-interest, power, and privilege
of dominant groups in U.S. society” (Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001, p. 313). Such terms
support positivist paradigms found in academia whose grand narratives seek truth and rationality
and set the precedence for notions of colorblindness and other forms of blindness to oppression
because they fail to consider the permanence of racism (DeCuir & Dixon, 2004).
Latino Critical Race Theory (LatCrit)
As some scholars began incorporating CRT in education, other critical race theorists
began applying CRT to various racial/ethnic and gendered subgroups to address the Black-White
binary. For instance, women of color proclaimed that this tendency toward a Black-White binary
silenced their gendered, classed, sexual, immigrants, and language experiences and histories
(Yosso, 2005). Yosso (2005) argues that “by offering a two-dimensional discourse, the Black-
White binary limits understandings of the multiple ways in which… [diverse groups such as]
Chicanas/os and Latinas/os continue to experience, respond to, and resist racism and other forms
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 32
of oppression” (p. 72). Latino critical race theory (LatCrit) “extends critical race discussions to
address the layers of racialized subordination that compromise Chicana/o, Latina/o experiences”
(Arriola, 1997, 1998; Stefancic, 1998 as cited by Yosso, 2005, p. 72). LatCrit scholars assert that
racial inequities are embedded in the experiences of Latinx in U.S. society amidst other layers of
subordination based on immigration status, sexuality, culture, language, ethnicity, identity,
phenotype, accent, and surname (Yosso, 2005; Davila, 2015). Furthermore, some educational
researchers bridged CRT and LatCrit to discuss the experiences of Latinx communities in
education, mainly focusing on the permanence of racism and qualitative inquiry such as counter-
storytelling, which is a method of telling a story (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001), and testimonio,
described as a verbal journey that allows the individual to transform past experiences and
personal identity (Brabeck, 2001; Cienfuegos & Monelli, 1983).
LatCrit scholars note that “LatCrit is not incompatible or competitive with CRT”
(Delgado Bernal, 2002, p.109) but instead “is supplementary, complementary to CRT… [it]
should operate as a close cousin- related to CRT in real lasting ways, but not necessarily living
under the same roof” (Valdes, 1996, pp. 26-27). As a framework, LatCrit theory “can be used to
theorize and examine the ways in which race and racism explicitly and implicitly impact the
educational structures, processes, and discourses that affect people of color, specifically
[Latinx]” (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001, p. 47). Solorzano and Yosso (2002) view LatCrit as a
“natural outgrowth of critical race theory, but not mutually exclusive” (p. 38). Although LatCrit
draws on the strengths outlined in critical race theory, it also highlights the intersectionality of
experience with oppression and resistance and the need to extend conversations about race and
racism beyond the Black-White binary. Solorzano & Yosso (2002) argue that critical race
methodology is driven by LatCrit consciousness, which “means that our own experiences with
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 33
the multiplicity of racialized oppression and our responses to and resistance against such
oppressions from our positions of multiple marginality inform and shape our research” (p. 39).
Evolving from this scholarship, five tenets of CRT and LatCrit (Solorzano & Yosso,
2001) inform my research: (1) the centrality of race and racism and intersectionality with other
forms of subordination; (2) the challenge to dominant ideology; (3) the commitment to social
justice; (4) the centrality of experiential knowledge; and (5) the interdisciplinary perspective.
1. The centrality of race and racism and intersectionality with other forms of
subordination. Racism permeates every aspect of society and privileges
Eurocentric communities while subjugating Latinx communities. CRT and
LatCrit not only place race and racism at the forefront of oppression but also
acknowledges the layers of racialized subordination and their intersection with
gender, class, immigration status, surname, phenotype, accent, and sexuality
(Crenshaw, 1989; Montoya, 2002). “Class exploitation, racism, and sexism are
the most conspicuous forms of dominance and oppression” (Torres, 1994, p. 431),
thus, I particularly analyze the intersections of class, race, and gender, in addition
to immigration status among Latinx college students.
2. The challenge to dominant ideology. CRT and LatCrit “expose deficit-informed
research that silences, ignores, and distorts epistemologies of [students] of color”
(Delgado Bernal, 1998; Ladson-Billings, 2000 as cited by Yosso, 2005, p.73). In
doing so, CRT and LatCrit “give meaning to the creation of culturally and
linguistically relevant ways of knowing and understanding” and disputes
traditional Eurocentric notion of what counts as knowledge (Delgado Bernal,
2002, p. 109). In unpacking resilience concepts, I draw from CRT and LatCrit
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 34
epistemological views to challenge dominant ideology within the resilience
literature by illuminating lived realities and reimagining of communities, social
spaces, and cultural representations of Latinx college students with past
experiences of bullying in the context of scarce power resources.
3. The commitment of social justice. Matsuda (1991) posits that “CRT is committed
to social justice and offers a liberatory or transformative response to racial,
gender, and class oppression” (Yosso, 2005). Furthermore, it aims to eliminate
racism, sexism, and poverty by empowering underrepresented minority groups
(Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). This includes conducting academic research
that advocates for students of color, such as Latinx college students, facing
embedded societal inequalities,
engaging in co-produced research containing socially transformative rather
than solely personally transformative elements… and encouraging the
research community to be open to and prepared to undertake co-produced
research with groups that are... underrepresented in the literature, but whose
voices are equally or more important as a result (Hart et al., 2016, p. 1).
4. The centrality of experiential knowledge. The lived experiences of students of
color, in this instance, Latinx college students, have a place in scholarly text and
research. Their voices are imperative to uncovering and resolving issues of
injustice. CRT acknowledges that the life experiences of students of color are
“uniquely individual while at the same time both collective and connected”
(Dillard, 2000, p. 676). Moreover, CRT and LatCrit scholarship draws on the
lived experiences of students of color by embracing qualitative methodology
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 35
through the use of counterstories, chronicles, narratives, testimonios [life
narratives], cuentos [tales], consejos [advice], storytelling, biographies, and oral
histories to illuminate the unique experiences of students of color (Delgado
Bernal, 2002; Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). As a form of narrative,
testimonios expose immigration status, racial-, gender-, and class-based
encounters, as well as empowers and validates Latinx college students' lived
experiences as truths (Acevedo et al., 2001). In addition, it connects Latinx ethnic
identities into narratives and urges the narrator and the reader to face the lived
experiences of marginalized communities (Beverly, 2005).
5. The interdisciplinary perspective. CRT and LatCrit analyzes race and racism in
academic discourse within historical and contemporary contexts by using
interdisciplinary methods from ethnic studies, women’s studies, sociology, law,
psychology, and other fields (Delgado, 1984 as cited in Yosso, 2005). In this
study, I incorporate theories from legal scholarship, psychology, Latin American
studies, and women’s studies in my theoretical frameworks and methodological
stance.
Applying CRT and Latcrit in education makes it possible to analyze practices and
ideologies through a race-conscious lens, which can help frame critical questions addressing
bullying victimization affecting Latinx students. Although CRT and LatCrit are relatively young
theories in educational research and are often critiqued in academia for their use of narratives as
representative of all students of color, exaggerated author’s voices in the research (positionality),
and being less concern with measuring the accuracy of these narratives (Delgado, 1993; Farber
& Sherry, 1993), CRT scholars assert that there is no one “truth,” as there is no such thing as
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 36
meritocracy, objectivity, or race-neutrality in the law or any institution (Delgado, 1993;
Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Furthermore, positionality is vital in any research as the
authors’ voices contextualize the analysis to help the audience understand the authors’
viewpoints. For this reason, critical race theorists argue that “CRT is best utilized by scholars of
color who can address issues of oppression from within the margins, especially in response to
stories that are developed and perpetuated by members of the dominant culture in reference to
[students] of color” (Espino, 2008, p. 65-66). More importantly, CRT does not intent to present
research on behalf of all students of color, but to illuminate the resiliency of Latinx college
students with a history of bullying, in this instance, to help change educational inequalities for
students of color (Tate, 1999) by explaining systems of oppression that marginalize Latinx
college students and elevate members of the dominant culture (Espino, 2008).
The main tenets of CRT and LatCrit fit well with my discussion of the deconstruction and
reconstruction of the dominant epistemologies in resiliency literature that produce particular
forms of knowledge and present Latinx students as one-dimensional rather than recognizing
them as social actors with complex identities, experiences, and cultural lives (Montecinos, 1995).
Solorzano (1998) defines CRT in education as “a set of...perspectives, methods, and pedagogy
that seeks to identify, analyze, and transform those structural, cultural, and interpersonal aspects
of education that maintain the subordination of [students] of color” (p. 123). LatCrit provides an
analytical tool that highlights the existence of racism and its intersectionalities as primary
sources within the research. By illuminating the different ways of knowing (Delgado Bernal,
2002), Latinx college students’ knowledge gained through personal experience as survivors of
bullying has as much validity as their knowledge gained through “formal” education, as noted in
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 37
their life narratives. Figure 2.1 summarizes my theoretical framework and its relationship to the
core concepts of this study.

Figure 2.1. Concept Model of Theoretical Frameworks.
Resilience Concepts
In this study, I seek to consider the role of race and its intersectionalities in shaping the
resiliency of Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying victimization and seek to
understand how these intersectionalities coupled with prior experiences of bullying victimization
shape their transition to college. In order to best understand how Latinx college students with
prior experiences of bullying describe their resiliency and navigate spaces of cultural
negotiations (i.e. college), a critical exploration of the dominant ideologies in resilience literature
must be done to place societal inequalities at the forefront of this phenomenon that has
historically silenced and omitted the voices of underrepresented students. I critique the resilience
literature using CRT and LatCrit lenses (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001) to uplift the voices of Latinx
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 38
college students whose diverse ways of surviving bullying victimization are valid and in itself,
deconstruct and transform Eurocentric notions of resilience.
Origins of Resilience
The concept of resilience is not new. Although now theorized and described in
psychological matters, resilience in a physical object, such as metal or wood, is defined as the
ability of a substance or object to spring back into shape after coming under stress (Resilience,
n.d.). Resilience was first introduced to the English language in the 17th century from the Latin
verb resilie, meaning to rebound or recoil, to describe material, primarily timber initially, to
explain why certain woods were able to accommodate sudden, and severe loads without breaking
(McAslan, 2010). This meaning and use of resilience became especially important for ship
building in the early 1800s. In making the hull of the ship, iron was tested for resilience and
tolerance of severe conditions; this enabled ship builders to establish the seaworthiness of their
designs (Korn, 2014). Civil engineering employed early resilience principles in designing
columns, beams, and shafts as measures to withstand impact. The greater amount of resilience
measurement for a given material, the more capacity of workload the material can hold. Since
the original inception of resilience to measure materials, other disciplines have adopted the term
to describe strength and stability, such as ecology and the environment, evolutionary theories,
animal behavior, and more recently, individual humans (McAslan, 2010). In more recent
applications, McAslan (2010) argues that the basic historical definition of resilience remains
fairly true to its original meaning, to withstand sudden blows or severe loads and rebound
without breaking. However, the construct and conceptualization of resilience when applied to
individuals has proven to be elusive (Kaplan, 2005).

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 39
Definitions of Resilience
The concept of resilience, through the lens of psychology, has been theorized and
empirically investigated since the 1970s (Patterson, 2002). Although a universal definition of
resilience does not exist amongst researchers in the social sciences, there has been little
consensus on a definition of resilience, with variations in operationalization and measurement of
key constructs (Luthar et al., 2000). The construct of resilience has been varyingly defined as a
trait, process, or outcome. This definitional debate is essential to highlight “because concepts
provide researchers with theoretical boundaries that help determine the nature, direction, and
veracity of research inquiry (Fletcher & Sarkar, 2013, p. 13). Some researchers refer to resilience
as competencies or capacities of people, while others refer to it as positive functioning in the face
of adversity (Van Breda, 2018). Resilience is also largely framed as the ability to cope, adapt, or
mobilize protective resources in the face adversity (Morrison & Cosden, 1997; Young, Green, &
Rogers, 2008 as cited by Hutcheon & Lashewicz, 2014). A definition commonly used in
resilience research, originally coined by Luthar and colleagues (2000), describes resilience as a
“dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity”
(p. 543). Although this blurring of definitions of resilience have been noted in the resilience
literature, deconstructing and redefining definitions are exceptionally important to ensure that it
is talked and written in harmony with each other.
Thus, most definitions in the resilience literature have adopted Luthar and colleagues’
two core concepts: significant adversity and positive adaptation (Fletcher & Sarkar, 2013).
However, this epistemological perspective holds individuals responsible, especially students of
color, for facing adversity rather than challenging the inequitable structures of society. “When
adversities faced by [students of color] result from embedded inequality and social disadvantage,
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 40
resilience-based knowledge has the potential to influence the wider adversity context” (Hart et
al., 2016, p.1). In consequence, this body of research has led to viewing resilience as an outcome
(Van Breda, 2018). Outcome-based definitions of resilience have consequences for
operationalization as it may omit and silence individuals’ own definition and interpretation of
resilience. Applying outcome-based perspectives to disadvantaged and marginalized groups may
be inappropriate and may lead to further exclusion (Hart et al., 2016). Because existing notions
of resilience do not adequately reflect the lives or experiences of students of color, especially
Latinx college students with prior experiences of bullying victimization, I deepen my analysis of
the core concepts of the resilience definition: significant adversity and positive adaptation, to
subjugate the ways in which the resilience literature theorizes the experiences of Latinx students,
inversely, invalidating their own definition and interpretation of resiliency. Specifically, I
employ CRT and LatCrit (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001) theoretical lenses to highlight constraints of
resilience research in conceptualizing experiences of Latinx students and urge for an alternate
and expanded meanings of resilience as these apply to survivors of bullying.
Significant adversity and positive adaptation. The concept of resilience is overly
prescriptive as existing definitions provide an understanding of how individuals ought to
function (Hutcheon & Lashewicz, 2014). The two core concepts of resilience, significant
adversity and positive adaptation, obscure other ways of being or other criteria of success for
students of color. Hutcheon and Lashewicz (2014) argue that a more nuanced understanding of
the concept of resilience may validate the diverse ways in which Latinx students, in this instance,
navigate their experiences and challenges.
Luthar et al. (2000) first introduced “significant adversity and positive adaptation” as
concepts to the resilience literature. Although most researchers concur with Luthar and
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 41
colleagues (2000) that in order for resilience to be demonstrated, both adversity and positive
adaptation must be present, others question the scientific value of resilience itself (Bodin &
Winman, 2004). Regarding the term adversity, Luthar and Cicchetti (2000) argue that adversity
“typically encompasses negative life circumstances that are known to be statistically associated
with adjustment difficulties” (p. 858). This approach uses a threshold-dependent definition of
adversity, which parallels the notion of risk. For example, Fergus and Zimmerman (2005) note
that risk is required to distinguish resilience from the positive adjustment that some individuals
manifest without significant risk exposure. Similarly, Masten and Reed (2002) argue that
individuals must have overcome a threat or hazard to adaptation to be considered resilient and
those who exhibit good outcomes can be thought of as competent and well adjusted. As a
consequence to the hyper focus of risk factors, early resilience researchers began to investigate
risk factors such as poor health, maladaptive development, academic and social failures, low
socioeconomic status, low parental education, exposure to violence, maltreatment, community
trauma, self-efficacy, autonomy, and self-esteem (Cicchetti & Garmezy, 1993; Hutcheon &
Lashewicz, 2014). Such approach to resilience holds marginalized communities responsible for
the barriers they face without challenging the inequitable structures of society.
On the other hand, other researchers have taken a less stringent approach, defining
adversity as “any hardship and suffering linked to difficulty, misfortune, or trauma” (Fletcher &
Sakar, 2013, p. 14). For instance, Van Breda (2018) supports this definition by highlighting
patterns of adversity by dividing it into two categories: chronic and acute (Bonanno & Diminich,
2013). “Chronic adversity extends over a considerable period of time and may have a pervasive
impact on a person’s life” (Van Breda, 2018, p. 5). Van Breda (2018) distinguishes two
subcategories of chronic adversity: distal- and proximal-onset.
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 42
Distal-onset chronic adversity has no clear starting point within the experience of the
person (i.e. there is no ‘before’ the adversity) and may include poverty and family
violence, which often extend from birth to adulthood. Proximal-onset chronic adversity,
on the other hand, has a defined starting point in the experience of the person, but
continues for a significant period of time and may impact on numerous aspects of life,
and could include war and natural disasters (Van Breda, 2018, p. 5).
By contrast, acute adversity is characterized as a brief duration and limited perceived impact on
the whole of life, within a generally well-functioning life context (Bonanno & Diminich, 2013).
Highlighting these patterns is important because it suggests different resilient pathways
(Bonanno & Diminich, 2013). Van Breda (2018) posits that acute and proximal-onset chronic
adversities allow one to think of resilience as ‘bouncing back’ to a previous (pre-trauma) level of
functioning; on the other hand, distal-onset chronic adversity does not, since there is no ‘before’.
In other words, “with chronic adversity, resilience involves coping in the face of the adversity
(while it is ongoing), while resilience to acute adversity involves recovering in the wake of
adversity (after it has ended)” (Van Breda, 2018, p. 5).
Furthermore, in efforts to decentralize the focus of risk factors in resilience inquiry,
researchers shifted in paradigm by examining protective factors and the identification of
strengths of an individual (Richardson, 2002). This shift entailed an investigation of personal
qualities (Masten, 2001) and environmental factors (Luthar et al., 2000). Researchers began to
focus on the characteristics of individuals, particularly children and adolescents, who thrived
while living in disadvantageous circumstances, such as poverty and parental mental illness
(Garmezy, 1991). Examples of such qualities included: autonomy, high self-esteem, an easy
temperament, and a supportive environment inside and outside the family (Masten, 2001;
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 43
Fletcher & Sarkar, 2013). Thus, in the resilience literature, resilience became interpreted as a
trait, suggesting that it represents a constellation of characteristics that enable individuals to
adapt to the circumstances they encounter. For example, the bullying literature identifies self-
control, religiosity, problem solving skills, and academic competence as protective factors
against bullying victimization (Florida Department of Education, 1998.) This notion of resilience
as a trait was first suggested by Block and Block (1980) who used the term “ego resilience” to
describe a set of traits reflecting “general resourcefulness, strength of character, and flexibility of
functioning in response to varying environmental demands” (Fletcher & Sarkar, 2013, p. 15).
Block and Block (1980) argued that individuals with high levels of ego resilience were
characterized by high levels of energy, a sense of optimism, curiosity, and the ability to detach
and conceptualize problems. These characteristics have been referred to as protective factors,
which Rutter (1985) defines as ‘‘influences that modify, ameliorate, or alter a person’s response
to some environmental hazard that predisposes to a maladaptive outcome’’ (p. 600). As a result
of his publication, numerous protective factors have been identified in the resilience research
literature, including positive emotions, self-efficacy, spirituality, self-esteem, and positive affect
(Fletcher & Sarkar, 2013). The aforementioned protective factors support Rutter’s (1987) view
that psychological resilience is the ‘‘positive role of individual differences in people’s response
to stress and adversity’’ (p. 316).
In response to the inquiry shift from risk factors to protective factors, the second core
concept of resilience, positive adaptation, was developed. Positive adaptation has been defined as
“behaviorally manifested social competence, or success at meeting stage-salient developmental
tasks” (Luthar & Cicchetti, 2000, p. 858) or “symptoms related to internal well-being” (Masten
& Obradovic, 2006, p.15). Luthar et al. (2006) assert that in order to demonstrate positive
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 44
adaptation, indicators used to represent this concept must be appropriate to the adversity by
determining whether an individual needs to demonstrate excellent or average levels of
competence. To illustrate positive adaptation despite facing adversity, academic achievement
might be an indicator for children (Fletcher & Sarkar, 2013). In adolescence, generally, not being
depressed is an indicator of emotional adjustment, performing well at school is an indicator of
academic adjustment, and not being delinquent is an indicator of behavioral adjustment (Jaffee,
Caspi, Moffitt, Polo-Tomas, & Taylor, 2007; Luthar et al., 2000).
Furthermore, resilience as a positive adaptation to adversity has also been closely aligned
to coping. For example, Richardson (2002) posits that resilience is “the process of coping with
stressors, adversity, change or opportunity in a manner that results in the identification,
fortification, and enrichment of resilient qualities or protective factors” (p. 308). Coping in
resilience research is typically identified by those who form the cultural majorities in western
nations (Ungar, 2013). Ungar (2013) argues that in western resilience literature, benchmarks of
healthy development from those with a minority voice are seldom imported in the literature even
when they represent numerical majorities internationally. “Research that has investigated
culturally specific understandings of resilience-related phenomena has shown a tendency to
overlook the contagion effect of the dominant culture on subpopulations that are embedded
therein” (Dana, 2008 as cited by Ungar, 2013, p. 261). The literature on resilience in relation to
trauma, such as bullying victimization, represents one dominant epistemological perspective: that
of western cultural majorities with a bias towards individualistic interpretations of coping
(Ungar, 2013). The notion of “individual coping” inheres cultural bias by dismissing collectivist
traditions of coping. Thus, there is a need in the resilience literature for greater sensitivity to
unconventional forms of coping (Folkman & Greer, 2000).
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 45
Moreover, the sociocultural context in which an individual operates is often discounted or
overlooked when examining positive adaptation to adversity. Ungar and Liebenberg (2011)
argue that “resilience research has predominantly defined positive adaptation from a Western
psychological discourse with an emphasis on individual and relational capacities, such as
academic success and healthy relationships” (Fletcher & Sarkar, 2013, p. 14). These outcomes
lack sensitivity to cultural factors that contextualize how resilience is defined by different
populations and manifested in different practices. Rather than assuming neutrality or objectivity
in the use of competence indicators across settings, Ungar and Liebenberg (2011) propose that
understanding positive adaptation from within the cultural frame from which competence
emerges is a more ecologically sensitive approach (Fletcher & Sarkar, 2013).
Ungar (2013) posits that the social ecological understanding of resilience involves those
who control the resources that facilitate psychological well-being in the proximal processes
associated with positive development in the context of adversity. Research shows that in
instances of adversity, resilience is observed when individuals engage in behaviors that help
them navigate their way to the resources they need to flourish; however, this only occurs when
the individual's social ecology (formal and informal networks) has the capacity to provide
resources in ways that are culturally meaningful (Ungar, 2013). Students of color navigate and
negotiate resources that are often dependent upon the capacity and willingness of their social
ecologies to meet those needs and as a result of embedded inequalities and social disadvantages
(Bottrell, 2009; Hart et al., 2016). Hence, by emphasizing on the wider systemic context instead
of centralizing and responsibilizing marginalized groups, blame can be avoided for not
flourishing when there are few opportunities to access resources. Ungar’s (2013) social
ecological interpretation of resilience emphasizes cultural sensitivity and affirms that “an
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 46
overemphasis on personal agency and other aspects of what has come to be known as ‘resiliency’
naively assumes that individuals survive only because of a positive attitude or other fiction”
(Masten, 1994 as cited by Ungar, 2013, p. 256). Bottrell (2009) adds that “within the social
ecologies of resilience, emphasis is also given to family relations, social structures, services (e.g.
welfare, health, and education), and culture as the central and most powerful resilience
resources” (Van Breda, 2018, p. 9). The sociocultural context of historically marginalized
individuals is vital to digest in resilience discourse; however, resilience research should also
engage with inequality issues, challenge the structures that create disadvantages in the first place,
and move towards a new wave of research that unites resilience research with social justice.
Resilience and Social Justice
An unjust system unavoidably demands resilience. Limited research on resilience has
attempted to incorporate inequalities perspectives when working with children and young adults
(Hart, Blincow, & Thomas, 2007). To address this literature gap, Hart, Gagnon, Aumann, and
Heaver (2013) define resilience as “overcoming adversity, whilst also potentially subtly
changing, or even dramatically transforming, (aspects of) that adversity” (Hart et al., 2016, p. 6).
Hart et al. (2016) argue that this perspective of resilience creates the possibility for resilience-
based research and interventions to have an emancipatory function and contribute towards
systemic change. Within a systemic approach, resilience researchers can identify processes that
diminish the effects of adverse life conditions (Luthar & Brown, 2007). Furthermore, in efforts
to include a strong inequalities dimension in resilience research, it must be underpinned by a co-
production framework (i.e. testimonios). Eurocentric forms of knowledge production are unable
to sufficiently capture the multifaceted impacts of educational and mental health inequalities
within a dynamic system. Such academic knowledge has a tendency to decontextualize
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 47
communities of color (Hart & Aumann, 2007); thus, co-produced research on resilience, through
a social justice lens, urges new forms of contextualized, egalitarian knowledge production to
understand the multifaceted dynamics of adversity, resilience, inequalities, and transformational
change (Hart et al., 2016).
Hart et al. (2013) argue that co-produced knowledge is created by working with and
alongside communities of color to better understand their adversity context, including impacts of
inequality, and resilience-building as an ecological process. Furthermore, issues of power should
be acknowledged in relation to knowledge. Resilience research must note how the various types
of knowledge are valued, constructed, used, exchanged, and managed (Hart et al., 2013).
Additionally, empowerment through co-produced knowledge has emancipatory potential. Hart et
al (2016) assert that collective community-based understanding of empowerment has been
reinvented into a more individualistic perception- “nothing about us without us” to “no decision
about me without me” (Department of Health, 2010, p. 13)- reflecting the need for involvement
rather than protection. In an effort to co-produce knowledge with underrepresented communities
and avoid misinterpretation and unjust underrepresentation in study samples, the inclusion of
researchers from underrepresented, marginalized backgrounds in resilience research and practice
is crucial (Hart et al., 2016). Hence, contextualizing the testimonios of Latinx college students
with past experiences of bullying, through co-produced knowledge, allows for their resiliency to
be acknowledged and validated.
Sociocultural Factors Promoting Resilience among Latinx Students
Latinx communities are likely to face multiple layers of subordination and prejudice
within the United States (Romero, Edwards, Bauman, & Ritter, 2014). Inequalities that result
from power and privilege often interlock via the interactions between race, gender, class,
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 48
sexuality, and immigration status. Despite such challenges, resilience among Latinx communities
derives from generations of transforming and subverting social structures within society
(Delgado-Bernal, 2001). As previously discussed, resilience literature has minimally considered
contextual factors, specifically cultural influences, that influence the development of resilience
among Latinx students (Clauss-Ehlers, Yang, & Chen, 2006). Cultural-deficit ideology limits the
understanding of internal knowledge and strengths that Latinx students have gained through
overcoming adversity (Pedrotti & Edwards, 2009). To address cultural-deficit approaches to
resilience, some researchers such as Clauss-Ehlers (2004) uses “cultural resilience” to describe
the degree to which the strengths of one’s culture promote the development of coping. Yosso
(2005) describes “aspirational capital” within community cultural wealth as “the ability to
maintain hope in the face of structured inequality and often without the means to make such
dreams a reality” (p. 77). This form of resiliency allows Latinx families to dream of possibilities
beyond their present circumstances. Although the literature describes multiple pathways to
resiliency, these pathways must be examined within the context of culture, development, and
history. Family, culture, and ethnic identity can play a unique role in the development of
resilience among Latinx college students.
The role of family. The centrality of family has been noted as one of the most prominent
cultural values among Latinx families (Gloria, Ruiz, & Castillo, 2004). Familismo or familism is
described in the literature as strong commitment, loyalty, and obligation to family members,
including nuclear and extended kin (Arredondo, Perez, Harper, & McFadden, 2003). The
interdependent nature of family involves a collectivist approach to problem-solving and
prioritizing family needs over individual needs. Sabogal and colleagues (1987) identified three
related facets of familismo [familism]: (1) familial obligations: the belief that family members
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 49
have a responsibility to provide economic and emotional support to kin; (2) perceived support
and emotional closeness: the perception that family members are dependable sources of help,
should be united, and have close relationships; (3) family as referent: the belief that family
members’ behaviors should meet with familial expectations. Familism values are considered core
cultural values for Latinx families that are passed from generation to generation. For instance, for
immigrant Latinx families, in cases where the nuclear and extended family remains in the
country of origin, familism helps maintain close ties with distant family members (Falicov,
2005). Moreover, family involvement, supervision of children, and communication are essential
resources that lead to resilience among Latinx youth in immigrant families (Cardoso &
Thompson, 2010). Yosso (2005) adds that familial capital within Latinx’ community cultural
wealth is nurtured by extended family, which may include immediate family as well as aunts,
uncles, grandparents, and friends who may be considered as part of the familia [family]. Familial
capital are those cultural knowledges nurtured among Latinx families that carry a sense of
community history, memory, and cultural intuition and it acknowledges the racialized, classed,
and heterosexualized inferences that compromise traditional understandings of ‘family’ (Yosso,
2005).
The role of family may increase resiliency and thus, serve as a buffer against the negative
effects of stress (Romero et al., 2014). For example, studies have found that low levels of family
involvement are related to higher rates of psychological distress among Mexican immigrants
(Rodriguez, Mira, Paez, & Myers, 2007) and Latinx college students (Castillo, Conoley, &
Brossart, 2004). Additionally, in a study of first-generation, immigrant Latinx adolescents,
social support at home ameliorated the negative effects of discrimination and other stressors
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 50
(Potochnick & Perreira, 2010). However, it is important to note that the role of family can be
complex and may influence outcomes in different ways.
Cultural influences and ethnic identity. Cultural traditions foster a sense of ethnic
identity that may promote resilience among Latinx families. Cultural rituals and spiritual systems
often reinforce ethnic and family identity and cultural pride. In Latinx families, “these cultural
protections increase family connectedness and solidarity through loyalty, personalismo
[emphasis on interpersonal relationships], respeto [respect], consejos [advice], dichos [oral
folklore], and fatalism (acceptance)” (Cardoso & Thompson, 2010, p. 4). These cultural
mechanisms can weaken the impact of economic, social, and emotional stressors.
Additionally, ethnic identity among Latinx students has been predictive of resilience in
response to stress (Clauss-Ehlers et al., 2006). Phinney and Kohatsu (1997) describe ethnic
identity as, “a complex, multi-dimensional concept including, at a minimum, self-identification,
a sense of belonging and commitment to one’s ethnic group, and the cognitive and affective
meanings of one’s group membership” (p. 422). Studies have found a relationship between
ethnic identity, self-esteem, and resilience among Latinx adolescents (Umaña-Taylor et al,
2002). Research shows that ties to homelands may act as buffers against exhaustion and despair
for diverse families dealing with a variety of stressors (Clauss-Ehlers, 2008). Furthermore, ethnic
identity can also be experienced beyond the individual level. A collective sense of ethnic identity
may also serve as a protective factor for Latinx students, especially if they engage in collective
action such as involvement in activism and civic engagement (Romero et al., 2014). In essence,
linking a positive ethnic identity with larger action against negative societal stereotypes or larger
issues of discrimination may lead to greater resilience and empowerment of Latinx students.
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 51
In sum, existing notions of resilience have the potential to further marginalized Latinx
communities by ignoring adversities from enrooted inequality and social disadvantaged,
producing cultural-deficit ideology that decontextualizes knowledge gained through lived
experiences. Resilience has been theorized in the literature through dominant epistemological
perspectives, which often invalidate and silence the voices of Latinx students. Decolonizing one-
dimensional views on resilience permits the contextualization of culture, development, and
history that may potentially influence resilience among Latinx students. In the next section, I
delve into the bullying literature to understand bullying victimization as a form of adversity
among Latinx college students plaguing the educational system.
Bullying
Bullying is an epidemic that has gained global awareness; it is a prominent social and
educational issue impacting students, families, and schools around the world (Young-Jones,
Fursa, Byrket, & Sly, 2015). Research on bullying victimization has increased over the past
decade and has consistently found associations between bullying, academic functioning, and
psychological effects in childhood and adolescence (Holt, Finkelhor, & Kantor, 2007). Children
and adolescents who experience bullying may enter into adulthood with difficulty maintaining a
healthy well-being, which may further exacerbate maladjusted behaviors. Jantzer and Cashel
(2017) posit that college students who experienced early bullying victimization may have greater
difficulty adjusting to college as both experiences present numerous stressors. Research shows
that nearly 72 percent of college students with past experiences of bullying were targeted at least
once during their elementary or middle school years (Chapell, et al., 2006). However, despite the
mounting evidence of the long-term effects of childhood and adolescent bullying and its
implications for psychosocial functioning during the college years (Dempsey & Storch, 2008),
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 52
there is limited research on how survivors of bullying victimization, such as Latinx college
students, display their resiliency as college students while they simultaneously navigate their
transition to college. To best address this gap in the bullying discourse, it is vital to first
understand the scope of the bullying epidemic in childhood and adolescence and recognize the
short-term and long-term academic and psychological consequences of such victimization,
including the potential effect on college students with past experiences of bullying.
What is Bullying?
According to Dr. Dan Olweus (1993), a pioneer of research on bullying victimization, “a
person is being bullied when he or she is exposed, repeatedly and over time, to negative actions
on the part of one or more other persons" (p. 9.) As bullying began to get theorized in the
literature, researchers conceptualized bullying in various ways. In 2014, the United States
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Department of Education, and the Health
Resources and Services Administration collaborated with bullying experts across various fields
to develop a uniform definition of bullying:
Bullying is any unwanted aggressive behavior(s) by another youth or group of youths
who are not siblings or current dating partners that involves an observed or perceived
power imbalance and is repeated multiple times or is highly likely to be repeated.
Bullying may inflict harm or distress on the targeted youth including physical,
psychological, social, or educational harm (Gladden, Vivolo-Kantor, Hamburger, &
Lumpkin, 2014, p. 7).
Building on Olweus’s (1993) initial definition of bullying, many researchers examining bullying
behaviors acknowledged key features of bullying: (1) bullying consists of behavior that is
directed towards a victim with the intention to harm or instill fear in the victim; (2) the behavior
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 53
occurs without provocation from the victim; (3) the aggression occurs repeatedly over a period of
time; (4) the behavior occurs within the context of socialization; and (5) an imbalance of power
exists between the aggressor and victim.
Types of bullying. Bullying can take in many forms including physical, verbal, relational
(social), and cyber. Bullying includes direct and indirect forms of aggression. Physical and
verbal bullying are direct forms of bullying, consisting of an overt expression of power (Shetgiri,
2013). Physical bullying involves causing harm to a person or someone’s property. Hawker and
Boulton (2000) describe physical bullying as behavior in which the victim’s physical integrity is
attacked. This type of bullying includes hitting, pushing, kicking, spitting, pinching, taking or
breaking someone’s things, and making mean or rude hand gestures (Veenstra et al., 2005).
Verbal bullying is described as verbal harassment or intimidation in the form of name-calling,
threatening, taunting, extortion, malicious teasing, and psychological intimidation using words to
harm victims (Ferguson, San Miguel, Kilburn, & Sanchez, 2007). Indirect form of bullying
primarily consists of relational aggression. Relational bullying or social bullying is defined as
social exclusion through manipulation of social relationships including slandering, gossiping,
spreading rumors, sabotage, exclusion, alliance building, and ignoring (Young, Boye, & Nelson,
2006). Research shows that females are more typically involved in relational bullying, while
males are usually involved in physical or verbal bullying (Wang, Iannotti, & Nansel, 2009).
Furthermore, cyber bullying is a non-traditional form of bullying that is defined as “harm
inflicted through threatening, harassing, taunting, and/or intimidating a peer using an electronic
medium, such as computers, cell phones, and other electronic devices” (Shetgiri, 2013, p. 2).
Unlike traditional forms of bullying (physical, verbal, relational), cyber bullying definitions do
not include a power imbalance between the bully and victim nor the behavior needs to be
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 54
repetitive (Kiriakidis & Kavoura, 2010). This is an insidious form of bullying as it can occur at
home or at school, it is difficult to detect, and is easily accessible by children and adolescents
who have access to media technology (Kiriakidis & Kavoura, 2010).
Bullying Roles and Characteristics
Victims/Survivors. The concept of bullying defined in the literature emphasizes the
interpersonal and interdependence nature of the roles of the bully, victim, bully-victim, and
bystander. The victim of bullying is defined as an individual who is repeatedly exposed to
negative actions from peers (Olweus, 1993) through physical attacks, verbal assaults, or
psychological abuse. Someone who is bullied is less powerful than the individual who is
bullying. This power imbalance can be attributed to differences in physical strength and
appearance, popularity, psychological well-being, being outnumbered in peer groups among
other risk factors. Victims of bullying behavior have been repeatedly described in the literature
as passive or submissive victims (Shetgiri, 2013), suggesting that victims may have lower self-
esteem, higher levels of stress, anxiety, depression, and suicidal ideation (Olweus, 1993).
Victims are also described in the literature as having higher levels of loneliness, insecurity, and
having the lowest social status among peers (Juvonen, Graham, & Schuster, 2003). Furthermore,
victims of bullying have also reported lower socio-emotional and educational functioning
including academic difficulties and absenteeism.
Moreover, it is also important to note the linguistic implications of the word victim in
relation to any form of victimization including bullying. Drawing from feminist theory,
researchers have shed light on the “victim-survivor” dichotomy to extend the debates about the
meaning of (sexual) victimization (Kelly, Burton, & Regan, 1996). The word victim is often
synonymous with helpless and weak; as a result of such association, the word survivor became
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 55
prominent inside and outside of academia to empower those who have been victimized
(Papendick & Bohner, 2017). However, those against the word survivor argue that it paints a
misleading picture of victimhood and healing (Kelly, Burton, & Regan, 1996). Moreover, a
“victim-survivor paradox” may exist among those who have been victimized, creating a dilemma
of conflicting consequences of the labels used (Thompson, 2000, p. 329). It is vital to
acknowledge that students with early experiences of bullying can be survivors of their
victimization while simultaneously continue to be victims of the psychosocial aftermath of their
bullying experiences. The literature on bullying must create and give meaning to language that
encompasses the lived realities of all bullied students, including those from underrepresented
groups. In discussing one of the various forms of victimization, I interchangeably use the words
victims and survivors to honor differences in healing journeys among Latinx college students
with past experiences of bullying.
Bullies. A bully is someone who repeatedly hurts another individual on purpose. Bullies
are known to be aggressive, impulsive, hostile, domineering, antisocial, and uncooperative
towards peers (Veenstra et. al, 2005); they often believe they can achieve immediate goals
without learning socially acceptable ways to deal with others, resulting in persistent maladaptive
patterns (Haynie et al., 2001). Bullies are not a homogeneous group. Some bullies have well-
developed social skills and use bullying behaviors to gain or maintain dominance in their peer
group (Shetgiri, 2013). Bullies may also present with defiant behavior and negative attitude
towards schools (Juvonen et al., 2003). Bullies show poorer school adjustment and perceive less
social support from teachers as they may present with problematic behavior in the classroom
(Veenstra et al., 2005). Moreover, research has also found associations between bullying and
interpersonal violence. Nansel, Overpack, Haynie, Ruan, & Scheidt (2003) found a consistent
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 56
relationship between bullying and higher frequencies of violence and greater odds of weapon
carrying and fighting.
Bully-victims. It is vital to also recognize that bullies can be victims too. Bully-victims
are those who bully others and are bullied themselves; they are also known as reactive bullies or
provocative/aggressive victims (Smokowski & Kopasz, 2005). Research suggests that bully-
victims demonstrate high levels of aggression and depression and score lower on measures of
academic performance and pro-social behavior (Veenstra et al., 2005). Due to bully-victims
exhibiting behaviors of the bully and the victim, they function more poorly than bullies and
victims and are more likely to get involved in problematic behavior such as delinquency and
violation of parental rules (Veenstra et al., 2005). Bully-victims may also present with higher
levels of anxiety, lower self-esteem, and be less popular than bullies (Shetgiri, 2013).
Bystanders. Bystanders are also impacted by the chronic presence of bullying
victimization in schools. These individuals are a witness to the bullying victimization and can
assume a range of participant roles: they can act as (1) assistants, who join the bully and begin to
actively participate in the bully activity; (2) reinforcers, who provide support to bullies; (3)
outsiders, who remain passive bystanders by watching or leaving the situation; and (4) defenders,
who intervene and stand up for the victim (Salmivalli, 1999). However, bystanders seldom take
the role of the defender (Forsberg, Thornsberg, & Samuelsson, 2014). Bystanders who
continually observe bullying behavior can experience fear and worry that there will be retaliation
if they get involved (U.S. Department of Education, 1998). Furthermore, observing bullying
aggression may elicit feelings of anger, hopelessness, powerlessness, and poor problem solving
skills (U.S. Department of Education, 1998). Peer involvement may also be a contributing factor
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 57
that perpetuates bullying behavior whether peers are active participants or passive bystanders
(Atlas & Pepler, 2010).
Prevalence of Bullying
Bullying is a universal problem attacking the school system, from elementary to high
school. It occurs mostly in schools, in the presence of peers, and is most prevalent during middle
school, decreasing in high school (Ayers, Wagaman, Geiger, Bermudez-Parsai, & Hedberg,
2012). Research shows that bullying is an epidemic worldwide with remarkable similarities in
the incidence of bullying from country to country (Cleary, 2000). In a 2005-2006 study of 40
countries, 26% of children in 6th-10th grade reported bullying involvement, 10.7% as bullies,
12.6% as victims, and 3.6% as bully-victims (Craig et al., 2009). The prevalence of bullying in
elementary schools worldwide varies from 11.3% to 49.8%, while estimates in the United States
is reported at 19% (Dake, Price, Telljohann, & Funk, 2004). In the United States, the prevalence
of bullying has varied throughout the last twenty years. According to Feingberg (2003),
approximately 15% to 30% of students nationwide are either bullies or victims of bullying. The
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development found that almost one third of U.S.
students in grades 6 to 10 were directly or indirectly involved in serious, frequent bullying
(Nansel et al., 2001). Similarly, the U.S. Department of Education (1998) found that 77% of
middle and high school students were bullied at some point in their school career. In a 2005-
2006 study examining the different types of bullying showed that 21% of 6th-12th grade students
were involved in occasional physical bullying, 53% in verbal bullying, 51% in relational
bullying, and 14% in cyber bullying (Wang et al., 2009).
As bullying has gained more national and international attention, new data from the
federal government indicates a significant decrease in bullying since 2005. According to the new
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 58
data from the U.S. Department of Education’s National Center for Education Statistics (NCES),
the prevalence of bullying among ages 12-18 dropped from 28% to 22% in the past decade (U.S.
Department of Education, 2015). Although physical bullying has decreased from 2003 to 2008,
however, little to no change has been reported for emotional victimization (Finkelhor, Turner,
Ormrod, & Hamby, 2010). The variations in the prevalence of bullying among studies may be
attributed to the different ways bullying is measured and the types of bullying examined.
Although numbers have decreased nationally, incidents of bullying may vary by state. In
California, 34% of students in grades 7, 9, and 11 reported being bullied one or more times in the
2011-2013 California Healthy Kids Survey, which is administered by the California Department
of Education (California School Climate, Health, and Learning Surveys, 2019). The rate is
roughly the same as the 33% of students in those grades who reported being bullied in the 2009-
2011 California Healthy Kids Survey, although this survey used a different methodology
(California School Climate, Health, and Learning Surveys, 2019).
Furthermore, students may also be victimized based on their identities or individual
characteristics such as race, ethnicity, social class, gender, sexual orientation, disability, or
religious background. In 2001, the U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention reported that
12% of students claimed to have been called a degrading word based on their race, religion,
ethnicity, disability, gender, or sexual orientation (Donald, 2002). Although racial-, ethnic-, and
immigration-based bullying has been minimally investigated, researchers have found evidence of
bullying related to social stigma- discrimination based on individual characteristics (Alvarez-
Bermejo, Belmonte-Ureña, Martos-Martinez, Barragan-Martin, & Del Mar Simon-Marquez,
2016). According to Russell, Sinclair, Poteat, and Koenig (2012), more than one third of
adolescents who experienced bullying report bias-based school bullying. Additionally, race-
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 59
related bullying has been significantly linked to negative emotional and physical health effects
(Rosenthal et al., 2013). Students who self-identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or
questioning (LGBTQ) may be at a higher risk of being bullied. According to the 2013 National
School Climate Survey, 74.1% of LGBTQ students were verbally bullied due to their sexual
orientation and 55.2% because of their gender expression (Gay, Lesbian & Straighr Education
Network, 2014). In a recent national survey, 33% of high school students who self-identified as
lesbian, gay, or bisexual reported being bullied on school grounds and of those same students,
27% reported being cyberbullied (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, 2018).
Similarly, students with disabilities and special health needs are also at an increased risk
of being bullied. Students with specific learning disabilities, autism spectrum disorder, emotional
and behavioral disorders, other health impairments, and speech and language impairments report
greater rates of bullying than their counterparts (Rose & Gage, 2017). Although there is limited
research on the connection between bullying and specific types of disabilities, most studies have
found that students with disabilities are two to three times more likely to be bullied than their
peers without disabilities (Marshall, Kendall, Banks, & Gover, 2009). Limited research has
explored bullying based on religious differences. According to the U.S. Department of
Education’s Indicators of School Crime and Safety Report, 1% of students ages 12-18 reported
being targeted with hate-related words due to religion while on school grounds in 2015 (Institute
of Social Policy and Understanding, 2018). In a recent study on Muslim youth, over 30%
reported being bullied through social exclusion or called mean names (Institute of Social Policy
and Understanding, 2018). Evidently, bullying victimization continues to be a pervasive problem
in schools nationwide, regardless of the tireless efforts from local and state advocates. As the
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 60
bullying literature continues to expand, mounting evidence has found associations between
bullying and academic and psychological functioning.
Bullying and Academic Functioning
Research shows that short-term consequences of bullying include poor school adjustment
and academic performance (Shetgiri, 2013). A recent meta-analysis of 33 studies concluded that
students who are bullied are more likely to earn lower grades and score lower on standardized
achievement tests (Nakamoto & Schwartz, 2009). Initial studies examining the link between
bullying and school performance were conducted with predominantly European American
children in middle-class settings (Ladd et al., 1997). Kochenderfer and Ladd (1996) found that
bullying experiences among predominantly European American served as a precursor of school
adjustment problems (i.e. academic achievement and school avoidance) and predicted changes in
school avoidance across the kindergarten year.
Researchers have recently begun to investigate the association between bullying and
academic outcomes among ethnically diverse samples in underserved neighborhoods. For
example, in a one-year longitudinal study of an ethnically diverse sample of third and fourth
grade students, findings showed that higher incidents of bullying predicted lower levels of
standardized achievement scores and grade point averages (GPAs) (Schwartz et al., 2005). In a
different longitudinal study of ethnically diverse middle school students, findings revealed a
robust direct association between bullying and academic performance over time. It suggested
that high levels of bullying by peers is consistently related to academic disengagement and poor
grades across the three years of middle school (Juvonen, Wang, & Espinoza, 2011). Similarly,
Glew, Fan, Katon, Rivera, and Kernic (2005) found that among ethnically diverse students in
grades 3 to 5, victims of bullying and bully-victims were more likely to perform poorly in school
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 61
(reading, math, and listening) than students who were bystanders. Although researchers are
beginning to investigate bullying experiences among ethnically diverse students in underserved
communities, there continues to be a gap in the literature examining the connection between
bullying and academic performance among Latinx students. One study found that Latino
students from underserved neighborhoods who were victims of bullying presented with low
grade point averages (GPAs) and school engagement (Nakamoto & Schwartz, 2011). As noted
by the aforementioned evidence, most bullying research has investigated the association between
bullying and poor academic functioning among children and adolescents given the occurrence of
bullying within the context of the school environment. However, limited research has explored
academic achievement among victims of bullying even though findings have been small but
significant (Nakamoto & Schwartz, 2010). These relatively modest findings can encourage a new
way of investigating bullying victimization in research.
Bullying and Psychological Functioning
Victimization from bullying can develop a variety of psychological as well as somatic
symptoms, some of which may persist into adulthood (Sansone & Sansone, 2008). Bullying may
increase students’ risk for psychological adjustment problems including loneliness, social
difficulties, low self-esteem, anxiety, depression, suicidal ideation, eating disorders (i.e anorexia
or bulimia nervosa), and somatic complaints such as headaches, sleep disturbances, abdominal
pain, and fatigue (Kochenderfer-Ladd & Wardrop, 2001; Smokowski & Kapasz, 2005; Sansone
& Sansone, 2008). For example, in a study of over 7,000 predominantly African American and
Latino middle and high school students, victims of bullying reported frequent worries, sadness,
nervousness, and fearfulness (Peskin, Tortolero, Markham, & Baumler, 2007).
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 62
Other psychological consequences that may manifest in the aftermath of repetitive
bullying include anxiety and depression symptoms and disorders. Research shows that victims of
bullying have a higher risk of depressive symptoms during childhood and adulthood (Sansone &
Sansone, 2008). According to Brunstein Klomek and colleagues (2007), frequent bullying may
increase the risk of suicidal ideation and attempts. According to the Centers for Disease Control,
students who are bullies, victims, or bystanders are more likely to report high levels of suicide-
related behavior than students who report no involvement in bullying (U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services, 2014). Gini and Espelage (2014) found that students facing bullying
are 2.2 times more likely to have suicide ideation and 2.6 times more likely to attempt suicide
than students not facing victimization. Hence, more frequent involvement in bullying increases
the risk of suicidality, and such risks appear to be higher for girls than boys (Hinduja & Patchin,
2010). For instance, girls who are bullied are more than four times as likely to have suicidal
ideation than non-bullied girls and boys are 2.5 times more likely to have suicidal ideation than
non-bullied boys (Hinduja & Patchin, 2010).
Furthermore, researchers have conceptualized bullying victimization as a form of
psychological stress that can be traumatic for some youth (Espelage, Hong, & Mebane, 2016).
Thus, most recently, studies have examined the potential link between bullying and
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Litman et al., (2015) found a link between bullying and
psychological distress, specifically PTSD among Latinx children in elementary schools. It is
conceivable that being frequently victimized by peers could reinforce trauma. Traumatic
childhood experiences such as bullying can play an important role in shaping psychological
functioning during adolescence and into adulthood (Espelage, Hong, & Mebane, 2016).

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 63
Long-term Consequences of Bullying
Bullying involvement in early childhood may be associated with a range of deleterious
outcomes in adulthood including poorer mental health outcomes and lower social and academic
functioning (Holt et al., 2014). Although earlier research has found associations between
bullying involvement and elevated mental health problems among children and adolescents
(Sigurdson, Undheim, Wallander, Lydersen, & Sund, 2015), more recent studies have shown the
long-term consequences of childhood bullying victimization such as shyness, inhibition in
intimate relationships, difficulties establishing friendships, and depression (Jantzer & Cashel,
2017). In a longitudinal study on adult consequences from childhood bullying, findings predicted
poor psychosocial functioning, psychological distress, poor physical health, depression, and
poorer cognitive functioning in later years (Takizawa, Maughan, & Arseneault, 2014).
Furthermore, for students who are in college with early experiences of bullying adjusting
to college may be particularly difficult. Schafer et al. (2004) found that college students with a
history of bullying had higher rates of distress than students without bullying experiences.
Studies also find that college students who experienced childhood and/or adolescence bullying
had increased rates of anxiety, depression, loneliness, socialization difficulties, and symptoms
associated with PTSD (Schafer et al., 2004). Entering college places high demands on forming
new social connections, however, students who enter college with a history of bullying may be
less inclined to negotiate their new environment than students with no bullying experiences
(Wei, et al., 2005). Conversely to the notion that students with past bullying experiences are at
risk for poor college adjustment, other researchers argue that these students may find college as a
new opportunity to form healthy, supportive relationships with peers (Holt et al., 2014).
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 64
Limited research explores how students with past experiences of bullying adjust and
navigate their new collegiate environment, particularly Latinx college students. Most studies
exploring long-term academic and psychological outcomes among college students with early
experiences of bullying encompass White student samples (Jantzer & Cashel, 2017; Young-
Jones et al., 2015). It is imperative that the bullying literature captures and recognizes the scope
of bullying and potential long-term outcomes for Latinx college students as well. As previously
discussed, the bullying epidemic is a global matter. As research continues to investigate the
connection between bullying and short- and long-term consequences in academic and
psychological functioning, there is an urge for researchers to increase efforts in exploring this
phenomenon with diverse, underrepresented groups and in different education levels. In addition
to surviving bullying victimization, students of color who move towards postsecondary
education may also face additional challenges in the college transition.
Latinx Students’ Transition to College
In this section, I delve into the literature to discuss common challenges among Latinx
students during their transition to college. These challenges include the development of a sense
of belonging to college communities, limited social capital and influence of community cultural
wealth, and obstacles with first-generation and undocumented immigrant status. These constructs
may provide a better understanding of how Latinx college students with past experiences of
bullying navigate collegiate spaces.
Students of color may face a variety of difficult challenges in the college transition.
These challenges are a constellation of psychological (i.e. beliefs, attitudes, perceptions), social
(i.e. networks, connections, mentors), and cultural (i.e. values validation, sense of belonging)
factors that may be influenced by individual and institutional forces (Castellanos & Gloria, 2007;
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 65
McNairy, 1996). Thus, students of color may have to conform to mainstream values and beliefs
of the institution, which may differ from their personal beliefs and values (Maldonado, Rhoads,
& Buenavista, 2005). For Latinx students, navigating the college system may become
additionally taxing when identities are forced to be negotiated to achieve success.
In addition to the psycho-social-cultural factors that can potentially influence the college
transition for students of color, experiences may also vary depending on the type of
postsecondary school attended. Research consistently shows that a large number of Latinx
students are underrepresented in four-year institutions, while overrepresented in two-year
institutions (i.e. community colleges) (Saenz, 2002). In 2017, 44% of Latinx undergraduate
students were enrolled in community colleges, compared to 35% of Black students and 31% of
White students, while less than 20% of Latinx students enrolled in four-year institutions
(Community College Research Center, 2019). Moreover, research suggests that the percentage of
Latinx students in four-year, predominantly White institutions (PWIs) is even lower (Von
Robertson, Bravo, & Chaney, 2016). Although the enrollment of Latinx students in
postsecondary education has increased in the past decade, challenges continue to be present with
persistence and degree attainment.
Sense of Belonging
In addition to comparatively limited institutional, familial, and financial support, Latinx
students can encounter overt and subtle forms of exclusion in college that tend to hinder their
development of a sense of belonging to college communities (Hurtado & Carter, 1997;
Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). Vincent Tinto (1993) coined the traditional theory of transition
to college stipulating that students undergo stages of separation, transition, and incorporation.
Tinto’s transition theory describes separation as distancing oneself from one’s family and
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 66
community of origin; transition entails changing one’s behavior to adapt to the norms of a new
community; and incorporation involves fully integrating with the new community by
internalizing its norms (Nuñez, 2011). Some scholars argue that in Tinto’s theory, integration is
synonyms with assimilation, implying that students of color, in order to succeed, must conform
to the norms of the institution and leave behind their families and communities of origin
(Hurtado & Carter, 1997). This notion places responsibility on students of color to change and
assimilate rather than placing part of the responsibility on institutional agents who have the
ability to change the cultural climate of the institution (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Furthermore,
other scholars argue that Tinto’s theory overlooks how social capital, including affiliations with
families and communities outside of college, can impact college outcomes (Nora, 2001).
As a response to Tinto’s theory, Hurtado and Carter (1997) proposed the construct of
belonging to involve students’ perceived sense of social cohesion with the institution and to
include “students’ feelings about the extent to which they experience isolation or discrimination
in the college’s racial/ethnic climate” (Nuñez, 2011). A sense of belonging takes into account
students’ diverse identities with external communities including family, social, geographic, and
religious communities outside the college (Hurtado, Carter, & Spuler, 1996). Such external
affiliations have been found to be significant predictors of sense of belonging and other measures
of a successful adjustment to college among Latinx students (Hurtado et al., 1996; Villalpando,
2003; Yosso, 2006).
Moreover, Latinx students may have difficulty adjusting to college if they have high
levels of identification with their cultural backgrounds and perceive the institution as
unsupportive (Schneider & Ward, 2003). Many Latinx students who enter selective public
research institutions encounter racial/ethnic and socioeconomic diversity that diverges widely
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 67
from their racial/ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds (Gandara & Contreras, 2009). Thus,
unsupportive and unfamiliar college environments can lead to the development of culture shock
for first-year Latinx college students, “where the majority of other students come from very
different cultural backgrounds and the campus does not represent various dimensions of their
culture” (Gonzalez, 2002 as cited by Nuñez, 2011, p. 642). However, Latinx students are not a
homogenous group, even when sharing similar identity compositions. Educational research tends
to essentialize Latinx communities with little consideration for differences in gender, social
class, immigration status, or linguistic attributes.
Social Capital
Social capital in the higher education discourse may indicate the degree to which students
perceive social cohesion in the institution and feel supported by their social networks (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997). In these lenses, building a social support network becomes an additional
interpersonal challenge for Latinx students during their transition to college (Solorzano &
Villalpando, 1998; Villalpando, 2003). Within the higher education context, “social capital can
be defined as the capacity for social networks to facilitate educational advancement” (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997 as cited by Nuñez, 2009, p. 25). For underrepresented groups with limited social
networks, college can provide the space to broaden and diversify their social networks and
extrafamilial ties that support their educational and labor market advancement (Nuñez, 2009).
Research shows that the quantity and quality of students’ interactions with college faculty and
positive cross-racial interactions with peers have shown to be positively associated with
academic adjustment during the transition to college (Hurtado, Laird, & Perorazio, 2003).
Although engagement with faculty can positively influence the transition to college for Latinx
students’ (Cole, 2008), some students, particularly those who are first-generation, report lower
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 68
levels of meaningful interactions with faculty and may be reluctant to seek out help from faculty
or academic advisors (Nuñez, 2011).
Although the education literature typically theorizes social capital among Latinx students
as limiting, students of diverse backgrounds including racially underrepresented populations,
lower socio-economic groups, and first-generation families may not necessarily have access to
the aforementioned social capital. Thus, it is important to understand what types of capital are
forming within marginalized communities and the ways these forms of capital are valuable in
navigating the higher education system. An alternative concept to social capital, as an
independent construct, is the notion of community cultural wealth as proposed by Yosso (2005).
The notion of community cultural wealth uncovers Latinx college students’ experiential
knowledge based on several types of capital that are interdependent and build upon each other
(Yosso, 2005). Aspirational capital is a form of resiliency in which dreams and hopes are
maintained for the future despite real or perceived barriers. Latinx students who know multiple
languages and communication methods since early childhood can serve as language brokers for
their families and gather linguistic capital through their real-world literacy skills. At an early
age, Latinx college students gain navigational capital by traversing through social institutions
and structures built to support members of the dominant culture such as the education system. As
previously discussed, kinship networks and loose ties to other social networks and resources, or
social capital, helps Latinx students gather resources and information to navigate social
structures. Familial capital is the cultural knowledges found in the kinship networks that
encompasses a sense of community history, memory, and cultural intuition (Delgado Bernal,
2002). Finally, resistance capital is developed through awareness of and agency against forms of
oppression. Yosso (2005) proposes various forms of capital to understand the dynamic processes
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 69
that build on one another as part of community cultural wealth. This view provides different
opportunities to understand the various forms of capital that can potentially influence Latinx
college students’ transition to college.
First-Generation Latinx Students
While first-generation students are often quite academically skilled and contribute in
many ways to a campus community, navigating the tangled web of college policies, procedures,
and expectations can be a challenge. First-generation Latinx students may encounter additional
challenges as they transition to college. These challenges include lack of financial support,
language barriers, and academic underpreparedness (Oseguera, Locks, & Vega, 2009). First-
generation Latinx students tend to be from lower socioeconomic status families, which may
create an almost insurmountable financial obstacle (Boden, 2011). Lack of financial support may
necessitate working many hours while attending school to pay for their college education.
Furthermore, first-generation Latinx students may have limited knowledge of how to navigate
the financial aid process, which limits the number of resources available to them. Although
parents may aspire for their children to attend college, they find it difficult to provide academic
support due to their lack of higher education experience and potential language barriers (Perna &
Titus, 2005).
In addition to financial barriers, first-generation Latinx students must often navigate a
greater social and cultural divide to gain a sense of membership in the college community
(Nuñez, 2011). Social and cultural negotiations may become particularly difficult if families do
not understand their college experiences and responsibilities (Nuñez, 2011). Consequently,
competing pressures to stay connected with family or continue their education without family
emotional or financial support may arise (Terenzini, Springer, Yaeger, Pascarella, & Nora,
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 70
1996). However, first-generation Latinx students who sustain meaningful family and community
ties while creating new, strong social support networks may increase their sense of belonging
and academic achievement (Saunders & Serna, 2004; Yosso, 2006). Moreover, research shows
that first-generation students are more likely than their non-first-generation counterparts to be
students of color; thus, multiple forms of marginality based on race and class may occur
(Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005). Lundberg et al., (2007) posits that first-generation status, race and
ethnicity, and the relationship between the two can condition the extent to which academic and
social engagement in college affects students’ outcomes as well as the development of
meaningful networks. Consequently, many challenges that first-generation Latinx students
encounter may hinder transitioning successfully to higher education.
Undocumented Latinx Students
Undocumented college students face unique, insurmountable challenges due to their legal
status. Most undocumented college students face three classic challenges: typically are first in
their families to attend college, most live in mixed-status families, and many report stress,
anxiety, and depression (Suarez-Orozco, 2015). In Latinx families, undocumented college
students may have very limited access to financial aid, thus, must juggle working multiple jobs
to finance their college education (Contreras, 2009). In addition, many undocumented students
work to contribute to the family’s income, especially students with Deferred Action for
Childhood Arrivals (DACA) status who may be the only ones in their family with work
authorization (Gurrola, Ayon, & Moya Salas, 2013).
Many undocumented Latinx students also face challenges that result from residing in
mixed-status families. Some family members may have gained residency status, however, due to
the current political climate with aggressive detention and deportation policies, many families
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 71
have been torn apart and continue to be under the threat of separation (Rosenblum & Meissner,
2014). Consequently, many undocumented students experience fear of relatives’ or their own
deportation, causing isolation and depression (Contreras, 2009; Garcia & Tierney, 2011). In
addition to the fear of deportation, Latinx college students’ sense of belonging and well-being
may be compromised especially if in a hostile college campus environment. “Since college
campuses are microcosms of society, marginalization and social disparagement can be echoed in
these settings” (Suarez-Orozco, 2015). This may lead to poor mental health outcomes such as
feelings of guilt and shame, threats to self-esteem, and internalizing of symptoms (Gonzales,
Suarez-Orozco, & Dedios-Sanguineti, 2013). Research has found that undocumented college
students identify stress and anxiety due to their unauthorized status as major obstacles to their
academic success (Gonzales et al., 2013). Considering Latinx undocumented students’ social-
emotional functioning as a result of their unauthorized status, the college transition may be
additionally taxing if students have a history of victimization, such as bullying.
Despite these challenges, research shows that undocumented college students
demonstrate high levels of resilience and determination to achieve academically (Suarez-Orozco,
2015). Some undocumented college students are highly engaged in their communities while
balancing work and school (Contreras, 2009). For many undocumented Latinx students, civic
engagement has been a source of hope, such as involvement in the DREAMer movement to
bring about awareness and social change (Flanagan & Levine, 2010). Through their
participation, students achieve a sense of hope, identity, and purpose and become part of a
community on campus and beyond.

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 72
Summary
This chapter presented an in-depth review of the literature on the core constructs I intend
to unpack in this research study. Latinx college students with prior victimization of bullying may
demonstrate their resilience in diverse ways, although often omitted or silenced in the resilience
literature. The narrative of students of color who are survivors of bullying victimization, in this
instance Latinx college students, are often quantified to fit Eurocentric resilience paradigms.
Although no one definition of resilience has been established, researchers use Luthar and
colleagues’ definition of resilience to “study” others who may fit within these definitional
boundaries. Luthar et al., (2000) defines resilience as a “dynamic process encompassing positive
adaptation within the context of significant adversity” (Luthar et al., 2000, p. 543). However, this
perspective holds individuals responsible for facing adversity rather than challenging the
inequitable structures of society. The two core concepts of resilience, “significant adversity” and
“positive adaptation” obscure other ways of being or other criteria of success, especially for
Latinx college students with childhood and adolescent victimization.
In order to unfold common concepts in the resilience literature to then uncover Western
epistemological perspectives on resilience, CRT and LatCrit theoretical perspectives are
employed as operating goggles for this in-depth literature review. CRT places race and racism at
the center of political, social, and educational discourses. It can be used to illuminate oppressive
realities that mediate the experiences of people of color (Perez Huber, 2008); specifically, it
allows survivors of victimization such as bullying to have a voice. Moreover, LatCrit theory can
be used to theorize and examine the ways in which race and racism explicitly and implicitly
impact the educational structures, processes, and discourses that affect Latinx students
(Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). Literature on the experiences of Latinx college students with prior
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 73
bullying victimization is limited and often focuses on a deficit-based approach to how resilience
is transformed. More importantly, the bullying literature tends to explore this phenomenon
through quantifiable measures.
Bullying as a global epidemic in the education system also needs to be explored through
desire-based research (Tuck, 2019). Most of the literature on bullying focuses on the short- and
long-term consequences of bullying. Research has consistently found a link between bullying,
academic functioning, and psychological effects in childhood and adolescence (Holt et al., 2007).
Children and adolescents who are victimized may enter into adulthood with difficulty
maintaining a healthy well-being, which may further exacerbate maladjusted behaviors. Jantzer
and Cashel (2017) posit that college students who experienced early bullying victimization may
have greater difficulty adjusting to college as both experiences present numerous stressors.
Research shows that college students who experienced childhood and/or adolescence bullying
had increased rates of anxiety, depression, loneliness, socialization difficulties, and symptoms
associated with PTSD (Schafer et al., 2004). Entering the college system with past bullying
victimization experiences can further impact the transition to college. Challenges that may
emerge are a constellation of psychological, social, and cultural factors that may be influenced
by individual and institutional systems. Latinx college students may have to negotiate their
identities based on race, class, gender, and immigration status to conform to mainstream
institutional values and beliefs. Throughout this study, I make reference to the aforementioned
constructs as participants describe their resiliency journey and their transition to college.

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 74
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
The previous chapter revealed the theories and concepts used in this study. This chapter
details the methodological strategies employed in this study. I begin this chapter by presenting
the research questions. Then, to document the lived experiences of Latinx college students with
past experiences of bullying, I discuss the use of narrative inquiry within a critical race
methodological framework, specifically drawing from CRT and LatCrit frameworks (Solorzano
& Yosso, 2001), which account for the intersections of race, gender, social class, and
immigration status; testimonios, which creates knowledge through personal experiences to
theorize the realities of marginalized communities (Latina Feminist Group, 2001); and narrative
analysis, which provides tools to uncover and expose power relations (Riessman, 1993). Next, I
discuss my positionality within the study, participants’ background, the methods I employed to
uncover and contextualized participants’ testimonios, limitations and delimitations of the study,
credibility and trustworthiness processes I used to ensure analysis and interpretation of findings
were aligned to participants’ reflections and experiences, and my ethical stance within the study.
Research Questions
To review, the purpose of this study is to explore how Latinx college students with past
experiences of bullying describe their resilience and navigate their transition to college. Research
on resilience to childhood and adolescence bullying victimization has primarily focused on the
individual’s coping abilities and positive adaptation. However, when adversities, such as
bullying victimization, faced by Latinx college students result from enrooted inequality and
social disadvantage, resilience-based knowledge has the potential to influence the wider
adversity context (Hart et al., 2016). In addition, for many college students, including those who
are survivors of bullying, going to college presents major developmental challenges (Jantzer &
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 75
Cashel, 2017). As a means to disrupt and challenge dominant ideology within the resilience
literature, I chose to provide a space to explore the unique and diverse ways Latinx college
students with past experiences of bullying describe their resiliency. In that effort, my research
study is guided by the following research questions:
1. How do Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying describe their
resiliency?
2. How do these students navigate their transition to college?
Narrative Inquiry
Qualitative research aims to understand the meaning individuals have constructed,
delineate the process of meaning-making, and describe how individuals interpret what they
experience (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Qualitative research often leads to rich, thick
descriptions and explanations, which yield greater insight into the complex theoretical constructs
I sought to unveil. This study is grounded in narrative inquiry. In qualitative research, narrative
inquiry accesses human action and experience and embraces narrative as both the method and
phenomena of study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Clandinin, 2007). Given the void in research on
the diverse ways resilience manifests among Latinx college students with past experiences of
bullying and how these students navigate their transition to college, I used testimonios within a
critical race methodology to explain their lived experiences, while uplifting their voices.
Critical Race Methodology
This study is guided by a critical race methodological framework that “seeks to identify,
analyze, and transform those structural and cultural aspects of [resilience] that maintain
subordinate and dominant racial positions in and out of the classroom” (Solorzano & Yosso,
2002, p. 25). The dominant paradigms in resilience literature are overwhelmingly Eurocentric,
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 76
hyper-focusing on significant adversity and positive adaptation, and often presented as truth
when truth itself is a social construction created by individuals, groups, and societies to explain
particular circumstances within a particular context (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). As posed by
Perez Huber (2008), “critical race methodologies challenge the Eurocentricity of traditional
research paradigms and offer a liberatory and transformational meaning to academic research”
(p. 166). Solorzano and Yosso (2002) posit that critical race methodologies explicitly utilize a
CRT lens to reveal students of color’ experiences with and responses to racism, classism, sexism,
and other forms of oppression in education (Perez Huber, 2008).
The nature of qualitative research and LatCrit involves exploration and creation of space
for Latinx voices and experiential knowledge through the construction of “storytelling, family
history, … parables, testimonios, cuentos [tales], consejos [advice],” and counter-narratives
(Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001, p. 319). Furthermore, critical race methodologies “expose
deficit-informed research and methods that silence and distort the experiences of people of color
and instead focuses on their racialized, gendered, and classed experiences as sources of
strengths” (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002, p. 26). Using testimonios within a critical race
methodology to uplift the voices of Latinx college students who have early experiences of
bullying can deconstruct traditional Eurocentric perspectives of resilience and reimagine diverse
ways of resilience and unique ways of being.
Testimonios
Guided by CRT and LatCrit frameworks (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001), I employed the
methodological approach of testimonios to conduct, collect, and analyze testimonio interviews to
reveal often unseen structures of oppression in resilience discourse within Latinx college
students (Malagon, Perez Huber, & Velez, 2009). Testimonio is a form of narrative which
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connects Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying to narratives of resiliency and
urges the narrator and the reader to face the lived experiences of marginalized communities
(Latina Feminist Group, 2001). Testimonios are grounded in a collective history of resistance; it
is used by non-dominant groups to challenge oppression and bring attention to injustice in an
effort to transform it (Perez Huber, 2012).
Furthermore, testimonios are beyond one-on-one interviews; they are a process where
participants and researchers are able to create knowledge and theory through a conversation of
collective lived experiences. Perez Huber (2008) posits that “the focus on narrative in testimonio
allows researchers to document the stories of their participants while validating their experiential
knowledge, a central tenet of LatCrit” (p. 169). Their experiences are focused on injustices as a
result of some form of oppression that can be mediated by race, class, gender, immigration
status, or language (Perez Huber, 2008). Through testimonios, participants identify their own
form of oppression rather than the researcher defining those experiences for them. Although
there is no universal definition of testimonio, the Latina Feminist Group (2001) proposes that,
“testimonio is often seen as a form of expression that comes out of intense repression or struggle,
where the person bearing witness tells the story to someone else, who then transcribes, edits,
translates, and publishes the text elsewhere” (p.13). In this sense, testimonios do not simply tell a
story but explain lived experiences from the perspectives of Latinx college students to bring to
light systems of oppression and power structures, construct past events, claim identities, expose
contradictions, and build community (Latina Feminist Group, 2001).
Utilizing testimonio as a method in research is a challenge to Eurocentric epistemologies
embedded within and perpetuated by notions of white supremacy, as what should constitute valid
research and research processes (Delgado Bernal & Villalpando, 2002). Thus, Perez Huber
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(2010) explains that “dominant beliefs in what constitutes valid research legitimate a Eurocentric
epistemological perspective while simultaneously delegitimizing knowledge and belief systems
of those who do not share the same perspective” (p. 83). Dominant beliefs in Eurocentric
epistemology is rooted in objectivity, meritocracy, and individuality, which operate to
marginalize and oppress those who do not or cannot achieve such ideals (Perez Huber, 2008).
Testimonios build solidarity within Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying who
demonstrate diverse ways of resilience, resisting hierarchies of oppression by acknowledging
multiple identities, backgrounds, and resiliency processes.
During testimonios, participants share their stories without holding or silencing their
critique or analysis of any given experience. For example, a participant may share an experience
of their resilience being discounted or devalued in a classroom setting, provide emotions and
interpretations of what occurred during this time but also provide his or her own critique of
classism, racism, sexism, heterosexism, etc. Participants provide an analysis of their own lived
experiences. Thus, testimonios are a tool where participants can “theorize oppression, resistance,
and subjectivity” (Latina Feminist Group, 2001, p. 19). However, the researcher must
acknowledge and document these processes, both during the interview and during data analysis.
Testimonios call for participants to recall and share their many untold stories. Most importantly,
testimonios serve as, "...a crucial means of bearing witness and inscribing into history those lived
realities that would otherwise succumb to the alchemy of erasure" (Latina Feminist Group, 2001,
p. 2). Thusly, testimonios function as a methodological process that allows new ways of
theorizing and knowledge production to emerge. CRT and LatCrit lenses remind us that Latinx
college students with past experiences of bullying are survivors, resilient, creators, and embody
knowledge and their testimonios help us document these moments. In addition, I understood the
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power I had as the interviewer to guide the conversation and my role as the narrator, weaving
together participants’ lived experiences into a larger story about resiliency among Latinx college
students with a history of bullying victimization and taking the responsibility for representing
these testimonios with care and respect.
Positionality
In this section, I analyze my worldview through my positionality within the study. My
decision to focus on the resiliency of Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying
was based on uncovering and addressing my own journey as a Mexican American, first-
generation college student who was raised in a low-income community with undocumented
immigrant parents, as a trauma survivor, and as a mental health practitioner who provides
psychotherapy to Latinx students with experiences of bullying victimization. Positionality is
shaped through the researcher’s experiences based on their intersectionalities of race, gender,
social class, background, and sexual orientation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016); hence, the researcher
may influence the choice of processes and interpretation of outcomes (Foote & Bartell, 2011).
Positionality “describes the relationship between the researcher and her participants and the
researcher and her topic” (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006, p.31). I first discuss my relationship
with the topic and my epistemological perspective. Then, I discuss my relationship with the
participants to highlight my insider/outsider status.
My Relationship to the Topic
My decision to study the resiliency of Latinx college students with past experiences of
bullying is largely due to my own resiliency journey as a Mexican American, first-generation
college student. I navigated the college system with the ghosts of my traumatic experiences.
Although I did not directly experience bullying victimization during my formative years, I did
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experience other forms of trauma, from domestic and community violence to sexual abuse. I
openly disclose my trauma to highlight my transparency, vulnerability, and intentionality in this
dissertation process and choice to focus on the resiliency of Latinx college students with a type
of trauma, bullying victimization, that, most recently, has equally plagued communities of color.
The roots of my intersectionalities began with my humble upbringing in South Central
Los Angeles, where the blaring sounds of sirens and hovering helicopters were day-to-day
encounters. I not only witnessed domestic violence in my home but also encountered moments
of fear from violence in my community. Such violence also manifested on school grounds. I am
a proud product of the notorious LAUSD school system, where I frequently took home ripped
textbooks yet encountered many extremely dedicated teachers who saw “potential” in me and
instilled a “college-bound” culture. As a tracked student, I was given opportunities to take
advanced classes and participate in STEM programs.
However, my first year of undergraduate studies at the University of California, Los
Angeles (UCLA) as a biochemistry major posed insurmountable challenges as a first-generation
college student. From juggling imposter syndrome to experiencing poor mentorship, I felt like a
lost fish in an ocean of sharks. It was not until I switched my major to Women’s Studies and
Education Studies where my experiences were finally understood and validated. I was awakened
to the inequities and multiple forms of oppression towards students of color in the U.S.
educational system; this marked the beginning of my long journey as a social justice advocate for
communities of color, especially Latinx communities. Moreover, I attribute my survivor
mentality to the moment I realized what it meant to be the oldest daughter of undocumented
immigrant parents. During my most formative years, I was not only the translator for my parents
but also the babysitter to my younger brother as my parents could not afford one. I spent most of
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my Saturdays in a factory in Downtown Los Angeles watching my parents toil away on their
Juki sewing machine as garment workers. Although at this age I did not understand the multiple
forms of oppression my family and I withstood, I did understand the instilled fear we had when
engaging in outdoor activities because of my parents’ undocumented immigrant status.
My childhood and college experiences led to my current field of work, social work.
During college, I worked as a tutor, advisor, and researcher in the UCLA Department of
Education. In my encounter with K-12 students, I began to see the need for social-emotional
support to address challenges that were beyond academics. Thus, I attended graduate school at
the University of Southern California (USC) for my Master’s in Social Work. I chose to
concentrate on mental health to bring awareness to the silent, sometimes not so subtle, illnesses
that impact many marginalized communities and to support families therapeutically on their
resiliency journey.
After graduation, I began working as a child mental health therapist at a community
mental health clinic in Southeast Los Angeles. It is here where I became exposed to the epidemic
of bullying plaguing primary and secondary schools. I began to see an influx of clients, school-
aged and adolescents, presenting with suicidality, depression, and anxiety as a result of bullying
experiences. Bullying became a concern when a few of my first and second grade clients began
to express suicidality after incidents of bullying at school. I thought to myself, “If a seven-year-
old is thinking about death because she is being bullied at school, bullying is a big problem!” In
efforts to advocate for my clients at their school, I collaborated and sought support from
teachers, counselors, and administrators; unfortunately, proposed solutions were frequently
bounded by school policies and regulations. To add, long term consequences of early incidents of
bullying became visible when my high school and college clients disclosed their longstanding
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battles with depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) due to bullying
victimization during their elementary and middle school years. However, my clients
demonstrated their resilience in many forms, in which they did not allow themselves to be
confined by their diagnosis. It is here where I decided that these stories deserve to be told and
heard and by doing so, revolutionize the bullying and resilience literature on Latinx
communities.
Based on my personal experiences and the limited studies that reflect the resilience of
students of color with a history of bullying victimization, I chose to craft a qualitative study that
would uncover and contextualize testimonios on the resiliency of Latinx college students with
early experiences of bullying and explore how these experiences shape their transition to college.
The participants’ narratives that were collected and are represented in this study reflect struggles,
barriers, survival, and resilience. It is my hope that these narratives have the power to reshape,
reframe, and transform discourses of deficiency in K-12 and postsecondary education where
Latinx students’ journey of resilience and diverse ways of being in this world is accounted for
and validated.
My Relationship to the Participants
My insider status in this study is based on my identity as a female, Mexican American,
first-generation college student at a four-year institution, who is bilingual in Spanish and English
and has a working-class family with undocumented immigrant parents. In addition, some
participants perceived me as an insider because I am one of the therapists working in the mental
health clinic where participants receive mental health services. My ability to be fluent in Spanish
and English allowed me to establish rapport with my participants who only spoke Spanish or
English or code-switched between Spanish and English throughout the interviews. I was an
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insider for participants who were first-generation college students, female participants, bilingual
participants, participants whose family is working class and whose parents were born in Mexico
and currently have undocumented immigrant status in the United States. I was an outsider in
terms of my social class, immigrant status, gender, and type of higher education institution. More
importantly, although I have past experiences of trauma, I never experienced bullying
victimization nor received mental health services. My mixed insider/outsider status affected my
access to the participants, as well as to the kind of stories they shared with me (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). For this reason, it was vital for me to openly disclose my positionality throughout
the interviews and intention for illuminating participants’ stories.
In qualitative research, the researcher-participant relationship has a reciprocity effect in
the research process (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), thus, trust and rapport are based upon the
researcher’s self-examination, sharing, and self-disclosure (Campbell & Wasco, 2000). As a
psychotherapist, I naturally wanted to elicit thoughts and feelings associated with participants'
bullying experiences. Some of the participants identified the interview process as “therapeutic”
or “eye-opening” as they had not previously reflected on the relationship between their bullying
experiences and navigating the college system. With each interview, participants seemed more
willing to share stories of peer victimization, oppression, and resilience. At the end of each
interview, I invited participants to ask me questions, especially after sharing a considerable
amount of personal information. Some of the participants wanted to know more about me and
my experiences in college as a first-generation Mexican American student. They also shared
their interests in helping me with my research by referring friends to participate in my study.
Overall, the relationships I established with the participants helped us to co-construct the
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findings for this study and to engage in a discourse on resilience among Latinx college students
with a history of bullying.
In critical research, three major interrelated issues are highlighted when considering the
relationship the researcher has with the participants: positionality issues, insider/outsider issues,
and researcher reflexivity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). My positionality and insider/outsider
status have been discussed in this section. Later in this chapter, I discuss reflexivity in more
detail as a strategy to improve trustworthiness. Reflexivity is defined as the “awareness of the
influence the researcher has on what is being studied and, simultaneously, of how the research
process affects the researcher” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 64). I attempted to be as reflexive as
possible throughout the entire research process and write-up, particularly during interviews and
analysis of findings, by considering my positionality and insider/outsider stances and by owning
my effects in the process. I present participants’ narratives within the context of resilience, with
particular emphasis on their interpretation of their resilience journey after experiencing bullying
victimization in childhood and adolescence. I present multiple truths about resilience among
Latinx college students that are reinterpreted through my personal and theoretical lenses.
Sample
This section focuses on the criteria for selection of participants, recruitment process of
participants, and procedures I employed for gathering informed consent.
Setting
Participants were recruited from a community mental health clinic located in the
Southeast region of Los Angeles County to participate in this study. The community mental
health clinic is centralized in a predominantly Latinx, monolingual Spanish-speaking, low-
income, immigrant community. The clinic serves mental health services to children, adolescents,
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 85
and young adults residing in the Southeast region of Los Angeles County who are presenting
with symptoms and behaviors that are impairing their academic or social functioning at home,
school, and in the community. Most clients are diagnosed with depressive, anxiety, trauma,
psychotic, or behavior disorders. This community is composed of 96.7% Latinx, 93.6% native
Spanish speakers, and is one of the largest communities in the Southeast region of Los Angeles
County living below the poverty line (Data USA, 2017). In addition, as of 2017, 67.5% of the
residents are U.S. citizens, which is lower than the national average of 93.1% (Data USA, 2017).
In today’s political climate on immigration, many immigrant families have been affected by the
dramatic increase in immigration policy enforcement, including deportations and detentions
(Vargas, Juarez, Sanchez, & Livaudais, 2018). Such political turmoil does not exclude from
terrorizing Latinx immigrant families in this Southeast region community, particularly
undocumented immigrant families. In addition to encountering rigid immigration policy
enforcement, health disparities also infect many communities in the Southeast region of Los
Angeles County. Many of these communities have been victims of the life-threatening pollution
caused by industrial companies, increasing health consequences such as respiratory
complications (Gutierrez, 2009). In essence, due to the clinic’s diverse client population and
central location, it was the most ideal location to recruit participants for this study.
Recruitment of Participants
Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying, as participants, provide student
voices to understand resilience and college adjustment experience. Thus, after receiving approval
to conduct the study from the University of Southern California Institutional Review Board (UP-
19-00626) and the mental health clinical director, participants were recruited from the
community mental health clinic through flyer distribution. Flyers were distributed inside the
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clinic’s lobby area by me and placed outside the windows and doors with my photo to provide
familiarity. As one of the lead therapists working in the clinic, I strive to create healthy, positive
relationships with my fellow therapists and all clients. It was my hope that clients who self-
identified with the participant criteria would volunteer to participate in the study. All participants
contacted me in person before or after their individual therapy appointment. After participants
expressed an interest in participating in the study, I provided a brief overview of the study,
interview format, and my intentions for illuminating such testimonios. I obtained their contact
information, including name, telephone number, and email to schedule their first interview and
asked for their communication preferences. Three participants scheduled an appointment with
me during our initial contact. I either called or emailed participants at least a week prior to their
interviews to remind them of their testimonio sessions. All seven clients who volunteered to
participate remained in the study.
Informed Consent
Upon receiving approval to conduct the study from the University of Southern California
Institutional Review Board, I contacted the community mental health clinic director to obtain
approval to begin the recruitment of participants in the clinic. After the director’s approval and
discussions of confidentiality, I obtained written informed consent from each participant at the
beginning of their first interview. Informed consent contributes to the empowerment of the
participants and allows for a fluid relationship of trust between the researcher and the
participants (Glesne, 2011). The participants were aware of voluntary participation, the purpose
of the study, an explanation of the procedures (audio), confidentiality, and the option to freely
choose to stop participating at any point in the study without consequences (Glesne, 2011).
Furthermore, I fully disclosed my positionality at the beginning of each interview, as earlier
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 87
described, to remove shame and decrease anxiety towards any historically marginalized identity.
During the interviews, I also obtained verbal consent to audio record the interviews with each
participant.
Participants
Participant sample consisted of seven Latinx college students who self-identified as
having past experiences of bullying and are receiving mental health services at the community
mental health clinic. Originally, my goal was to recruit at least ten participants, however, due to
the clinic’s low percentage of clients in college and the sensitivity of this research, seven
participants contributed to this body of work. A typical purposeful sampling strategy was used
for this study to reflect the typical situation of a Latinx college student with past experiences of
bullying (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). A typical purposeful sampling strategy describes and
“highlights what is typical, normal, and average” about the experiences of the participants
(Patton, 2015, p. 268). I sought participants who self-identified as Latina/o/x, which refers to
individuals with ancestry in any country within the sub-continent of Latin America (Marrow,
2003). I employ the term Latinx as a gender-neutral label for Latina/o (Salinas & Lozano, 2017);
the term Latinx can disrupt traditional notions of inclusivity and shape understandings of
intersectionality. Criteria for participants also included part-time or full-time undergraduate
college students who are enrolled in a community college or a four-year institution. Students
who did not meet the aforementioned criteria were excluded from this study.
Participant sample consisted of four females and three males of Mexican descent and one
of Salvadoran descent. Participants selected their own pseudonyms or asked me to select one for
them. Participants ages ranged from 18-20 years old and were students in local community
colleges. I ascertained participants’ social class backgrounds and additional background
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 88
information regarding their immigration status during the interviews. The participants identified
as poor/low-income (three participants) or working class (four participants). Two participants
were born in Mexico and identified as DACA students. All participants experienced more than
three years of bullying victimization during their primary and/or secondary education. I
highlight, elaborate, and discuss these concepts further in chapter four by developing participant
composites.
Data Collection
In this section, I discuss interviews (testimonios) as the primary method of data
collection, process of interviewing, and how I developed the interview protocol.
Interviews
Interviews are an essential approach to understanding Latinx college students’
experiences as it allows me as the researcher to enter into the student’s perspective (Patton,
2015). Interviews have been defined as a necessary process “when the researcher cannot
observe behavior, feelings, or how people interpret the world around them” (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016, p. 108). Unlike focus groups, individual interviews with Latinx college students with past
experiences of bullying remove the emphasis of socially constructed data (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016) by providing students the opportunity to share their testimonio and perceptions
individually. The literature suggests that victims of childhood bullying are often afraid to put
themselves in situations where they might feel judged and are often disproportionately concerned
about what others may think of them (Chambless, 2010 as cited in Byjos, Dusing, Zartman, &
Cahill, 2016). Furthermore, as previously explained, using testimonios as my methodological
approach, I seek to understand and interpret their world by recognizing their knowledge as valid
and valuable to the research process.
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To illuminate Latinx college students’ voices, semi-structured interviews were employed
to allow the participants to define the world in unique ways (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Semi-
structured interviews “allow the researcher to respond to the situation at hand, to the emerging
worldview of the [participant], and to new ideas on the topic” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 111).
Interviews were scheduled during the course of the fall 2019 semester. Location was based on
each participant’s preference (e.g., my office inside the community mental health clinic, private
rooms at public libraries, or a quiet coffee house). All seven participants selected my office as
the location for the interviews. Participants expressed a preference for my office as it is in a
familiar setting and in a therapeutic, safe environment. To remove my role as a therapist, I wore
casual attire and rearranged the table and chairs. This structure allowed me to set the tone for the
interviewing relationship (Weiss, 1994). Most interviews lasted at least one hour per participant
(60-90 minutes), including follow-up interviews. A total of 20 hours of interviews were collected
for this study. To illuminate my participants’ stories, I was consistent in developing “thick
descriptions” by allocating several hours to each participant until all questions were answered.
As previously mentioned, as a psychotherapist, my natural instinct was to elicit thoughts
and feelings about participants’ experiences. In qualitative research, blurred boundaries between
research interviews and therapeutic interviews can occur due to both activities requiring similar
skills such as empathy and listening skills (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992). Research interviews can
mirror therapeutic interviews by providing a space for individuals to talk about their experiences
to someone who really wants to listen (Duncombe & Jessop, 2002); more importantly, both types
of interviews seek to empower individuals who choose to take part (Dickson-Swift, James,
Kippen, & Liamputtong, 2006). Participants in qualitative research may also find therapeutic
value in the interviewing process (Dickson-Swift et al., 2006). For example, some of the
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 90
participants in this study identified the interview process as “therapeutic” or “eye-opening” as
they had not previously reflected on the relationship between their bullying experiences and
navigating the college system. With each interview, participants seemed more willing to share
stories of peer victimization, oppression, and resilience.
In addition, I began a preliminary analysis of the data after conducting the first interview
by jotting notes and writing a memo capturing reflections, potential themes, hunches, and ideas.
Memos can be tools for stepping back from the data and moving beyond codes to try to think
more reflectively and conceptually (Harding, 2013). Due to the sensitivity of the research topic, I
paid close attention to the level of emotional and physiological response to specific questions,
especially when discussing bullying victimization, trauma, barriers, and forms of resilience. I
frequently conducted a mood check-in throughout the interviews to allow participants to self-
regulate when needed. Essentially, all questions aimed to explore the many forms of resilience
that can manifest among Latinx college students after experiencing bullying victimization.
I used an interview guide that included open-ended questions and flexibly worded
questions; this format allowed me to respond to the emerging worldview of the participants
regarding their past bullying experiences. The interview protocol was structured using the central
tenets in CRT and LatCrit theoretical frameworks (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001), specifically
focusing on the centrality of race and racism and intersectionality with other forms of
subordination to address how the intersectionalities of Latinx college students shape their
resilience processes and college adjustment; the challenge to dominant ideology to illustrate how
Latinx college students with previous experiences of bullying challenge traditional paradigms of
resilience; and commitment to social justice to inquire how Latinx college students are engaging
in liberatory and transformative resistance against their multiple layers of oppression. In
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addition, questions elicited students’ psychological and academic functioning during the bullying
victimization and currently as college students to understand students’ journeys and explore the
ways schools support or block formations of resilience. Probing questions were incorporated as
the interview went along when the participant was onto something significant or there was more
to be learned (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). After conducting my first interview, I edited questions
to eliminate technical jargon (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), abstract answers that may not inform
the research questions, or add questions based on participant feedback and responses. My first
participant suggested to include questions regarding complex trauma- exposure to multiple
traumatic events (The National Child Traumatic Stress Network, n.d.)- as other traumatic
experiences may have played a role in participants’ resilience. No additional recommendations
were made to the interview protocol by other participants.
The data collected through semi-structured interviews were audio-recorded using the Rev
Voice Recorder application, an external transcription service. I used the Rev Voice Recorder
application to fully attend to the participants instead of taking notes during the interview and
worrying about capturing all the participants’ words (Weiss, 1994). Prior to audio-recording, I
obtained each participant’s approval to audio-record the interviews. Upon verbal consent,
participants were asked to select their own pseudonym or asked me to select one for them for the
purposes of confidentiality. All of the interviews were transcribed through the Rev Voice
Recorder application at the end of each testimonio session, compared to the audio recording, and
revised for accuracy. I manually reviewed the transcription to allow me to further analyze data,
first by listening to participants’ experiences a second time, and lastly to ensure their voices were
captured accurately onto text. By manually reviewing the transcription, it allowed for multiple
opportunities for analyzing their experiences. All seven participants spoke in English and
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 92
Spanish and often code-switched between the two languages. Even though I am fluent in Spanish
and English and translated their comments, I acknowledge that my translation may not fully
articulate participants’ sentiments expressed in Spanish. After a preliminary analysis of
testimonio data, I sent the transcription drafts to the participants for review before their follow-up
interview, as a way to maintain trustworthiness with the participants and the data collected.
During the follow-up member check interview, I asked the participants if the transcription drafts
prompted any additional stories or thoughts they wanted to share. Participants were also
provided with coded quotes and analyses and asked to provide feedback regarding the accuracy
of data analysis and finding conclusions (Delgado Bernal, 1998). As a member check method of
data analysis, participants were welcomed to agree or disagree with the status of data analysis
and concluding findings (Delgado Bernal, 1998). Some participants added new narratives and
added analyses of their experiences. I utilized the finalized narratives when interpreting the
findings. Participants guided me as the researcher, with direction of analysis and summation.
Though participants are the “experts” in sharing their experiences on their resilience journey and
college adjustment, as the researcher, I hold the full responsibility to produce the final product of
this research project.
Data Analysis
This section discusses the method of data analysis and the coding process using CRT and
LatCrit theoretical lenses.
Narrative Analysis
I used narrative analysis to analyze the data, specifically, I employed a thematic approach
as proposed by Riessman (2008), because it provides a venue for examining Latinx college
students’ voices and interpretations by maintaining each testimonio intact (Merriam & Tisdell,
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2016). Narrative analysis is “a family of methods for interpreting texts that have in common a
storied form” (Riessman, 2008, p. 11), whereby researchers make diverse interpretations and
conclusions by focusing on different elements (Allen, 2017). A thematic approach to narrative
analysis concentrates on “the case rather than the component themes across the cases”
(Riessman, 2008, p. 53); thus, the researcher identifies themes in the way participants tell their
testimonio. This approach dispels dominant cultural assumptions and encourages reflexive
relationships between the researcher and participants (Auerbach, 2002). As the researcher and
interpreter, I gathered participants’ testimonios, co-interpreted them with the participants, and
then analyzed how participants crafted their testimonios to challenge dominant resilience
ideology.
As previously detailed, I first analyzed the data while simultaneously collecting data.
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) posit that the preferred way to analyze data in a qualitative study is
to do it simultaneously with the data collection. After conducting my first interview, I began a
preliminary analysis of the data by jotting notes and writing a memo capturing reflections,
potential themes, hunches, and ideas. Memos can be tools for stepping back from the data and
moving beyond codes to try to think more reflectively and conceptually (Harding, 2013). Notes
that emerged from the first interview included reformatting questions on interview protocol,
paying closer attention to the level of emotional and physiological response to specific questions
especially when discussing bullying victimization, complex trauma, barriers, and forms of
resilience, and adding probing questions to elicit specific examples. Following Bogdan’s and
Biklen’s (2007) helpful suggestions for analyzing data as it is being collected, memos from the
first interview included potential themes and ideas proposed by the participant and me. While
memos were generated during the data collection process to keep track of my thoughts,
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speculations, and hunches, memos were also created during the coding process as themes
emerged.
I was interested in uncovering how the participants articulated their testimonios about
resilience after experiencing bullying in childhood and adolescence as it intersects with race,
class, gender, and immigration status and how these testimonios challenge dominant ideologies
of resilience. Before I contextualize participants’ testimonios I generated a preliminary list of
codes or a priori codes based on the critical race theoretical framework (CRT and LatCrit) and
the research questions. Harding (2013) states that a priori codes are created to reflect categories
that are already of interest before the research has begun. The following a priori codes were
used: class, gender, race, phenotype, immigration status, language, types of bullying, perceived
resilience, resistance, perceptions of self, perceptions of struggles/barriers/obstacles, well-being,
mental health, academic functioning, college experiences, family, community, socialization,
school aspirations, career aspirations, and external (non-familial) support.
After receiving each transcribed interview from the Rev Voice Recorder application, the
transcription was compared to the audio recording and revised for accuracy. I manually reviewed
the transcription to allow me to further analyze data, first by listening to participants’
experiences a second time, and lastly to ensure their voices were captured accurately onto text.
Transcription drafts were sent to the participants for review with coded quotes and analyses and
asked to provide feedback regarding the accuracy of data analysis and finding conclusions
(Delgado Bernal, 1998). Upon contextualizing participants’ testimonios, a list of emergent or
empirical codes were generated to reflect categories that derived while reading through the data,
as points of commonality are identified (Harding, 2013). Empirical codes were based on
participants’ responses to the interview protocol and participants’ feedback on the preliminary
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analysis of the data. The following empirical codes emerged from the data: parents’ expectations,
family as role models, traditional career expectations, trauma, coping strategies, balancing school
and work, suggestions for schools and colleges regarding bullying victimization, and schools’
response to bullying.
A priori and empirical codes were manually coded using a codebook to track categories
and concepts. I included a definition for each code (as defined by the participants or the
literature), a brief summary of participants’ testimonio, and page numbers from the transcriptions
as they applied to each code. It is important to note that I coded the data and developed the
themes without the use of qualitative software. Hence, I maintained memos of my interpretations
from the interviews in an effort to consider emerging themes and of the multiple interpretations
that could explain participants’ resiliency. With the richness of the data, I placed my focus on the
codes that addressed my research questions and identified themes within each testimonio.
Although similar themes across participants’ testimonios emerged, in narrative analysis, it is vital
for participants’ stories to be kept “intact by theorizing from the case rather than the component
themes across the cases” (Riessman, 2008, p. 53). A thematic approach to narrative analysis
allows me to reread and rethink the data (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998). The resulting themes were
forms of resilience, family networks, social class/classism, immigrant status/nativism,
race/racism, gender/sexism, mental health, types of bullying, obstacles, academic functioning,
college adjustment, social networks, and school response to bullying. Sub-themes focused on the
relationship between race/racism, social class/classism, immigration status/nativism, and
gender/sexism within each of the major themes. The major themes identified in participants’
testimonios are explored and analyzed in chapter four.
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As I reviewed the lived experiences of Latinx college students on their resiliency journey,
I attempted to dissect the layers of each participant's intersectionalities including race, social
class, gender, and immigration status to uncover how their unique ways of resilience challenge
dominant resilience ideology. Nevertheless, a challenge in this process was contextualizing the
lived experiences of Latinx college students’ experiences with racism, sexism, classism, and
nativism within larger social structures, particularly if participants did not explicitly articulate
those power differentials within their testimonio (Cuadraz & Uttal, 1999). As the researcher, it
was my responsibility to “pose inductive questions of the interview data and the influence of
structural forces” I was trying to expose (Cuadraz & Uttal, 1999, p. 159). I reflected on the ways
participants shared and framed their testimonio and interpretations of the underlying dimensions
of racial/ethnic identity, social class, gender, and immigration status.
Limitations and Delimitations
As a practitioner in the field of social work and education, I recognize that my research
study is bounded by a specific population of interest. Specifically, I attempt to understand the
lived experiences of Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying as characterized
by the aforementioned participant description. I acknowledge that by focusing on a bounded
population, I might have not captured other powerful, rich narratives that also contribute to the
bullying and resilience literature. Furthermore, my bounded study led to a small sample size
(seven participants) and therefore, is not representative of all Latinx college students with past
experiences of bullying. In addition, due to collecting data from my place of employment, clients
might have not been as forthcoming to participate in the study, thus, affecting the sample size.
Although the aim of this study is not to be generalizable to all Latinx college students, I
employed strategies to increase the credibility of my findings.
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Credibility and Trustworthiness
To ensure credibility and trustworthiness, I employed strategies when collecting and
analyzing the data including member checks (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016); collecting rich, thick
descriptions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016); and reflexivity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Miles,
Huberman, & Saldana, 2014). Credibility is the “correspondence between research and the real
world” (Wolcott, 2005, p. 160). Member checks is a strategy that was used to improve
credibility. As previously mentioned, participants were asked to participate in a follow-up
member check meeting to solicit feedback on preliminary findings. As a member check method
of data analysis, participants were welcomed to agree or disagree with the status of data analysis
and concluding findings (Delgado Bernal, 1998). Participants guided me as the researcher, with
direction of analysis and summation. This allowed for the voices of Latinx college students to be
truly represented in the data. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) explain that through member checks
the researcher may rule out the possibility of misinterpreting the meaning of what the
participants say or do and may serve to identify researcher biases.
Additionally, I used rich, thick descriptions to increase transferability. The use of audio
recording, detailed description of the community mental health clinic and participants’
characteristics, and “detailed description of the findings with adequate evidence presented in the
form of quotes from participant interviews” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) allowed me to provide a
full, in-depth picture of the students’ lived experiences. Lincoln and Guba (1985) state that the
best way to ensure transferability is to create a “thick description of the sending context so that
someone in a potential receiving context may assess the similarity between them and … the
study” (p. 125).
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Lastly, to establish confirmability, I used reflexivity or researcher’s position, “which is
how the researcher affects and is affected by the research process” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p.
249), through the use of memos and self-reflection throughout the data collection and data
analysis processes. Using reflexivity, I explained my biases, dispositions, and assumptions
regarding the research being undertaken (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As highlighted in my
positionality section, I was honest and transparent about my multiplex identity status- Mexican
American, first-generation college student who was raised in a low-income community with
undocumented immigrant parents, trauma survivor, and a mental health practitioner who
provides psychotherapy to Latinx students with experiences of bullying victimization- and
thoroughly explained the purpose of the study. My transparency and clarification of my biases
and assumptions allow the reader to better understand how I might have arrived at the particular
interpretation of the data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
Validity and reliability of a study depend upon the ethics of the researcher (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Through the lens of CRT and LatCrit (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001), I ensured that
the voices and lived experiences of Latinx college students with early experiences of bullying
were told correctly and reflected their resiliency journey while accounting for their multiplex
intersectionalities. In considering how to approach this study ethically, I reference Eve Tuck’s
(2009) call against damage-center research and push for desire-based frameworks. Tuck (2009)
explains that in a damage-centered framework, “pain and loss are documented in order to obtain
particular political or material gains” (p. 413). As researchers, ethical considerations come at the
forefront of the research study. Tuck (2009) invites communities “to establish guidelines to
protect cultural, intellectual, and sacred knowledges from being stolen, appropriated, or handled
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 99
in ways that are disrespectful” (p. 423). Research can detach from doing damage-center research
and creating a picture of a damaged community, and instead move towards researching for desire
and understanding.
CRT and LatCrit “challenge the Eurocentricity of traditional research paradigms and
offer a liberatory and transformational meaning to academic research” (Perez Huber, 2008, p.
166). Solorzano and Yosso (2002) posit that critical race methodologies explicitly utilize a CRT
lens to reveal students of color’ experiences with and responses to racism, classism, sexism, and
other forms of oppression in education. Keeping in mind Tuck’s (2009) vision for desire-based
research, I ensured that the voices of Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying
were heard and truly represented throughout the study without being adjusted to meet my needs
as the researcher or to make the participants’ responses fit into traditional aspects of resilience
and bullying literature (Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010; Patel, 2016). This is vital because the
voices of Latinx college students with previous experiences of bullying have been historically
omitted from the resilience and bullying literature.
Furthermore, to ensure ethical considerations during the study, I made participants aware
of voluntary participation, purpose of the study, explanation of the procedures, and the option to
freely choose to stop participating at any point in the study without consequences (Glesne, 2011).
This allowed participants to decline participation in the study from the beginning. I also fully
disclosed my positionality, as earlier described, to remove shame and decrease anxiety towards
any historically marginalized identity. Verbal consent was obtained from each participant prior
to audio recording, in addition to obtaining written informed consent at the time of the initial
interview. Furthermore, I addressed confidentiality with the program director and with each
participant and allowed participants to choose their own pseudonyms (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007).
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 100
At the conclusion of the interviews, I offered participants a follow up meeting to discuss
preliminary analysis of findings. This ethical approach allows for credible and trustworthy
findings (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Miles, Huberman, & Saldana, 2014). Hence,
in efforts to produce a desire-based study, I carried the participants’ testimonios with care and
respect and ensured that their voices represented in the study were shared justly.
Summary
This chapter presented my research methodology strategies I employed in this study. I
discussed my research questions and the use of narrative inquiry. Specifically, I detailed the
purpose for positioning the study within a critical race methodological framework, highlighting
testimonios as a methodological approach and narrative analysis as a venue for examining Latinx
college students’ voices and interpretations by maintaining each testimonio intact. In addition, I
discussed my positionality within the study, sample, data collection, limitations and delimitations
of the study, credibility and trustworthiness processes to ensure analysis and interpretation of
findings were aligned to participants’ reflections and experiences, and my ethical stance within
the study.

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CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
The previous chapter detailed the methodological strategies used in this study. This
chapter explores the findings of this study by using participants’ testimonios to answer the
research questions presented in chapter one. To review, the purpose of this narrative study is to
explore how Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying describe their resilience
and navigate their transition to college. These experiences are explored as they intersect with
race, class, gender, and immigration status to understand the limitless range of identities of
Latinx college students that contribute to their resilience and by doing so, challenge dominant
ideology within the resilience literature. The testimonios obtained in this study illuminate each
participant’s resilience journey in familial, academic, and social spaces throughout their lifespan.
While each participant is unique in their stories and experiences, it is vital to understand the
commonalities across participants’ testimonios. Participants’ individual and collective resistance
to Eurocentric notions of resilience are described throughout this chapter.
This chapter is categorized into two sections. The first section presents participant
composites detailing demographic characteristics, childhood experiences, family and cultural
background, bullying and trauma experience(s), and college experiences. In the second section, I
accentuate participants’ experiences by highlighting (1) pathways of resilience, (2) Latinx
families as a supportive network, (3) short- and long-term effects of bullying, and (4) challenges
and resources for first-generation community college students. Throughout this chapter, I present
information regarding participants’ racial/ethnic and gendered identities, socioeconomic
background, and immigration status as it directly connects to their stories. I present multiple
truths about resilience among Latinx college students that are reinterpreted through my personal
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and theoretical lenses. To honor the lived experiences that are presented in the following section,
I refer to the participants’ stories as ‘Las Siete Voces Resilientes’ [The Seven Resilient Voices].
Las Siete Voces Resilientes
In solidarity with CRT and LatCrit theoretical frameworks (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001),
Las Siete Voces Resilientes [The Seven Resilient Voices] demonstrate diverse ways of resilience,
resisting hierarchies of oppression by uncovering multiple identities, backgrounds, and resiliency
processes. Participants’ stories are told without holding or silencing their lived experience; thus,
I focus on detailing participants’ demographic characteristics, family and cultural background,
childhood experiences, bullying and trauma experiences, schools’ response to bullying, and
college experiences including transitioning from high school to college and navigating college
and community resources. Next, portraits of each participant are presented as roadmaps for the
subsequent sections. Table 4.1 details a summary of the participants’ relevant characteristics.
Pseudonyms are used for each participant for the purposes of confidentiality. I hope these
participant portraits will enhance the reading of the following chapter, which I delve into a
discussion of the findings, implications for practice, and recommendations for future research.
Table 4.1
Participant Demographic Characteristics
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MJ
MJ is a 20-year-old Mexican female who arrived in the United States at age two with her
mother and father. MJ is an only child and currently resides with both of her parents in a small,
low-income community within the Southeast region of Los Angeles County. MJ’s family is
poor/low-income; her father works as an auto mechanic and her mother is a homemaker. MJ’s
parents immigrated to the United States in search of the “American Dream,” which included
educational opportunities for their daughter. Although MJ’s parents did not know how to
navigate the American educational system, they measured MJ’s academic success by grades. MJ
excelled academically and received academic recognitions in elementary school such as perfect
attendance, student of the month, and ‘MATHlete’ awards. At 8 years old, MJ’s goal was to
attend UCLA.
MJ’s parents moved from South Central Los Angeles to a small community in the
Southeast region of Los Angeles County when MJ began middle school. MJ had difficulty
adjusting to her new community and new school. MJ’s bullying experiences emerged in middle
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school, where she was a victim of verbal and relational bullying. Her peer victimization included
name-calling (i.e. “ugly,” “weird”), social exclusion from group activities in class and during
lunchtime, ignoring, and gossiping. As her peer victimization worsened throughout middle
school, MJ developed severe anxiety including panic attacks, excessive worries, fear, nail-biting,
and irritability; thus, she declined in academic performance. Out of fear that her bullying would
escalate, MJ did not report her bullies and instead attempted to convince her parents to transfer
her to a different school. Despite her attempts to convince her parents for a school transfer, she
remained in the same school for the remainder of middle school. MJ’s bullying experiences
continued in high school as her bullies attended the same school as her. In high school, MJ’s
anxiety worsened day by day through continuous encounters with her bullies. MJ lost interest in
school; she made small efforts to participate in class and complete her school work and was
frequently absent from school. It was not until MJ was in the 11th grade and began displaying
signs of depression including suicidality that her parents sought help from the school counselor.
MJ’s parents were promised that MJ would be monitored and seen for counseling services. No
counseling services were provided. As MJ’s mental health worsened, she sought outside mental
health services in her senior year.
After high school graduation, MJ enrolled at a local community college in Los Angeles.
MJ is the first member of her family to attend college and is currently in her third year of
community college, finishing her general education (GE) courses. MJ’s transition to community
college was difficult as she navigated an educational space for the first time where her
undocumented immigrant status mattered. Despite MJ’s active DACA status, she has difficulty
requesting academic and financial aid support and counseling services, partially due to her social
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 105
anxiety. MJ’s anxiety has also prevented her from attending professors’ office hours and seeking
student support at the Dream Resource Center- support center for undocumented students.
Although MJ has retaken and dropped several courses, she continues to attend her classes and
maintains hope to one day transfer to a UC/CSU institution.
While navigating her transition to college, MJ’s anxiety also contributed to her difficulty
in seeking and retaining employment. It has prevented her from applying to jobs due to her
excessive worries about her socialization with others. For example, MJ stopped working at a
local coffeehouse after a week of being employed due to her worries of being judged or
scrutinized by customers and co-workers. Although MJ’s efforts to work have been obstructed
by her anxiety, MJ desires to work in order to help her father with financial obligations in the
home. Due to MJ’s mother’s poor health and mental health, MJ spends most of her time at home
helping her mother with daily activities. As a result of her parents’ undocumented statuses,
access to appropriate health care and working opportunities have been limited and unattainable.
For this reason, MJ aspires to one day have a career as a nurse to further assist her family,
especially her mother. MJ’s father’s daily motivational chants, “Tu puedes mija. ¡Tu eres
chingona!” [“You can do it, my daughter. You are a badass!”] fuel MJ to face her daily battles
with her anxiety and persist with her academic pursuits.
Ana
Ana is a 19-year-old Salvadoran American female who resides with both of her parents in
a small, low-income community within the Southeast region of Los Angeles County. Ana is the
youngest of four sisters: the two oldest sisters reside in El Salvador and the third oldest sister
resides in Merced, California. Both of Ana’s parents are from El Salvador and have permanent
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 106
residency status in the United States. Ana’s family is working class; her father is currently a
retired construction worker and her mother works as a receptionist at a local hotel. Ana’s
mother’s highest level of education is some community college and is bilingual in English and
Spanish. Ana and her family often visited relatives in El Salvador during her formative years but
stopped visiting due to the increased community violence in their hometown.
Ana’s formative years also consisted of frequent visits to her doctor due to physical
developmental delays caused by premature birth. Ana began to get bullied in the third grade due
to her short stature and petite body shape. In elementary school, Ana was a victim of verbal and
relational bullying. Ana was frequently excluded from playground activities by her peers and
called names such as “midget.” “weird,” and “four-eyes.” Ana’s bullying experiences continued
in middle school and high school. In high school, her victimization escalated to physical
bullying: she was shoved into lockers, pushed down the stairs, hit with pencils on the back of her
head, and her lunch food was dropped on the floor. As a result of Ana’s long-standing peer
victimization, she began to display symptoms of depression and anxiety in middle school,
worsening in high school. Ana engaged in non-suicidal self-injurious behaviors and exhibited
sadness, isolation, hopelessness, nail-biting, psychomotor agitation, irritability, poor hygiene
care, low self-esteem, and poor concentration. Ana sought support from her school
administration and reported her bullies. However, her accusations were overlooked and
dismissed.
Ana’s depression worsened when she was discouraged by her college counselor to apply
to UC/CSU institutions during her senior year of high school. After this encounter with her
college counselor, Ana sought outside mental health services. Although Ana’s academic grades
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fluctuated from As to Ds throughout high school, she was determined to excel academically
during her senior year, including in her Advanced Placement (AP) courses. Ana was admitted to
a public four-year institution in Texas. Due to financial reasons, Ana decided to stay in
California and enroll in a local community college in Los Angeles.
Ana is the third member of her family to attend college. Her mother attended community
college and completed some college courses, however, she never graduated due to her
overwhelming responsibilities in the home and at work. Ana’s third oldest sister is a sophomore
at a UC institution. Ana is currently in her first year of community college and intends to transfer
to a UC/CSU institution within two years. Ana’s goal to transfer to a UC/CSU institution is
largely influenced by her family who often compare her to her sister who is attending a UC
institution.
As a first-year college student, Ana receives academic support at the college’s First-Year
Center, a support center for first-year students. Through this resource, Ana receives mentorship
by second- and third-year college students and academic counseling services. Ana has also made
new friends at the First-Year Center and makes efforts to socialize with her peers off campus.
Her socialization with others also includes communication with professors during office hours.
Ana successfully completed her first semester of community college and aspires to one day have
a career in business administration, although she is often discouraged by her peers due to her
phenotypic traits such as being “too short,” “too small,” or “not strong enough.” Ana hopes to
one day run a successful business and empower other women in business.

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Patty
Patty is an 18-year-old Mexican female who arrived in the United States at 14 months old
with her mother and father. Patty is an undocumented immigrant with a mixed-status family,
composed of two younger U.S. born siblings and undocumented immigrant parents. Patty resides
with both of her parents, siblings, and maternal grandmother in a small, low-income community
within the Southeast region of Los Angeles County. Patty’s family is working class; her mother
works at a local produce market and her father works in a restaurant in Orange County. As a
student in elementary school, Patty had poor academic performance and was at risk of being
retained in the 4th grade. When Patty entered middle school, she learned that she had a specific
learning disability and was placed in special education classes.
Patty was a victim of verbal, relational, and physical bullying in middle school. Once
Patty moved to special education classes in sixth grade she was teased and called names (i.e.
“dumb; special ed; weird”). Patty’s bullying escalated in the seventh grade as she was teased for
wearing less expensive clothes, ignored by her peers, isolated, and at times pushed into the gym
lockers. Patty was once shoved so hard into a locker that she hit her head, fell on the ground, and
scraped her head. Due to the fear of being scolded by her father for not defending herself, Patty
did not tell her parents about her victimization at school. Even though Patty wrestled with her
feelings of worthlessness, shame, sadness, and insecurity, she did not want to show signs of
weakness to her peers, just as her father taught her. Patty attended school regularly, however, she
stopped participating in her classes and declined overall academically. Patty’s parents took
notice of her depressive mood and poor academic performance and began questioning her well-
being at school. After disclosing to her parents about her bullying experiences at school, Patty
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and her parents spoke to the school’s Dean of Students to report her bullies. Patty and her parents
were given the option to file a police report for the assault in the lockers. Patty’s parents decided
not to press charges partially due to their undocumented immigrant status and fear of police
encounter.
In high school, Patty was no longer bullied as she attended a different school than her
bullies. Patty continued to have academic difficulties in high school, which prompted her to seek
mental health services including psychotropic medication. Currently, Patty is a first-year college
student at a local community college in Los Angeles and is the first member of her family to
attend college. As a DACA student, Patty hopes to be a role model for her younger siblings and
hopes to make her parents proud of her achievements. Patty aspires to become a graphic
designer; however, she is discouraged to seek opportunities in her field of interest due to her
parents’ influence in career choice. Her parents’ wishes are for Patty to pursue a career in the
law, teaching, or medical fields. Nevertheless, Patty successfully completed her first semester of
community college and attributes her success largely to her parents’ motivation and her
involvement in different educational and resource programs on campus such as the Extended
Opportunity Program and Services (EOPS) and the Disabled Students Programs and Services
(DSPS). Patty currently works as a part-time office clerk at the middle school she attended. Patty
was empowered to return to the school where she was bullied in efforts to support victims of
bullying by making staff aware of bullying behavior.
Alan
Alan is a 19-year-old Mexican American male who resides with both of his parents and
younger sister in a small, low-income community within the Southeast region of Los Angeles
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County. Alan’s parents are from Mexico and have permanent residency status in the United
States. Alan’s family is working class; his father works as an event planner and his mother is a
homemaker. Alan witnessed his mother suffer from epileptic seizures throughout his formative
years. As a child, Alan also witnessed multiple psychiatric hospitalizations of family members
including two suicidal attempts.
Alan’s bullying experiences began when he transitioned to middle school. He was
physically and verbally bullied throughout middle school. Alan’s homework was shredded; he
was pushed into lockers; his backpack was thrown in the trash can; he was called names such as
“ugly” and “crazy”; and he was told cruel comments such as, “go kill yourself; I hope your
mother dies; you will never be anyone.” One of Alan’s bullies threatened to stab him with a knife
if he reported him to the school administration. As verbal and physical attacks continued for the
three years of middle school, Alan begged his parents to enroll him in a magnet school far away
from home to avoid seeing his bullies at the local high school.
In high school, Alan had difficulty adjusting to a new environment as he frequently
thought about his haunting middle school experience. Throughout high school, Alan lacked
motivation for school, became withdrawn and disengaged from family members and friends,
declined in academic performance, and began self-medicating with marijuana. During Alan’s
junior year of high school, he attempted suicide and was hospitalized for two weeks. As a result
of his hospitalization, Alan sought mental health services. It was here where Alan’s parents
became aware of his past bullying experiences and severe depression.
Determined to graduate from high school, Alan completed his last year of high school
through an independent study program. Currently, Alan is a second-year college student at a
local community college in Los Angeles and is the first member of his family to attend college.
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 111
Alan attributes his success in college to his participation in student programs such as the Puente
Program. In addition to his academic success in college, Alan has made friends with peers who
have similar career interests. As an aspiring professional in public health, Alan was accepted to a
countywide bridge program as a youth worker. Alan hopes to transfer to a four-year institution
and one day return to his middle school and uplift victims of bullying by developing a
mentorship program.
Jose
Jose is an 18-year-old Mexican American male who resides with his mother and three
siblings in a small, low-income community within the Southeast region of Los Angeles County.
Jose’s family is a mixed-status family, composed of U.S. born children and undocumented
immigrant parents from Mexico. Jose’s family is poor/low-income; his mother is a homemaker
and his oldest sister, who is the primary income earner, works as an office assistant. Before
living in a single-parent household, Jose witnessed domestic violence between his parents in
early childhood. Jose’s father left his home when Jose was three years old. Concurrently, Jose’s
mother became very ill due to diabetes-related complications, leaving her disabled. As a result of
Jose's mother's disability, Jose was taken care of by his maternal grandmother throughout his
formative years.
Jose’s bullying victimization manifested in preschool, where he was a victim of verbal
abuse by his preschool teacher. Jose’s teacher referred to him as a “pig” or “the smelly one” and
frequently isolated him from his classmates. As the abuse of his teacher continued, Jose became
anxious and hypervigilant. Jose’s anxiety worsened after being bullied once again by his second
grade teacher by locking him in a dark closet for long periods of time. Jose began to soil himself,
refused to attend school, and was selectively mute. After Jose’s mother was alarmed by another
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teacher of her son’s victimization, Jose was referred to mental health services. Although Jose’s
well-being improved by the end of his primary school education, he was hit with another life
stressor, the death of his maternal grandmother. Jose had difficulty transitioning to middle school
as he was grieving the death of his grandmother who was like a second mother to him. He
isolated himself from peers and presented with an irritable mood, in addition to declining
academically. His academic performance continued to suffer as he transitioned to high school.
While in high school, Jose was bullied again, this time by his peers. Jose was picked on
for being overweight and was once shoved into a wall inside the men’s restroom. As a result of
this incident, Jose avoided the restrooms at school; thus, he soiled himself from time to time.
Jose experienced trauma-related symptoms such as avoidance, nightmares, hypervigilance,
flashbacks of his victimization, and memory loss; hence, his mother requested mental health
services for Jose once again. Due to his prolonged exposure to victimization, Jose no longer felt
safe in a traditional school setting. Determined to graduate from high school, he completed his
high school education through an independent study program.
Jose graduated successfully from high school and is currently a first-year college student
at a local community college in Los Angeles and is the first member of his family to attend
college. As a first-year college student, Jose has difficulty socializing with others as he fears
being judged or rejected. For example, Jose has opted out of group assignments and involvement
in student programs. His social anxiety has also affected his academic performance by not
requesting tutoring or support from his professors. Although Jose dropped one class in the fall
semester due to the rigorous academic coursework, he completed the rest of his classes with
passing grades. Despite his limited social engagement on campus, Jose spends most of his free
time assisting his local church through community service. Jose first joined his church’s youth
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group in middle school to help him cope with the death of his grandmother. Jose attributes his
healing journey largely to his involvement in the church. He hopes to continue his service at his
local church and desires to one day be able to support his family financially and help his mother
gain permanent residency status in the near future.
Ruby
Ruby is a 19-year-old Mexican American female who resides with her mother and
brother in a small, low-income community within the Southeast region of Los Angeles County.
Ruby is the youngest of five siblings; her three older siblings live out of state. Ruby’s parents are
from Mexico and have permanent residency status in the United States. Ruby’s family is
working class; her father currently works in construction and her mother works as a domestic
worker. Although Ruby’s parents have been separated since Ruby was three years old, Ruby
maintains a positive relationship with her father. Ruby had difficulty adjusting to school during
her formative years. At the beginning of first grade, Ruby’s parents learned that she had a
specific learning disability. In addition to academic difficulties, Ruby began displaying
disruptive behavior at home and at school. After receiving a mental health evaluation, Ruby’s
parents learned that Ruby had been sexually abused twice at the age of seven and eight.
In elementary school, Ruby was a victim of verbal and relational bullying. She was
bullied for her phenotypic traits such as her weight and facial features and for her enuresis
condition (involuntary urination). Ruby’s victimization included name-calling (i.e. “fat,” “ugly,”
“stupid,” “smelly”) and social exclusion in playground activities by her peers. As a result of her
bullying victimization and prior sexual abuse trauma, Ruby became depressed and hypervigilant,
isolated from others, and presented with sleep disturbances. Ruby was referred to mental health
services and Regional Center services for a psychological evaluation. In addition to her
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posttraumatic stress disorder diagnosis, Ruby was diagnosed with a mild intellectual disability.
Ruby was continuously bullied throughout middle school and at the beginning of high school.
Her bullies continued to make fun of her appearance and gestures. In the tenth grade, Ruby made
two friends in her art class. Ruby’s friends became her support system throughout the remainder
of high school. Despite Ruby’s history of victimization and learning difficulties, she graduated
from high school and is now pursuing higher education.
Currently, Ruby is a second-year college student at a local community college in Los
Angeles and is the second member of her family to attend college. One of Ruby’s sisters
attended some community college, however, she never graduated due to her new responsibilities
as a single mother. Ruby had difficulty transitioning to college during her first year. As she
wrestled with low self-esteem and anxiety, she isolated herself from social activities due to her
fear of being ridiculed and had difficulty seeking academic support from professors and
counselors. Although she continues to struggle academically in her second year of college, Ruby
is now receiving special tutoring services and other academic support through the Disabled
Students Programs and Services (DSPS). Initially, Ruby was hesitant to request DSPS services
as she was haunted by the peer victimization she endured throughout her academic career.
However, after realizing her unique academic needs, Ruby sought support not only from DSPS
but from her cousin as well, who is attending the same college as her. Ruby identifies her cousin
as her “biggest cheerleader.” With the support of her cousin, Ruby enrolled in a cadet program
with her campus law enforcement department in efforts to pursue her dream of being a police
officer. Ruby aspires to one day become a police officer and help her community, especially
victims of sexual abuse.

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Derek
Derek is a 19-year-old Mexican American male who resides in a single-parent household
with his mother, maternal grandmother, and two siblings in a small, low-income community
within the Southeast region of Los Angeles County. Derek is the youngest of three siblings. Both
of Derek’s parents are from Mexico and have permanent residency status in the United States.
Derek’s family is poor/low-income; his father is a retired factory worker and his mother is a
homemaker. Derek’s parents separated before he turned one year old due to domestic violence.
Upon his parents’ separation, one of Derek’s brothers left the home to reside with his father.
While under his father’s care, Derek’s brother was a victim of physical and emotional abuse.
When Derek’s brother returned to the home, he became verbally and physically aggressive
towards Derek. At the age of seven, Derek began to get bullied by his brother. Derek was
frequently locked in the closet by his brother for long periods of time as a mode of discipline.
Thus, Derek became afraid of the dark and presented with severe anxiety.
At the age of three, Derek was diagnosed with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). Derek
was placed in special education throughout his K-12 education. As a result of his sensory
impairment, ASD-related behavior, and a medical condition affecting his posture, Derek was
verbally and physically bullied at school. During his elementary and middle school career, his
peer victimization included name-calling (i.e. “hunchback; wuss; dumb”), taunting, and teasing.
In addition, Derek was often pushed into the walls and had his school supplies broken. As a
result of Derek’s special needs and peer victimization, Derek’s mother removed him from public
school education and enrolled him in an ASD specialized school for grades 9-12th. Derek also
began to receive mental health services to help with his anxiety. While at his new school, Derek
performed well academically and graduated successfully from high school.
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Currently, Derek is a first-year college student at a local community college in Los
Angeles and is the first member of his family to attend college. Derek receives academic support
through the Disabled Students Programs and Services (DSPS). In addition to successfully
completing his first semester of college, Derek has made friends with peers who have similar
career interests. Derek aspires to enter a culinary arts career pathway and hopes to become a chef
and have his own restaurant. Derek’s passion for culinary arts began during his formative years.
When he felt the most vulnerable, he spent most of his time with his mother inside the kitchen
cooking traditional Mexican dishes. Derek identifies his mother as his “number one supporter”
and hopes to one day gift her with a home with a large kitchen.
Summary
Las Siete Voces Resilientes [The Seven Resilient Voices] demonstrate diverse ways of
resilience through their unique lived experiences. Participants’ stories uncover multiple
identities, backgrounds, and resiliency processes by bringing to light systems of oppression and
power structures, constructing past events, claiming identities, exposing contradictions, and
building a community of resistance, resilience, and healing (Latina Feminist Group, 2001). Their
stories detail demographic characteristics, family and cultural background, childhood
experiences, bullying and trauma experiences, and college experiences. These stories urge the
reader to face their lived experiences as these experiences deconstruct dominant epistemologies
of resilience. Las Siete Voces Resilientes [The Seven Resilient Voices] share unique journeys of
resilience but also share common struggles. These stories provide the foundation for the analysis
of their experiences through the integrated lenses of CRT and LatCrit. CRT and LatCrit
theoretical frameworks illuminate the oppressive realities of Latinx college students by
acknowledging the layers of racialized subordination and their intersection with gender, class,
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and immigration status (Crenshaw, 1989; Montoya, 2002). The next section of this chapter
discusses the participants’ experiences in the words of the participants by first presenting their
pathways of resilience; then highlighting Latinx families as a supportive network; thirdly,
examining the short- and long-term effects of bullying; and lastly, analyzing the challenges and
resources for first-generation community college students. Ultimately, the stories shared by the
participants answered the research questions for this study:
1. How do Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying describe their
resiliency?
2. How do these students navigate their transition to college?
Pathways of Resilience
Resilience has been theorized and empirically investigated through Eurocentric
epistemologies, inherently omitting and silencing Latinx college students’ own definition and
interpretation of resilience. Historically, research on resilience minimally considers contextual
factors, specifically cultural influences, that influence the development of resilience among
Latinx students (Clauss-Ehlers, Yang, & Chen, 2006). Multiple pathways to resilience must be
examined within the context of culture, development, and history among Latinx college students
with past experiences of bullying. Described more fully in the section that follows, resilience is
defined and interpreted by each participant. The participants highlight the intersections of their
identities as synergetic forces to their resiliency journey.
Échale Ganas, Tu Eres Chingona
MJ identified herself as a Mexican female with undocumented immigration status.
Although MJ has faced many obstacles throughout her life such as peer victimization,
psychological disturbances (i.e. anxiety and depression), difficulty retaining employment, limited
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resources for her parents as undocumented immigrants, and difficulty navigating college
resources, she has persisted in the face of adversity. MJ defined resilience as, “being able to
come up from something that is hard, like from traumatic experiences. It doesn’t need to be hard
for others but as long as the person thinks it’s hard for them.” Moreover, she described her
resilience as,
I don’t let my traumatic experiences, like the bullying, weigh me down anymore; I just
became stronger. Like the fact that I’m still in college and haven't dropped out even
though many people have told me to [drop out] or are expecting me to [drop out], I’m
still here. Even with all my anxiety, I’m still here trying every day. People see me and
don’t know that I have severe anxiety but I am still pushing through. Many people I know
have dropped out of college but I haven’t and I’m proud of that.
For MJ, her determination to stay in college and continue with her academic pursuit contributes
to her resilience despite her past bullying experiences and current anxiety. When asked who
contributes to her resilience, MJ identified her father. MJ shared,
My dad has always been there for me. Because of my mom’s health issues, my dad kinda
stepped up his game with me. I feel like he’s like a mom and dad sometimes. We do
many things together since my mom doesn’t like leaving the house. But there are times
when I don’t want to go to class or do anything because I feel so down but hearing my
dad say, “Tu puedes mija. ¡Échale ganas, tu eres chingona!” [“You can do it, my
daughter. Make an effort, you are a badass!], it automatically makes me want to get up
and do what I need to do. I do it more so for them, my parents. My dad is so proud of me.
Sometimes it’s hard to understand why because I feel like I haven’t done much but it
makes me push harder and not give up.
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MJ’s father has greatly influenced MJ’s resilience journey. Her father’s encouragement to
persevere acts as a catalyst for MJ’s fight with daily activities. MJ further highlighted that due to
her mother’s health difficulties her father has taken a double parent role, which has contributed
to their connectedness. In addition, MJ described how her racial/ethnic and gendered identities
play a role in her resilience. She noted that,
Being Latina, being a Mexicana, to me means being a chingona [badass]. I guess I always
keep in mind my dad’s words, “eres chingona” [“you are a badass”] so I apply it to
myself with everything. To me being a Mexicana means that “you can do it” because
there’s always a struggle to overcome. I feel like as a Latina you have double barriers, not
only being a woman but also a woman of color. So when I see a Latina doing boss moves
to me it’s empowering. Like my cousin Eli, she’s at CSUN and seeing her in college
working hard motivates me too because when I see her, I see myself. She’s like me so I
could be like her and be successful too.
MJ’s racial/ethnic and gendered identities promote resilience and pride. She connected her
father’s motivational chants to her identity as a Latina/Mexicana and described it as a weapon to
overcome any barriers that come with racism or sexism. Furthermore, she highlighted that her
motivation to succeed also stems from seeing other Latinas succeed. MJ also noted how her class
and immigration status have subverted social structures, as she stated,
I think that being poor and living in a poor neighborhood pushes you to try harder with
everything because we don’t have the luxury to just chill and not do [anything]. We have
to wake up every day and grind every day. I don’t have the privilege to say, “Hey, you
know what? I’m not going to do anything today.” I often feel like I have to work way
harder than other people but not only because my family is poor but because I am
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expected to as an undocumented immigrant. As an undocumented immigrant, I am
expected to succeed by producing. I need to prove that I deserve to be here [in the United
States].
When asked who has these expectations of her, she explained,
Society, especially the government, Trump, family, and people around me. It’s either said
directly or indirectly. Like, I will often hear others say, “you came to this country for a
better life” so I guess I need to have a better life. I have all this pressure because I have to
prove that I’m making money and I’m not a drag to this country. It’s pressure in a way
but also motivation. I want to prove society wrong. I’m not this immigrant who is being
“lazy'' or a “drug dealer,” I’m grinding every day even if it’s just by going to class and
trying my best.
MJ’s social class and immigration status directly play a role in MJ’s resilience journey.
MJ explained the relationship between her low-income class and undocumented immigration
status and its complex connection with societal, governmental, and familial expectations. On one
hand, MJ feels pressured to produce laboriously and to prove her worth as an undocumented
immigrant in the United States and on the other hand, it fuels motivation to pursue her academic
goals and to counter dominant narratives and stereotypes of undocumented immigrants.
Furthermore, MJ added that her undocumented immigrant status influences her resiliency by
motivating future newcomer immigrant youth by being an example of someone who is
undocumented and being chingona [badass]. MJ stated,
I want to do better, not only for my family or because society tells me I need to, but
because I want to motivate the future generation of [undocumented] immigrants like me.
I feel like seeing my parents and older undocumented folks work really hard has
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motivated me because if people who haven’t had papers for so long are being chingones
[badasses] then why can’t I?
The intersection of MJ’s identities as a Mexican female with poor/low-income social class and
undocumented immigrant status empowers her to persist with her academic, career, and familial
goals. Although she has faced multiple layers of subordination, MJ’s resilience derives from her
family and from generations who have transformed and are transforming social structures within
society.
Just Keep Going
Ana identified herself as a Salvadoran American female with working class status. Ana’s
resilience stems from her prior bullying experiences, psychological disturbances (depression),
medical condition, educational expectations from family, and socioeconomic factors. Ana
defined resilience as “even though people may go through a lot of problems and they feel like
giving up, they don’t. They keep going.” To describe her resilience, Ana stated,
I look back at everything that has happened to me, technically since birth, and I’m proud
of myself that I’m still here. Even though sometimes I feel like giving up on stuff like
school or just feel hopeless, I just keep going. I’m like, “no way, I’m not going to quit.” I
try to change my [negative] thoughts into positive thoughts and practice positive self-talk.
I know that if I try hard enough, I can accomplish anything I set my mind to.
For Ana, her determination to “keep going” and not give up on her goals, including academic
goals, have contributed to her resilience. Ana incorporates positive self-talk and cognitive
restructuring skills to motivate herself to face daily challenges. Ana’s parents also contribute to
her resilience by modeling work ethic, instilling family values, and encouraging her to persist
with her educational goals. Ana stated,
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My parents have sacrificed so much for me and my sisters. My mom wakes up super
early to go to work and doesn’t get back until really late at night and she still makes time
to cook dinner and take care of all the house stuff. She also never misses work even if
she’s sick… [My parents] still send money to my older sisters who live in El Salvador
and they already have their own family. They always put us first. I guess seeing all their
sacrifices, their hard work, and how they make us better persons, it motivates me to push
harder and just keep going. My mom is always telling me that I can’t drop out of college
as she did so I definitely can’t give up.
Through her parents’ example, Ana understands the value of hard work as well as the
importance of education, especially evidenced by her parents’ actions. Furthermore, Ana
explained the importance of making her parents proud by pursuing higher education and thus
instilling a “can’t give up” attitude. By supporting the family including Ana’s older siblings in El
Salvador, Ana’s parents also echo a facet of familismo [familism]: family obligation- the belief
that family members have a responsibility to provide economic and emotional support to kin
(Sabogal et al., 1987). In addition to her parents being instrumental to her resilience journey, Ana
explained how her racial/ethnic, gendered, and phenotype identities influenced her development
of resilience. Ana stated,
The way that I look, physically, has really molded me into who I am now. Growing up
was tough for me because I didn’t like how I looked. I’ve always been the smallest one in
the class. I was really small and short and had trouble with my weight so I felt like I
always looked like a little girl. Plus, my mom would make me two trenzas [braids] on
each side and kids in my class would call me “India” [Indian/indigenous people] or
Pocahontas. I used to hate it so much. And at that time, I really didn’t understand the
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meaning behind all that besides the fact that I was being teased; but now when I think
about it, I am technically an India [Indian/indigenous people]. My parents have
Salvadoran indigenous roots. I like my brown skin. And yeah, I am small and sometimes
I get confused for being a little girl but that’s okay. I’ve learned to accept it and all that
just makes me stronger. Makes me feel proud of where I come from and who I am.
Part of Ana’s s strength is rooted in her phenotypic traits that were not socially accepted by her
peers, in addition to her cultural expression of her indigenous roots. Through the exploration of
her identities, the positive significance and meaning that Ana ascribes to her identities promoted
resilience. Furthermore, Ana acknowledged that her identities can be juxtaposed with privilege
and oppression. She pointed out her privilege as a U.S. citizen and highlighted her responsibility
as a member within the Latinx community to use her privileged identity to persevere and “push
harder.” She explained,
Even though I am a citizen, it makes me think of the struggles that [undocumented]
immigrants go through and how they struggle to do things that I often take for granted
like paying for school, working, access to medical stuff...It makes me want to do things
right and push harder.”
Ana’s resilience is influenced by her parents’ sacrifices and positive role modeling.
Intertwined with her parents’ positive influences, the intersection of Ana’s identities, as a
Salvadoran American female with working class status who has historically been defined by
phenotypic traits, have contributed to her resilience by empowering her to challenge one-
dimensional views of Latinx college students. Ana’s “just keep going” attitude has served and
continues to serve as a shield against adversity.

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Con La Frente En Alto
Patty identified herself as a Mexican female with undocumented immigration status.
Patty’s resilience stems from her bullying victimization in middle school, history in special
education, socioeconomic status, and her mixed status family. Patty defined resilience as
“bouncing back from something difficult, perhaps stressful or sad.” To describe her resilience,
she stated,
I can never forget all the things [my family] has been through- being poor, family
problems, and stuff. I’m going to have to live with it every day. And even though it
sometimes affects me, I have learned to accept that I can’t change things from the past
and have learned to move forward. My mom always says that no matter what we go
through in life we always need to face our challenges con la frente en alto [with our
heads held high]. So I always try to think of that when I’m going through something bad
or stressful. And I’ve noticed that I physically do it too like I’ll make sure to not look
down and look straight at the person or the situation.
For Patty, when she experiences a stressful moment or situation she leans on her mother’s words
for validation and encouragement, fostering her resilience. Moreover, Patty emphasized the role
her family plays in her resilience journey. As a mixed-status family navigating immigration and
economic barriers, she highlighted a collectivist approach to problem-solving, as she detailed:
When my parents and I came to the U.S. we didn’t have anything. We struggled
financially because my parents couldn’t get a good job. They have always worked in low-
paying jobs because they don’t have papers. I’m blessed because even though I don’t
have papers, I can still work legally through DACA. Thinking of how my parents
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struggled to give me and my siblings a better life, it makes me stronger. They made me
realize that even though we may have problems, we can always get through it together.
Patty also disclosed her motivation to be a positive role model for her siblings who are
U.S. citizens. She shared, “I want to set an example to my siblings by showing them that even
though I am not a citizen of this country, I am able to succeed and thrive.” Patty extended the
conversation by expressing the positive influence of her racial/ethnic identity and cultural ties to
her homeland:
I hope to one day provide for my family especially my parents who left everything
behind in Mexico and are still making sacrifices for me and my siblings. I want to thank
them for all their sacrifices. I also want to prove to the world that people like me come to
the U.S. for a better life. I am proud to be Mexican but I don’t want to feel that I need to
reject my culture just to prove that I want to be “American.” My parents have always
taught me to be proud of my Mexican roots. I hope to one day go back [to Mexico] and
visit my parents’ pueblo [village].
Patty described aspects of her community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) as conduits for
resistance and resilience. Building familial, resistance, and aspirational capital are at the
forefront of Patty’s resilience journey. Con su frente en alto [with her head held high], Patty’s
racial/ethnic and social class identities braided with her immigration status and familial wealth
serve as a form of resistance and manifestation of her resilience.
I’m Still Standing
Alan identified as a Mexican American male with working class status. Despite the many
obstacles Alan encountered during childhood and adolescence, including bullying victimization,
psychological disturbances (depression, suicidality), his mother’s epileptic seizures, and mental
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illness in the family, he persists with his academic pursuit while demonstrating many forms of
resilience. Alan defined resilience as, “persevering with your goals after going through many
obstacles.” He described his resilience journey as,
Growing up I didn’t see myself as a resilient person maybe because I wasn’t doing good
in school especially in middle school, I was failing, and I had no friends. It felt like life
was digging me deeper into a hole. But thinking back, I was super resilient and I still am.
To withstand all the bullying and all the problems my family had, it’s pretty crazy. I still
can’t believe that I’ve made it this far. I am really proud of myself for going to college
and having goals for the future because everyone thought I would never be here because
of my bad grades...Man, I am here, I’m still standing regardless of all those people [from
middle school] who said I wasn’t going to be “anyone.”
Alan explained that he equated resilience to academic excellence and socialization. Alan’s
previous associations to resilience echoed dominant narratives of resilience that interpret
resilience as a trait, suggesting that it represents a constellation of characteristics that enable
individuals to adapt to the circumstances they encounter. Nevertheless, Alan reclaimed his
resilience by honoring his story of victimization and highlighting that he is in fact resilient. He
noted that even though he was told by his peers that he “will never be anyone,” he is attending
college and is motivated for his future. In these lenses, Alan’s definition of resilience takes into
consideration contextual factors. When asked who contributes to his resilience, Alan answered,
My mother contributes to my resilience because she is so strong. When I was younger,
my mom had seizures all the time. It was super scary. Not only that, one of my aunts and
a cousin tried to commit suicide; her whole side of the family has issues with depression.
Seeing her go through all that and still be here for me, our family, and her [extended]
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family, it motivates me. It makes me want to push harder. When I was super depressed,
my mom was always there for me. She’s my role model.
Alan highlighted the impact his mother has on his resilience journey. Alan’s motivation to persist
with his goals is fueled by witnessing his mother’s strength to withstand her individual and
familial obstacles. In this example, Alan’s family as a unit is resilient by providing warmth,
commitment, and emotional support for one another.
Moreover, Alan explained the role his racial/ethnic, sexual orientation, and gendered
identities play in his resilience and how his mixed identities counter dominant narratives of
Latino men and fathers. When asked how his racial/ethnic background, sexuality, and gender
influence his resilience, he responded,
I’m not the stereotypical Latino guy. I feel like people think of us as if we are machistas
[male chauvinist] and we don’t respect women. But it’s actually the opposite. My dad has
always taught me to be respectful towards women and anyone in general. I saw how nice
my dad treated my mom especially with her seizures and all. He is a good father and
cares for others. He was never like those people who hit their wives or their kids. I feel
like seeing him be respectful towards others, it made me a better person too. I want to be
a good husband or just a good person in general just like him...It’s motivating.
Alan resists the dominant narrative about Latino men being machistas [male chauvinist] by
emphasizing on the importance of respeto [respect] within his family. Machismo is described as
a heterosexual expression of power and virility that fits into racial, sexual, gender, and class
categories (Amaya, 2007). Alan’s identities as a heterosexual Latino/Mexican American male
with working class status coupled with his family values and positive parental influence
contribute greatly to his resiliency and commitment to his future goals.
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Never Give up
Jose identified as a Mexican American male with poor/low-income class status. While
facing life’s adversity (i.e. witnessing domestic violence, bullying, loss of his grandmother,
psychological disturbances, and difficulties as a mixed-status family), Jose’s resilience
manifested in unique forms. Jose defined resilience as, “fighting through the daily battles and
never giving up no matter what.” He described his resilience as,
I haven’t given up on myself nor my dreams although some people think of me as a
failure. I’m not doing too good in school right now but I’m trying my best. People see me
and don’t know what I’ve been through so I think they wonder why I don’t go out or do
certain work but it’s because I’m scared someone will do something to me. I still have
anxiety and depression. But I know for sure that I’m never going to give up no matter
how long it takes me to accomplish my goals.
Jose’s definition of resilience contradicts Western epistemological perspectives on resilience
such as the presence of positive adaptation, which infers that an individual demonstrates
excellent or average levels of competence such as academic excellence and emotional well-being
despite facing adversity (Luthar et al., 2006). Per this definition, Jose would not be considered
resilient; however, he affirmed that despite not doing well in school and presenting with
psychological disturbances, he perseveres and is motivated to accomplish his goals by “not
giving up.”
Furthermore, Jose explained how his bullying experiences contribute to his posttraumatic
growth- the idea that difficult life struggles can lead individuals to change, sometimes in
radically positive ways (Calhoun & Tedeschi, 2006). Jose discussed the way his bullying
experiences with teachers and peers have shaped his outlook on life; he believes that if he would
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have never experienced bullying, he would have never relied on his individual strength and
resilience. He explained,
What my teachers and kids did to me was wrong and I don’t wish that upon anybody but
in a weird way, I feel like if this wouldn’t have happened to me, I would’ve been so
dependent on my mom and not be able to do anything on my own...My mom has always
worried about me. She would be like, “Mijito, yo te lo ago” [“My sweetheart, I’ll do it for
you”] when I didn’t want to do something because I was scared or just couldn’t. Now, I
feel like even though I am still struggling, I can sort of make my own decisions like being
more independent in a way. For example, deciding when to come home, walking by
myself, going to places like Starbucks by myself and stuff like that. I know these seem
like basic stuff to other people but for me, it’s a big deal. My mom has always done
everything for me, so for me to do these things on my own, it’s major...Having my mom
do stuff for me and always be there is great but I think that doing basic things on my own
makes me feel like an adult in a way. I feel like I’m able to be more independent because
I was so traumatized by the bullying that once I started getting better, I realized that if I
overcame that, I can overcome anything.
The posttraumatic growth that Jose explained in the above quote has changed his perception of
his capabilities. Although he appreciates his mother’s support and loving ways, Jose
acknowledged that if it was not for his individual resilience, he would have had difficulty being
independent and navigating adulthood. Nevertheless, Jose recognized the influence his mother
has on his resiliency. He stated,
Because my mom doesn’t have papers, it’s hard for her to get a good job. She just can’t
work in any type of job because of her diabetes so she can’t be doing too much physical
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work… She’s my hero because she is also a single mother and has managed to take care
of all of us even without papers, like de una manera humilde [in a humbling way]… How
can I give up when I see her not give up?
In this example, Jose acknowledged his mother’s sacrifices for the family despite facing her own
obstacles. He illustrated the difficulty for his mother to find employment that is not physically
taxing as an undocumented immigrant, which many jobs performed by undocumented
immigrants demand taxing working conditions (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2009).
In addition to Jose’s individual and family resilience, he also identified his church as an
essential piece of his resilience. Coming from a devoted Catholic family, Jose’s mother
encouraged him to join the church’s youth group while in middle school to help him cope with
the death of his grandmother. Jose stated,
“It was really tough for me when my grandmother died because she was like my second
mom. It was hard...I didn’t want to join the youth group at church because I didn’t really
know them but they were really nice to me when I met them so I started going to their
events. Their events were kinda cool. I was really shy but I made a few friends. This
really helped me get better at that time. I kept going, I still go now. I really like it. It’s
like another family. I feel like they’re the only ones who truly get me...I still participate in
events and help out sometimes.
Jose explained how his church’s youth group became an extended support system during the
death of his grandmother. Jose’s connection to his church highlights the intersection of family
and community resilience. Here, Jose noted the role of community support through the churches
in Latinx families. Churches can provide a natural place to receive support for Latinx youth. Jose
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shared the beauty of supportive systems through an ecological perspective by noting the
individual, familial, and community influences on his pathway of resilience.
I’ll Rise Up
Ruby identified as a Mexican American female with working class status. Although
Ruby’s barriers (i.e. bullying, sexual abuse, mild intellectual disability, psychological
disturbances) appeared insurmountable throughout her life, she persists with her career goals
while demonstrating a unique pathway of resilience. Ruby defined resilience as, “being able to
continue with a goal no matter the obstacle.” To describe her resilience, she stated,
I feel like everything I’ve been through has made me stronger. Kids have always made
fun of me...my clothes, my looks, my weight; so I always thought something was wrong
with me. Now I kinda understand my disability because of all the therapy and help. But I
don’t like that people always treat me like I’m dumb. I hate it like I can do things on my
own, you know...That's what motivates me I guess: proving people wrong. I feel like I’m
seen like this girl who is never going to do anything with her life but I am. I’m doing a
little better in school and I’m part of the cadet program at school. Like nobody thought I
was going to make it but I made it...I like to listen to that one song, “I’ll Rise Up” by
Andra Day because I feel like she’s talking about my life. Like, I feel like I’m rising,
even if it’s little by little.
Ruby’s resilience is influenced by her determination to prove the world that she is capable of
achieving her goals despite her obstacles in life. She identifies her resilience journey to the song
“I'll Rise Up” by Andra Day, which sends a beautiful message about hope and resilience. Ruby
further explained how her intellectual disability has influenced her resilience. She noted,
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I know my disability is something that’s going to be with me forever. But I’m just like
everyone else. I do a lot of things by myself like shopping, go on the bus, go to school,
and go to my cousin’s house. I just need more help with school but I can do the
work...I've been discriminated against a lot at school that I don’t really like making
friends but I try to be nice to others. We are all people anyway...I want to empower others
who are just like me and show them that they can also be independent, go to college, and
are not “weird.”
Ruby pointed out the link between disability and exclusion; however, she resists ableist
assumptions about individuals with intellectual disabilities needing to be “fixed” or being
“incapable” of independence through her ways of being. Through her resistance, she disrupts
disabling structures and processes and re-imagines communities, relationships, social spaces, and
cultural representations (Hutcheon & Lashewicz, 2014).
Furthermore, Ruby highlighted her orgullo [pride] for countering dominant narratives of
Latinx students with disabilities; she explained, I’m so happy that I’m in the cadet program. I’ve
always wanted to be a cop so I hope this helps me get my dream job...I don’t see a lot of Latina
cops out here so it would be cool if I’d become one...I mean, not everyone from here is a baby
momma or on welfare.” Here, Ruby projects her resilience through her sense of pride for being
in the cadet program despite her intellectual disability and by rejecting dominant narratives of
Latinas in low-income communities. Ruby’s resilience pathway is described through the
illumination of the intersections of her racial, gendered, and disability identities and by doing so,
contradicts Western epistemologies of resilience among Latinx college students.

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I’m Different and That’s Okay
Derek identified as a Mexican American male with poor/low-income class status. Derek’s
resilience stems from his prior bullying experiences including victimization from peers and a
sibling, psychological disturbances (anxiety), medical condition, ASD diagnosis, and
socioeconomic factors. Derek defined resilience as “being able to keep going even if what you’re
going through sucks...keep trying.” To describe his resilience, he stated,
I’ve always felt different from everyone else. I was never like the other kids in school. In
school, kids used to make fun of me because I didn’t like playing in recess. I don’t like
being around too many people...I like hanging out with my mom. My mom always said
that I was meant to be different. I always thought being different was something bad but I
know it’s not always bad, it can be good. I like different things than other kids my age,
like cooking. Some people think that only women cook but I cook too. I want to be a
chef. So I guess I’m different and that’s okay. I like who I am… I’m not going to give up
on my dream just because others think it’s not okay. No matter how hard it is, I’m just
going to keep trying. I know I’m a good cook anyway.
Derek detailed his perspective on what it means to be different. Derek not only embraces his
individuality as a person with autism but also highlights the nonconformity of his gender and his
career interest. As an aspiring chef, he stated that even though women are often known to be
cooks, he intends to counter this dominant narrative. Furthermore, he shared the origins of his
passion for cooking,
I like cooking because of my mom. I remember when I would come back from school, I
would always be crying because kids were mean to me. They would break my stuff. So
my mom always made me feel better by inviting me to cook with her. We started with
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baking but I enjoyed cooking most, especially making my favorite food: pozole
[traditional Mexican stew]… Cooking is so much fun. I honestly forget about all my
problems plus I like that most of the food we make takes forever to cook so like that, I
don’t have to leave the house… My mom is my number one supporter so I want to make
sure I become a really good chef one day so I can make her proud and later by her a huge
house with a nice big kitchen.
Derek discussed the influence of his mother on his resilience by drawing on the connectedness of
their relationship and love for cooking. Derek’s aspirational and familial capital contribute to his
community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005). His resilience is evidenced by allowing himself to
dream of his possibilities beyond his current circumstances and by embracing the cultural
knowledges (i.e. cooking traditional Mexican dishes) nurtured in his family (Yosso, 2005).
Latinx Families as a Supportive Network
In the previous thematic section, most participants highlighted the influence of family,
nuclear or extended, in their resilience journey. In Latinx families, familismo [familism] can be
protective of their well-being due to features of familismo [familism] such as pride, belonging,
and strong ties to immediate and extended family members including familial obligations and
support (Ayón, Marsiglia, & Bermudez-Parsai, 2010). Furthermore, consistent with CRT and
LatCrit theoretical frameworks, familial capital within community cultural wealth accentuate
those cultural knowledges nurtured among Latinx families that carry a sense of community
history, memory, and cultural intuition (Yosso, 2005). Community cultural wealth is an array of
knowledge and skills used by Latinx students to survive and resist macro- and micro-forms of
oppression (Yosso, 2005). Drawing from Yosso’s (2005) notion of familial capital, this section
highlights participants’ family as a supportive network, specifically, it details two mechanisms
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within familial support: la motivación [motivation] and los sacrificios [sacrifices] to best
understand how family acts as a supportive network and thus, contribute to their resiliency and
their transition to college. Due to the intersections of participants’ identities and unique
experiences, familial capital may overlap with other forms of capital such as aspirational, social,
linguistic, navigational, and resistant.
La Motivación
Motivation from family was a common denominator for three participants. For two
participants, they described how their parents instilled la motivación [motivation] to succeed
academically and in life. MJ explained how her father instilled a motivational drive and mindset
to persevere and succeed through his words, “¡Échale ganas, tu eres chingona!” [Make an effort,
you are a badass!]. MJ stated,
Ever since I was little my dad would always tell me que le echará ganas [to make an
effort] on everything. Whether it was something simple like riding a bike or homework.
But he mainly tends to say it when it comes down to school stuff. Like right now, he
motivates me to go to class and do good in college. He supports me with my goals… He
always wanted me to go to a fancy school like UCLA or USC. Those were the only
schools we knew back then so he always wanted me to go there. I keep trying because I
hope to one day make his dream a reality.
MJ explained that for his father, “échale ganas” [make an effort] was applied to many aspects of
her life. She noted the motivational and competitive undertones in his father’s value, specifically
when discussing educational aspirations, especially as she navigates college. In this example,
MJ’s familial capital overlaps with aspirational capital, which MJ and her father dream of
possibilities beyond their present circumstances.
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Similarly to MJ, Derek also discussed his familial and aspirational capital, particularly la
motivación [motivation] instilled by his mother. Earlier in this chapter, Derek shared his
preference for staying at home with his mother instead of socializing with others outside of the
home. Derek explained how his mother motivates him to continue with his dream of becoming a
chef,
My mom knows that I’m a really good cook because sometimes family will ask who
cooked the food. She believes in me. She motivates me every day and tells me to keep
going to school so I can have my own restaurant one day. She’ll be like, “Derek, mijo,
ponle empeño en la escuela porque yo quiero que tengas tu restaurante un dia. Tu vas
hacer grande, mijo” [Derek, my son, do your best at school because I want you to have
your own restaurant one day. You are going to be big, my son]. I know it won’t be easy
but I can’t give up because I want to name my restaurant after her name.
Derek is motivated by her mother to pursue a culinary arts career pathway. Derek’s mother's
supportive and motivational ways contribute to Derek’s resilience and cultural wealth.
Latinx students’ extended family are also vital agents in their familial supportive
network. Unlike MJ and Derek whose motivation to succeed was primarily instilled by their
parents, Ruby’s supportive kin is her female cousin who is also attending the same community
college as Ruby. Ruby identified her cousin as her “biggest cheerleader.” She further explained,
My cousin Erica has been really helpful with school stuff. In the beginning, I kinda didn’t
want to ask her for help because I didn’t want to be such a drag but then I did because I
needed help with finding resources. She’s really the only person I hang out with…She
motivates me with school. She was actually the one who motivated me to join the cadet
program.
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Similarly to MJ and Derek, familial capital is presented by the commitment of Ruby’s cousin to
Ruby’s well-being and academic pursuits. Such kinship ties highlight the “importance of
maintaining a healthy connection to community and resources” (Yosso, 2005, p. 79). For MJ,
Derek, and Ruby, la motivación [motivation] by their nuclear and extended family members
contributes to their connectedness, which is a key aspect of familismo [familism].
Los Sacrificios
Some of the participants highlighted the influence of their parents’ sacrifices on their
resiliency. Latinx parents may support their children’s educational and life success by installing
the cultural value of responsibility and by reminding them of the sacrifices they or others have
made so that they can go to school and have a successful life (Halgunseth, 2019). For example,
Ana previously discussed that her parents’ sacrifices drive her determination to succeed
academically in college. She described how her mother “wakes up super early to go to work and
doesn’t get back until really late at night and she still makes time to cook dinner and take care of
all the house stuff. She also never misses work even if she’s sick.” Ana described her mother’s
sacrifices by highlighting her work habits and home responsibilities. Ana added that she cannot
drop out of college as she needs to fulfill her mother’s aspirations of seeing her graduate from
college. Ana stated,
My mom always tells me that I have to go to college and can’t give up as she did. She
once told me that she dropped out of college because it was too hard to raise us while
going to school. She said that she would rather be a good mom by being with us and that
if all of us went to college and got a good job then her sacrifice was worth it. So I have to
do it.
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Ana explained her responsibility to not only achieve academically but to also not let her mother
down. Similarly, Patty also shared her desire to want to repay her parents for all their sacrifices.
She described her father’s sacrifices as,
When I was little, my parents didn’t have money. My dad was struggling to find a decent
job around here until he finally got a job in Santa Ana. He is still there. He wakes up
really early to go to work; we almost never see him. Before I would trip because I missed
him but now I understand that he’s just trying to take care of us… He doesn’t remind us
about his sacrifices but we know what he’s doing. I want to make my parent’s sacrifices
worth it.”
For Patty, her father’s sacrifices not only entail going to work far away from home, but also
encompasses not seeing the family as frequently due to the long commute and demanding hours
of work. Parental sacrifice can be presented in many forms especially among Latinx families.
Stories about parents’ struggles and obstacles with poverty, immigration, and lack of education
may provide an important and meaningful form of parental support especially for education
(Ceballo, Maurizi, Suárez, & Aretakis, 2014). For instance, in addition to describing his mother’s
sacrifices as a single mother with undocumented immigrant status, Jose also explained the
influence of his mother’s sacrifices, including her humble upbringing in Mexico and migration
journey to the United States. Jose stated,
My mom shares stories about how my grandparents didn’t have much money so my mom
had to drop out of 6th grade so she can help them out... My mom tells me that they were
so poor that she wore used clothes and sometimes didn’t have much to eat except beans
and tortillas… One day she told me that she crossed the border by being smuggled in a
car by sitting next to the car engine...she had no money when she came here and didn’t
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know that many people. Thinking about how much she has suffered and how much she
has sacrificed for us; it makes me not want to give up. I just feel like I owe it to her.
Jose highlighted the role of parental sacrifice as a source of educational motivation, inspiration,
and resilience. Jose values his journey of resilience as a way of paying back her mother for her
sacrifices. Ana’s, Patty’s, and Jose’s parents' sacrifices manifested in unique ways yet all had
motivational and inspirational undertones. In Western educational research, sharing family
stories and immigrant experiences are often overlooked as sources of parental support among
Latinx families (Ceballo et al., 2014). In essence, los sacrificios [sacrifices] of Ana’s, Patty’s,
and Jose’s parents also reflect mechanisms associated with family and inspirational capitals.
They present their parents’ sacrifices as cultural knowledges that carry a sense of familial
history, memory, and cultural institution; and by keeping in mind their parents' sacrifices, they
allow themselves to dream of endless possibilities beyond their current circumstances (Yosso,
2005).
Short- and Long-term Effects of Bullying
The previous thematic sections discussed ways the participants soldiered through
adversity. To best understand the participants’ resilience journey, this section describes the
participants' bullying victimization and its short- and long-term consequences, specifically
illustrating its impact on psychological and academic functioning during and after victimization.
As mounting evidence continues to find associations between bullying and academic and
psychological functioning and link to a range of deleterious outcomes in adulthood including
poorer mental health outcomes and lower social and academic functioning (Holt et al., 2014), the
participants detail moments of vulnerability and pain that were experienced during and after
victimization. By illustrating participants’ past bullying experiences, it urges the reader to face
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participants’ lived experiences and honor their resiliency journey. The following list summarizes
the short- and long-term effects of bullying participants experienced:
Short-term Effects:
• anxiety
• panic attacks
• excessive worries
• fear
• nail biting
• irritability
• depression
• suicidal ideation
• self-injurious behavior
Long-term Effects:
• social anxiety
• fear of being rejected or judged
• avoidance of new social situations
• low self-esteem
• low academic grades
• low participation in group
activities

• social isolation
• low self-esteem
• poor hygiene
• sleep disturbances
• low motivation and participation
in school-related activities
• decline in academic grades
• increase tardiness and absenteeism

• low involvement in campus
organizations and programs
• fear of seeking academic support
from professors or tutoring
services

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Short-term Effects of Bullying
The participants discussed short-term effects of their bullying victimization. These short-
term effects are characterized by the psychological and academic consequences to the bullying
victimization during their childhood and adolescence.
Impact on psychological functioning. All participants’ bullying experiences impacted
their immediate psychological functioning. Most participants experienced symptoms of
depression. Patty explained how her bullying victimization in middle school led to symptoms of
depression. She stated,
When I was switched to special ed classes, some girls that were in the regular classes
started teasing me and calling me names like “oh you’re dumb, special ed, weird.” They
made fun of my clothes. They would say that my clothes were cheap and I was poor.
Sometimes they would ignore me during group activities and stuff. I got pushed into the
gym lockers too. I remember one time I got pushed so hard into a locker that I hit my
head, fell on the ground, and scraped my head… I started feeling depressed, worthless,
ashamed like I was just so insecure about myself...It made me feel so low like I didn’t
trust anybody. I just isolated myself.
As a result of the physical, verbal, and relational bullying, Patty’s psychological function
diminished as she began to isolate and become increasingly depressed. Similarly to Patty, Ana
and Alan also presented with symptoms of depression as a consequence of their bullying
victimization. Ana’s symptoms of depression included non-suicidal self-injurious behavior,
sadness, isolation, hopelessness, low self-esteem, and poor hygiene care. Ana discussed how her
depression presented over the years,
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I’ve been bullied pretty much all my life, since elementary school all the way to high
school. In elementary school, it wasn’t that bad. Kids would just call me names and that’s
it. But then in high school, it got physical. Every time I was pushed down the stairs or my
food was dropped, I could feel my body tensing up more and more… I was so sad. I
didn’t care about anything anymore. I would cut myself to make me feel better. Like I
wasn’t going to kill myself because I could never do that but I just needed to release my
pain.
Ana’s engagement in parasuicidal behavior demonstrates the severity of bullying on victims’
well-being. Bullying victimization may also lead to suicidal ideation including suicide attempts.
For example, Alan attempted suicide by ingesting over-the-counter pills. Alan described how he
was physically and verbally bullied by his peers throughout middle school:
My homework was shredded; I was pushed into the lockers; my backpack was sometimes
thrown into the trash can; they called me names like “ugly” and “crazy.” They would also
say to go kill myself or wish that my mom would die, you know things like that… One of
the kids who always bothered me threatened to stab me with a knife if I told the Dean
about it. I got really scared when he said that because he was one of those kids that would
gang bang… I just felt so weak. I didn’t want to go to school anymore. I got really
depressed. I started smoking weed but that didn’t really help so I stopped… Even when I
went to high school and was no longer seeing [the bullies], I was still paranoid. I just
wanted to end the pain so I took some Tylenol pills. It was that bad.
Even though Alan was no longer bullied in high school, the emotional aftermath of his
victimization exacerbated. Alan’s bullying experience highlights the severity and consequences
of bullying even without present victimization.
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In addition to depressive symptoms, other participants also experienced symptoms of
anxiety including somatic complaints. For example, MJ developed severe anxiety in middle
school after being bullied by her peers. MJ’s bullying continued in high school; she described her
bullying as, “a nightmare.” She further explained her bullying and symptomology:
People were just mean to me. These girls, they made me feel less than. Like they weren’t
physically hurting me but they were still hurting me, you know. And then I saw those
same girls in high school… They would exclude me from things or ignore me. I just
remember feeling like an outsider… I felt unwanted, rejected, worthless like I didn’t have
motivation for anything… Because I felt rejected by them for so long, I started getting
really anxious and stuff. I had stomach aches and headaches. I was always worried about
what others thought of me; I even had panic attacks at school… I started thinking that I
must not be good enough. I must be lame. I needed people to talk to me so I could feel
cool. I guess having social interactions with others meant that I was actually worth
something and not just this girl who was always ignored.
The comorbidity of depression and anxiety in MJ shows the severity of prolonged exposure to
bullying behavior. MJ’s core beliefs about herself caused her to internalize her pain, thus,
affecting her psychological functioning. On the contrary to MJ, Derek’s anxiety initially
manifested after being verbally and physically bullied by his older brother during early
childhood; however, Derek’s anxiety worsened in middle school when he was bullied by his
peers due to his special needs as a person with autism. Derek stated, “they use to call me
hunchback, wuss, dumb, and other things. They also pushed me and broke my stuff… I don’t
like being around people. I think people are going to hurt me. I worry a lot about everything.”
Derek’s experience with peer victimization uncovers multiple factors that exacerbate his
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psychological functioning including prior history of sibling bullying and victimization due to his
disability. This shows the impact of sibling abusive behavior and the need for creating a safe
environment for students with disabilities. Another participant who also experienced bullying
due to her disability was Ruby. Although Ruby’s psychological impairment initially stemmed
from a prior sexual abuse trauma, her behavior associated with a posttraumatic stress disorder
diagnosis and mild intellectual disability was frequently targeted by her peers. Ruby stated,
People always made fun of how I acted or how I looked. They would call me names like
“fat, smelly, stupid, ugly.” They never wanted to play with me. I also had a lot of [urine]
accidents during school time so they picked on me for that… I remember one time in my
math class, this kid called me “stupid” in front of the class because I couldn’t do a math
problem.
When asked about how she felt during these bullying encounters, she answered, “I felt sad,
lonely, and I couldn’t really sleep either. I always had nightmares. But I mainly felt sad because
nobody wanted to be my friend.” Ruby’s multiple victimizations heightened her likelihood of
psychological maladjustment.
Furthermore, one participant experienced symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder due
to bullying victimization from peers and teachers. Jose’s bullying experience manifested in
elementary school, where he was a victim of verbal abuse by his preschool teacher and second
grade teacher. Jose described his abuse from his teachers as,
My [preschool] teacher called me a “pig” and “the smelly one.” I remember she wouldn’t
let me play the same games the other kids were playing... My second grade teacher
locked me in a dark closet several times. I felt that I couldn’t tell anyone about it because
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she was the teacher… I had nightmares all the time and sometimes pooped in class too by
accident.
He further described his peer victimization as,
They used to make fun of my weight especially during P.E. class… One time this kid
started talking smack to me when I was in the restroom and pushed me against the wall. I
got scared. I kept thinking he was going to attack me every time I used the restroom so I
stopped using the restroom at school… I couldn’t really sleep; I had nightmares. I would
forget things too. Like I couldn’t remember what I learned at school… I pooped on
myself like three times too.
Jose’s prolonged exposure to bullying led to trauma-related symptoms. His psychological
functioning exacerbated as a result of multiple encounters with bullying. As a victim of peer and
teacher bullying behavior, Jose’s psychological response included feeling unsafe at school.
Impact on academic functioning. Some of the participants noted that their bullying
victimization impacted their academic functioning. Patty and MJ expressed how their grades
declined during their bullying victimization due to minimally participating in their classes. Patty
noted that even though she attended school regularly, she stopped doing her homework and
school work. She stated, “I really didn’t care about school anymore. My grades were bad. I was
failing most of my classes. I really didn’t care though, or I tried not to care but I kinda did… I
wasn’t in the mood to participate.” In addition to low academic performance, MJ experienced an
increase in tardiness and absenteeism as a result of her bullying. She noted,
My grades did go down. I remember this one time I missed a whole week of school. I
wasn’t trying to miss a lot; I mean I would just feel depressed all the time. I couldn’t get
up from my bed. But I tried not to miss too much because my parents would force me to
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go to school. But if it had been up to me, I’m pretty sure I would’ve just stayed home. I
would always be late too, especially to first period because those girls were there. I guess
just thinking of going to school prolonged my morning… Sometimes I wouldn’t even do
my homework because it would remind me of school. It seems crazy but just any
reminder of school and those girls, I would just avoid it. It got to the point that I didn’t
even want to pass by the street where the school was.
Patty and MJ’s academic functioning declined as a result of their peer victimization. MJ
disclosed that her bullying not only impacted her academic grades but also her motivation for
school as evidenced by her increase of tardiness and absenteeism. More importantly, MJ rejected
any reminders associated with school as it inherently impacted her psychological well-being.
In addition, Jose and Alan also declined academically during their bullying victimization
period; however, the effects of their victimization included seeking alternative ways to complete
high school. Both Jose and Alan attended an independent study school and graduated
successfully from high school. Jose stated, “I no longer felt safe at school. I always thought
something bad was going to happen to me so I asked my mom to take me out [from school]… It
was much better because I could do my work at home and not worry about people.” For Jose,
transferring to an independent study school meant he was safe from peer victimization and thus
he would be able to attend to his academics. For Alan, transferring to an independent study
school meant starting a new beginning. He shared,
I wanted to leave traditional schools because in a way I guess they reminded me of my
middle school. I don’t know. I guess the structure of it. I still saw kids being mean to
other kids… In [the independent study school], it was like starting fresh; plus, I could do
all my work at home so I didn’t have to see anyone.”
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Alan’s bullying experiences from middle school decrease his desire to be in traditional school
settings. Similarly to Jose, he felt safer at home. Even though all of the participants’ immediate
psychological functioning was impacted by their bullying victimization, only some participants
presented with poor academic functioning.
Long-term Effects of Bullying
Participants also discussed the long-term effects of their bullying victimization. Long-
term effects of bullying victimization are marked by the psychological and academic
consequences as college students.
Impact on psychological functioning. Some of the participants discussed the long-term
effects of their bullying victimization. These participants shared how their childhood and/or
adolescence bullying experiences continue to affect their mental health as adults. For instance,
MJ shared about her current battles with anxiety. She noted,
“I still have that need to be around people and be social… Being around people is like
I’m worth something, yet I get so anxious around people… As ridiculous as it sounds, I
feel like being around people and having friends validates me as a person. I guess I still
have that feeling of being wanted, being socially accepted by others… The fear that I
have is basically going somewhere, not making friends, and feeling shun again like in
middle school. I don’t want to feel alone. I don’t want to feel like an outcast. But then
when I’m out, I have all these racing thoughts like, “Are they laughing at me? I’m boring.
Nobody is going to want to hang out with me anymore.”
MJ associated her anxiety with her bullying experiences from middle school and noted that she
does not want to feel excluded once again. Her anxiety also presents in social settings such as at
work. She expressed, “one time when I was working at Tierra Mia, some girls were talking on
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the side and I automatically assumed they were talking about me… I was really nervous around
the customers. I was too anxious so I quit after four days. But I still want to work.” MJ’s
cognitive distortions about others speaking about her stem from her relational bullying
victimization. Her anxiety has also impacted her ability to retain employment, although she
desires to work.
Like MJ, Jose and Ruby also present with anxiety. Jose discussed the difficulty of
socializing with others and making friends in college due to his fear of being rejected. Jose
highlighted the root of his fear: “I’m scared people are going to be mean to me or try to do
something bad, kinda like before. I’d rather not talk to anyone and just do me.” Ruby also
expressed feeling afraid of being ridiculed by others in school. She stated, “I sometimes think
that they’re going to laugh at me or say something stupid about me… I’m used to people always
laughing at me or saying something dumb.” MJ, Jose, and Ruby noted how their anxiety
continues to affect them as adults. Inherently, their mental health affects their academic
functioning as college students.
Impact on academic functioning. MJ, Jose, and Ruby discussed their difficulty
engaging in academic work due to their high levels of anxiety. For example, MJ disclosed having
a preference for individual work rather than group work in order to avoid socializing with peers
during and outside of class. She stated, “I’d rather do work by myself because like that I won’t
get too anxious and stuff. I mean, sometimes I’ll just do [the group work] because of my grade
but I don’t really want to… I want to socialize and stuff but it’s too hard for me.” MJ also
explained that due to her limited socialization in the classroom, her grades have suffered: She
stated, “when I first started, I was barely passing my classes. I had to drop some classes because
I wasn’t going to pass. It’s because I really didn’t participate as much and for some classes, all
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they do is group work… I’m doing better now but I had to retake those classes.” In addition, Jose
echoed MJ’s response regarding preference for individual work over group work; he noted, “I
don’t like group assignments. I would rather be on my own. Even if it affects my grade, I rather
do everything by myself.” In fact, he was encouraged by his professor to seek tutoring services
due to his low grade, however, he chose not to seek outside support due to his fear of rejection.
He stated, “I didn’t go because what if they don’t want to tutor me? I didn’t want to feel dumb
going and then be rejected… I dropped the class instead.” Jose is too familiar with the feeling of
rejection and instead would rather engage independently in academic work.
On the same page, Ruby discussed her struggles during her first year of college with
seeking support from her professors. She stated, “I wanted to talk to one of my professors about
an assignment but I was scared. I didn’t want to feel dumb. Like what if he made me feel dumb
because I didn’t know?” Requesting academic support from professors was particularly difficult
for Ruby. MJ’s, Jose’s, and Ruby’s early experiences of bullying show that for some students
who are in college with early experiences of bullying adjusting to college may be particularly
difficult.
Challenges and Resources for First-Generation Community College Students
The second research question of this study was answered through participants’ discussion
on navigating their transition to college as first-generation Latinx students. All participants
attend local community colleges and thus, share similar challenges and access similar resources
with slight variation. As noted in the aforementioned sections, the participants identified their
families as supportive networks as they navigate community college. For some, their
psychological well-being in college continues to be impacted partially by their histories of
bullying victimization in addition to the distress associated with their college adjustment. For
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those participants who identified experiencing poor psychological functioning as college
students, also identified having poor academic adjustment. As these areas have been previously
explored in this chapter, this thematic section primarily focuses on the challenges participants
face and the type of resources they access as first-generation community college students. The
following list summarizes the financial challenges and on-campus resources participants
experience and access:
Financial Challenges:
• paying for college
• balancing work and school
• difficulty navigating financial-aid resources
On-Campus Resources:
• Disabled Students Programs and Services (DSPS)
• Dream Resource Center
• Extended Opportunity Program and Services (EOPS)
• Puente Program
• First-Year Center
Financial Challenges
A myriad of challenges can manifest while attending college as first-generation Latinx
students, making the transition to postsecondary education more difficult. Some participants
discussed financial challenges as part of their transition to college. These financial challenges
included paying for college, balancing work and school, and having difficulty navigating
financial-aid resources. For example, Ruby, a second-year college student, and MJ, a third-year
college student, both expressed having difficulty navigating financial-aid during their first year at
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their respective college. Ruby stated, “I didn’t know how to apply for financial aid. The
application was too hard plus I wasn’t sure if I qualified. It was not until my cousin helped me
out later on when I was able to understand it a bit.” Ruby noted her low awareness of the
financial aid process and the difficulty of navigating the application process. Similarly, MJ
shared having limited knowledge of financial-aid resources primarily due to her DACA status.
MJ shared,
I wasn’t sure if I qualified for any type of financial stuff. I heard so many things about
not qualifying so I didn’t really bother with it… It was hard for me to ask for help in high
school because no one really knew my [DACA] status so I didn’t want to ask, plus you
know, my anxiety and stuff so yeah, I didn’t really ask for help… It made me worry even
more because I didn’t know how I was going to pay for my classes because we couldn’t
afford them but then I just ended up speaking to one of the counselors.
As a low-income DACA student, MJ had difficulty accessing financial resources and financial
support for her educational expenses during her first year in college. In addition, MJ highlighted
the challenges of navigating her identity as a DACA student in high school. She further
discussed how her DACA status correlates with her current financial challenges as a first-
generation community college student. She noted,
Even though I’m in my third year of college, the financial aid thing still worries me. I
guess every time I have to do it, it reminds me that I’m a DACA student. Like sometimes
I don’t take care of my application until I feel like I really have to because the deadline is
the next day and if I don’t take care of that then I can lose my classes… I’m just having a
really hard time, like a really hard time especially not knowing what to do because I don’t
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even know if I’m wasting money… The whole money thing and DACA, just makes it so
hard especially what’s going on in the news with DACA, like what if they remove it?
MJ’s financial challenges are directly impacted by her undocumented immigrant status. MJ relies
on her DACA status to access certain benefits; however, she continues to dwell on the
uncertainty of her future.
Another challenge that one of the participants shared was balancing work and school. In
addition to attending college full time, Patty works as a part-time office clerk at her former
middle school. Patty discussed the challenges of balancing work and school and the need to
contribute to the household income. Patty shared,
It was kinda hard for me to adjust to my classes and work at the same time in the
beginning of the semester. I purposely scheduled my classes later in the afternoon so I
can work in the morning but then I would get home late and be all tired. I had to motivate
myself to do homework at night and stuff but once I got used to my schedule, I was able
to handle it more… I want to work because I get to help out my family with money. If I
can pay for my books or my things, that’s cool; I don’t want to be asking them for
money.
For Patty, managing her time between work and school is crucial to ensure that she is successful
in her classes and is able to contribute to the family household. Essentially, MJ’s, Ruby’s, and
Patty’s financial challenges in college highlight the intersection between being a first-generation
Latinx college student and the inequities in their social class and immigration status. This finding
shows that first-generation Latinx students in community colleges may have difficulty
transitioning to postsecondary education when financial challenges intertwine with their
oppressed identities.
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On-Campus Resources
Five of the participants discussed their involvement in on-campus programs and seeking
support from student services. For example, Patty receives support from the Disabled Students
Programs and Services (DSPS). She noted that through her participation in the DSPS, she
receives counseling services and tutoring. In addition to DSPS, she also receives support through
the school’s Dream Resource Center to navigate resources as a DACA recipient and the
Extended Opportunity Program and Services (EOPS). Through her involvement in these
academic programs, Patty noted having a positive college adjustment as she receives financial
and academic support, in contrast to MJ’s experience who has difficulty navigating resources in
college as a DACA student. Patty stated, “I’m not really stressed about financial aid stuff. I feel
really blessed that I have all these services. I don’t have to worry about paying for college. I feel
like I know where to go if I need help with stuff. They’ve been really helpful.” Patty disclosed a
decrease in stress levels knowing that she does not have to pay for college. She is able to
successfully navigate her resources as a first-generation Latinx student in community college.
Like Patty, Derek and Ruby also receive support through the DSPS. Ruby noted that it was not
until her second year where she began to benefit from these services as she initially hesitated due
to being haunted by the bullying victimization she endured throughout her academic career.
Nevertheless, Ruby is also a member of the cadet program at her college campus. Although her
cadet program does not provide academic support, it provides preparedness for a career in law
enforcement.
Alan, a second-year college student, highlighted successfully transitioning to college due
to his involvement in the Puente Program. He described the Puente program as a supportive club
that assists community college students with transferring to four-year institutions, earn degrees,
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and return to the community as mentors and leaders. Alan hopes to transfer to a four-year
institution and study public health; he noted,
The Puente Program has been really helpful. I joined my first year. It’s been really
inspiring to see other students who went to USC and other schools come back and tell us
about their journey and how they plan to give back to the community. I met someone
who was part of the Puente Program and is now a professor here. I want to transfer to a
UC or USC, Loyola, one of those… I actually want to return to my middle school and be
a mentor to students who are bullied. I wish I had that back then so I want to develop a
mentorship program one day.
Alan’s involvement in the Puente Program has increased his motivation to continue his academic
pursuit and give back to his community by developing a mentorship program at his middle
school for victims of bullying. Similarly to Alan, Ana also discussed her positive transition to
college as a first-year student due to her involvement in the First-Year Center, a program
designed to assist first-year students with their transition to the collegiate environment. Ana
noted that her access to mentorship, academic guidance, and opportunities to socialize with
students, staff, and professors through the First-Year Center have contributed to her positive
transition to college. When asked about how connected she feels to her school, Ana replied,
I feel very connected. Being part of the First-Year Center really helped me familiarize
with all the resources here. I feel like they understand me. If I need help, they help me
out. I’ve learned how to approach professors during their office hours. I’ve made friends
too… I like that it’s different from high school. I feel like I’m starting fresh… I
successfully finished my fall semester so I’m really happy.
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Ana’s relationship with staff, professors, and peers have positively affected her sense of
belonging, motivation, and academic outcomes. Ana also noted an increase in school
connectedness due to ethnically identifying with staff, professors, and peers. She shared, “I like
that I can relate to most of the students because we come from similar backgrounds. I also like
that a lot of the staff are Latinos. I feel like if I were to have a problem, they would get me.” For
Ana, being able to ethnically identify with her peers and staff ultimately increase her sense of
belonging and school connectedness. To summarize, most of the participants benefited from
accessing selected on-campus resources including student programs and services, while some
participants noted that their financial challenges made the college transition difficult.
Summary
This chapter presented the findings of this study by contextualizing participants’
testimonios to answer the research questions presented in chapter one. Participants’ individual
and collective resistance to Eurocentric notions of resilience were described throughout this
chapter. Participants' stories were honored and referenced in this chapter as ‘Las Siete Voces
Resilientes’ [The Seven Resilient Voices]. In the first thematic section, participants’ stories
highlighted the multiple pathways of resilience as they were examined within the context of
culture, development, and history among Latinx college students with past experiences of
bullying. Participants described their resilience journey and highlighted the influence of their
intersected identities. Participants provided diverse narratives of resilience, resistance, struggle,
and pain. For example, they proclaimed what constituted adversity and resilience based on their
unique experiences. Essentially, these stories counter Eurocentric epistemologies of resilience by
participants amplifying their own definition and interpretations of resilience.
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The second thematic section highlighted the participants’ family, nuclear and extended,
as a supportive network. It detailed two mechanisms within familial support: la motivación
[motivation] and los sacrificios [sacrifices] to best understand how family acts as a supportive
network and thus, contribute to their resiliency. Participants' experiences described aspects of
familismo [familism] such as pride, belonging, and strong ties to immediate and extended family.
Furthermore, participants’ experiences illuminated their familial capital as it intersected with
aspirational capital to describe their community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005).
The third thematic session highlighted the impact of bullying victimization on
psychological and academic functioning during and after victimization. It detailed the
participants’ lived experiences with childhood and adolescence bullying and how these
experiences continue to present as college students. All participants noted that their bullying
experiences impacted their immediate psychological well-being. On the other hand, only some
participants shared that their academic functioning was impacted during their victimization.
Furthermore, some participants highlighted the long-term effects of early experiences of
bullying, particularly its impact on their mental health and academic performance as college
students.
Lastly, the fourth thematic section examined how participants navigate community
college as first-generation Latinx students. Participants highlighted their financial challenges and
how they utilize on-campus resources to positively transition to postsecondary education.
Participants’ racial/ethnic and gendered identities, socioeconomic background, and immigration
status were discussed throughout this chapter as it directly connected to their stories.

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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
In this final chapter, I discuss the findings from the study, address recommendations for
future research, provide implications for practice, share the consejos [advice] from the
participants for students who are victims of bullying and for educators in K-12 and
postsecondary education settings, and conclude with my mother’s consejos [advice] as a way to
honor the resilient mindset she instilled in me since early in life. The purpose of this study is to
uncover and contextualize the testimonios of seven Latinx college students with past experiences
of bullying who uniquely described their resiliency journey and their transition to college. These
experiences are explored as they intersected with race, class, gender, and immigration status to
understand the limitless range of identities of Latinx college students that contributed to their
resiliency.
Bullying is widespread in the United States and across the world and although anti-
bullying laws and policies at the state and local levels have been implemented, including anti-
bullying policies by local school districts (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018), it is still not enough as bullying continues to
plague the school systems, negatively impacting the social-emotional well-being of students
(Sansone & Sansone, 2008) and school climate (Sprague & Walker, 2005). Consequences of
bullying extend far beyond immediate repercussions, potentially extending into adulthood.
Students who are transitioning to college with previous bullying victimization have more
difficulty adjusting to the collegiate environment (Wei et al., 2005), especially students who have
disadvantaged backgrounds (i.e. lower socio-economic status, students of color, immigration
status, first-generation college-going) (Castellanos & Gloria, 2007).
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However, since initially theorized, bullying experiences among Latinx students have been
primarily investigated through a “damaged-centered” framework (Tuck, 2019). In efforts to
move towards a desired-based research, this study focused on the resiliency processes of Latinx
college students with childhood and/or adolescence bullying experiences. Because resilience-
based research has been historically explored through Eurocentric views, naturally omitting
Latinx students’ diverse ways of being, this study used Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Latino
Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) frameworks (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001) to highlight the diverse
and unique pathways of resiliency and celebrate a collective consciousness and resistance among
Latinx college students.
To provide K-12 educators, college-level practitioners, policymakers, and researchers
with an understanding as to how Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying
perceive their resiliency, this study de-centered the dominant perspectives of what constitutes as
resilience and shifted the focus to the lived experiences of Latinx college students with past
experiences of bullying who are uniquely resilient. To document the lived experiences of Latinx
college students with past experiences of bullying, I used narrative inquiry within a critical race
methodological framework, specifically drawing from CRT and LatCrit frameworks (Solorzano
& Yosso, 2001), which account for the intersections of race, gender, social class, and
immigration status; testimonios, which creates knowledge through personal experiences to
theorize the realities of marginalized communities (Latina Feminist Group, 2001); and narrative
analysis, which provides tools to uncover and expose power relations (Riessman, 1993). I
employed the methodological approach of testimonios to conduct, collect, and analyze testimonio
interviews to reveal often unseen structures of oppression in resilience discourse within Latinx
college students (Malagon, Perez Huber, & Velez, 2009).
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In this study, I interviewed seven self-identified Latinx college students who have past
experiences of bullying and receive mental health services at a community mental health clinic.
These students were purposefully selected because they identified as Latina/o/x, which refers to
individuals with ancestry in any country within the sub-continent of Latin America (Marrow,
2003). I employ the term Latinx as a gender-neutral label for Latina/o (Salinas & Lozano, 2017).
Criteria for participants also included part-time or full-time undergraduate college students who
are enrolled in a community college or a four-year institution. Participants were recruited from a
community mental health clinic located in the Southeast region of Los Angeles County that
serves predominantly Latinx, monolingual Spanish-speaking, low-income, immigrant
communities. Participants’ testimonios were contextualized through semi-structured interviews
lasting 60-90 minutes, collecting a total of 20 hours of interviews. The purpose of these
testimonios was not only to present the lived experiences of individuals but to express the
collective consciousness among a community of Latinx students and victims/survivors of
bullying victimization who are uniquely resilient. To answer the research questions and ensure
credibility and trustworthiness, I employed strategies when collecting and analyzing the data
including member checks (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016); rich, thick descriptions (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016); and reflexivity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Miles, Huberman, & Saldana, 2014).
Ultimately, I used these methods to help answer the research questions of this study:
1. How do Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying describe their
resiliency?
2. How do these students navigate their transition to college?

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Discussion of Findings
To answer the aforementioned research questions, during their testimonios, participants
recalled past bullying experiences from childhood and adolescence; highlighted the impact of
these experiences on their socioemotional well-being in social and academic settings; described
their pathways of resilience and identified networks of support; and described challenges they
face and resources they access as first-generation community college students. These findings
addressed the study’s research questions by uncovering participants’ resiliency journey and
highlighting their transition to college. Using CRT and LatCrit theoretical lenses (Solorzano &
Yosso, 2001), participants’ testimonios are shared as a form of empowerment and resistance
against oppressive systems in society; thus, encouraging Latinx communities to resist dominant
narratives that portray Latinx communities from a deficit perspective. As participants described
their resiliency and their transition to college, the intersection of race, class, gender, and
immigration status was interpreted throughout the study in order to analyze the “interlocking
systems of oppression” that located participants’ positions in society (Cuadraz & Uttal, 1999, p.
158). I found that participants’ identities were at the center of their resiliency; thus, two main
findings are discussed: (1) bullying victimization, resilience, and resistance and (2) mechanisms
of support.
Bullying Victimization, Resilience, and Resistance
The participants in this study discussed their experiences of bullying victimization during
elementary, middle, and/or high school. They described specific moments where they were
physically, verbally, and socially bullied, mainly occurring on school grounds. Participants
identified short- and long-term consequences of their bullying victimization highlighting the
impact on psychological and academic functioning. All participants expressed having either
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symptoms of anxiety, trauma, and/or depression, including suicidality as an immediate response
to bullying. Some participants declined in academic performance and classroom participation
while others had an increase in tardiness and absenteeism. This finding echoes the volume of
research highlighting the association between bullying and poor psychological and academic
adjustment (Holt et al., 2007). Research shows that victimization from bullying may increase
students’ risk for psychological adjustment problems including loneliness, social difficulties, low
self-esteem, anxiety, depression, suicidal ideation, eating disorders, somatic complaints such as
headaches, sleep disturbances, abdominal pain, and fatigue, and posttraumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) (Kochenderfer-Ladd & Wardrop, 2001; Smokowski & Kapasz, 2005; Sansone &
Sansone, 2008; Litman et al., 2015). In addition, research shows that high levels of bullying by
peers is consistently related to academic disengagement and poor grades (Juvonen, Wang, &
Espinoza, 2011). Some participants experienced poor psychological and academic functioning
even in college, demonstrating possible long-term consequences of bullying. A review of the
literature shows that possible long-term consequences of childhood bullying victimization may
include shyness, inhibition in intimate relationships, difficulties establishing friendships, and
depression (Jantzel & Cashel, 2017). For those participants who expressed poor psychological
and academic functioning as adults, adjusting to college was particularly difficult. Schafer et al.
(2004) found that college students with a history of bullying had higher rates of distress than
students without bullying experiences.
In addition to experiencing bullying victimization, participants described other moments
of adversity including suffering or witnessing medical and health conditions, financial hardships,
domestic violence, physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, and death of a family member. These
experiences were identified as pivotal moments in participants’ lives where their resilience
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manifested. Furthermore, through these experiences, participants identified how their
racial/ethnic, gendered, and classed identities and for some, immigration status, phenotype, and
disabilities, played a role in their resilience pathway. For some female participants, their racial
and gendered identities as Latinas were described as a weapon to overcome any barriers that
come with racism or sexism. For example, seeking higher education and aspiring non-traditional
female careers were seen as liberation from dominant social constructions that often define
Latinas. Similarly, for some male participants, challenging Latino masculinity was particularly
important to resist traditional descriptions of Latino gender roles. In essence, participants
highlighted how their oppressed identities (i.e. Latinx, low-income/working class, female, first-
generation, undocumented immigrant status, phenotype, disability) contributed to their resilience
and serve as a reminder to resist against oppressive systems.
Each participant described their resilience journey by defining resilience in their own
terms and by detailing the different ways they are resilient. They each proclaimed what
constituted adversity and resilience based on their unique stories. Participants’ own definition of
resilience countered a commonly used definition in resilience research coined by Luthar and
colleagues (2000), describing resilience as a “dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation
within the context of significant adversity” (p. 543). Per this definition, participants who
experienced poor psychological and academic adjustment as college students are not considered
resilient as they have not “positively adapted” to their adversity (i.e. bullying victimization). On
the contrary, using CRT and LatCrit theoretical lenses (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001) and social
justice-based approach, the participants in this study not only demonstrated their resilience by
navigating unjust systems, but by deconstructing and redefining Western perspectives of
resilience; thus, emancipating from Eurocentric epistemologies through co-produced knowledge
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(i.e. testimonios). Through individual experiences of adversity and resilience, participants
engaged in collective liberation, decolonizing Eurocentric epistemological perspectives that have
perpetuated dominant ideologies in resilience and bullying literature rooted in white superiority
(Huber, 2008; Delgado Bernal & Villalpando, 2002). As holders and creators of knowledge
(Delgado Bernal, 1998), participants' testimonios highlighted their rich historical legacy of
resistance and survival and translated them into a pursuit of social justice in both educational
research and practice (Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Participants’ transformational
resistance is characterized by being “both a critique of oppression and a desire for social justice”
(Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001, p. 319).
Mechanisms of Support
Participants highlighted various supportive systems that have contributed to their
pathways of resilience. Participants discussed how they accessed and accumulated various forms
of capital (i.e. aspirational, resistant, linguistic, navigational, social, and familial) at an early age
through their interactions with family members (nuclear and extended), by resisting against
oppressive academic and social systems, by navigating through institutions not created with
students of color in mind, by dreaming beyond their present circumstances, and by attaining
skills through code switching and serving as linguistic brokers for their families. Participants
activated their community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) at various points in their resilience
journey while negotiating hostile climates in academic settings. As participants persevere despite
their obstacles, family and kinship networks, as well as college and community social networks
were mechanisms of support employed to navigate the transition to postsecondary education and
resist dominant paradigms of resilience.

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Recommendations for Research
This study introduced a new approach to addressing resilience and bullying by presenting
the diverse pathways of resilience among Latinx college students with past experiences of
bullying. My purpose in using CRT and LatCrit as theoretical frameworks for this study was to
promote the need for critical race research and social justice-based approach in resilience and
bullying literature to highlight diverse narratives of communities of color through co-produced
knowledge (i.e. testimonios). Furthermore, to increase the co-production of knowledge with
underrepresented communities and avoid misinterpretation and unjust underrepresentation in
study samples, the inclusion of researchers from underrepresented, marginalized backgrounds in
resilience research and practice is crucial (Hart et al., 2016). Co-production frameworks may
ultimately lead to desired-based research instead of damaged-centered inquiry (Tuck, 2019).
The findings in this study provided a deeper understanding of systemic and social
oppression in U.S. society through illumination of the interplay of students’ social identities (i.e.
race, ethnicity, gender, class, immigration status, disability). This study challenged dominant
narratives of Latinx students in education, resilience, and bullying research that perpetuate a
deficit perspective regarding resilience among Latinx college students with past experiences of
bullying victimization. This research provided a venue for narratives on Latinx college students
that reflected struggle and survival, vulnerability and resilience. No studies have presented the
relationship between Latinx college students’ childhood and/or adolescence bullying experiences
and resiliency while navigating the college transition. Conversely, these constructs are often
studied independently in educational research or theorized separately in bullying, resilience, and
higher education literature; thus, it is vital that these constructs are theorized in relationship with
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one another. In essence, future research is needed to highlight the resiliency processes of
communities of color, especially among Latinx communities.
Participants' experiences in this study validated the use of CRT and LatCrit as theoretical
frameworks for educational research. CRT and LatCrit theoretical frameworks in educational
research urge current racist systems to change by focusing on system-level approaches. Critical
race methodologies provide researchers with the necessary tools “to conduct critical race
research, guided by an explicit anti-racist, anti-hierarchical, racial, and social justice agenda”
(Perez Huber, 2008, p.166). It is here where transformation and liberation occur. Future studies
can pursue this line of research to further liberate the voices of Latinx college students with past
experiences of bullying. Additionally, although this study was composed of a limited sample
size, it is essential that larger sample sizes are represented in qualitative studies that highlight the
resiliency of Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying in order to not reproduce
deficit models and instead, advance desire-based research and practice.
Implications for Practice
The findings presented in this study propose implications for practice for the field of
education, specifically in K-12 and higher education settings. As the bullying epidemic continues
to spread across educational settings, it is imperative to implement prevention and early
intervention programs in K-12 settings, which include culturally-appropriate anti-bullying
programs and mental health programs. As previously discussed in chapter two, gender bias,
social class and privilege, mental and physical disability, physical appearance, and religion are
frequently at the center of bullying at schools. For this reason, schools should aim at improving
knowledge and competence in these areas to help students function more effectively
academically and in their interpersonal relationships with peers and adults. Anti-bullying
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programs that promote cultural competence should be viewed as part of the developmental
process for students and educators. This process includes for educators to self-reflect and
evaluate their own personal experiences, unconscious and conscious biases, beliefs, and attitudes
and ultimately develop awareness and sensitivity to the life experiences of others (Mullin, 2014).
Furthermore, interventions in school-based settings should target the social-ecology of the
student by incorporating the multiple systems at play. Ayers et al., (2012) highlight the
interactions between students, peers, and family within the school context as key elements to
foster positive social behavior. Research shows that bullying and peer victimization are best
addressed when it is tackled through holistic approaches (Ayers et al., 2012).
Moreover, through social justice lenses, trauma-informed practices are urged in K-12
settings. As evidenced by participants’ testimonios, bullying victimization can manifest as early
as kindergarten or as late as senior year of high school. Some participants discussed limited
efforts from teachers and counselors to stop bullying behavior in the classroom or on school
grounds; and for one participant, bullying from teachers marked the beginning of his trauma
history. For this reason, all school staff, including teachers, administrators, counselors, and non-
teaching staff, must consistently be trained in trauma-informed practices, especially when
working with communities of color. This study also aimed to provide insight for the
development and implementation of national and local educational policy as it pertains to
bullying and marginalized communities. At a district level, implementation of anti-bullying
policies that promote a safe school environment may create a caring environment among
students, parents, educators, and administrators (Vincent et al., 2004).
In addition, this study highlighted the long-term adverse consequences of childhood and
adolescent bullying. Some of these long-term consequences were present in higher education
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 167
settings. Additional implications for practice include promoting a comprehensive, multifaceted
preventive approach to addressing college students’ well-being and mental health. Students’
well-being should not only be addressed within the counseling center parameters. Postsecondary
institutions should train students, faculty, and staff members to identify, understand, and respond
to signs of mental illness. Moreover, mentorship programs may be key in promoting students’
well-being and increasing school connectedness, as noted by some participants. Ultimately, the
entire campus community should be instrumental in fostering students’ well-being. More
importantly, educational settings must engage in systemic change that encompasses liberatory
practices that include fostering restorative experiences of finding safety and being
acknowledged. One simply cannot wait for action after the emotional and physical damage has
permeated throughout educational spaces. Although Las Siete Voces Resilientes are resisting
systemic oppression and transforming systems on their own, it is the responsibility of these
educational structures to implement transformational change, especially when working with
students of color.
Consejos from Las Siete Voces Resilientes
As a way to conclude this chapter, I present the consejos [advice] (Solorzano & Delgado
Bernal, 2001) that participants shared for Latinx students who are victims of bullying and for
educators in K-12 and postsecondary settings working with Latinx students with current or past
experiences of bullying victimization. These consejos are provided to uplift other students with
similar experiences and to advise educators that more must be done to stop the bullying
epidemic.
MJ
For educators in K-12:
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 168
Schools tend to only respond when the bullying is severe and you have to seek help
yourself, and sometimes even if you do, they still won’t do anything. My mom went to
the school, spoke to the principal and the counselor, and supposedly said they were going
to help me but they never reached out to me. They only paid attention to me when I said I
wanted to die and was feeling suicidal. They only care when it’s too late. Counselors
need to do better about helping students like me.
For educators in postsecondary education:
I think it would be nice if professors reached out or would have one-on-one meetings to
get to know students. Or even if they say, “Hey if you guys need any type of support, feel
free to reach out,” it would be helpful. I think if professors were more inviting, more
students would speak up about their problems. It’s harder to reach out to professors or
counselors for people like me who are super anxious.
Ana
For victims of bullying:
Reach out to people. You’re not alone. I know it feels like nobody truly understands what
you’re going through but it’s important to talk to someone you trust. Express how you
really feel so they know how to help you. It may seem like nobody gets you but trust me I
get you. There is a way out of this.
For educators in K-12:
Sometimes reporting to the principal or to other administrators didn’t really matter
because they didn’t really do much. I reported the bullying so many times and nothing
happened. I always thought to myself, “Oh, maybe if I tell someone else it will get
better.” But it didn’t. It made me not trust the adults “in charge.” I didn’t think they care.
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 169
They need to start caring sooner rather than later and not wait until someone commits
suicide.
Patty
For victims of bullying:
Everything is going to be okay. You need to tell someone you trust because hiding your
feelings won’t be helpful. Hiding what’s going on is not going to help you, it’s only
going to get worse. Sometimes it feels like nobody understands and killing yourself is the
only way out but it’s not. There’s help. There are people who actually care about you.
There are people who want you to get better.
For educators in K-12:
The way they had us reporting bullying incidents was trash honestly. They would make
us write a report then wait until they responded. Sometimes they wouldn’t even respond.
The only reason they listened to me was because my dad went to the office and advocated
for me. The schools need to do a better job about how students report bullying.
Alan
For educators in K-12:
I wish my middle school had a mentorship program or some type of anti-bullying
program. There wasn’t really anyone I could speak to about my problems. Maybe if there
was a safe space to talk about these issues with other students who have gone through
similar things, it would’ve been easier to speak up.
Jose
For educators in K-12:
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 170
I don’t know what type of training teachers get about bullying and stuff but I wish they
were trained on how to treat students and how to help students when they see something
fishy in the classroom. Teachers need to know how bad it can mess people up when
they’re the bullies. They need to learn how to care for all students, not just their favorite
students.
For educators in postsecondary education:
I wish some of my professors would reach out to me and ask how I’m doing. And I’m not
talking about like in general when they ask the class but individually. Like asking me
why I don’t like group projects and stuff. I don’t know. I know that in college you’re
supposed to seek help, they don’t come to you but it's hard for me to seek help so I
wonder if somebody will ever reach out to me.
Ruby
For victims of bullying:
No matter how bad things get, know that you’re worth it. Some kids are just haters. They
say that people bully others because something bad is going on with their lives so it’s not
you, it’s them. You’re strong and can get through this. You just need one person to listen
to you who will understand your pain.
Derek
For victims of bullying:
You’re going to be okay. Things will get better as you get older. Try to speak to
counselors or family, just anyone who will listen to you. I told my mom about what was
going on and she moved me to a different school. Maybe moving to a different school
can be helpful so you don’t have to see [the bullies] again.
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 171
Conclusion
My intentions throughout this body of work were to honor and uplift participants’ stories,
individually and collectively, present their pathways of resilience as a form of liberation and
resistance, and urge researchers and practitioners to confront and resolve issues of oppression
that directly affect Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying. I hope my purpose
in unifying CRT and LatCrit theoretical frameworks with resilience and bullying epistemologies
was evident; Latinx student voices deserve to be amplified and theorized through their individual
critical lenses. Through this manner, academic research and practice can then emancipate from
Eurocentric epistemologies that have perpetuated dominant ideologies rooted in white superiority
(Huber, 2008; Delgado Bernal & Villalpando, 2002) and move forward with creating healing
spaces that will eventually generate an army of resilient Latinx students. At the conclusion of this
dissertation, I share with you the consejos [advice] that my mother, Luisa- who is the most
resilient woman I know- shared with me throughout my life:
A pesar de que uno viene de nada, de familia humilde, tu sigue echándole ganas. No
dejes que nadie te humille ni que te diga que no vales nada. Mija, porque tu vales mas
que oro. Yo no tengo dinero ni riquezas para heredarte, pero te doy las herencias más
grandes de la vida, tu fe y tu educación. Sigue rompiendo barreras, sigue demostrando al
mundo que tu eres chingona. Puro pa’delante mija, que la lucha continúa. [Although we
come from nothing, from a humble family, continue to persevere. Do not let anyone
humiliate you or tell you that you are worthless. Because, my daughter, you are worth
more than gold. I do not have money or wealth to inherit you but I give you the greatest
inheritances of life, your faith and your education. Keep breaking barriers, keep showing
the world that you are a badass. Keep going my daughter, because the fight continues.]
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 172
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RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 201
Appendix A

Informed Consent

Pa’delante, La Lucha Continúa: Resiliency among Latinx College Students with Past
Experiences of Bullying

Introduction

Thank you for meeting with me. My name is Yanira Hernandez and I am a social worker and a
doctoral candidate at USC Rossier School of Education. I appreciate your time and the chance to
learn from you. I am the principal investigator of this study.
The information in this form is provided to help you decide whether or not to take part in this
study. If you decide to take part in the study, you will be asked to sign this consent form. A copy
of this form will be given to you.
Purpose of the Research Study
The purpose of this study is to explore how Latinx college students with past experiences of
bullying describe their resiliency and navigate their transition to college. These experiences are
explored as they intersect with race, class, gender, and immigration status to understand the
limitless range of identities of Latinx college students that may contribute to their resiliency. By
analyzing these intersections within the Latinx community, this study will challenge traditional
definitions of resilience and validate the experiences of Latinx college students with past
experiences of bullying.
You are being invited to participate in this interview because you have identified as a Latinx
college student with past experiences of bullying, who is attending college (community college
or four-year institution) as part-time or full-time, and is receiving mental health services at a
community mental health clinic.
Through this interview, I aim to learn about your past experiences of bullying and how you are
resilient. I would like to also learn about your transition to college.

My goal is for educators of all grades, including K-12 and higher education, learn about the
impact of bullying and learn the diverse ways Latinx college students can be resilient.
Understanding the different manifestations of resilience among Latinx students who have been
previously victimized through bullying and the ways in which they navigate through college can
help researchers, practitioners, and policymakers initiate programs and policies that increase
Latinx students’ well-being and participation in college communities.

During the Study
Depending on your availability, you will participate in a face-to-face interview. You will
determine the interview date, time, and location that best works for you. You will be asked a
series of questions related to your past bullying experiences and current college experiences.
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 202
Questions will be asked regarding issues of race, socio-economic status, gender, and immigration
status. After your interview has been transcribed, you will have an opportunity to review it in
person during a follow-up interview. The overall study will last about three months. The study
will conclude once interviews have been completed with 5-10 participants.
Timeframe for Interview
The initial and follow-up interview will take between 60-90 minutes.
Risk of Participation
The interview will have no risk. Although I have tried to avoid risks, you may feel that some
questions I ask are stressful. If this occurs you are free to stop the interview at any time or skip
any questions that you wish not to answer without consequence. If you wish, you may also
process any thoughts elicited from the interview questions with your therapist at the community
mental health clinic.
Your participation in this study is voluntary. You may decide not to begin or to stop the study at
any time with no negative consequences. Your refusing to participate will have no effect on your
participation in the community mental health clinic. Also, any new information discovered about
the research will be provided to you. This information could have an effect on your willingness
to continue your participation.
Benefits of Participation
You will not receive any benefit from taking part in this study. However, it is possible that
reflection on your experiences of bullying as part of the interview may be therapeutic for you.
Potential societal benefits include:
1) researchers, practitioners, and policymakers who are interested in initiating programs and
policies that increase Latinx students’ well-being and participation in college communities;
2) researchers and educators interested in the development of culturally-appropriate anti-bullying
programs and trauma-informed practices in K-12 settings; and
3) Latinx students who are or have experienced bullying may feel validated by learning about the
experiences of Latinx college students who previously experience bullying victimization.
Paid Participation
You will not be paid for your participation.
Audio Recordings During the Study
I would like to be present with you during the interview. I will make an audio recording during
the study so that I can be certain that your responses are recorded accurately only if you check
the box below:
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 203
I give my permission for audio recordings to be made of me during my
participation in this research study.
If at any time during the interview you wish to discontinue the use of the recorder, please feel
free to let me know.
Confidentiality
All information collected during this study will be kept confidential. I will be the only person
who will know that you participated in this study. While I hope to share lessons from this study, I
will keep your identity confidential anytime I share the results of this work. All data collected
from this study will be stored in a private, password-protected folder in my computer.
Audiotapes will be properly labeled and stored in a locked cabinet. It is possible that
representatives of the IRB and the University of Southern California may review your
information.
To protect your identity, I will ask that you select your own pseudonym, for purposes of
confidentiality. This pseudonym will be used in all taped, written notes, transcriptions, and
presentation versions of this research. This is a scholarly project and the material collected will
be eventually published.
Contact Information
If you have any questions or concerns, please feel free to email me at yanirahe@usc.edu or call
me at (323) 633-9804. You may also contact my faculty advisor, Dr. Briana Hinga, Ph.D. at
hinga@rossier.usc.edu. If you have questions concerning your rights as a research participant,
have general questions, concerns or complaints, you may contact the University of Southern
California IRB at IRB@usc.edu or call (323) 442-0114.
If you are interested in the results of the study, you may contact me via email or phone number
for more information in Spring 2020 once the study has concluded and the final report is
completed.
Signature
By signing this form, I affirm that I have read the information contained in the form, that the
study has been explained to me, that my questions have been answered, and that I agree to take
part in this study. I do not give up any of my legal rights by signing this form.
________________________________
Participant’s Name (print)

________________________________ ________________
Participant’s Signature Date
RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 204
Statement by Person Obtaining Consent
I certify that I have explained the research study to the person who has agreed to participate, and
that the person has been informed of the purpose, the procedures, the possible risks and potential
benefits associated with participation in this study. Any questions raised have been answered to
the participant’s satisfaction.
_______________________________
Principal Investigator’s Name (print)

_______________________________ _______________
Principal Investigator’s Signature Date

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 205
Appendix B

Interview Protocol
Name: Phone:
Pseudonym: Preferred Pronouns:
Date:
______________________________________________________________________________
1. Which college are you attending?
a. How long have you been in college?
b. What type of classes have you taken so far?
c. What type of classes do you enjoy the most? Least?

2. Walk me through your emotions in the past day/past week.
a. Is this typical?

3. How would you describe your well-being at school?
a. Please provide an example.

4. What does resilience mean to you?
5. In what ways are you resilient?
a. How does your racial/ethnic background influence your resiliency?
b. How does your gender influence your resiliency?
c. How does your socio-economic background influence your resiliency?
d. How does your immigration status influence your resiliency?
6. Who, if any, contributes to your resiliency? Why?
7. Describe any type of bullying behavior you have experienced in the past.
a. How did you feel during the bullying incidents?
b. What thoughts came at that moment?

8. How did your bullying experience(s) impact your school functioning (i.e. grades, attendance,
level of engagement)?
a. Please provide an example.
b. How did it make you feel?

9. How did your bullying experience impact your well-being?
a. Please provide an example.
10. What type of beliefs do you have about yourself since the bullying experience(s)?
a. Please provide an example.

RESILIENCY AMONG LATINX COLLEGE STUDENTS 206
11. What types of situations are you reminded about your bullying experience(s)?
a. Please provide an example.

12. If someone was going through a similar bullying experience like yours, what would you tell
him/her/them?

13. How did your previous school respond to incidents of bullying?
a. Provide an example.

14. What is your opinion on how your previous school managed incidents of bullying?

15. Were there any other experiences throughout your childhood or adolescence that might have
impacted your overall well-being?
a. If you feel comfortable sharing, please share.

16. Describe how you are navigating through college.

17. Have you experienced any obstacles or barriers in college?
a. If so, how are you dealing with these barriers?
b. What role(s) does your family play as you deal with these barriers?
c. In what ways are these barriers connected to your racial/ethnic background?
i. How do you deal with these barriers?
d. In what ways are these barriers connected to your gender?
i. How do you deal with these barriers?
e. In what ways are these barriers connected to your socio-economic background?
i. How do you deal with these barriers?
f. In what ways are these barriers connected to your immigration status?
i. How do you deal with these barriers?

18. Describe any individuals who have helped you or are helping you navigate college.
a. Describe any groups (peers, informal, formal) that are helping you navigate college.
b. Describe any community or college organizations that are helping you navigate
college.
c. Describe any programs (inside or outside the college/university) that are helping you
navigate college.
d. Describe any college/university department or resource centers that are helping you
navigate college.

19. In what ways do your past bullying experience(s) influence your current college experience?

20. In your opinion, how can your current college/university support students with past
experiences of bullying?

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Asset Metadata

Creator Hernandez, Yanira (author)

Core Title Pa’delante, la lucha continúa: resiliency among Latinx college students with past experiences of bullying

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 07/06/2020

Defense Date 05/15/2020

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag bullying,college transition,critical race theory,Latino critical race theory,Latinx college students,Mental Health,OAI-PMH Harvest,resilience

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hinga, Briana (committee chair), Blonshine, Rebekah (committee member), Mora-Flores, Eugenia (committee member)

Creator Email yanirahe@usc.edu,yanirausc@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-325016

Unique identifier UC11663452

Identifier etd-HernandezY-8635.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-325016 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-HernandezY-8635.pdf

Dmrecord 325016

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Hernandez, Yanira

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA