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Saving Old Pasadena: where locals took on City Hall and won

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Content i

Saving Old Pasadena:
Where Locals Took on City Hall and Won

by

Ingrid Chu Peña

A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF HERITAGE CONSERVATION

August 2019

Copyright 2019 Ingrid Chu Peña

ii
Acknowledgements
Trudi, thank you for your knowledge, guidance, coaching, patience,
encouragement, and kindness through my entire graduate journey. You are an inspiring
and refreshing mentor. I truly appreciate and enjoyed the time we have spent together.
I would like to express gratitude to my thesis committee members, Trudi
Sandmeier, Katie Horak, and Vinayak Bharne. Thank you for carving time out of your
schedules to review my drafts and provide thoughtful feedback to ensure my thesis is
the best it can be.
I am indebted to Pasadena Heritage, especially Sue Mossman, Patty Judy, and
Andrew Salimian, for giving me access to their newsletters, archives, oral history
interviews, and easement property details. They have been so helpful with my research,
I cannot express how grateful I am to them.
I would like to thank Linda Dishman, Claire Bogaard, Ann Scheid, Tony
Canzoneri, and Mayor Terry Tornek for their generosity in granting me one-on-one
interviews. The information they provided were the hidden gems that allowed me to tell
this amazing story.
I am so thankful for Abby Armato from the National Main Street Center who
pulled through for me and located a copy of the Main Street Award entry form for Old
Pasadena, when no one else could. That document holds invaluable information that
did not appear anywhere else.
Thank you to Anuja Navare at the Pasadena Museum of History for assisting me
on my hunt for historic photos of Pasadena. My gratitude also goes to the staff at the
Pasadena Central Library who provided prompt assistance whenever I needed it. Also,
thank you to Kevin Johnson at the City of Pasadena, Design and Historic Preservation
Division, for his swift responses and for providing the list of Mills Act properties in Old
Pasadena. Sincere thanks to David Klug at the City of Pasadena, Economic
Development Division, and Peter Waggonner at the Old Pasadena Management District
who looked into my requests and got back to me as promised.
iii

A very special thank you to my dear husband, Gus, and my sweet daughter,
Giada, who have been incredibly supportive and patient during this entire process. I
love you both with all of my heart and am eternally grateful to you. I would also like to
thank my brother, Baron, who gave me access to his office on Sundays where I could
escape and write for hours. Finally, thank you to my mom who has always been my
biggest cheerleader.
iv
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................... ii

List of Tables ................................................................................................................ vi

List of Figures ............................................................................................................. vii

Abstract ........................................................................................................................ ix

Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1

Chapter One: The Origins of Pasadena ...................................................................... 4
Spanish and Mexican Rule ....................................................................................... 4
The Indiana Colony .................................................................................................. 6
Incorporation and the Boom...................................................................................... 9
Education and the Arts ........................................................................................... 15
City Beautiful and Fame ......................................................................................... 17
The Depression ...................................................................................................... 21

Chapter Two: Modern Pasadena after 1940 and Urban Renewal ........................... 23
Rebuilding .............................................................................................................. 23
Economic Issues and Tensions .............................................................................. 27
Urban Renewal ....................................................................................................... 30
Issues and Controversy with Redevelopment ......................................................... 37

Chapter Three: Preservation in Pasadena ............................................................... 40
Early Efforts ............................................................................................................ 40
The Ground Swell Begins ....................................................................................... 41
Condemnation of Old Pasadena ............................................................................. 43
The Cultural Heritage Commission and Pasadena Heritage ................................... 45
The Pasadena Central Improvement Association and The Arroyo Group ............... 49
Pasadena Heritage Takes Action ........................................................................... 50

Chapter Four: Saving Old Pasadena – the Plan and Implementation .................... 52
The Proposal: A Revitalization Plan for Old Pasadena ........................................... 52
The Approval .......................................................................................................... 54
Implementation and Action ..................................................................................... 58
National Register Nomination ................................................................................. 63
Parking ................................................................................................................... 65

Chapter Five: The Result ........................................................................................... 71
Magnetism and Accolades ...................................................................................... 71
Easements and the Mills Act................................................................................... 74
Housing .................................................................................................................. 75
Management .......................................................................................................... 76
Economic Impact .................................................................................................... 76
v
Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 78

Bibliography ............................................................................................................... 83

Appendix A: Modern Pasadena Timeline ................................................................. 90

Appendix B: Pasadena Heritage Easement Properties in Old Pasadena Historic
District ........................................................................................................................ 92

Appendix C: Mills Act Properties in Old Pasadena Historic District ...................... 93

vi
List of Tables

Table 3.1: Key Milestones in 1976 and 1977 ............................................................... 44
Table 3.2: Key Milestones in 1978 ............................................................................... 46

vii
List of Figures
Figure i.1: Location of Pasadena within greater Los Angeles (Map) ............................... 1
Figure 1.1: Rancho San Pasqual (Map) ......................................................................... 5
Figure 1.2: Pasadena’s first school house ...................................................................... 7
Figure 1.3: School house at the corner of Fair Oaks Ave. and Colorado St. ................... 8
Figure 1.4: Early Pasadena with orange groves and orchards ....................................... 9
Figure 1.5: The Raymond Hotel ................................................................................... 11
Figure 1.6: Looking east along Colorado St. from Fair Oaks Ave. ................................ 12
Figure 1.7: Pasadena Board of Trade Publication ........................................................ 13
Figure 1.8: Tournament of Roses poster ...................................................................... 14
Figure 1.9: Throop Polytechnic Institute ....................................................................... 15
Figure 1.10: Pasadena Playhouse ............................................................................... 16
Figure 1.11: Pasadena Central Library......................................................................... 18
Figure 1.12: Pasadena City Hall................................................................................... 18
Figure 1.13: Civic Center and Old Pasadena (Map) ..................................................... 19
Figure 1.14: Tournament of Roses parade ................................................................... 20
Figure 1.15: Rose Bowl football game ......................................................................... 21
Figure 2.1: Old Pasadena and South Lake Ave. Shops (Map) ..................................... 24
Figure 2.2: Bullock’s Pasadena .................................................................................... 25
Figure 2.3: Colorado Blvd. between Fair Oaks Ave. and Raymond Ave. (Map)............ 26
Figure 2.4: Old Pasadena streetscape circa 1977 ........................................................ 27
Figure 2.5: Pasadena neighborhoods (Map) ................................................................ 29
Figure 2.6: Old Pasadena, Stuart Pharmaceuticals, and Sears (Map) ......................... 29
viii
Figure 2.7: Sears ......................................................................................................... 30
Figure 2.8: Old Pasadena, Parsons, and Bank of America (Map) ................................ 33
Figure 2.9: Ralph M. Parsons corporate building ......................................................... 34
Figure 2.10: Bank of America corporate office ............................................................. 34
Figure 2.11: Location of Plaza Pasadena (Map) .......................................................... 35
Figure 2.12: Plaza Pasadena ....................................................................................... 36
Figure 2.13: Pasadena Athletic Club ............................................................................ 38
Figure 3.1: Original Old Pasadena study area (Map) ................................................... 44
Figure 4.1: Urban Neighborhood Revitalization District (Map) ...................................... 56
Figure 4.2: Braley building pre-rehabilitation ................................................................ 60
Figure 4.3: Braley building post rehabilitation ............................................................... 61
Figure 4.4: Official boundaries of Old Pasadena Historic District ................................. 64
Figure 4.5: Dodsworth building pre-rehabilitation ......................................................... 68
Figure 4.6: Dodsworth building post rehabilitation ........................................................ 69
Figure 4.7: Building on SE corner of Colorado Blvd. and Fair Oaks Ave. pre-
rehabilitation ................................................................................................................ 70
Figure 4.8: Building on SE corner of Colorado Blvd. and Fair Oaks Ave. post
rehabilitation ................................................................................................................ 70
Figure 5.1: West side of Fair Oaks Ave. streetscape pre-rehabilitation ........................ 71
Figure 5.2: West side of Fair Oaks Ave. streetscape post rehabilitation ....................... 72
Figure 5.3: NW corner of Colorado Blvd. and Fair Oaks Ave. post rehabilitation .......... 72
Figure 5.4: Pasadena Heritage easement properties and Mills Act properties (Map) ... 75

ix
Abstract
In the 1960s and 1970s, the historic core of Pasadena was derelict and known to
many as the local Skid Row. Many buildings were abandoned, vacant, or occupied by
artists or transients. Old Pasadena was facing demolition for new development to help
with revitalizing the City’s economy. The City Board of Directors, the Chamber of
Commerce and the Pasadena Redevelopment Agency devised their redevelopment
plans behind closed doors and without community input or involvement.
1
Coming off the
heels of destruction caused by the City’s earlier urban renewal projects, especially the
Plaza Pasadena, this threat against Pasadena’s historic core gained public and
community attention, triggering a preservation movement and the establishment of the
Cultural Heritage Commission and Pasadena Heritage.
Without the combined efforts of various local activists – Pasadena Heritage, the
Junior League of Pasadena, the Pasadena Central Improvement Association, the
Arroyo Group and the Cultural Heritage Commission – the City of Pasadena might have
lost a major part of its history, cultural heritage, and some of its most distinctive
architecture.
As a result, Old Pasadena is now listed as an historic district on the National
Register of Historic Places and has transformed from a once blighted Main Street to a
thriving destination for shopping, dining, and entertainment.

1
City of Pasadena, Office of the Mayor and City Council, https://www.cityofpasadena.net/mayor/
(accessed June 8, 2019). The City Board of Directors are “responsible for setting policies, passing
ordinances, adopting the budget, appointing committee members, and hiring the City Manager, City
Attorney/City Prosecutor, and the City Clerk;” Ann Scheid Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History
(San Antonio, TX: Historical Publishing Network, a division of Lammert Publications, Inc., 1999), 73. In
1981, the City Board of Directors became the present-day City Council: “city-wide runoffs for council seats
were replaced with district-only elections, ensuring minority representation on the council.”
1

Introduction
Pasadena, California is known for its beauty and culture. (Figure i.1) Its history is
well documented and celebrated. Its location along the foothills provides incredible
views as well as access to a multitude of outdoor recreational activities. Tree-lined
streets and canopies adorn several of its neighborhoods. Pasadena has some of the
most distinctive architecture in Southern California and is considered by many to be the
west coast epicenter of the Arts and Crafts movement. It has a reputation for its heritage
in the arts and theater. Its original downtown, Old Pasadena, is a vibrant shopping and
entertainment destination serving the entire Southern California region. Pasadena is
renowned for its annual Tournament of Roses Parade and the New Year’s Day Rose
Bowl Football game. Considering all of this, why would a city with such a rich heritage
decide to erase the root of its beginnings, its historic downtown?

Figure i.1: Location of Pasadena within the greater Los Angeles
area. Courtesy of Google Maps.
2
Like most U.S. cities, Pasadena was not immune to economic crisis and urban
decay that plagued the country. Once the center of Pasadena’s thriving commercial
district, Old Pasadena fell into disrepair. Retailers and residents moved east,
contributing to Old Pasadena’s decline. To boost the City’s economy, the Pasadena City
Board of Directors approved a redevelopment plan unbeknownst to the community,
which included complete clearance of Pasadena’s original historic core. In the 1960s
and early 1970s, there was rampant development and destruction across the City. Old
Pasadena was next on the docket if action was not taken to save it. However, who was
going to do it, what needed to be done, and how could it be shielded from the City’s
redevelopment plans and power?
These government actions were not uncommon or universally well-received and
sparked a preservation movement at the highest level with the passing of the National
Historic Preservation Act in 1966. Triggered by the City’s redevelopment activity,
Pasadena had its own groundswell of local preservation activists who confronted City
Hall on several occasions, attempting to discourage the widespread clearance that was
happening, often unsuccessfully. Several historic structures were lost to the
development of the Parsons engineering firm’s corporate headquarters and the new
mall, Plaza Pasadena. The City was not concerned with saving old buildings nor did
they want to hear about it. Based on this, how did Old Pasadena escape this fate?
Today, Old Pasadena is a success story and a magnet for shopping, dining and
entertainment. While long-time Pasadena residents may recall Old Pasadena’s once
blighted condition and then its rehabilitation, it is not popularly known that Old Pasadena
was spared from the wrecking ball, except perhaps among civic minded activists,
historians, and preservationists. Instead, visitors leisurely enjoy the pedestrian-friendly,
architecturally distinct shopping district, unaware that it could have been demolished
and replaced with corporate buildings resembling Parsons.
The purpose of this research is to uncover the narrative behind the saving of Old
Pasadena and answer the following questions: Why was Old Pasadena threatened?
Who was responsible for Old Pasadena’s protection? Existing literature points to
Pasadena Heritage but was it just Pasadena Heritage alone who led this effort? Were
3
there others who helped? How was the City convinced to change their plans? What and
who was involved to make it happen? What made it a success? Other literature talks
about the importance of parking. Was it simply a matter of building parking structures?
There are bits and pieces of information strewn about that touch upon Old Pasadena,
but none of it lives in a single location, stitched together telling the complete story.
This thesis covers the period of early Pasadena through the mid-1980s, with
particular focus on Old Pasadena and its rehabilitation. It gives a brief history of Old
Pasadena and is not meant to be a definitive account of the City’s comprehensive past.
There are several other topics that relate tangentially – the Plaza Pasadena, Parsons,
the Urban Design Plan, the One Colorado project - that have their own behind-the-
scenes tales but will not be covered in this paper. The intent of this thesis is to tell the
story about the preservation of Old Pasadena – roughly bounded by Pasadena Ave.
and Arroyo Parkway, Del Mar Ave. and Corson St. – and all that went into its protection.
The thesis will provide an overview of Old Pasadena’s beginnings, its
significance, evolution, decline, preservation and ultimately, what led to its saving and
revitalization. It discusses the importance of both public and private involvement,
community engagement and action, integrating preservationists into City Hall,
leveraging economic incentives as well as thinking creatively to design strategies to
make rehabilitation and revitalization work. Taken altogether, saving Old Pasadena was
a major, multi-faceted endeavor that required several different players working in
parallel, together and separately. Its revitalization should not be taken for granted and
its clever financial methodology can serve as a resource for other cities who may be
facing similar situations.

4
Chapter One: The Origins of Pasadena
2

It was then the most picturesque spot of Southern California, with mountains,
valleys, springs and running silvery streams. You would observe in riding over
the [Santa Anita] rancho its having more than its pro rata of towering and
overspreading live oak trees, manzanita, laurel, and other forest in comparison
with other ranchos. – William Heath Davis, c. 1845.
3

Spanish and Mexican Rule
In most early settlements, the availability of water, food, and other resources
dictated whether a location was inhabitable. This was the case in Pasadena where the
accessibility to water made it a favorable place to settle for both humans and animals.
Gabrielino Indians were among the first documented inhabitants who lived in the
Pasadena area.
Pasadena’s food and water sources again made it an attractive location to settle
when the Spanish arrived in 1769 and began to establish their mission system. The
Spanish missionaries grew wheat, corn, barley and various fruits. They also
successfully raised cows, sheep and hogs. This demonstrated the land’s ability to adapt
to grazing and agriculture.
The mission period continued until the land transferred from Spanish to Mexican
rule in 1822. Under Mexican rule, the mission lands were divided into ranches, where
qualified applicants could acquire land through land grants. At that time, land grants
were generously handed out by the Mexican government. One of the first ranches to
enter into private ownership was El Rincon de San Pasqual, which makes up part of
present-day Pasadena. (Figure 1.1) A colonel serving in the military under Governor
Manuel Micheltorena, Manuel Garfias, obtained Rancho San Pasqual through a land
grant from the governor. Garfias, however, lived beyond his means and resorted to
borrowing money. By year’s end, Garfias incurred so much debt through compounded

2
Unless otherwise noted, the source information for this chapter is derived from the following: Henry
Markham Page, Pasadena: Its Early Years (Los Angeles, CA: Lorrin L. Morrison, Printing and Publishing,
1964); Cedar Imboden Phillips and the Pasadena Museum of History, Images of America: Early
Pasadena (Charleston, SC, Chicago, IL, Portsmouth, NH, San Francisco, CA: Arcadia Publishing, 2008)
and Ann Scheid Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History (San Antonio, TX: Historical Publishing
Network, a division of Lammert Publications, Inc., 1999).
3
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 7.
5
interest that he decided to hand over his ranch property to an American lender to pay off
his loan.

Figure 1.1: Map of Rancho San Pasqual with Indiana Colony (original colony that settled in
Pasadena) located in the bottom right, 1877. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena Museum of
History; image 2-6-2a.

6
The Indiana Colony
Dr. John Griffin and Benjamin “Don Benito” Wilson purchased the San Pasqual
land grant from Colonel Garfias, placing the land into private American hands.
4
Their
ownership and involvement in the property was significant as they led the first attempt to
irrigate the area through digging ditches. These ditches were an important asset in the
sale of part of the San Pasqual ranch to early Pasadena settlers; “the existence of the
ditches reassured the settlers that irrigation of this arid land was possible.”
5

With the end of the Mexican-American War in 1848 and the U.S. gaining control
of Alta California, more and more Americans from the East and Midwest migrated to
Southern California, gradually acquiring the Mexican lands. The early settlers leveraged
the agricultural footprint introduced by the Spanish missionaries and further developed
the land, planting extensive orchards and vineyards.
In 1873, a group of friends from Indiana decided to make the journey to
Pasadena, following a particularly harsh winter. They called themselves the California
Colony of Indiana. The Indiana Colony bought land in Pasadena and grew citrus trees
and other crops.
6
This group came up with the name Pasadena, a compilation of four
Chippewa Indian phrases that meant “of the valley.” The Indiana Colony is generally
considered the pioneering settlers of Pasadena. They too, settled in the area for the
water, land, and resources.
…about five hundred acres a wooded and watered canyon, suitable for cattle
grazing. The wood is plenty, the water delicious and cool, leaping out of the rocks
and the side in little cascades… it is right in line with all the best orange orchards
and vineyards here and just as good, with more water.
7

4
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 14. Dr. Griffin was an army surgeon who settled in
Los Angeles in 1854 where he started a medical practice, invested in banking, water enterprises and
large tracts of land. Wilson came to Los Angeles in 1841 and was named titleholder to the San Pasqual
Ranch likely due to a debt owed by Griffin.
5
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 15.
6
Page, Pasadena: Its Early Years, 26. The Indiana Colony was later renamed as the San Gabriel
Orange Grove Association.
7
Ibid., 21. Daniel Berry’s description of his visit to Rancho San Pasqual to Dr. Elliott. Daniel Berry and
Dr. Elliott were part of the Indiana Colony. Berry served as the chief land scout and Elliott became the
leader of the group.

7
The following year, the Indiana Colony realized they needed a school and
submitted an application to establish a new school district with the Los Angeles County
Board of Supervisors. The first school house was built in 1875 and then moved to a new
larger site at Colorado St. and Fair Oaks Ave. which would later play a significant role in
the growth of the downtown area (present site of the School House Parking Structure in
Old Pasadena).
8
(Figure 1.2) The moving of the school site along with the establishment
of a general store and post office shifted the center of the community from California
Blvd. and Orange Grove Blvd. to Colorado St. and Fair Oaks Ave. (Figure 1.3)

Figure 1.2: In 1879, the two-story school building was built to accommodate the growing
student population. During its first year, forty students attended and by 1884, there were
155 students in attendance. Image from Cedar Imboden Phillips and the Pasadena
Museum of History, Images of America: Early Pasadena, 13. Photo courtesy of the
Archives, Pasadena Museum of History.

8
Nathan Masters, “City Dig: Pasadena’s Colorado Bl. In 1880,” Los Angeles Times, October 2, 2013.
Colorado St. was changed to Colorado Blvd. in 1958.
8

Figure 1.3: Central School in the background at the southeast corner or Fair Oaks Ave. and Colorado St.,
1878. Image from Kirk Myers, When Old Town was Young: the Early Decades of Old Pasadena
(Published by Kirk Myers, 1994), 2. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena Museum of History.
In 1876, just three years after the Indiana Colony settlement, the villagers had
built one store, a blacksmith’s shop, a school, two churches, and a Chinese laundry.
The original settlement of approximately twenty families had also increased to 392
people. Pasadena’s popularity continued to grow as the word spread about Southern
California’s health-inducing climate; the belief was the climate could treat tuberculosis
and other respiratory illnesses. The San Gabriel Valley earned a reputation as the
“Great Orange Belt and Sanitarium.”
Within the first decade of settlement, Pasadena villagers enjoyed a relatively
crime-free environment, even without any police protection. What helped was the fact
that Pasadena was established as a dry community where banning the sale of alcohol
was included as a provision in property conveyances. This also meant that there were
9
no saloons in Pasadena. All of this changed when an owner of a billiard hall on
Colorado St. (later Blvd.) opened the first saloon to help boost his sales. The
development caused an uproar among the citizens of Pasadena leading to a
confrontation with the saloon-keeper where the former demanded the closing of the
saloon. The billiard/saloon continued to operate as the owner stated he was working
within his rights and following state law. This event remained a thorn in citizens’ sides
and played a part in the City’s eventual incorporation.
Incorporation and the Boom
By the 1880s, Pasadena transformed from a small agriculture community to a
full-fledged town. (Figure 1.4) With growth came growing pains including sewage
issues, street paving, streetlighting improvements, school expansion, and the need for
fire and police protection. These matters along with the liquor problem gave the citizens
ample ammunition to argue for more local community control, resulting in a petition for
incorporation. The petition passed, and Pasadena incorporated as a city in June 1886.

Figure 1.4: Orange groves and orchards. More buildings built at the corner of Fair
Oaks Ave. and Colorado St. An 1884 view, looking west from Marengo. Image
from Kirk Myers, When Old Town was Young: the Early Decades of Old Pasadena
(Published by Kirk Myers, 1994), 3. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena
Museum of History.
10
Around the time of the incorporation through early 1888, the City went through
frenzied development and speculation, entering a boom period of growth. From just a
few hundred villagers in 1880, the population jumped to 12,000-15,000 during the peak
of the real estate explosion, around 1888. During this time, school enrollment went from
803 to 1,354 and by 1900, the student population reached 3,000 pupils.
Three key events contributed to the boom in Pasadena as well as its role as a
major resort destination: the railroad, hotel construction, and the school site auction.
The completion of the railroad connecting Pasadena to Los Angeles was a major
milestone. Los Angeles was already being served by two transcontinental railroads so
the connection to Pasadena facilitated increased tourism to the area.
Another major development was the opening of the Raymond Hotel. (Figure 1.5)
It was the largest hotel in Southern California, built by Walter Raymond of the famed
Raymond and Whitcomb tours. The latter organized travel to Southern California from
Boston for several years and built the Raymond Hotel strictly for their Bostonian
clientele. Booster literature touting Pasadena as a paradise and Garden of Eden
circulated throughout the country which triggered flocks of tourists to the City.
9
This led
to the building of more hotels like the Carlton located on Colorado St. between Fair
Oaks Ave. and Raymond Ave. and the Hotel Green located on Raymond Ave.

9
Kirk Myers, “Promoting Pasadena as a Paradise,” West Pasadena Resident’s Association: The News,
Winter 2019.
11

Figure 1.5: The Raymond Hotel, 1886. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena Museum of History.
Finally, it was the school house auction in March 1886 that accelerated the boom
in Pasadena. The schoolhouse was on a five-acre lot in a premium location at the
center of town at Colorado St. and Fair Oaks Ave. Its sale resulted in a subdivision of
the land into thirty-five lots and promoted growth of a substantial business district.
Building and construction began immediately along Colorado St. By 1888, both sides of
Colorado St., east and west of Fair Oaks had two and three-story brick buildings of
“decorative design.”
10
(Figure 1.6) The architecture helped give downtown Pasadena a
“distinctly citified character.”
11

10
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 35.
11
Ibid.
12

Figure 1.6: Looking east along Colorado St. from Fair Oaks Ave. in 1887 illustrates how quickly building
construction occurred after the school house site auction took place. Image from Cedar Imboden Phillips
and the Pasadena Museum of History, Images of America: Early Pasadena, 24. Photo courtesy of the
Archives, Pasadena Museum of History.
Also at this time, the Pasadena Library was established by Abbot Kinney who
was actively involved in the Colony’s cultural endeavors. The library was seen as
another form of attraction and means of retention for the wealthy and desirable tourists.
During the boom, the library’s collection grew from 329 volumes in 1884 to 13,000 in
1898.
In the spring of 1888, Pasadena experienced a setback when the real estate
boom collapsed. Many of the City’s wealthy residents suffered tremendous losses and
the City saw a decline in population, dropping to under 10,000 in 1900. Despite this,
tourists continued to stream into Pasadena at the turn of the century, hoping to improve
their health as well as escape the cold winters back east. After spending a winter in
Pasadena, many of them returned the next year to plant permanent roots. The resort
hotels also enjoyed growth, “providing hundreds of rooms for visitors who wanted to
winter in the city.”
12
At the height of the winter season, Pasadena overflowed with

12
Phillips and the Pasadena Museum of History, Images of America: Early Pasadena, 7.

13
visitors and “people were seen wandering around the streets looking for a place to
stay.”
13

In 1888, following the collapse of the boom, the Pasadena Board of Trade was
created to attract new migrants to the area. The board served as a significant force
behind the City’s development and population growth. Its sole purpose was “…to
advertise Pasadena and to promote and encourage everything that will make our
beloved city more beautiful, more healthful morally and physically, and more and more
the home of the highest type of American and foreign citizenship.”
14
(Figure 1.7) The
board’s efforts proved to be effective. Helped by the Southern California migration
during that time, by 1907, Pasadena’s population again jumped to 30,000.

Figure 1.7: “One of the earliest Pasadena Board of
Trade publications.” Image from Kirk Meyers, West
Pasadena Residents’ Association: The News
(Pasadena, Winter 2019), 15. Photo courtesy of the
Archives, Pasadena Museum of History.

13
Page, Pasadena: Its Early Years, 85.
14
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 47. D.W. Coolidge, President of the Pasadena Board
of Trade.
14
As Pasadena continued to evolve and expand, the community desired more
social activities. As a result, the Valley Hunt Club was formed. It was a social
organization that took part in the sport of “riding to the hounds” to hunt coyote,
jackrabbit, wild cat or fox, etc. This particular group launched present-day Pasadena’s
biggest and most famous event, the Tournament of Roses, to celebrate New Year’s
Day.
15
The Tournament of Roses consisted of a parade with floral-covered buggies and
carriages and spotlighted Pasadena’s sought-after climate. The parade and associated
events were so successful and popular, they eventually became part of the City’s
annual tradition. This event was highlighted in the booster literature which served as a
marketing tool to promote tourism. (Figure 1.8)

Figure 1.8: Poster advertising the Tournament of Roses Parade. Image from Ann Scheid, Pasadena:
Crown of the Valley, 74. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena Museum of History.

15
Page, Pasadena: Its Early Years, 143. The Valley Hunt club came up with the Tournament of Roses
to make New Year’s Day more exciting. It initially began as a tournament of field sports to bring “people
together in a social way, and make them feel supremely happy.”
15
In March 1891, President Harrison came to visit and spent one night in
Pasadena. To many, this event signaled the City’s importance in the country and added
a great deal of prestige to Pasadena. “If the community was important enough for the
President of the United States to include in his busy itinerary, it certainly warranted the
serious consideration of other people.”
16

Education and the Arts
At the turn of the century, Pasadena’s scholarly life also experienced significant
developments. Local elementary schools flourished, and free kindergartens were
established. The popularity of Pasadena and its mild climate attracted several people of
national distinction, including Amos G. Throop. Throop came to Pasadena via Chicago
in 1886 and by 1891, he established Throop University, later to become the California
Institute of Technology (Caltech). (Figure 1.9)

Figure 1.9: Throop Polytechnic Institute, west hall. Image from Cedar Imboden Phillips and the Pasadena
Museum of History, Images of America: Early Pasadena, 33. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena
Museum of History.

16
Page, Pasadena: Its Early Years, 150-151.

16
The people of the San Gabriel Valley were described as “a special ‘aristocracy’
who work and raise fruit…comprised of Harvard graduates, judges, lawyers, generals,
and ex-senators…”
17
Not surprisingly, with such refined and wealthy patrons, culture
was a prominent aspect of Pasadena life. Pasadena became an important destination
for unique architecture, sculpture and painting, science, music, and literature. The
Pasadena Community Playhouse, established in 1917, was one of the nation’s first and
most noteworthy community theater groups. (Figure 1.10) The playhouse regularly
offered art shows and musical concerts. Pasadenans took pride in their culture and
appreciation of the arts, proving their city could compete with the east coast cities. One
of Pasadena’s residents, Charles F. Holder, wrote in 1908, “Pasadena was made up of
the cream of the culture, education and refinement of Eastern cities.”
18

1.10: Founded in 1917, the Pasadena Community Playhouse was one of the earliest community theaters
in the country. This photo is of the playhouse’s permanent building and current location on El Molino Ave.
Image from Cedar Imboden Phillips and the Pasadena Museum of History, Images of America: Early
Pasadena, 90. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena Museum of History.

17
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 18.
18
Ibid., 47.
17
Tourism continued to play an important role in Pasadena life during the second
decade of the century. As WWI prevented wealthy Easterners from visiting their favorite
European resorts, they turned to Pasadena as an alternative which contributed to the
steady flow of tourism into the City. Pasadena was seen as a winter resort that offered a
beautiful natural environment, elegant hotels and entertainment for the wealthy. As
news of Pasadena traveled across the country, the trend of more people choosing the
City as a permanent place to live continued to grow. To increase the desirability of
Pasadena as a place of residence, specific and deliberate action was taken to make the
community more attractive. Town improvements with an eye towards enticing tourists
were taken into consideration during any discussions of major projects. During this
decade, Pasadena’s population grew to 45,000.
City Beautiful and Fame
Many people describe the 1920s as the “golden age” of Pasadena. It is a decade
when several of the City’s architectural masterworks were designed and built. Coming
out of Chicago’s Columbian Exposition in 1893, the City Beautiful concept, the idea of
city planning and the Great White City of Beaux Arts buildings became top of mind
among Pasadenans. As part of their civic pride and consistent efforts to beautify public
and commercial sections of the City, this movement resonated and continued to grow. A
City Beautiful Association was formed in 1914 which was responsible for creating “a
highly planned civic district” around City Hall. It was believed that the proposed plan
would solve several problems: the need for a new City Hall, the antiquated library that
needed more space and the need for an auditorium to accommodate Pasadena’s
growing cultural life. By 1922, the City established a Planning Commission and initiated
the beginnings of the master city plan.
The library was an essential part of the City Beautiful movement and was the first
building completed, opening in 1927. (Figure 1.11) The completion of City Hall followed
that same year in December. (Figure 1.12) The auditorium was delayed due to a lack of
funds but eventually was completed in 1932. The design formed an axis with City Hall in
the center, the library to the north and the auditorium to the south. The plan also
included several other significant structures: the YMCA, YWCA, the Southern California
18
Gas Company, the Post Office and the police department. All of this activity stimulated
property values and new construction in the area.

Figure 1.11: The library was designed by Myron Hunt and H. C. Chambers. Image from
Cedar Imboden Phillips and the Pasadena Museum of History, Images of America: Early
Pasadena, 100. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena Museum of History.

Figure 1.12: Pasadena City Hall was also a result of the City Beautiful movement and part of
the larger effort to organize a civic center. Image from Ann Scheid, Images of America:
Downtown Pasadena’s Early Architecture, 125. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena
Museum of History.
19
The development of the Civic Center buildings, however, started to take the
focus away from downtown (Fair Oaks Ave. and Colorado St.), moving the growth and
expansion along Colorado St. eastward. (Figure 1.13) Recognizing this shift and
potential detriment, an attempt was made to revitalize the older downtown area as well
as accommodate increased traffic in 1929. The effort involved widening the western end
of Colorado St. which meant cutting off fourteen feet from the building fronts. This
allowed new, up-to-date facades to be installed and the opportunity for the streetscape
to be more aligned with the Civic Center’s California Mediterranean style.

Figure 1.13: Map of Civic Center area in relation to Old Pasadena. Courtesy of Google Maps.

As the fame of Pasadena spread, so did its annual Tournament of Roses parade
which had grown in both popularity and size. (Figure 1.14) By 1922, the event had
transformed from just a few carriages to “100 motor-driven floats, equestrians, marching
bands, and a Rose Queen.”
19
It also enjoyed its first radio broadcast in 1926. The
tournament of sporting events held at Tournament Park at Wilson St. and California
Blvd. also evolved from having multiple field sports to just featuring football, specifically
college football. The event was so successful that it drew more people than what the

19
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 67.
20
bleachers at Tournament Park could accommodate, a capacity of 25,000. This led to
the building of the Rose Bowl Stadium in the Arroyo. (Figure 1.15)

Figure 1.14: Photo of 1936 Tournament of Roses Parade. “That year’s parade set records, with crowds
estimated at 1.5 million.” Image from Cedar Imboden Phillips and the Pasadena Museum of History,
Images of America: Early Pasadena, 116-117. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena Museum of
History.
21

Figure 1.15: The halftime show from the 1931 Rose Bowl football game between Washington State and
Alabama. It shows filled the stadium is. Image from Cedar Imboden Phillips and the Pasadena Museum
of History, Images of America: Early Pasadena, 127. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena Museum
of History.

By the end of the 1920s, Pasadena emerged as “the quintessential American
suburb, a residential community dominated by the wealthy and middle classes.”
20

Coming out of a 1930s survey, Pasadena was deemed “American’s most desirable
city.”
21
This ranking was based on several different factors including infant death rate,
per capita expenditures for the libraries and museums and the number of vehicles,
radios and telephones per capita. By 1930, Pasadena’s population was at 76,000.
22

The Depression
However, despite its beauty, wealth and successes, Pasadena was not immune
to the Great Depression that plagued the entire country. With Pasadena’s main source
of revenue, tourism, significantly impacted, the great hotels could no longer be
sustained and were shut down as a result. The decrease in tourism also took a toll on

20
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 71.
21
Ibid., 73.
22
Ibid., 59.
22
local shops and services. All of this eliminated hundreds of jobs. Many of the mansions,
especially on Orange Grove’s Millionaires Row, were also abandoned or converted to
rooming houses. The effects of the Depression forced Pasadena to explore and pursue
new and different ways to sustain itself economically.
The 1932 Olympic Games held in Los Angeles provided a brief respite from the
unemployment crisis of the Depression. The Roosevelt Administration’s New Deal
programs also helped provide some relief with federally funded public works initiatives
like the Works Progress Administration (WPA), Public Works Administration (PWA) and
State Employment Relief Administration (SERA). The building of the Arroyo Seco
Parkway, utility upgrades, and renovations to the Rose Bowl and Brookside Park were
among some of those projects.
During this time, Pasadena’s older downtown district continued to change. The
trend of eastward development that started with the Civic Center started to increase in
intensity.

23
Chapter Two: Modern Pasadena after 1940 and Urban Renewal
23

Rebuilding
As the country continued to struggle to recover from the Depression, the United
States’ entrance into WWII in 1941 stimulated much needed economic activity.
Southern California became an area of increased involvement in the war effort,
including Pasadena with Caltech playing a leading role in this regard. One of the
Pasadena hotels, Vista del Arroyo, was also utilized by the U.S. Army as a military
hospital. Overall, Pasadena’s economy experienced some benefit in participating in the
war, with local scientific and manufacturing companies obtaining lucrative war-related
contracts.
After the Depression and WWII, the U.S. economy and social traditions changed
dramatically, shifting to “new, technology-oriented prosperity, based on mass
consumption.” Pasadena could no longer maintain its status as a resort for the wealthy.
In 1948, Orange Grove Blvd.’s “Millionaires’ Row” was rezoned for garden apartment
development. “Millionaires’ Row” was a way of life that was gone forever. With most of
its hotels and tourists gone, Pasadena focused on attracting business and industry to
bolster the economy. As part of this effort, the Chamber of Commerce sponsored a
Pasadena Standard, “an invitation of acceptable industries,” which was to attract
reputable non-polluting industries, preferably in the fields of scientific research and light
manufacturing.
24
The former citrus groves became neighborhoods filled with homes built
to accommodate returning soldiers and their families.
At the end of the war, Pasadena started to enjoy some prosperity. One of the
early signs was the construction of Bullock’s department store on South Lake Ave. in
1947. (Figure 2.1) To promote Pasadena as a regional retail shopping center and to

23
Unless otherwise noted, the source information for this chapter is derived from the following: Patrick
Conyers, Cedar Phillips and the Pasadena Museum of History, Images of America: Pasadena 1940-2008
(Charleston, SC, Chicago, IL, Portsmouth, NH, San Francisco, CA: Arcadia Publishing, 2009); Manuel
Pineda and E. Caswell Perry, Pasadena Area History (Pasadena, CA: Historical Publishing Company,
1972); Ann Scheid Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History (San Antonio, TX: Historical Publishing
Network, a division of Lammert Publications, Inc., 1999).
24
Pineda and Perry, Pasadena Area History, 60.

24
compete with Los Angeles, the Chamber of Commerce formed a committee called
Pasadena Preferred. This group devised a marketing campaign that advertised
“Pasadena’s specialty shops and high-quality merchandise.”
25
The campaign was
tremendously successful as it led to the development of the premier shopping district on
South Lake Ave. This, however, highlighted the eastward direction of growth and the
shifting of the more elegant shops away from the Fair Oaks-Raymond-Colorado area.

Figure 2.1: Map of Old Pasadena in relation to South Lake Ave. shops. Courtesy of Google Maps.

Bullock’s Pasadena introduced a whole new concept of retail in Southern
California – the auto-oriented suburban department store. (Figure 2.2) The department
store quickly attracted other stores to the area, which created an early version of the
suburban shopping mall idea. In this new world, lifestyles revolved around the
automobile, thus it was essential that new developments offer plentiful, free parking for
everyone. The South Lake Ave. thoroughfare became the principal shopping center of
Pasadena and the magnet that attracted shoppers from other communities. As a result,
the historic part of Pasadena lost its luster to the City’s new premier shopping area.

25
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 82-83.
25

Figure 2.2: Bullock’s Pasadena, circa 1960s. Note the ample street parking. Photo courtesy of the
Archives, Pasadena Museum of History; image B8-C25.
http://collection.pasadenadigitalhistory.com/cdm/singleitem/collection/p16237coll8/id/370/rec/2.
Between 1940 and 1951, Pasadena’s traditional shopping district deteriorated.
All along Colorado Blvd., once a thriving thoroughfare, retail sales were down, rents
were low, vacancies high, and the 1920s buildings were too small and shabby to attract
new retail prospects. Business owners were forced to shut their doors, creating “dead
stretches of street frontage” which made visiting that area even less appealing.
26

26
Bernard J. Frieden and Lynne B. Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc.: How America Rebuilds Cities
(Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1989), 88.
26
Hardest hit was the area west of Raymond Ave., along Colorado Blvd. and north on Fair
Oaks Ave. to Walnut St. (Figure 2.3) Little by little, businesses moved eastward.

Figure 2.3: Map of area west of Raymond Ave., along Colorado Blvd. and north on Fair Oaks Ave. to
Walnut St. Courtesy of Google Maps.
27

Figure 2.4: Old Pasadena, circa 1977, current location for Romantix and Umami Burger. North side of
Colorado Blvd. between Fair Oaks Ave. and Raymond Ave. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena
Museum of History. https://www.oldpasadena.org/about/history-of-old-pasadena/.

By 1959, the property values on Colorado Blvd. dropped by half from eight
dollars to ten dollars per square foot in the 1920s to less than four dollars.
27
Between
1966-1969, retail sales also declined by more than 10% alone. As a result, property and
sales tax collections diminished, taking a significant toll on the City’s revenue base. As
the principal business district moved east, businesses catering to a lower income
clientele occupied the historic buildings. The overall feeling was if city government did
not take any action, further decline would be unavoidable.
28

Economic Issues and Tensions
Despite the signs of prosperity described earlier, there were also underlying
economic issues that were changing Pasadena, such as the lack of an industrial base,
employment opportunities for the middle class and the development of poverty, and

27
Pasadena Redevelopment Agency, “Twentieth Anniversary Report” (1979), 2.
28
Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc.: How America Rebuilds Cities, 88.

28
deteriorating neighborhoods.
29
The post war population boost also brought with it
housing shortages, increased pollution and traffic congestion, all of which had an impact
on Pasadena.
By 1940, Pasadena’s population totaled nearly 83,000. By 1950, the City’s
population jumped to 104,777. At the same time, Los Angeles County nearly doubled in
size, from 2.79 million to 4.15 million.
30
With the great Southern California population
boom after WWII, many African Americans moved into the region, and by 1960, the
percentage of Pasadena’s African American population had tripled. Racial tensions in
Pasadena increased as a result, adding to the list of problems. To severely limit where
African Americans could live in Pasadena, restrictive covenants were placed on
property deeds. “By the early 1940s, sixty percent of the City was restricted, including
all the property surrounding African-American neighborhoods.”
31
In addition, Pasadena
enforced de facto segregation in the City’s schools until 1954, when the Supreme Court
ruled that segregated schools were unconstitutional. This forced Pasadena to change
their de facto segregated schools. Although the Pasadena Board of Education adopted
various policies to encourage integration, white families continued to find ways to keep
their children out of schools that skewed African American. Moreover, a significant
number of whites moved out of Pasadena concurrent with a larger pattern of “white
flight” throughout the 1960s and 1970s because of school integration.
The City’s ever-increasing population triggered new residential developments in
the 1950s. New housing went up on the outskirts of Pasadena, including Hastings
Ranch, Linda Vista, and San Rafael. (Figure 2.5) To cater to the new residential areas,
new retail and industrial centers also opened in east Pasadena and in the Hastings
Ranch area. This activity contributed to the decline of west Pasadena composed of
older commercial buildings and homes.

29
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 71. “Pasadena had escaped the industrialization and
commercialization so much part of the prosperous 1920s in the rest of the nation. Most local businesses
were geared to serve a growing number of residents and tourists who were escaping the climate and
industrialized cities of the East and Midwest.”
30
Ibid., 85.
31
Ibid., 89.
29

Figure 2.5: Pasadena neighborhoods. Courtesy of Google Maps.

Other businesses were attracted to the availability and affordability of land on the
east side. Sears was unable to find enough land at a reasonable price in the historic
downtown area. The company built a store at the far eastern end of Pasadena, on
Foothill Blvd. between Rosemead Blvd. and Michillinda Blvd. It took advantage of the
acreage, which allowed it to provide plentiful and free parking for the automobile
lifestyle. Other new industries were moving to Pasadena but again, on the east side, like
Stuart Pharmaceuticals and Avon Products. (Figures 2.6 and 2.7)

Figure 2.6: Map of Old Pasadena in relation to Stuart Pharmaceuticals and Sears. Courtesy of Google
Maps.
30

Figure 2.7: Sears in Hastings Ranch. Note the ample, free parking. Photo by author.

Urban Renewal
Stemming from the multitude of changes occurring within the City, the Chamber
of Commerce grew concerned over Pasadena’s future, leading to an economic survey
conducted by the Stanford Research Institute (referred to as the Oliver report, named
after Dr. Robert Oliver) in 1959. Titled, “An Economic Study of the City of Pasadena,
CA,” the report analyzed the influence of tourism on the development of Pasadena, the
traits of the residential community, the trends and characteristics of commercial and
industrial activity and the revenue requirements of the city government.
32

32
Pasadena Redevelopment Agency, “Twentieth Anniversary Report” (1979), 2.
31
It was the first time that Pasadena acquired real data on its economic situation
along with suggestions on how to deal with the issues. While the report identified
Pasadena’s assets and strengths – prevalence of high-income families, its central role
in the banking, finance, insurance, retail, health and legal fields, healthy employment in
the industrial establishments and the community’s educational and cultural benefits – it
highlighted several major deterrents to economic growth. Among the significant issues
identified in the report were the lack of available land in the City, the concentration of old
houses and commercial structures as well as the increased number of low-income
families in the heart of the City. In describing the former, the report indicated that “the
prime symptoms of business obsolescence in the older Colorado Blvd. business district
are low rental rates, high vacancy rates, declining property values, absentee ownership,
declining retail sales and less attractive stores with increasingly inferior merchandise.”
33

To deal with the deteriorating economy, the Oliver report recommended the
creation of a redevelopment agency to deal with large-scale planning and
redevelopment efforts. The City Board of Directors realized that Pasadena needed to
implement an urban redevelopment plan if the City was to “retain its viability and
continue to adequately serve its citizens.”
34
The Pasadena Redevelopment Agency
(PRA) was established in 1960 as a result. The PRA identified two objectives in
preparing for Pasadena’s future: conserving Pasadena’s position as a desirable
residential community; and increasing economic activity within the City to secure a solid
economic base for the future. The Oliver report had emphasized the need for
development in the downtown core.
A 1972 California policy change triggered new interest in redevelopment and
rebuilding.
35
The amendment allowed the local legislative body to form a redevelopment
agency and gave it the power to: acquire land (through eminent domain if needed); sell
land for private use; raze buildings; relocate businesses and individuals; and construct

33
Pasadena Redevelopment Agency, “Twentieth Anniversary Report” (1979), 2.
34
Ibid., 1.
35
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Redevelopment Agencies in California:
History, Benefits, Excesses, and Closure,
https://www.huduser.gov/portal/publications/Redevelopment_WhitePaper.pdf (accessed June 1, 2019), 1.

32
public improvements and public purpose facilities. Once the land was redeveloped, the
California Community Redevelopment Law allocated the tax increments produced by
the higher assessed property value to the redevelopment agency.
36
This became an
attractive incentive for business developers because by capturing the financial
increment generated by the higher value of the buildings, they would get back a
significant share of their investment (allowing them to reinvest in the project area) within
the first year.
37

Based on a 1966 study by Development Research Associates, office
headquarters vs. general office space was identified as one of the ways to reverse
physical decay of any city. It also revealed that improving Pasadena’s image and touting
the availability of large parcels of land through redevelopment would be a way to attract
large corporations to the City.
38
The building of a major freeway network gave a group
of citizens – consisting largely of developers and realtors, known as Pasadena Now –
and the City Board of Directors an idea to restore a viable downtown in Pasadena.
39

This led to an Economic Development Program in 1966 initiated by the Chamber of
Commerce that had six major goals: “advertise and promote industrial sites, retain
present industry, attract new industry, strengthen retail development, promote retail
sales and to promote conventions and tourism.”
40
Ultimately, it became known as the
“headquarters city program.”
41

Part of the redevelopment project area included Old Pasadena. Several of the
building owners in Old Pasadena still operated family-run (from the original settlers)
businesses and were vehemently opposed to government stepping in and dictating
what should be done with the area. The owners rallied together and “stormed City Hall,”

36
Pasadena Redevelopment Agency, “Downtown Redevelopment Project” (1975), 3.
37
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019; Mayor Terry Tornek, interview by
author, Pasadena, CA, March 26, 2019.
38
Carolyn Garner, “One Hundred Years of Strategic Decisions in Pasadena” (Pasadena History
Specialist for the Pasadena Public Library, June 1985), 3.
39
Pasadena Redevelopment Agency, “Twentieth Anniversary Report” (1979), 4; Claire Bogaard,
interview by Pasadena Heritage, January 23, 2015, Pasadena Heritage Oral History Interviews 35
th

Anniversary Video Introductions, Pasadena, CA.
40
Garner, “One Hundred Years of Strategic Decisions in Pasadena,” 4.
41
Ibid.

33
protesting the urban renewal plans.
42
The City eventually omitted Old Pasadena from
the plans. However, this came with consequences the owners did not anticipate. The
new development that was happening around them continued to pull visitors away from
Old Pasadena. For the next 10-15 years, Old Pasadena deteriorated even further.
43

However bleak the situation was in Old Pasadena, it helped to preserve the
architectural character of the district – “there was little interest in modernizing the
abandoned buildings.”
44

One of the earliest developments following the adoption of the redevelopment
project was the Hilton Hotel, which opened in 1971.
45
The PRA’s continued efforts to
entice corporate headquarters to Pasadena were celebrated when the Bankamericard
Center opened in 1974. An international engineering and construction company, the
Ralph M. Parsons Corporation, opened on Walnut St. that same year. Moreover, the
corporate headquarters for Avery International, manufacturers of adhesive labels,
opened on N. Orange Grove Blvd., west of Parsons in 1982. Every new redevelopment
provided ample free parking, which further reinforced the auto-oriented lifestyle.
(Figures 2.8, 2.9, and 2.10)

Figure 2.8: Map of Old Pasadena in relation to Parsons and
Bankamericard. Courtesy of Google Maps.

42
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019.
43
Ibid.
44
Kirk Myers, “When Old Town was Young: the Early Decades of Old Pasadena” (Published by K.
Myers, 1994), 21.
45
Pasadena Redevelopment Agency, “Downtown Redevelopment Project” (1975), 11.
34

Figure 2.9: Ralph M. Parsons Corporation. Photo by author.

Figure 2.10: Bank of America corporate office. Photo by author.
35
As part of the ongoing attempt to improve economic conditions in Pasadena, city
officials also had their eyes set on a new shopping center to reverse the loss of
business and tax dollars. Not only was the retail center intended to help stimulate the
economy, it was also to serve as a symbol demonstrating that Pasadena was making a
comeback. With deteriorating conditions facing Pasadena – decreasing population and
court-ordered school busing stirring racial fears – civic and business leaders were
concerned about white flight. They believed that a more attractive downtown would help
to placate the middle class, and a new shopping center could be a way to spark a
downtown revival. This effort could woo residents back to Colorado Blvd., “where fancy
shops and handsome civic buildings used to set a tone of distinction for the entire
community.”
46
As a result, a major retail project to improve Colorado Blvd. – the Plaza
Pasadena, a shopping mall – was approved and built. (Figure 2.11) Sue Mossman from
Pasadena Heritage described the new retail center as follows: “Plaza Pasadena took
traditional downtown environment with sidewalk activity and openings to the street and
created interiorly focused shopping mall which was typical redevelopment strategy of
the 1960s-70s.”
47
(Figure 2.12)

Figure 2.11: Location of Plaza Pasadena. Courtesy of Google Maps.

46
Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc., 89.
47
Sue Mossman, interview by Pasadena Heritage, January 23, 2015, Pasadena Heritage Oral History
Interviews 35
th
Anniversary Video Introductions, Pasadena, CA.
36

Figure 2.12: Artist’s sketch of the Plaza Pasadena, circa 1977. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena
Museum of History, Star News Collection. https://www.oldpasadena.org/about/history-of-old-pasadena/.

With the Economic Development Program and headquarters strategy well
underway, it became apparent that the Chamber of Commerce’s level of influence was
underpinned by its partnership with the Pasadena Redevelopment Agency. The PRA
had the power to acquire land through eminent domain as well as condemn properties.
This power, along with the ability to buy land and make improvements with
redevelopment funds, helped the Chamber’s programs become a reality. Without the
PRA, the headquarters strategy would not have been able to achieve the Chamber’s
ambitions. “The strength of the Chamber’s organization and its ability to forge political
coalitions with the PRA and the City Board of Directors were essential to the success of
the headquarters strategy.”
48

48
Garner, “One Hundred Years of Strategic Decisions in Pasadena,” 4.
37
Issues and Controversy with Redevelopment
While the new state law and the headquarters strategy effectively stimulated
redevelopment, it was not without significant trade-offs. The Foothill Freeway displaced
3,500 households, created traffic congestion, vandalism, and blight.
49
In 1974, the
razing of one of the City’s oldest churches, the Neighborhood Church, for the building of
the 710 Long Beach Freeway which today, is still not built, significantly upset the
community. The demolition of the Pasadena Athletic Club, one of the masterpieces of
the Marston, Van Pelt, and Maybury firm, for the building of Plaza Pasadena also fueled
the anger of the local residents. (Figure 2.13) Other redevelopment projects involved
“the razing of a core African-American neighborhood, the demolition of several historic
buildings in the African-American community and the Victorian Masonic Temple Building
for Parsons expansion” generated even more wrath from the community. In fact, for
many Pasadenans, the headquarters strategy reached a peak when the Ralph M.
Parsons Company relocated to Pasadena from Los Angeles, demonstrating the
aggressive efforts of the Chamber’s program, the condemnation powers of the PRA and
the approval of the City Board of Directors.
50

49
“Pasadena Success Story,” Los Angeles Times, June 29, 1975.
50
Garner, “One Hundred Years of Strategic Decisions in Pasadena,” 4.
38

Figure 2.13: Pasadena Athletic Club. Photo courtesy of the
Archives, Pasadena Museum of History.

The community’s uproar against the City’s redevelopment efforts demonstrated
how little the community was included. Essentially, the redevelopment and
headquarters strategy were largely controlled by the “Old Boys Network,” composed of
the Chamber of Commerce, the City Board of Directors, and the Board of Realtors, with
no involvement from the community.
51
Many decisions were made without public input
and behind closed doors.
In 1973, a Los Angeles Times article highlighted the intensity of the community’s
backlash against the City Board of Directors’ redevelopment actions.
52
It identified that
an “Inter-Neighborhood Association” was formed, comprised of homeowners’ groups

51
Claire Bogaard, interview by Pasadena Heritage, January 23, 2015, Pasadena Heritage Oral History
Interviews 35
th
Anniversary Video Introductions, Pasadena, CA.
52
James Quinn, “Homeowners Complain Businessmen Coddled,” Los Angeles Times, February 7,
1973.
39
throughout the City, specifically to represent the voice of residents and fight against City
Hall. The article specifically stated that City Hall was being too responsive to the
business community and the quality of residential life was deteriorating as a result.
Property owners urged the City Board of Directors to stop all downtown renewal (Old
Pasadena included) until environmental and economic impact reports were prepared
and presented at a public hearing. The Inter-Neighborhood Association also requested
that association representatives be included in the Cultural Heritage Committee and that
the City keep the association abreast of future vacancies.
53
Ultimately, the community’s
negative response to the redevelopment projects contributed to the dissolution of the
Pasadena Redevelopment Agency in 1981.

53
James Quinn, “Homeowners Complain Businessmen Coddled,” Los Angeles Times, February 7,
1973.
40
Chapter Three: Preservation in Pasadena
Early Efforts
Urban renewal was not unique to Pasadena; it was happening across the
country. In parallel, other efforts were occurring to slow down the rampant development
that was erasing the country’s heritage. The passing of the National Historic
Preservation Act of 1966 and shortly after, the California Environmental Quality Act
(CEQA) in 1970 acknowledged the critical importance of safeguarding our nation’s
heritage and environment, especially from development.
54
These acts, essentially, put
processes in place to ensure discretionary steps were taken before any development
project was approved.
With the National Preservation Act in place, State Historic Preservation Offices
(SHPO) were formed across the country, signaling that preservation was now an official
part of the governing system. In 1971, the City of Pasadena hired John F. Merritt to
work in preservation and planning. He initiated and organized the City’s first
architectural survey which was later used for the National Register nomination of Old
Pasadena. Merritt developed the survey forms and recruited the volunteers to
implement the surveys. He was a staunch advocate and activist in preservation and
fought to save the Masonic Temple and the Pasadena Athletic Club. Not surprisingly,
his efforts were not fully appreciated or embraced by the City and his contract was not
renewed. Merritt was then hired at the state level and worked for the California State
Office of Planning and Research and for the SHPO where he wrote the California State
Historic Preservation Element Guidelines. Merritt was also the founder of Californians

54
National Conference of State Historic Preservation Officers, National Historic Preservation Act of
1966, http://ncshpo.org/resources/national-historic-preservation-act-of-1966/ (accessed May 20, 2019).
“The National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 was passed primarily to acknowledge the importance of
protecting our nation’s heritage from rampant federal development. It was the triumph of more than a
century of struggle by a grassroots movement of committed preservationists.”; California Department of
Fish and Wildlife, A Summary of the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA),
https://www.wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/CEQA/Purpose (accessed May 20, 2019). “The California
Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) is California's broadest environmental law. CEQA helps to guide the
Department during issuance of permits and approval of projects. Courts have interpreted CEQA to afford
the fullest protection of the environment within the reasonable scope of the statutes. CEQA applies to all
discretionary projects proposed to be conducted or approved by a California public agency, including
private projects requiring discretionary government approval.”

41
for Preservation Action which is now the present day, California Preservation
Foundation.
55

The Ground Swell Begins
Although Merritt’s time with the City was brief, the preservation movement in
Pasadena was set in motion. The redevelopment actions of the City, the Chamber of
Commerce, and the PRA and their blatant disregard for public opinion, infuriated the
community. Plans for the Plaza Pasadena prompted several residents and local
business owners to come together to fight against the demolition of three blocks of
historic buildings that was to make way for the new mall. Many of them had moved to
Pasadena for its charming residential character and did not want to see this charm
eradicated.
56

The Pasadena we live in and enjoy is the gift of past generations, a singularly
fortunate creation born of careful choice and thoughtful building within a striking
environmental setting… Our cultural environment drew us here and binds us to
Pasadena’s future. This is a legacy to be cherished and protected. - Katie Harp
McLane, Pasadena Heritage Chairman
57

Rapid change was destroying the soul of Pasadena. The men who speak of
heart and soul are among those who fear Pasadena will be ruined by over
development. They and their constituents talk about “human values” and the “the
unique charm of Pasadena” and insist “there’s nothing like this anywhere else in
California.” - William Bogaard, Board of City Directors member
58

Among the group of activists was Claire Bogaard who played a pivotal role in
preservation in Pasadena. Bogaard moved to Pasadena with her husband and four
children in the early 1970s. She was a stay-at-home mom and at the suggestion of a
friend to meet new people, she joined the Junior League.
59
The Junior League of

55
“President’s Award, Lifetime Achievement: John F. Merritt,” California Preservation Foundation,
Thirty-second Annual California Preservation Design Awards, October 2, 2015.
https://californiapreservation.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/32pda-program-LO.RES-v2a.cropped.pdf
(accessed 5/11/2019); Ann Scheid, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
56
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
57
Harold N. Hubbard, “Pasadena Heritage Premiers with Historical Tour,” Pasadena Star News,
February 1, 1977.
58
Mary Barber, “Pasadena Nears Final Decision on Limits of Renewal,” Los Angeles Times, August 25,
1983.
59
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.

42
Pasadena “is a nonprofit organization of women whose mission is to promote
voluntarism, develop the potential of women, and improve communities through the
effective action and leadership of trained volunteers. Its purpose is exclusively
educational and charitable.”
60
As a member of the Junior League, one of the
requirements was to sign up for a committee. Given Bogaard’s interest in history and
architecture, it was only natural for her to sign up for the cultural heritage committee. It
was there where she met Katie Harp who, together with Bogaard, would eventually form
Pasadena Heritage.
61

Bogaard and Harp shared an interest in historic preservation. While in the Junior
League, they studied what other Junior Leagues around the country were doing in the
realm of historic preservation. Many of the other Junior Leagues were taking on older
buildings and neighborhoods in an effort to protect them which inspired Harp and
Bogaard to do the same. The two young women took architectural bus tours to educate
themselves about the history of Pasadena as well as to learn more about historic
preservation.
62

Unfortunately, the group of activists, Bogaard and Harp included, lost the Plaza
Pasadena battle. Plans to build the new mall were implemented at the cost of several
historic buildings, including Marston, Van Pelt and Maybury’s masterpiece, the
Pasadena Athletic Club. As painful as it was, the loss woke up the broader community.
“Sometimes you have to lose something big before you wake people up, and that was
Plaza Pasadena,” Bogaard stated.
63
Accepting their loss, the group of activists turned
their attention to saving Old Pasadena as they knew this was the City’s next target.
64

Demolition of Old Pasadena was slated in the City’s improvement plan, also known as
the “headquarters strategy.”
65

60
Junior League of Pasadena, Inc, About Us, http://www.jlpasadena.org/about-us/ (accessed April 27,
2019).
61
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
62
Ibid.
63
Ibid.
64
Ibid.
65
Old Pasadena, History of Old Pasadena, https://www.oldpasadena.org/about/history-of-old-
pasadena/ (accessed March 2, 2019).
43
Condemnation of Old Pasadena
The PRA outlined the existing conditions of the downtown Pasadena area at the
time when the Downtown Redevelopment Project was created in 1970. The report
classified the buildings into four different categories:
A. Sound – or in need of minor repairs only.
B. Deficient – Rehabilitation feasible.
C. Deficient – Rehabilitation questionable; rehabilitation between twenty-five and
fifty percent of replacement cost.
D. Substandard – Clearance warranted. Rehabilitation fifty percent or more of
replacement cost.
66

The PRA report described the existing buildings that were constructed in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as “inadequate to service the changing needs
of the community.”
67
It more specifically identified that in the Northwest area which is
part of Old Pasadena – boundaries of Fair Oaks Ave., Holly St., Delacey Ave., Union
St., and Pasadena Ave. – seventy-four percent of the structures were either
substandard or deficient with rehabilitation questionable. The area they deemed as the
“Old Town Area” – bounded by Delacey Ave., Holly St., Arroyo Parkway, and Union St.
was also classified as substandard. In short, the PRA put a target on Old Pasadena.
68

(Figure 3.1)

66
“Existing Conditions at the Creation of the Downtown Redevelopment Project in 1970,” Pasadena
Redevelopment Agency, 1979.
67
Ibid.
68
Ibid.
44

Figure 3.1: Map of the “Old Town Area” mentioned above. Map from Cultural Heritage Commission memo
to Board of Directors, January 1978.

Key Milestones in 1976 and 1977
69

1976 The City is ready to clear the site for the Plaza Pasadena
1976 Cultural Heritage Commission established
January 1976 Keyser Marston and Associates submit report on Old Pasadena
revitalization to the City
February 1977 Pasadena Heritage premiers
Summer 1977 Landmark District Ordinance passed
1977 Pasadena Athletic Club slated for demolition
Table 3.1

69
Refer to Appendix for full timeline of events.
45
The Cultural Heritage Commission and Pasadena Heritage
The Plaza Pasadena battle triggered the formation of the Cultural Heritage
Commission (CHC) in 1976, despite strong opposition from the City. At first, it was a
committee of two people, Bob Winter and Miv Schaaf. They wrote the cultural heritage
ordinance which was the first preservation ordinance for the City. Later, the official
commission was formed which had the power to delay demolition for 180 days as well
as review and agree on which buildings were historically significant.
70

The Cultural Heritage Commission’s role is to serve as an advisory (group) of the
City Council on the promotion, protection and use of Pasadena cultural
resources. It recommends the designation of landmarks and landmark districts
and prepares brochures and other material designed to promote public
awareness of Pasadena’s unique heritage.
71

Winter and Schaaf, also a writer for the Los Angeles Times, contacted a few of
the preservation activists involved with the fight against Plaza Pasadena, specifically
Claire Bogaard and Katie Harp, to alert them that even though the CHC was created, it
held very little power within the City. At that time, the City Board of Directors, City Hall
and the PRA held all of the power and were not open to discussions about saving
buildings, hence Merritt’s departure. Winter and Schaaf strongly encouraged Bogaard,
Harp, and others to form a private organization that could take more overt and impactful
action against City Hall than the commission could. Thus, Pasadena Heritage was
conceived.
72

During the summer of 1976, a group of Pasadena activists got together to
discuss forming an organization that could play an active role in “promoting the cause of
restoration, rehabilitation and conservation” of the Pasadena community.
73
The group
decided and agreed upon three major goals:

70
Ann Scheid, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019; Claire Bogaard, interview by author,
Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
71
City of Pasadena, Historic Preservation Commission,
https://www.cityofpasadena.net/commissions/historic-preservation-commission/ (accessed May 11,
2019).
72
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
73
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Spring 1977.

46
1. To establish programs that increase public awareness of our historical,
architectural and environmental heritage;
2. To develop programs of technical assistance for persons determined to retain
the City’s special character by preserving existing structures;
3. To demonstrate practical alternatives to the continuing loss of non-renewable
cultural resources.
74

Later that fall of 1976, the group sponsored an informal party to determine
whether creating the preservation foundation was a viable initiative. The party revealed
there was great interest and support in the idea. In December, Pasadena Heritage
formed their Board of Directors with Katie Harp as the Chair and began a membership
drive.
75
Pasadena Heritage premiered their newly formed organization with a historical
walking tour of the Prospect Blvd. neighborhood in February 1977.
76
The impressive
showing for the tour – 500 people – solidified the tremendous level of interest the
community had for neighborhood preservation. Two-hundred twenty-five individuals and
families signed up as members of Pasadena Heritage.
77

Pasadena Heritage functions with a volunteer staff. It has come about because
people who care about Pasadena are willing to give their time as office workers,
docents, project coordinators and advisers. - Katie Harp
78

Key Milestones in 1978
79

January 1978 The Arroyo Group submits “A Plan for Old Pasadena” to the City
January 1978 Urban Neighborhood Revitalization District approved by the City
March 1978 Board of City Directors unanimously approve the Arroyo Group’s plan
Spring 1978 California State Preservation Conference in Pasadena
August 1978 Bill Bogaard elected to the Board of City Directors
Table 3.2

74
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Spring 1977.
75
Ibid.
76
Harold N. Hubbard, “Pasadena Heritage Premiers with Historical Tour,” Pasadena Star News,
February 1, 1977.
77
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Spring 1977.
78
Hubbard, “Pasadena Heritage Premiers with Historical Tour,” Pasadena Star News, February 1,
1977.
79
Refer to Appendix for full timeline of events.
47
In the spring of 1978, the California State Preservation Conference was held in
Pasadena. This served as a valuable resource for Pasadena Heritage and sparked
discussions between the Pasadena Heritage Board of Directors and members to
determine specific objectives for the organization, based on the interests and expertise
of their members. The result of these meetings produced the following objectives for
Pasadena Heritage:
1. Help with the City of Pasadena’s architectural survey;
2. Acquire façade easements in both residential and commercial areas;
3. Provide a liaison with restoration needs in the community and skilled
craftsmen;
4. Publish a quarterly newsletter for members and concerned community
people;
5. Establish programs that will increase the community’s awareness of our
goals.
80

In addition, Pasadena Heritage was dedicated to monitoring meetings of the City
Board of Directors, Planning Commission, Design Committee, Pasadena
Redevelopment Agency, and the Cultural Heritage Commission to “encourage
responsible urban and residential planning.”
81

We are here to help. We plan to be an active organization dedicated to
maintaining the architectural integrity of Pasadena.
82

Pasadena Heritage set up their office in Old Pasadena, in a glass company
building (currently where the Apple store is located). During the first couple of years, all
they had was a desk downstairs that collected mail, but it at least gave them an address
in Old Pasadena. They later moved upstairs and stayed there for ten years. By placing
themselves in Old Pasadena, they got to know the business owners and saw that there
was a strong camaraderie that existed. They also could keep tabs on what was going
on, specifically the City’s redevelopment plans.
83

80
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Spring 1977.
81
Ibid.
82
Ibid.
83
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.

48
Pasadena Heritage’s initial efforts to bring interest back to Old Pasadena
involved walking tours. The intent was to get residents to come down to Old Pasadena
and see for themselves that it was not deserted or threatening, and that there were real
businesses and restaurants there.
84

In fact, Bogaard and friends started meeting regularly on Friday nights in Old
Pasadena at one of the “scuzzy bars” and always had a great time. People were highly
skeptical of the area, and many thought the preservationists were a “little bit crazy.”
85

During one of the tours, Bogaard met with a banker and discussed the
importance of the revitalization of Old Pasadena. She could tell from his facial
expressions that he was probably thinking, “this woman is nuts!” Years later, the banker
wrote to Bogaard to admit he was wrong in his opinions of Old Pasadena, and he now
saw what Claire saw and commended her on the success of the area.
86

A partnership formed between Pasadena Heritage and the CHC, but interactions
were kept discreet given the tenor of the environment at the City. No one wanted to be
identified as helping the “crazy” preservationists. The City was not open to sharing
information with the community thus requesting files or reports was not well-received or
accommodated. However, Pasadena Heritage had allies at the City beyond just the
CHC as copies of reports would anonymously appear at their doorstep.
87
During this
early period, the tireless efforts of the Junior League of Pasadena, Pasadena Heritage,
and the Cultural Heritage Commission helped keep interest in Old Pasadena alive.
88

It was also during this period of activity that the Tax Reform Act 1976 was
passed. Part of the act included a section, “Tax Incentives to Encourage the
Preservation of Historic Structures,” which encouraged rehabilitation rather than
destruction of historic buildings. It did this by allowing taxpayers to amortize any capital
expenses incurred from a certified rehabilitation of a certified historic structure (started

84
Ibid.
85
Ibid.
86
Ibid.
87
Ibid.
88
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Summer 1980.

49
after June 14, 1976 and completed before June 5, 1981) over a sixty-month period.
89

This could not have come at a better time given the situation facing Old Pasadena.
The Pasadena Central Improvement Association and The Arroyo Group
Separately, but in parallel, local business owners in Pasadena also became
concerned over the City’s approach to redevelopment based on the approval of Plaza
Pasadena. Thus, the Pasadena Central Improvement Association (PCIA) was formed
which consisted of local business owners. Bess Licher, a local printing company owner,
was responsible for the creation of PCIA. As a local business owner, she opposed
government interference with private citizens’ businesses. After witnessing the City’s
urban renewal efforts, she and a group of people who worked in Old Pasadena
(independent, entrepreneurial types) got together, all friends, and pushed hard to keep
government out of Old Pasadena.
90
In 1976, one of these efforts involved enlisting a
consultant team – Keyser Marston Associates, Livingston and Blayney, Wurster,
Bernardi, and Emmons, and Taylor and Gaines – to assess the potential (and
constraints) of rehabilitating and revitalizing (versus clearance of) West Colorado Blvd.
91

The team conducted an in-depth analysis of the area and provided a detailed summary
of their findings as well as recommendations for implementation.
92
The result was a
summary report concluding that the revitalization of West Colorado Blvd. was “a realistic
undertaking” and “upgrading the area can be accomplished with emphasis on
rehabilitation rather than clearance.”
93

The Keyser Marston Associates report was the springboard for Larry Morrison
and Jim Goodell, principals in an architectural firm called The Arroyo Group. They
purchased a building in Old Pasadena and opened their office. Both Morrison and
Goodell came from the east coast and were familiar with historic preservation, which
was still a fairly foreign concept in the west. With their appreciation of historic structures,

89
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Winter 1978.
90
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
91
Editorial, “Old Pasadena,” Pasadena Star News, March 31, 1978.
92
Keyser Marston Associates, “West Colorado Boulevard Revitalization, Summary Report,” January 23,
1976.
93
Ibid.

50
they were thrilled to be in Old Pasadena, viewing it as a historic preservation project.
94

After getting wind of the Keyser Marston et.al. report on the revitalization of West
Colorado Blvd., they continued the analysis of the West Colorado Blvd. area between
Pasadena Ave. and Arroyo Parkway Blvd. They embraced the vision and challenge to
rehabilitate Old Pasadena. Morrison and Goodell took the Keyser Marston report
several steps further. They applied for and won a $50,000 grant from the National
Endowment for the Arts to help fund the study and convinced the City to match the
grant with in-kind services and cash as well as obtaining in-kind services from the
U.S.C. School of Architecture.
95

In their study, Morrison and Goodell planned to analyze whether private and
public investment would be a viable option for rehabilitation in the Old Pasadena area.
The Arroyo Group suggested the City establish a loan subsidy program to finance the
rehabilitation, and that it should be available to all owners. They also recommended a
protective ordinance that would limit demolition as well as construction, “while
encouraging development that is sympathetic to the historic nature of the area.”
96

During their research, The Arroyo Group conducted presentations to the Planning
Commission, likely as a way to demonstrate the viability of the rehabilitation. Ultimately,
the goal of their report was the restoration of the historic, commercial district within Old
Pasadena. The report was completed and released in January 1978.
97

Pasadena Heritage Takes Action
As The Arroyo Group continued the quest to convince the City to rehabilitate Old
Pasadena, Pasadena Heritage strategized how to best help and productively participate
in the effort. Given Pasadena Heritage was in its infancy, there was still much to learn
within the realm of historic preservation. In the fall of 1977, Chairman Katie Harp
attended the National Trust for Historic Preservation Conference in Mobile, Alabama
where she learned about the vital components that dictate the success of any

94
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
95
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Summer 1977.
96
Ibid.
97
Ibid.
51
commercial revitalization area. Harp summarized her findings in the Pasadena Heritage
newsletters as follows:
1. A local organization of businessmen who want to see the area rehabilitated.
The Pasadena Central Improvement Association (PCIA) currently serves as
this entity;
2. Formation of a local development corporation which can facilitate low interest
loans over a twenty to thirty-year payment schedule. Local businessmen and
citizens in Pasadena have recently formed the Pasadena Development
Corporation for this purpose;
3. The area should be declared a revitalization area so that it is eligible for Small
Business Administration loans. The Planning Commission has recommended
to the Pasadena City Board of Directors that it name the West Colorado Blvd.
area a revitalization district;
4. There needs to be a thorough economic and architectural survey undertaken.
Studies completed by The Arroyo Group and the Cultural Heritage
Commission provide this information;
5. A director or liaison should be responsible for coordinating loans, business
interests and actual renovation plans. This position could be funded by a
combination of Chamber of Commerce and PCIA funds;
6. The overall design plan should be coordinated by knowledgeable staff;
7. The area should eventually be designated a historic district to protect its
character and to qualify for many federally funded loans. Buildings which do
not contribute to the total character can be noted prior to the area’s
designation so their removal would not be affected by the 1976 Tax Reform
provisions.
98

Based on the above, it was evident that active members of the community
already took several steps towards the revitalization of Old Pasadena. Another big step
towards progress was Pasadena Heritage’s fight with a Mexican restaurant on Colorado
Blvd. in Old Pasadena that was looking to tear down a historic structure next to its
restaurant to build parking. The City agreed with Pasadena Heritage and did not allow
the demolition. This was a major victory for Pasadena Heritage as it showed the non-
profit had become more influential with the City. After this incident, the City Board of
Directors approved a Landmark District Ordinance in 1977, which protected certified
structures from demolition within district boundaries by implementing penalties for
unauthorized work but allowed owners to take advantage of the 1976 Tax Reform Act.
99

98
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Fall 1977.
99
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019; Pasadena Heritage Newsletter,
Summer 1977; The Arroyo Group, “A Plan for Old Pasadena,” January 1978, 64-65.
52
Chapter Four: Saving Old Pasadena – the Plan and Implementation
The Proposal: A Revitalization Plan for Old Pasadena
The Arroyo Group’s January 1978 “A Plan for Old Pasadena” was a
comprehensive study that outlined a design plan and implementation program for
revitalizing Old Pasadena. It argued for the revitalization of Old Pasadena through
rehabilitation vs. large scale clearance, underscoring the special character of the area,
stating that “no other city in Southern California possesses a district of such high
architectural quality” and that it would be unique to the region.
100
The report also
described the potential of Old Pasadena’s revitalization, explaining that it would
complement the Plaza Pasadena and South Lake Ave. shopping district and be another
major shopping and eating destination for the 20,000 office workers in the immediate
area. The Arroyo Group pointed out that a revitalized Old Pasadena could also serve as
a magnet to the 1.5 million people in the greater Los Angeles area, giving them access
to a unique shopping district unlike anywhere else in the region. In short, the study
outlined a bullet-proof approach to saving Old Pasadena.
101

Old Pasadena is absolutely unique in its size, scale and architectural character. It
is unlike any other downtown in Southern California and has the potential to
become a regional attraction as well as being a vital, functioning part of the city’s
downtown. – Principal at the Arroyo Group, James Goodell
102

More specifically, the report presented an Urban Design Plan with an explicit
objective to preserve the distinct physical qualities, especially the front façades, of Old
Pasadena. To deliver on the unique experience, preserving the facades was essential
to the area’s success. Selective clearance and new development were acceptable if the
former went through a review process and if the latter was sympathetic to the
surrounding historic structures. Other criteria that were instrumental to the success of
the program included addressing the parking issue - the area lacked sufficient parking

100
The Arroyo Group, “A Plan for Old Pasadena,” January 1978, 3.
101
Ibid.
102
Bert Mann, “'Old Town' Renewal Wins Board Backing,” Los Angeles Times, January 19, 1978.

53
and would be a major barrier for visitors – and creating pedestrian walkways via streets
and alleyways.
103

However, devising a plan was not enough if the intent was to win over City Hall.
The Arroyo Group also laid out an implementation strategy, which outlined the steps of
what to do if the plan was adopted. To maximize on capabilities and resources, they
specifically highlighted the need for both local and public sectors’ participation and
commitment for the revitalization program to work. In light of recent and controversial
urban renewal activity led by the city government, “a close and coordinated relationship
between the City and Old Pasadena’s tenants and property owners was essential.”
104

Given that half of the parcels in Old Pasadena were owner occupied and more than
seventy percent were owned by Pasadena residents, it was critical to gain owners’
involvement and approval.
105

The implementation program also recommended identifying an Old Pasadena
Improvement District (O.P.I.D.) to facilitate the flow of public and private funds to
upgrade the area. The O.P.I.D. would “operate under the guidance of a steering
committee comprised of area owners and tenants as well as representation from the
City and other interested parties.”
106
This committee would:
• Assist area owners in processing loans with the Pasadena Development
Corporation;
• Help with public relations and marketing;
• Serve as a voice of the area’s interests when addressing public
agencies
107

The implementation strategy also suggested a Façade and Seismic Improvement
Incentive program which gave local owners the opportunity to qualify for public
assistance to improve building façades and take on seismic related improvements. This
was a way to initiate immediate action and produce highly visible results. Another
component of the strategy as well as to ensure the protection of the area was the

103
The Arroyo Group, “A Plan for Old Pasadena,” January 1978, 3, 9.
104
Ibid., 4.
105
Ibid., 20.
106
Ibid., 4.
107
Ibid.
54
designation of an Urban Conservation Area. This designation would closely monitor and
control any plans for demolition as well as apply specific design standards for
restoration and new construction. The report also mentioned that a Landmark District
designation could serve as an alternative option to protecting Old Pasadena. This
approach allowed investors who planned to rehabilitate buildings within the designated
area to take advantage of the 1976 Tax Reform act. It also discouraged demolition of
certified structures via tax penalties to owners.
108

The Arroyo Group also discussed the financial benefits of the revitalization of Old
Pasadena based on an earlier analysis conducted by Keyser Marston Associates.
Highlights included:
• New restaurant space covering 50,000 sq. ft.
• Office space of 150,000 sq. ft.
• Increase in work force from 700 persons to 1750
• Expected increase in retail sales by $13.5 million
• Private sector investment in rehabilitation and new construction of $8-$10
million
• Rent levels expected to increase from $.10-$.15 per sq. ft to $.50-$.60
109

To reap these potential rewards, the Arroyo Group stated that public investment
was also needed, estimated at $1.5 million over the next four years. Other
recommended City contributions included:
• Two years of initial funding of the O.P.I.D. and staff
• Funding for legal and design fees for an improvement assessment and
parking districts
• Funding for the Façade and Seismic Improvement Incentive program for
the first year
110

The Approval
The community’s combined and persistent efforts proved to be fruitful and
worthwhile. A Los Angeles Times article dated January 19, 1978, announced, “‘Old
Town’ Renewal Wins Board Backing: Pasadena Directors Praise Proposal.” The story

108
The Arroyo Group, “A Plan for Old Pasadena,” January 1978, 64.
109
Ibid., 5-6.
110
Ibid., 6.

55
stated the Old Pasadena rehabilitation plan prepared by The Arroyo Group was
“enthusiastically endorsed by the Board of City Directors.”
111
For the City to adopt the
plan, it meant an official commitment from the City to protect Old Pasadena, access to
resources, and a conduit to encourage and protect private investment in the area. The
community was well on their way towards saving Old Pasadena.
112

I think this is really exciting… The Arroyo Group’s report is outstanding. For a
long time, people have been saying why don’t we do something about West
Colorado Blvd.? Now we can do something. – City Director, Charles
McKenney
113

I think we are going to have more unanimity (on this project) than on any this city
has ever seen. – City Director, Moritmer Matthews.
114

Coming off the heels of the good news, the PCIA held a monthly membership
meeting on January 24, 1978 to familiarize members with other examples of
revitalization. The PCIA invited a businessman who invested in San Diego’s Gaslamp
District and the planner of the City of San Diego to discuss the successful revitalization
of San Diego’s oldest commercial district. The PCIA extended a special invitation to the
City Board of Directors, the Planning Commission, the Cultural Heritage Commission,
and Design Committee to this particular meeting. It was at this meeting that Claire
Bogaard joined as a new member of PCIA, an indication of the depth of her involvement
in Old Pasadena.
115

Also, at the January PCIA meeting, additional victories were announced. The
City approved the designation of the ten-block area (eight blocks on Colorado between
Pasadena Ave. and Arroyo Parkway and the two Old Town blocks between Union St.
and Holly Ave., Fair Oaks Blvd. and Arroyo Parkway) as an Urban Neighborhood
Revitalization District. (Figure 4.1) After receiving the approval of the Federal Small
Business Administration (SBA), the area would become eligible for direct SBA loans,
which had lower interest rates, an incentive for investors. The City Board of Directors

111
Bert Mann, “'Old Town' Renewal Wins Board Backing,” Los Angeles Times, January 19, 1978.
112
The Arroyo Group, “A Plan for Old Pasadena,” January 1978, 4.
113
Bert Mann, “'Old Town' Renewal Wins Board Backing,” Los Angeles Times, January 19, 1978.
114
Ibid.
115
Monthly News Bulletin of Pasadena Central Improvement Association, Pulse, January 24, 1978.

56
also renewed a moratorium on alterations and demolition to buildings on West Colorado
Blvd. to give time for control measures and restoration to take place while also
preserving the area.
116

The Neighborhood Revitalization District (NRD) is an area recognized where new
zoning regulations will encourage new, mixed-use residential and commercial
developments, along with dedicated funding for neighborhood improvements,
while promoting pedestrian friendly streets and preserving the area's unique
culture and character.
117

Figure 4.1: Urban Neighborhood Revitalization District, Old Pasadena. Map from Cultural
Heritage Commission memo to Board of Directors, January 1978.
Following the designation of the Neighborhood Revitalization District, the City
assigned $1 million for the revitalization of West Colorado Blvd. In addition, the recently
formed Pasadena Development Corporation approved the first low-interest

116
Monthly News Bulletin of Pasadena Central Improvement Association, Pulse, January 24, 1978.
117
ArcGIS Online, National Revitalization District,
https://www.arcgis.com/home/item.html?id=a1633fc296e942dbb95ec2f95e43549f (accessed May 5,
2019).

57
improvement loan for $500,000 and awaited the Small Business Association’s
approval.
118

After the positive reception of The Arroyo Group’s plans for Old Pasadena, the
City Board of Directors requested the city staff, the Planning Commission and the
Cultural Heritage Committee to devise a plan for implementing the program and to
share that plan by February 28, 1978. The City Board of Directors also asked for the
input of the PCIA, further evidence of the City’s acceptance of the community’s
involvement. In advance of their next monthly meeting, the PCIA circulated their
monthly bulletin reminding members of the upcoming staff report presentation on the
implementation of the revitalization plans for Old Pasadena. The bulletin encouraged
PCIA members to attend the meeting at City Hall, “to show City Directors we are
interested in upgrading West Colorado Blvd.”
119

In preparation for the February 28
th
meeting, the PCIA spoke with Lee Strong,
the Executive Secretary of Whittier’s Uptown Merchants’ Association and the past
president of the California Downtown Associations – a group that strongly advocated for
business assessment districts as the answer to revitalization of commercial districts.
120

An Assessment District is a financing method that allows cities, counties and
special districts to designate specific areas as Assessment Districts for
development or improvement. Assessment Districts require the approval of a
majority of the landowners. It allows these Districts to collect special monies to
finance the improvements constructed or acquired by the District. Assessment
Districts also help each property owner pay a fair share of the costs of the
improvements at affordable interest rates over a period of years and insures that
the cost will be spread across all properties that receive a direct benefit from the
improvements.
121

By the Spring of 1978, it was official; the City formally adopted a plan to revitalize
Old Pasadena and efforts of rehabilitation had already begun. This was a tremendous
victory for the community and cause for celebration. Pasadena Heritage along with the

118
Monthly News Bulletin of Pasadena Central Improvement Association, Pulse, February 21, 1978.
119
Ibid.
120
Ibid.
121
City of San Mateo website, What is an Assessment District,
https://www.cityofsanmateo.org/1765/What-is-an-Assessment-District (accessed April 30, 2019).

58
Cultural Heritage Commission, the Junior League of Pasadena, the Chamber of
Commerce and members of the PCIA hosted an event on West Colorado Blvd. to
celebrate “the rebirth of the City’s Historic Business District, ‘Old Pasadena’” on June
10, 1978.
122
Activities and entertainment included tours of historic structures and
alleyways, clowns and mimes, artisans, a Dixieland band, free root beer, and a raffle.
Restaurants and buildings were open, providing opportunities to visit some of the local
renowned artists in their studio lofts. The purpose of the event was three-fold: to
celebrate the major triumph of saving Old Pasadena and equally important, to re-
introduce the broader community “to the unique qualities of ‘Old Pasadena’ and awaken
interest in the commercial potential of the area and demonstrate support for the
revitalization effort.”
123

Implementation and Action
Making progress towards the rehabilitation of Old Pasadena, the City Board of
Directors approved the Interim Design Guidelines, public funding to help with façade
restorations and seismic reinforcements, as well as authorization to move forward with
plans for a parking district in 1979. The design guidelines were taken from The Arroyo
Group’s report and recommended “appropriate signage, color schemes and use of
awnings for existing buildings and set-backs, height limits and surface textures for new
construction.”
124
It served as an aid to both owners and the Design Committee which
was responsible for review of all rehabilitation and new construction proposals within the
ten-block district.
125
Also in the same year, the City established Old Pasadena as an
Urban Conservation Zone which also came from The Arroyo Group’s plan.
126
This
designation meant that demolition of buildings was prohibited pending an appeal
procedure and that building codes could be more flexibly interpreted on an individual
building basis to help minimize rehabilitation costs.
127

122
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Spring 1978.
123
Ibid.
124
Ibid.
125
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Winter 1979.
126
Sam Kaplan, “Pasadena Hopes to Make Progress by Looking Back,” Los Angeles Times, December
2, 1979.
127
The Arroyo Group, “A Plan for Old Pasadena,” January 1978, 63.
59
One of the first investors to see Old Pasadena’s potential was Tony Canzoneri, a
lawyer who worked with developers in both the private and public sectors. Through his
experience, he was exposed to the various incentives for redevelopment and
rehabilitation, including the California Redevelopment Act, the tax credits for historic
preservation, façade easements and the Marks Historical Rehabilitation Act of 1976.
Encouraged by his wife, they purchased several buildings in Old Pasadena in 1979.
128

The Marks Historical Rehabilitation Act of 1976: gives cities, counties, and
redevelopment agencies the authority to issue tax-exempt revenue bonds to
finance the rehabilitation of significant historic buildings.
129

Façade Easement: When a property owner grants the face of their building to
another person or organization for limited use. The provisions of this tool include
the owner’s commitment to notify the easement holder prior to any modifications
to the appearance of the structure and to maintain the façade and allow the
easement holder to periodically inspect it. The holder is also allowed to file a suit
to gain an injunction if the owner attempts to violate any provisions of the
easement. Lastly, the easement states that the provisions are binding not only on
the current owner, but on all future owners as well. The benefit to the property
owner who grants a façade easement may include a tax deduction if the
easement is granted to a non-profit organization and is perpetual.
130

With the passing of the Landmark District Ordinance and the National Park
Service’s approval of the local landmark district designation of Old Pasadena in 1981,
Canzoneri could take advantage of the tax credits gained by rehabilitating a historic
structure as well as qualify for a lower interest loan via the Marks Act.
131
He also
benefited from a tax deduction by granting a façade easement to Pasadena Heritage.
His first project was the building located at 35 S. Raymond Ave. (present day Church of
Scientology, formerly the Braley Building).
132
(Figure 4.2) The building was in extremely
poor condition but Canzoneri was able to give it new life. When the Braley building

128
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019.
129
California Parks and Recreation, State Incentives,
http://www.parks.ca.gov/pages/1074/files/state.pdf (accessed May 18, 2019).
130
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Spring 1977.
131
Linda Dishman, interview by author, March 4, 2019; Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena,
CA, May 7, 2019.
132
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019; Claire Bogaard, interview by
author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.

60
rehabilitation was complete, it provided a real example of what a revitalized Old
Pasadena could look like. (Figure 4.3) It generated excitement and attracted other
investors and developers to the area to do the same thing.
133

Back then, people had no vision. He (Canzoneri) took a risk and made an
investment. The Braley Building gave people a tangible vision of what could
happen in Old Pasadena, taking a beat-up old building and renovating it to
modern standards. He (Canzoneri) gave people a sense of the possibilities. –
Mayor Tornek
134

Figure 4.2: The Braley Building before rehabilitation. Photo courtesy of Pasadena Heritage
archives.

133
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
134
Mayor Terry Tornek, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 26, 2019.
61

Figure 4.3: The Braley Building after rehabilitation. Photo by author.

As a fellow property owner, Canzoneri became acquainted with the other owners
in the area and learned that several of them were holding out for high-rise zoning to get
more money for their property. They were not interested in rehabilitating their buildings
or becoming an Historic District. However, with preservationists on the move, it became
clear that the City was not going to allow high-rise buildings in the area. After his work
on the Braley Building and educating other Old Pasadena property owners of the
multiple economic advantages with rehabilitation, Canzoneri was making headway.
Slowly, owners sold their properties to developers while a few upgraded their own
buildings. Old Pasadena rehabilitation activity was on the rise.
135

Another significant developer entering the scene early on was John Wilson. Like
Canzoneri, Wilson could see the potential of a revitalized Old Pasadena and was a
great promoter of the vision.
136
However, he was not known to be especially
sympathetic towards preservation. While Wilson was responsible for initiating the

135
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019.
136
Mayor Terry Tornek, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 26, 2019.
62
building of the wildly successful United Artists theater in the mid-1980s at the corner of
Delacey Ave. and Colorado Blvd., he stripped the buildings on that block of all their
historic interiors and exterior ornament, compromising the historic integrity of that
area.
137

Wilson’s enthusiasm was so infectious that he began to attract other investors
and landed the first key lease signed by the United Artists. His vibrant personality
captured the interest of two entertainment behemoths, Gary Marshall and Ron Howard,
who agreed to be silent investors. With the intent to buy the entire block, Wilson used
their money to quickly purchase several of the Old Pasadena properties on Colorado
Blvd. between Delacey Ave. and Fair Oaks Ave. which later came to be known as One
Colorado. However, Wilson ran into financial problems which ultimately put the One
Colorado project on hold. The block remained boarded up for several years until
Marshall sold his properties to different developers, one being Doug Stitzel, who
stepped in to complete the One Colorado project.
138

During this early stage and despite the positive momentum, perceptions of Old
Pasadena remained depressed in the early 1980s. It was going to take more than
development to attract locals; it needed promotion and marketing efforts. Canzoneri
along with other business owners formed a non-profit called “Old Pasadena Music
Festival Association” to create events and positive energy to reach out to the community
and generate interest in the area.
139
The local book sellers formed an “Antiquarian
Bookdealers Association,” the Old Pasadena Board of Trade sponsored “Brown Bag
Concerts,” and a Design and Advertising class at Pasadena City College volunteered to
help further promote the area.
140

In addition to the business and community efforts, the City also participated in
helping to improve Old Pasadena’s image. Specifically, the City hired Linda Dishman,

137
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 97. Wilson’s destructive actions eventually led to the
block’s deletion from the Old Pasadena National Register Historic District.
138
Mayor Terry Tornek, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 26, 2019; Linda Dishman, interview
by author, March 4, 2019; Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
139
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019.
140
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, Summer 1980.

63
who came from the State Historic Preservation Office, as Assistant Planner. Dishman
also joined the staff of the Cultural Heritage Commission.
141
Dishman worked with the
garden clubs, fraternal groups, and neighborhood associations of Pasadena to educate
them about Old Pasadena in hopes of changing their impressions and getting them to
visit the historic district. Dishman built a slide show presentation and presented to the
various organizations about 40-50 times during her six-year tenure with the City.
Dishman was also instrumental in helping developers obtain permits and pushing
projects through. By developing relationships with other departments, e.g., the Building
Department, she was able to expedite processes for developers who were working on
preservation projects. Having the City be actively engaged and make the projects
happen was important as rehabilitation vs. new construction came with certain
challenges - the easier the facilitation, the more motivated and happier the developer.
142

National Register Nomination
At this stage, a ten-block area (eight blocks on Colorado between Pasadena Ave.
and Arroyo Parkway and the two blocks between Union St. and Holly Ave., Fair Oaks
Blvd. and Arroyo Parkway) of Old Pasadena had been designated as a Local Landmark
District, Urban Conservation Zone, and an Urban Neighborhood Revitalization District.
Upon attending a meeting in San Francisco with the National Park Service (NPS),
Dishman was informed that the earlier Local Landmark District designation from 1981
was not big enough and did not capture the entire eligible area. This meant that the
developers’ rehabilitation projects were at risk of losing their Federal Tax Credits. A
National Register nomination could resolve this problem per the NPS. The NPS agreed
to push the projects through if a National Register nomination for the whole Old
Pasadena Historic District was submitted. Dishman recognized the urgency of this
matter and led the effort in writing the nomination on behalf of Pasadena Heritage as it
was not in the best interests of the City to be pushing for the nomination. Dishman
utilized the Pasadena Architectural and Historical Inventory Survey files as well as the
1981 Application for Certification of Old Pasadena for Rehabilitation Tax Incentives to

141
Linda Dishman is currently President and CEO of the Los Angeles Conservancy.
142
Linda Dishman, interview by author, March 4, 2019.
64
draft the nomination. By January 1983, the nomination was submitted and by October
1983, the United States Department of the Interior Heritage Conservation and
Recreation Service officially had it recorded.
143
(Figure 4.4)

Figure 4.4: Old Pasadena Historic District. Map courtesy of
Pasadena Heritage.

143
Linda Dishman, interview by author, March 4, 2019; Pasadena Heritage, National Register of
Historic Places Nomination Form: Old Pasadena Historic District,
https://npgallery.nps.gov/GetAsset/846586e5-258c-4134-a7d4-7567ff24969a (accessed February 25,
2018); The United States Department of the Interior Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service was
established by order of the Secretary of the Interior, January 25, 1978. It “promoted coordination and
development of outdoor recreation programs. Administered the National Natural Landmarks Program.
Provided grants to state and local governments for natural and cultural resource protection and
development. Administered the Historic Preservation Fund. Maintained the National Register of Historic
Places.” It was abolished in February 19, 1981 and was succeed by the National Park Service,
https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/368.html#368.1 (accessed June 8, 2019).

65
Following the submission of the National Register nomination, Pasadena
Heritage invited property owners to a meeting to help educate them on the process for
National Register properties. Speakers at the meeting included a representative from
the State Office of Historic Preservation, the City, and the Chairman of Pasadena
Heritage. This was an effort to gain approval from owners as owner consent was
required for listing on the National Register based on an act passed in 1980. The
meeting also explained façade easements and encouraged owners to donate them to
Pasadena Heritage.
144
Pasadena Heritage’s strategy was to get enough easements on
enough buildings in Old Pasadena so that no one would be able to demolish an entire
block without permission from the easement holder, in this case, Pasadena Heritage.
Currently, Pasadena Heritage holds easements on more than eighty buildings in
Pasadena, with a significant concentration of them in Old Pasadena.
145

The Junior League of Pasadena also played a role to encourage and assist in the
rehabilitation. They invited Charles Hall Page and Associates, a San Francisco based
architecture and planning firm that was sympathetic to historic preservation, to come to
Pasadena and conduct a “how to” workshop. The workshop taught people how to
restore their facades, provided practical tips and informed owners that it could be done
inexpensively. The firm also explained the importance of maintaining the tradition of the
street, transom windows, and the tile base. Charles Hall Page and Associates was also
the firm to draft the final design guidelines for Old Pasadena.
146

Parking
With all the activity and positive momentum in Old Pasadena, there was still the
issue of parking. One of the reasons for the area’s deterioration and why retail moved
east was the lack of parking and the rise of the automobile culture. It was a major
problem. There needed to be enough off-street parking to accommodate the anticipated
visitors for the revitalization to be successful. Several discussions on parking occurred,

144
Pasadena Heritage, letter to Old Pasadena Property Owners about National Register Nomination,
February 25, 1983.
145
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
146
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019; Pasadena Heritage Newsletter,
Winter 1979.
66
also appearing in The Arroyo Group’s plan, but none with any success. In lieu of a
strategy, the Planning Department used zoning variances to allow people to renovate
without parking which was not legal nor sustainable. In 1982, the City hired Terry
Tornek (current Mayor of Pasadena) as Planning Director of Pasadena to help solve the
parking problem. Tornek worked alongside Canzoneri (lawyer and developer) to come
up with a parking strategy.
147
They formed the Old Pasadena Parking Advisory
Committee which designed and priced out three parking structures on the School House
Block (between Fair Oaks Ave. and Raymond Ave. and Colorado Blvd. and Green St.).
The committee explained to the City that the parking structures would help generate
significant amount of retail sales tax and property tax increments that would cover the
cost of the bonds the City could issue to pay for the parking construction.
148

However, as the revitalization effort was still in the early stages, the City was
skeptical about issuing the bonds for the parking structures, fearful that the properties
would not be developed and in turn, no sales tax or property tax increments. They
would be left with empty parking structures with a big monthly bond payment. To
provide the reassurance needed to convince the City to issue the bonds, Canzoneri and
Tornek devised a parking credit and property lien program to pay for the parking
structures. The plan stated that if the sales and property tax were not enough to pay for
the bonds, then the owners would pay a license fee on the number of spaces they
needed for parking. “The license fee would be secured by a lien subject to foreclosure
on the property seeking issuance of the permit” for building construction.
149
Other
revenue streams outlined in the plan included:
• Installing parking meters and using the funds to help pay for the bonds;
• Processing the redevelopment plan to take advantage of the tax increments
from redevelopment;
• Getting the property owners to agree to a parking credit program: If owners or
tenants wanted to pull a building permit for rehabilitation, they needed to
provide parking. If they could not provide parking, the City would calculate the
required number of spaces and collect a parking credit charge from the
owners. The owners were essentially buying the right to use the parking

147
Mayor Terry Tornek, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 26, 2019.
148
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019.
149
Ibid.

67
structures when they were built. This parking credit was then used to pay for
the parking structures.
150

The plan worked. The owners never had to pay a license fee. The amount of
sales tax and property tax increments that came in after the revitalization far surpassed
the original projections by five to seven times and covered the parking bond.
151

In addition to parking, Tornek also played an important role in preservation. He
ensured that preservation was represented in all areas of the City and integrated it and
Dishman into several meetings. He convinced his boss to include a preservationist,
Dishman, in the implementation of the parking plan. Dishman worked alongside the
PRA, going out in the field to determine where parking should go. Dishman used the
map from the Old Pasadena Historic District National Register nomination and looked at
where the existing parking lots were located. The PRA wanted parking behind all of the
store-fronts on Colorado Blvd. but that would have meant wide-scale demolition and
clearance. With Dishman involved and being able to provide input and guidance at
critical times, only two contributing buildings were demolished to build the parking
structures.
152

The ingenious parking program and John Wilson’s ability to get the first
significant lease signed, paired with the United Artist’s theater arrival, were the sparks
that reignited interest in Old Pasadena.
153
The theater alone attracted crowds of people
to the area because there were no other theaters in Pasadena.
154
This caused new
restaurants to pop up and shops to flourish.
155
Another turning point was when The
Cheesecake Factory (formerly the Dodsworth Building) agreed to move in, which also
helped turn the area around in 1996.
156
(Figure 4.5 and 4.6) Directly across from The

150
Mayor Terry Tornek, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 26, 2019; Tony Canzoneri, interview
by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019.
151
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019.
152
Linda Dishman, interview by author, March 4, 2019.
153
Mayor Terry Tornek, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 26, 2019.
154
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
155
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 96.
156
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019; Reference for Business, “The
Cheesecake Factory Inc. - Company Profile, Information, Business Description, History, Background
Information on The Cheesecake Factory Inc,” https://www.referenceforbusiness.com/history2/19/The-
Cheesecake-Factory-Inc.html (accessed June 8, 2019).

68
Cheesecake Factory, was Louise’s Trattoria, which opened a year earlier and was
another good example of bringing the rehabilitation vision to life.
157
(Figures 4.7 and 4.8)
With the gang activity in Westwood, concerns about safety were addressed by creating
the appropriate presence of law enforcement in the area as well ensuring that the
parking structures were as bright as possible with retail attached.
158
Old Pasadena was
on its way to becoming a regional magnet.

Figure 4.5: Dodsworth Building, 1986, pre-rehabilitation. Photo courtesy of the Archives, Pasadena
Museum of History.

157
Michelle Huneven, “Restaurant Review: Louise’s Spiffs Up the Menu in Pasadena,” Los Angeles
Times, March 17, 1995.
158
Tony Canzoneri, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, May 7, 2019.
69

Figure 4.6: Dodsworth Building, 2018, after rehabilitation. Photo by author.
70

Figure 4.7: Building at the SE corner of Colorado Blvd. and Fair Oaks Ave., 1986, pre-rehabilitation.
Photo courtesy of Pasadena Heritage archives.

Figure 4.8: Same building, post rehabilitation. Photo courtesy of Pasadena Heritage archives.
71
Chapter Five: The Result
Magnetism and Accolades
By the early 1990s, Old Pasadena was bursting with energy and popularity. Long
lines to get into the various bars, night clubs and billiards were everywhere. Restaurants
overflowed with crowds and extensive wait times. Retail was also a major draw. Word
spread that J. Crew was opening a location in Old Pasadena, at the northwest corner of
Fair Oaks Ave. and Colorado Blvd., the main intersection of the historic core. (Figures
5.1, 5.2 and 5.3) At the time, J. Crew was mostly an order-by-catalog clothing retailer
with very few brick-and-mortar stores in exclusive areas. The nearest store to Pasadena
was in Woodland Hills at the Topanga Promenade Mall, about thirty miles away so its
arrival was anxiously anticipated. Other prominent retailers like Banana Republic, The
Gap, Victoria Secret and Armani Exchange also planted roots on Colorado Blvd.,
attracting throngs of young adults to the area in search of employment. The luxury day
spa, Burke Williams, also opened in the heart of Old Pasadena adding to the variety of
entertainment options and further reinforced Old Pasadena’s rebirth.

Figure 5.1: West side of Fair Oaks Ave., looking south, pre-rehabilitation. Photo courtesy of Pasadena
Heritage archives.

72

Figure 5.2: West side of Fair Oaks Ave., looking south, post rehabilitation. Photo by
author.

Figure 5.3: NW corner of Fair Oaks Ave. and Colorado Blvd., post rehabilitation. Photo by
author.
73
Having the “Peach Pit” from the cult-favorite 1990s show, Beverly Hills 90210,
filmed at Rose City Diner located on Fair Oaks Ave. between Colorado Blvd. and Green
St. also helped propel Old Pasadena into stardom. In a 1992 Los Angeles Times article,
“From Seedy to Trendy,” Scott Harris described Old Pasadena as “an urban success
story, an entertainment mecca that draws visitors from throughout the region to its
attractions – more than 60 restaurants, two cineplexes, a couple of pool halls, dozens of
stores – all packed into an area that is blessed by historical architecture and easy
freeway access.”
159

The success of Old Pasadena reached even greater heights by winning several
awards:
1. The Great American Main Street Award in 1995. It was the first year of the
program’s existence. Main Street America is a program that is a subsidiary of
the National Trust for Historic Preservation.
160
Upon driving through Old
Pasadena with Bogaard, National Trust representatives from Washington,
D.C. were delighted and surprised by what they saw and encouraged Claire
et. al., to submit a nomination for the award.
161

2. Downtown Achievement Award in September 1995 from the International
Downtown Association;
162

3. Livable Community Award in February 1996 from the Southern California
Association of Governments and Local Government Commission;
163

4. President’s Commendation in March 1996 from the Pasadena Beautiful
Foundation;
164

5. The Skyline Award in 1998 from Lambda Alpha International, an honorary
professional organization that “works to expand the world’s knowledge and

159
Scott Harris, “From Seedy to Trendy,” Los Angeles Times, December 22, 1992.
160
Main Street America, About Us, https://www.mainstreet.org/home (accessed May 26, 2019).
161
Claire Bogaard, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 9, 2019.
162
City of Pasadena, Old Pasadena History,
http://ww2.cityofpasadena.net/planninganddevelopment/centralarea/oldpasadena.asp#success_of_Old_P
asadena (accessed 6/1/2019).
163
Ibid.
164
Ibid.

74
understanding of the principles of land economics and encourages and
supports the application of such principles to both public policy and private
endeavor.”
165

Easements and the Mills Act
The donated easements are another celebrated result of the rehabilitation of Old
Pasadena. Pasadena Heritage holds thirty-four easements out of the 173 contributing
buildings within the historic district.
166
Twenty-nine of the thirty-four easements were
donated between 1981 and 1989, the height of the rehabilitation. Pasadena Heritage
enforces their easements by conducting an annual, visual inspection to uncover any
physical concerns e.g., dry rot, termites. Donating easements to Pasadena Heritage
allows owners to qualify for a tax deduction and gives them access to free consultation
on preservation and restoration topics through Pasadena Heritage. According to
Andrew Salimian, Pasadena Heritage’s Preservation Director, the easements have
been extremely effective in retaining the visual character of Old Pasadena.
167

There are sixteen properties that also fall under the Mills Act Program in Old
Pasadena, eight of which also have easements with Pasadena Heritage.
168
(Figure 5.4)
By enrolling in this program, owners of historic buildings may qualify for additional
financial benefits.
The Mills Act Program provides economic incentives that foster the preservation
of residential neighborhoods and the revitalization of downtown commercial
districts. It is the single most important economic incentive program in California
for the restoration and preservation of qualified historic buildings by private
property owners. Owners of historic buildings may qualify for property tax relief if
they pledge to rehabilitate and maintain the historical and architectural character
of their properties for at least a ten-year period. The Mills Act Program is
especially beneficial for recent buyers of historic properties and for current

165
Pasadena Heritage Newsletter, October 1998.
166
Andrew Salimian, Pasadena Heritage Preservation Director, interview by author, Pasadena, CA,
June 3, 2019.
167
Ibid.
168
City of Pasadena Planning & Community Development Department, Design and Historic
Preservation Section, information received via email from Kevin Johnson, June 3, 2019.

75
owners of historic buildings who have made major improvement to their
properties.
169

Figure 5.4: Map of the Pasadena Heritage easement properties and Mills Act properties. Courtesy of
Google Maps.

Housing
Along with the adaptive reuse of historic buildings for retail, dining and
entertainment, structures were also rehabilitated and built as housing units to
encourage residents into the area. Marsha V. Rood, the City of Pasadena’s
Development Operations Administrator at the time of Old Pasadena’s revitalization,
stated that the City had “a very aggressive affordable housing program, emphasizing

169
Office of Historic Preservation, Mills Act Program http://www.ohp.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=21412
(accessed June 3, 2019).

76
rental and mortgage subsidy programs as well as new construction, mixed-income, infill
projects, mixed-use projects, and market-rate housing in key areas of the City.”
170

According to Rood, a mix of affordable, market-rate, rental and for-sale housing was
necessary to provide a level of economic stability.
The historic Green Hotel Apartments offers over 200 housing units, some of
which house low-income seniors. The Holly Street Village Apartments accommodates
sixteen work/live lofts, with several units made available to artists. Adjacent to Old
Pasadena are another 1,000 housing units.
171
These efforts helped promote more
diversity in the area.
Management
With the rehabilitation of Old Pasadena demonstrating strong potential, there was
a need for a plan for its management and maintenance. In 1989, business owners in the
area established a business improvement assessment district “to fund promotion and
marketing, district improvements, and advocacy activities.”
172
It was operated by the Old
Pasadena Business and Professional Association which succeeded the PCIA.
173

Today, the Old Pasadena Management District manages Old Pasadena.
Economic Impact
The revitalization of Old Pasadena is a major economic success story. In 1983,
retail revenue was at $10 million.
174
In just four short years, in 1987, with rehabilitation
efforts well underway, sales volume more than tripled to $35 million. By 1994, the sales
revenue jumped to nearly $100 million.
175
In 2001, sales revenue reached over $200
million.
176
The Planning Report. Los Angeles, CA, January 1, 2001. Accessed June 4,
2019.

170
Abel, “What Can Culver City Learn from Pasadena?” The Planning Report, posted January 1, 2001,
https://www.planningreport.com/2001/01/01/what-can-culver-city-learn-pasadena (accessed June 4,
2019).
171
Rood, “The Great American Main Street Award Application for Old Pasadena,” November 15, 1994.
172
Ibid.
173
Ibid.
174
Abel, “What Can Culver City Learn from Pasadena?”
175
Rood, “The Great American Main Street Award Application for Old Pasadena.”
176
Abel, “What Can Culver City Learn from Pasadena?”
77
Approximately eighty percent of the buildings within the Old Pasadena Historic
District have been adaptively reused and represents a private investment in Pasadena’s
real estate market of roughly $400 million. (The number of tax credit properties in Old
Pasadena is unknown. The tax credit program went through several restructures in the
1980s and files were not organized consistently during the transitions and are difficult to
access.)
177
This revitalization effort elevated the aesthetic appeal of the City as a whole
and increased its desirability as a place to work, live, shop and play.
178

Old Pasadena also enjoyed increases in:
• Tax increment revenue. Revenue from tax increments surged by ten-fold,
from $100,000 per year in 1983 to about $1.2 million per year in 1994/95;
• Employment. Nearly 4,000 jobs were added from 1987-1994;
• Rent. In the early 1980s, rent was approximately $.50 per square foot on
Colorado Blvd. By 1994, rent went up to $2.50 to $4.00 per square foot.
179

Today, Old Pasadena continues to serve as a successful shopping district and
community magnet anchored by the rehabilitated historic buildings.

177
Brian Goeken, Chief, Technical Preservation Services, National Park Service, email, June 7, 2019.
178
Rood, “The Great American Main Street Award Application for Old Pasadena.”
179
Ibid.
78
Conclusion

In Ann Scheid Lund’s book, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, she offers
a romantic description about Old Pasadena’s rebirth, “in the mid-1970s, Pasadena’s
past especially its architecture began to be rediscovered, and the City experienced a
renaissance.”
180
As poetic as that sounds, it gives no hint of the threat Old Pasadena
was under or the massive behind-the-scenes efforts that poured into its protection. As
visitors stroll along Colorado Blvd. in Old Pasadena, with mega-retailers and restaurants
peppered along the boulevard, they would never know that this was a once blighted
area on the verge of demolition by the City itself no less. Nor would they know that it
was the combined forces of property owners, residents, allies within the City,
developers and creative thinking that saved Old Pasadena and catapulted it to a thriving
shopping and entertainment mecca it is today. The saving of Old Pasadena should not
be taken lightly and the key learnings from the effort should be applied to today’s
preservation projects and battles.
Key Lessons learned from the revitalization of Old Pasadena are as follows:
Have a clear, focused goal and objective. It is imperative that everyone
involved in the effort is aligned on the ultimate objective. If not, efforts will be
fragmented and unproductive. With so many different people involved, there was no
question what was at stake. Everyone knew and shared the goal of saving Old
Pasadena from demolition and urban renewal.
Assess the environment and the challenges. The fact that City Hall and the
Pasadena Redevelopment Agency were making decisions behind closed doors without
community input was a serious concern and problem.
Identify the decision-makers and stakeholders. Who needs to be won over?
What motivates them? Knowing that the City Board of Directors’ ultimate goal was to
stimulate the economy, any argument to save old buildings on West Colorado Blvd.
would need to demonstrate financial benefits for it to have credibility. Hence, the Keyser

180
Lund, Historic Pasadena: An Illustrated History, 91.
79
Marston Associates study, “West Colorado Boulevard Revitalization, Summary Report,”
was conducted on behalf of the PCIA in 1976 to put hard data against the saving of Old
Pasadena. This was the first formal step towards convincing the City Board of Directors
of Old Pasadena’s possibilities. The Arroyo Group’s comprehensive plan was the
linchpin that won the City over. Once the City was convinced, the effort transitioned
from a grass-roots advocacy fight to a full-blown community revitalization effort.
With local property and business owners as a major stakeholder, they too wanted
to make a profit. To convince owners (and attract investors and developers) to
rehabilitate, the financial benefits needed to be showcased and leveraged.
Identify and leverage financial incentives. Knowing that dollar signs were a
big motivator, early investor and developer, Tony Canzoneri along with Pasadena
Heritage worked to inform property owners and developers of the variety of financial
incentives e.g., Historic Tax Credits, Façade Easements, Tax Increments, Marks Act,
available for the rehabilitation of historic structures.
Identify barriers and overcoming them to achieve success. Negative
perceptions stained Old Pasadena and served as a major deterrent for any visitation. To
help change these impressions, Pasadena Heritage conducted walking tours early on,
even prior to any rehabilitation work. Once some of the renovations were underway,
Dishman presented to many local organizations to illustrate the vision for the Old
Pasadena revitalization. Canzoneri along with other local businesses organized events
to stimulate interest in the area.
Solving the parking issue was the last piece of the puzzle to ensure Old
Pasadena’s success. Yet, who would pay for the parking structures? The City was not
yet confident about Old Pasadena’s potential and again, needed more financial
reassurance. By creatively designing the parking credit and property lien program,
Planning Director Terry Tornek working with Canzoneri were able to convince the City
to move forward with the parking structures.
Build relationships. The revitalization could not have happened without
relationships. Dishman worked with developers, Pasadena Heritage, the community,
80
and the redevelopment agency. Private developer, Tony Canzoneri, worked with the
City’s Planning Director, Terry Tornek, to figure out parking. The Cultural Heritage
Commission, Pasadena Heritage, and Dishman worked together to make things
happen.
The importance of community input and involvement. While significant
strides have been made in this area today and many cities put this action into practice, it
cannot be emphasized enough how important community input and engagement is to a
city’s long-term vitality. The community is a major component of a city, one who lives,
works and plays in it. Without their buy-in about civic issues, a city could lose a
significant portion of their population base, translating into losses in revenue, lack of
investment, and support, leading to a city’s decline.
The importance of private and public partnerships. To make the Old
Pasadena revitalization work, investment was needed from both the private and public
sectors. In order to encourage investment from both parties, it was important to cultivate
partnerships and build trust.
Know what success looks like. What’s needed to make the revitalization
work? A comprehensive plan was needed that looked at everything – from the business
plan to the streetscape – and addressed questions such as: “What can they add to the
economic value of the City? What’s the market niche we are after? How do these relate
to the overall vision and plan?” Rood states, “the development must be a piece of a
larger vision of a community which is grounded in the City’s history and is place-
based.”
181

To the City, investors and property owners, success was in the form of economic
value. Therefore, any plan for revitalization needed to highlight the financial potential.
To Pasadena Heritage, success was ensuring that as many historic structures were
protected. Pasadena Heritage set out to obtain as many easements as possible.

181
Abel, “What Can Culver City Learn from Pasadena?”
81
It is not just about winning the battle. A plan is needed to ensure there is ongoing
management and promotion of the area. If not, all the efforts that went into saving the
district would have been in vain.
Future topics to look into that were not covered in this thesis include:
• Aging preservationists. Many of the preservationists who were involved in the
protection of Old Pasadena have passed away or are in their golden years. It
was a different time back then when there was one full-time worker in the
household while the other had more time to pursue passion projects and
volunteer for causes. Today, most young families have both adults working
full-time. How do we engage the younger generations? How do we get them
to be more civic-minded and in turn, more aware and concerned about their
city and neighborhood’s heritage?
• Gentrification and Cultural Historic District designation. Is there a relationship
between the two? While the City included affordable housing within the
revitalization plan, was it successful? How do we encourage more diversity
and culture into the area?
• Artists’ colony and seniors. Prior to the rehabilitation of Old Pasadena, artists
and senior citizens occupied several of the historic buildings. What happened
to them? Were they driven out? Where did they go?
When reflecting on the saving of Old Pasadena and what it means for
Pasadena’s future, it is hopeful to know that the City has the tools, the structure and the
experience to make more informed decisions about development and preservation. With
Terry Tornek returning to the City as Mayor, it is comforting to know that one of the key
players during the Old Pasadena rehabilitation is now at the helm. When speaking to
Tornek, he discussed the current Parson’s project which entails constructing new
buildings on the Parson’s parking lots, 220,000 sq. ft. of office space and new
apartments to house 700 people with the intent of making Old Pasadena a twenty-
four/seven neighborhood.
182
He commented that they are “undoing what they (earlier

182
Mayor Terry Tornek, interview by author, Pasadena, CA, March 26, 2019.

82
generations) did… undoing the 1960s-70s vision of redevelopment… and restoring the
street network and the fabric of the City to the way it was before it was torn down.”
183
It
certainly feels like Pasadena is trying to learn from its past mistakes and make better
decisions.
The saving of Old Pasadena was a monumental undertaking with no single
individual or group responsible. Nothing about it was easy or frivolous and the effort was
inarguably worthwhile. This success story can aid future preservation and revitalization
endeavors.

183
Ibid.
83
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90
Appendix A

Modern Pasadena Timeline
1940-50 Old Pasadena declines
1947 Bullock's Pasadena constructed
1948 Rezoning of Orange Grove for garden apartment development
1950s People looked for ranch style housing, moved to east Pasadena, big
shopping areas,

lots of parking, Better Homes and Gardens showcased family rooms
overlooking the backyard gardens, BBQ outdoors (Claire interview)
1954 Supreme Court ruling against segregated schools
1958 Colorado is designated a boulevard
1960 Pasadena Redevelopment Agency (PRA) formed
1961 Referendum on proposed high-rise apartment project at Colorado and
Orange Grove defeated
1960s Building boom in Pasadena followed by decay
1966 National Historic Preservation Act
1966 Economic Development Program initiated by Chamber of Commerce:
Headquarters Strategy
1970 CEQA passed
1970 Downtown redevelopment plan adopted
1971-75 Foothill Freeway Pasadena segments opened

https://www.interstate-guide.com/i-210-ca/
1971 Pasadena City officials approached Hahn for the mall development project
1971 Hilton Hotel opened
1972 Mills Act Program enacted
1973 Conference Center opened
1974 BankAmericard center completed
1974 Ralph M. Parsons headquarters completed
1974 Neighborhood Church demolished
1974 Final EIR Downtown Redevelopment Project
1976 City ready to clear the site for the mall
1976 Cultural Heritage Commission established
1976 The Marks Historical Rehabilitation Act
1976 Tax Reform Act
1976 Keyser Marston and Associates create a revitalization plan
1977 Pasadena Heritage premiers
1977 Landmark District Ordinance passed
1977-79 Pasadena Athletic Club demolished
1978 Proposition 13 passed
1978 Urban Neighborhood Revitalization District approved by City Directors
1978 Arroyo Group drafts "A Plan for Old Pasadena," Jan. 1978
91
1978 ‘Old Town' Renewal Wins Board Backing, Jan. 1978

March 1978 Board of City Directors unanimously approve the plan
1978 Bill Bogaard elected to the Board; heavily opposed by developers (LAT,
8/25/83)
1980 Plaza Pasadena opened
1980 Urban Conservation Zone established
1981 Economic Recovery Tax Act (PH letter to owners, Feb. 25, 1983)
1981 Application for Certification of Old Pasadena for Rehabilitation Tax
Incentives, Approved by NPS, June 15, 1981
1981 Dissolution of Pasadena Redevelopment Agency
1982 UCLA adopts the Rose Bowl as their school stadium
1983 National Register Nomination received

January: nomination prepared by Pasadena Heritage

August: State Historic Preservation Officer Certification

October: nomination received by US Dept of Interior Historic Conservation
and Recreation Service (HCRS)
1983 Rick Cole elected to the Board of City Directors; he beat the incumbent
whose campaign was heavily funded by developers (LAT, 8/25/83)
1983 First Urban Design Plan in final round of hearings

Nov. 1983 Board of Directors approve the Downtown Urban Design plan
Dec. 1983 Pasadena Planning Commission approves specific zoning
regulations for a new Central District
1984 May; Urban Design Plan approved
1986 United Artists Marketplace opens in Old Pasadena, December
1995 Main Street America Award

92
Appendix B

Pasadena Heritage Easement Properties in Old Pasadena Historic District
Number Direction Street Historic Name Date Mills Act
31-35 N Arroyo Pkwy Broadway Building 12/30/1997

13-31 E Colorado Blvd Exchange Block Building 3/13/1989
✓
14-20 E Colorado Blvd Pasadena & Valley Union Paper 12/9/1982

24-28 E Colorado Blvd Fish Building 12/31/1985

62-64 E Colorado Blvd Stowell Building 9/7/1983
✓
109-125 E Colorado Blvd Arroyo Seco Building 12/29/1983
✓
12-18 W Colorado Blvd Ward Estate Building 2/26/1985

50-54 W Colorado Blvd

12/31/1984

132-134 W Colorado Blvd Old Cellophane Building 12/30/1985

2-10, 1 W Colorado Blvd, Fair Oaks Ave Dodsworth Building 2/26/1985
✓
85, 20 E, N Colorado Blvd, Raymond Ave Union Savings Bank Building 1/4/1990

51 W Dayton St Palace Livery 12/27/1995

40-42 S Delacey Ave Brignole Gym 12/19/1985
✓
33-35 S Fair Oaks Ave Crown City Properties 12/19/1985

37 S Fair Oaks Ave Crown City Properties 12/19/1985

39 S Fair Oaks Ave Crown City Properties 12/19/1985

43-47 S Fair Oaks Ave Crown City Properties 12/19/1985

107 S Fair Oaks Ave Doty Block 12/31/1986

155 S Fair Oaks Ave Star Saddle Livery Building 12/18/1985

34-38 E Holly St

12/27/1985

44 E Holly St

5/1/2000

102 Mercantile Pl Livery Building 12/30/1985

30 Mills Pl Crown City Properties 12/19/1985

32-40 Mills Pl Crown City Properties 12/19/1985

26-30 N Raymond Ave Stevenson Building 12/26/1984

61-65 N Raymond Ave Ornstein Building 12/19/1985
✓
70 N Raymond Ave Home Telephone Company 5/1/2000

129 N Raymond Ave Jensen's Raymond Theater 12/27/1985

35 S Raymond Ave Braley Building 12/31/1981

44 S Raymond Ave Morgans Livery Stable 2/28/1985

48-58 S Raymond Ave Edison Building/Morgan Block 10/5/1988
✓
62-70, 87-93 S, E Raymond Ave, Green St El Rey Building 10/5/1988
✓
39-45 E Union St G.W. Shipley Saddle Livery 12/27/1983

99 S Raymond Ave Castle Green 11/23/1988
✓
93
Appendix C

Mills Act Properties in Old Pasadena Historic District
Number Direction Street City
117 E Colorado Blvd Pasadena
23 E Colorado Blvd Pasadena
63 E Colorado Blvd Pasadena
42 S Delacey Ave Pasadena
1 S Fair Oaks Ave Pasadena
105 S Fair Oaks Ave Pasadena
12 S Fair Oaks Ave Pasadena
87 E Green St Pasadena
20 N Raymond Ave Pasadena
221 N Raymond Ave Pasadena
61-69 N Raymond Ave Pasadena
87 N Raymond Ave Pasadena
95 N Raymond Ave Pasadena
32 S Raymond Ave Pasadena
48 S Raymond Ave Pasadena
99 S Raymond Ave Pasadena

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Asset Metadata

Creator Peña, Ingrid Chu (author)

Core Title Saving Old Pasadena: where locals took on City Hall and won

School School of Architecture

Degree Master of Heritage Conservation

Degree Program Heritage Conservation

Publication Date 07/29/2019

Defense Date 07/28/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Historic Pasadena,OAI-PMH Harvest,Old Pasadena,Old Town,Old Town Pasadena,Pasadena,Pasadena Heritage,saving

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Sandmeier, Trudi (committee chair), Bharne, Vinayak (committee member), Horak, Katie (committee member)

Creator Email ingridchupena@gmail.com,ingridpe@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-198828

Unique identifier UC11663279

Identifier etd-PenaIngrid-7678.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-198828 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-PenaIngrid-7678.pdf

Dmrecord 198828

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Peña, Ingrid Chu

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA