Close
About
FAQ
Home
Collections
Login
USC Login
Register
0
Selected
Invert selection
Deselect all
Deselect all
Click here to refresh results
Click here to refresh results
USC
/
Digital Library
/
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
/
A LatCrit analysis of the educational access, attainment, and life outcomes of Mexican origin people
(USC Thesis Other)
A LatCrit analysis of the educational access, attainment, and life outcomes of Mexican origin people
PDF
Download
Share
Open document
Flip pages
Contact Us
Contact Us
Copy asset link
Request this asset
Transcript (if available)
Content
A LATCRIT ANALYSIS OF THE EDUCATIONAL ACCESS, ATTAINMENT, AND
LIFE OUTCOMES OF MEXICAN ORIGIN PEOPLE
by
Alondra Morales
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION
(POSTSECONDARY ADMINISTRATION AND STUDENT AFFAIRS)
August 2019
Copyright 2019 Alondra Morales
1
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction 2
Defining Mexican Origin People and the Case for Shifting Analytical Focus 3
Latina/o Critical Race Theory 5
Methods and Analysis 7
Positionality 8
Limitations 9
Literature Review 9
Educational Performance, Attainment, and Higher Education Enrollment 9
Educational Attainment and Life Outcomes 13
Employment Opportunities 13
Income and Socioeconomic Status 14
Health, Health Care, and Lifespan 16
Discussion 17
Implications for Research and Practice 19
Conclusion 21
References 23
2
INTRODUCTION
I listened to my dad lecture me, his posture upright as he held back his tears. “¿Sabes lo
que daría al haberme graduado de una universidad?,” he asked. “Do you know what I would give
to have graduated from college?” He continued sharing his former aspirations and dreams:
working less hours and fewer jobs, making more money, and spending more time with his
family. He reminded me that his undocumented status and brown skin made him disposable,
forcing him to leave college his freshman year despite being an outstanding student. Two years
ago, I called my dad, yelling “I got into the University of Southern California!” On the other end,
my dad, who always stood upright and held back his tears, cried uncontrollably. In this moment,
I realized his adolescent dreams were embedded in my success.
As a Mexican American growing up in predominantly brown, Latina/o/x spaces, I was
not aware of the inequalities that serve as barriers to educational systems, the workforce, income,
and health care for my community. More specifically, I did not recognize the lack of access to
institutions and services, such as higher education, college preparation programs, financial
services, and health insurance, because scarcity was normalized all of my life. My dad made
college seem attainable, but I never acknowledged that people around me were not thinking
about college, or their future beyond where we were. Although most individuals and families I
knew were happy, they also struggled with finding jobs, receiving better pay, paying bills, and
accessing medical services within and outside of our community.
When I went to college I learned the ways in which structural barriers prevent many
Mexican origin communities in the United States from accessing resources and pathways to
social mobility. As the only person in my family (and one of the few within my community) to
attend college, I feel a sacred responsibility to contribute to existing research in ways that
3
advance the study of higher education’s understanding of Mexican origin people’s experiences in
the United States. In particular, and through critical review of the literature, I desire to explore
the relationship between access to higher education, degree attainment, and life outcomes for
Mexican origin people.
Therefore, the primary purpose of this article is to examine the above mentioned
relationship through the analytical lens of Latina/o Critical Race Theory (LatCrit). In doing so, I
begin by presenting data to support the empirical need for higher education scholars to examine
Mexican origin population’s educational and life experiences as they relate to one another rather
than examining them as separate, discrete phenomena. Secondly, I discuss and operationalize
LatCrit as an analytical framework to make sense of existing data and relevant research. Finally,
I review bodies of literature that focus on educational performance and attainment, higher
education enrollment, and the relationship between education and life outcomes (e.g.,
employment opportunities, income, and lifespan) for Mexican origin people. Finally, I contend
that postsecondary institutions and higher education professionals are responsible for providing
equitable access to college for Mexican origin people.
Defining Mexican Origin People and the Case for Shifting Analytical Focus
For the purpose of this research, Mexican origin people broadly refers to individuals that
are from Mexico, or of Mexican heritage and living within the United States, with either legal
documentation or undocumented status (Martinez, 2001). While the Mexican identity refers to a
specific ethnic population, it is important to acknowledge that not all Mexican origin people
share the same genealogical history or lived experiences. Gender, religion, sexuality, language,
class, citizenship, and generational status all influence the differential experiences and realities of
Mexican origin people within the U.S. (Martinez, 2001). When referring to Hispanic or
4
Latina/o/x individuals within this article, I am referring to Mexicans, Central Americans,
Cubans, Puerto Ricans, South Americans, and individuals with Spanish origin. Finally, I use
Latina/o/x to intentionally include individuals of all gender identities, including men, women,
trans* and gender nonconforming individuals.
A substantive amount of research focusing on the educational attainment and life
outcomes of the Hispanic population, in general, exists (Motel & Patten 2012; National Center
for Education Statistics, 2019; U.S. Census Bureau, 2018). However, analyzing the experiences
of Mexican origin people, specifically, will help with further understanding the unique barriers
and life outcomes of this population rather than continuing to homogenize the experiences of
various Latina/o/x and Hispanic populations. By focusing on educational attainment and life
outcomes, I argue that, generally speaking, Mexican origin people remain uniquely marginalized
and experience particular educational inequities when compared to other racial groups and
Hispanics, thus influencing their life outcomes.
While Hispanics make up approximately 18.1 percent of the United States population,
Mexicans specifically compose nearly two-thirds, or 39.2 million, of the Hispanic population
within the U.S. (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018). In 2010, only 36 percent of the Mexican population
in the U.S. was born outside of the U.S. (Motel & Patten, 2012). In terms of educational
attainment, 26 percent of Mexicans ages 25 and over received only a high school diploma, which
was similar to 28 percent for the general U.S. population (Motel & Patten, 2012). In 2016, only
35 percent of Mexicans between ages 18 and 24 enrolled in postsecondary institutions compared
to 42 percent of White students (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019). Furthermore, in
2010 and 2016, Mexicans 25 years or older attained a bachelor's degree (or higher) at a rate of 9
percent and 11 percent respectively. This is a stark contrast compared to the 28 percent of the all
5
U.S. residents of the same age and 35 percent of Whites (Motel & Patten, 2012; National Center
for Education Statistics, 2019). Considering what is known regarding the implications of degree
attainment (or lack thereof) on improving life outcomes, the aforementioned numbers are
particularly staggering. For example, researchers project that 65 percent of jobs will require a
degree beyond a high school diploma by 2020 (Perna, 2015). Therefore, one’s job safety and
stability is correlated to higher educational levels, which results in the ability to improve one’s
socioeconomic status throughout their life (Carnevale, Smith, & Strohl, 2010; National Center
for Education Statistics, 2010; Trostel, 2014). As a result, one’s retirement income increases 2.4
times more with a college degree compared to a high school degree (Trostel, 2014). For these
reasons, as well as innumerable others, higher education researchers, policymakers, and
professionals should offer greater attention to improving educational access and attainment
among Mexican origin people.
Latina/o Critical Race Theory
To identify the relationship between higher education access and life outcomes of
Mexican origin people, I use Critical Race Theory (CRT) and more specifically, Latina/o Critical
Race Theory (LatCrit). As a framework that helps illuminate racial inequalities and relationships
of power, CRT is well suited to address important underlying issues regarding educational
attainment and outcomes for Mexican origin people. Originally, CRT was used to emphasize the
ways in which the legal system was created to uphold and support white supremacy while
targeting and oppressing people of color (OnyxProdNYC, 2014). Gloria Ladson-Billings (1998)
was the first to introduce CRT as it connects to the field of education. CRT, in the context of
higher education, serves as an instrument for understanding and critiquing the barriers that
people of color experience due to their race. CRT addresses the role people in power and high
6
leadership roles have when determining who is able to access higher education spaces and who
these spaces serve.
LatCrit, an emergent and derivative framework of CRT, more directly centers Latina/o/x
voices and experiences in the critical examination of racial relations. For this reason, I use
LatCrit to help better understand the relationship between higher education access and life
outcomes of Mexican origin people. LatCrit is especially useful for researchers and scholars to
better understand the experiences of Latina/o/x communities in relationship to race, gender,
sexuality, and socioeconomic status as it relates to their culture (Perez Huber, 2010). LatCrit
acknowledges that for Latina/o/x communities, specifically, there exists concerns regarding
(un)documentation status, language, culture, and ethnicity, which may not always apply to other
communities of color (Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). This framework not only utilizes the
foundations of CRT, but also implements unique ideas that may help us understand the
experiences of Latina/o/x individuals as people of color.
More specifically, I disentangle LatCrit by addressing Mexican origin people’s
relationship between their race and nativism (known as racist nativism), a conceptual frame that
focuses on how current un(documented) Latina/o/x individuals’ experiences are shaped by the
historical racialization of immigrants of color in the United States (Perez Huber, 2010).
Considering the current uproar of white supremacy and blatant racism in the U.S., anyone
perceived to be a threat to whiteness and a White America is deemed as foreign, which illustrates
racist nativism. While many Latina/o/xs suffer the consequences of racist nativism, much of the
racist dialogue targets Mexican origin people and the southern border. In Trump’s 2016
presidential campaign, he referred to Mexicans as drug dealers, criminals, and rapists, which has
led some individuals outside of the Latina/o/x identity to perceive any brown person as a threat
7
to the U.S. (Phillips, 2017). LatCrit can be used to best understand the unique experiences and
racist discourse that leads to Mexican origin people’s lack of services and institutional access due
to racist dialogue and perceptions perpetuated by those in power.
Furthermore, LatCrit makes space for narrative and counter-storytelling through the use
of testimonios (Cuadraz, 2006; Nunez-Janes & Robledo, 2009; Perez Huber, 2010). Testimonios
are a research method used to criticize different forms of oppression experienced by people of
color. While this research relies on existing literature, examining and making sense of the data in
a way that looks at institutions and systems as upholding and maintaining processes of
oppression rather than continuing to place Mexican origin people at fault is a form of re-telling a
history and story that often blames this population for their life outcomes and lack of
opportunities (Perez Huber, 2010). For me, counter-storytelling is a form of challenging
dominant ideologies that portray my community as incapable and inherently inferior to White
people.
METHODS AND ANALYSIS
I use relevant interdisciplinary literature to analyze the relationship between higher
education access and life outcomes of Mexican origin people. I rely heavily on theoretical
knowledge to formulate meaning of the literature used throughout this article. It is possible that
multiple truths, experiences, and arguments could be made based on the sources and
interpretation of the presented literature. Therefore, although my argument is singular and
specific, readers are encouraged to consider possible alternatives and improvements to what I
offer within this article.
8
Positionality
I, ethnically and culturally, identify as Mexican American, and thus I share an identity
with the broad population to which I refer throughout this article. My proximity and familiarity
to both the population and the topics discussed herein reveal my own subjectivities as a
researcher. For example, given my experiences navigating higher education institutions on my
own as a first-generation college student, I learned to identify reasons as to why my own family
members do not hold higher education degrees. I often blamed them for not pursing a higher
education degree without recognizing the privileges that I hold, especially when it comes to
gaining access to college preparatory programs. For these reasons, I approached this article with
a social justice perspective and an understanding that there exists multiple truths.
However, I am also looking at Mexican origin people as they relate to higher education
access. While I did not grow up receiving intentional access to higher education through the
institutions around me, I recognize that I always knew I would attend college, because my dad
constantly took me to tour colleges at a young age, started a college fund, and encouraged me to
do well in school, whereas my cousins and friends were encouraged to get married and start a
family after high school. In this sense, I hold privileges of which I am constantly aware. Because
I am part of the population at the center of this research, I also bring a personal perspective to the
study, which allows me to interpret the literature and data as someone who belongs within the
population rather than an outsider (Herr & Anderson, 2005). According to Herr and Anderson
(2005), my positionality as an insider does not only contribute to the knowledge of Mexican
origin people, their educational attainment and life outcomes, but also allows me to critique the
existing literature, especially the literature written by outside researchers, due to my personal
9
knowledge and experiences. My positionality also allows me to transform, both personally and
professionally, as I learn new knowledge about my own community.
Limitations
One limitation to the study is the amount of time I was afforded to conduct a more
extensive literature review. Much of the literature also revolves around the Hispanic or
Latina/o/x population as a whole, therefore, some important data points and information may not
be presented or accurately representative of the Mexican origin population. The literature that
does focus on Mexican origin populations are extremely outdated and may not reflect all of the
current experiences and statistical data related to the Mexican origin population today. Finally,
the intersectionality of identities, including gender and religion, are not discussed or researched
in depth within the existing literature, but may provide more perspective and insight to the
experiences of Mexican origin people.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Below, I examine the literature focusing on Mexican origin people’s educational
performance and attainment, higher education enrollment, and the relationship between
education and life outcomes, such as labor market outcomes, income, and lifespan. Educational
performance refers to grades, test scores, and activity involvement while educational attainment
is defined as the highest level of education completed by an individual (U.S. Census Bureau,
2017). Higher education enrollment refers to the number and rates of individuals enrolling in
higher education institutions following their high school education.
Educational Performance, Attainment, and Higher Education Enrollment
Research continues to show that Mexican origin people’s educational performance and
attainment rates remain low, trailing their peers (Motel & Patten, 2012; National Center for
10
Education Statistics, 2019; U.S. Census Bureau, 2018). The majority of research focusing
specifically on Mexican origin students’ educational achievements and performance, especially
throughout elementary and secondary school, dates back to the 1980s. Since the late 1990s,
however, little research has focused on Mexican origin students specifically. Instead, most
research has broadly focused on the Latina/o/x and Hispanic populations, which are often used
interchangeably, as a racialized collective.
As at least one exception, the National Center for Education Statistics (2019) reported
that 9 percent of Mexican origin students ages 16 to 24 dropped-out and did not attain a high
school diploma compared to 4.5 percent of White individuals within the same age range.
Therefore, Mexican origin people being twice as likely to drop out of high school than White
students suggests a unique set of vulnerabilities experienced by Mexican origin people within
secondary school contexts. Researchers, having focused on deficits rather than assets, further
suggest that Mexican origin students’ low-academic performance rates are due to several factors,
including familial and cultural factors, language barriers, low-quality schools, and student-
teacher interactions (Cuadraz, 2006, Gould, 1932; Havighurst, 1066; Lyon, 1933; Portelli,
Shields, & Vibert, 2007; Sowell, 1981; Valencia & Black, 2002). These deficit-oriented ideas
further support my argument, because we see an entire population being blamed for their lack of
educational access while also receiving differential treatment. This differential treatment could
impact Mexican origin students’ educational performance, thus also influencing their life
outcomes and opportunities. Deficit-oriented ideas are problematic and clearly embedded within
our society, thus creating a cycle in which Mexican origin people are identified as inherently
inferior and incapable of pursuing an education. As a result of this, Mexican origin people who
11
do not have the opportunities and services to mobilize, socially and economically, are labeled at
fault for their choices and life outcomes.
Familial and cultural factors are some of the most researched factors said to negatively
affect the educational performance and attainment of Mexican origin people. In their master’s
theses, for example, Gould (1932) and Lyon (1933) asserted that Mexican origin students’ low
academic performance rates were due to the parents’ lack of desire and understanding of
education. Researchers such as, Havighurst (1966) and Sowell (1981) also perpetuated the idea
that Mexican origin families lack the skills and drive needed to continue an education and attain
a degree. Unfortunately, like Gould (1932), Lyon (1933), Havighurst (1966) and Sowell’s (1981)
research on Mexican origin students’ educational attainment, much of the existing literature
portrays families at fault for their children’s low-academic performance rates rather than
identifying structural and institutional barriers that impede Mexican origin students from
succeeding academically. The existing research perpetuates the idea that Mexican origin families
do not value education and serve as barriers for their children. With this, the idea that language
negatively impacts Mexican origin students’ educational attainment can also open up a
discussion around deficit thinking.
Deficit-oriented thinking suggests that underrepresented communities lack necessary
skills and knowledge, and are in need of changing or saving in order to succeed (Portelli et al.,
2007; Valencia & Black, 2002). This form of thinking, many times, functions invisibly, because
people have been socialized to think of students of color as lacking valuable knowledge,
experiences, and abilities (Portelli et al., 2007). Cultural deficit theorists perpetuate the idea that
Mexican origin families do not value education due to the cultural socialization processes that
are believed to “deprive” Mexican origin children (Cuadraz, 2006; Valencia & Black, 2002).
12
Therefore, the result of low-educational attainment rates of Mexican origin students are blamed
on these students’ parents and their perceived inability to teach their children values that uphold
academic success (Cuadraz, 2006). To the contrary, the funds of knowledge (Moll, Amanti, Neff,
& Gonzalez, 1992) and cultural capital Mexican origin students bring into the educational system
from their homes are of great value and importance in the process of creating space for multiple
truths (Cuadraz, 2006; Yosso, 2006). As Yosso (2006) suggests, familial and cultural
experiences unique to Mexican origin students are both useful and valuable within educational
spaces, and can often provide humanizing perspectives of themselves, their heritage, and
contributions within a schooling system that inherently erases non-White histories (Yosso,
2006).
Not surprisingly, a limited amount of research examines the structural and institutional
barriers that impede Mexican origin students from performing at similar rates than their peers.
Low-quality schools and student-teacher interactions play a crucial role in the educational
outcomes of Mexican origin students. Mexican origin people are more likely to live in urban
areas and receive less educational resources than their White counterparts (Solorzano,
Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005). Approximately 60 percent of Hispanic students enroll in public
elementary or secondary schools with at least 75 percent racially minoritized students enrolled
compared to White students enrolling in similarly composed schools at only 5 percent (National
Center for Education Statistics, 2019). This means that White students are highly-concentrated in
schools with few to no students of color generally and Mexican origin students in particular. A
report published by EdBuild (2019) also found that public school districts with predominantly
White students get $23 billion more than public school districts serving predominantly students
of color. While these numbers may be surprising, it is not surprising that a new form of
13
segregation among the education system exists to unjustly impede students of color from
accessing equitable resources within their schools.
In addition, researchers found that teachers play a crucial role in students’ academic
experiences. For example, students’ academic efforts increase when they receive support and
encouragement from their teachers (Newman, Lohman, Newman, Myers, & Smith, 2000;
Wentzel, 1997). In Stanton-Salazar and Tai’s (2001) study, they found that Mexican origin
students’ academic motivation was positively correlated to their teachers’ academic support and
expectations of the students. Within public primary and secondary schools, 80 percent of
teachers identify as White while 9 percent identify as Hispanic (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2019). Ream (2003) suggests that the lack of representation among teachers results in
the alienation and disengagement of Mexican origin students, thus negatively impacting their
academic performance rates. In 2016, 65 percent of Mexicans in the U.S. between the ages of 18
and 24 did not enroll in higher education institutions (National Center for Education Statistics,
2019). The lack of representation among teachers could not only lead to Mexican origin
students’ low high school graduation rates, but also impact their lack of enrollment to college,
employment opportunities, income, and even lifespan.
Educational Attainment and Life Outcomes
Life outcomes refers to an individual’s quality of life and well-being as influenced by
factors, including employment opportunities, income, and lifespan. Employment opportunities
encompasses job stability, employment rates, and labor market involvement. Employment is
closely tied to an individual’s income, which is also closely related to poverty and
homeownership. Finally, for the purpose of this article, lifespan refers to how long an individual
14
lives, which may or may not be related to an individual’s ability to access medical services or
health insurance.
Employment Opportunities
Longitudinal data has shown that educational attainment is positively correlated to
employment opportunities and future earnings (Hout, 2012; Trostel, 2014). As a specific
example, the National Center for Education Statistics (2010) found that higher levels of
education for Mexican origin people contributed to lower unemployment rates. Furthermore,
attaining a higher education degree decreases one’s likelihood of being unemployed by 2.2 times
more than those who do not hold a higher education degree (Trostel, 2014). According to the
Center on Education and the Workforce (Carnevale et al., 2010), the middle class, making
$30,000 to $79,000 for a four-person household, was composed of 26 percent of postsecondary
degree holders in 1970. Today, the number of postsecondary degree earners compose over 60
percent of the middle class (Carnevale et al., 2010). These data illustrate the importance of a
postsecondary credential as it relates to accessing greater economic mobility and income.
However, it is also important to acknowledge that obtaining a college degree does not
automatically guarantee that an individual will get a stable or higher paying job. Due to the
increasing cost of college, individuals who take out loans as a means for paying for their
education can accumulate more debt than they can pay off. This may result in the creation of
additional problems, specifically financial problems, that someone who does not attend college
or take out loans may experience throughout their life.
Income and Socioeconomic Status
It is not surprising that earnings and income are considered to be the most beneficial and
most discussed benefit of attending and graduating from college (Hout, 2012; Trostel. 2014).
15
Mexican origin people make disproportionately less when compared to other races, which,
according to researchers, is heavily influenced by their educational attainment (Carnevale et al.,
2010; National Center for Education Statistics, 2010; Trostel, 2014). Research also shows that
Mexican origin people’s household income and homeownership rates fall behind when compared
to the entire U.S. population. In 2010, the annual median household income for Mexican origin
communities was $38,700 while the U.S. median household income was $49,800 (Motel &
Patten, 2012). Additionally, 50 percent of Mexican origin people did not own a home in the U.S.
compared to 35% of the entire U.S. population (Motel & Patten, 2012).
In fact, research shows that housing and lending discrimination play a role in people of
color’s lack of home ownership (Chai & Kleiner, 2003; Weil, 2007). In 1933, Homer Hoyt, the
Federal Housing Administration (FHA) advisor, stated that the integration of Mexican origin
people in predominantly White neighborhoods resulted in lower property values, thus
influencing housing segregation (Chai & Kleiner, 2003). Despite this process of discrimination
ruled illegal in 1948, there still exists disparate treatment based on race. Research shows that
Black and Mexican origin communities are more likely to have poor credit, thus negatively
impacting their home ownership status and mortgage applications (Chai & Kleiner, 2003). The
National Fair Housing Alliance also found that Hispanics experience higher rates of housing
discrimination compared to their White counterparts, because people of color were refused
insurance at higher rates, “offered inferior policies, or forced to pay higher premiums” (Chai &
Klein, 2003). People of color, including Mexican origin people, are often required to meet
additional requirements not required in predominantly White neighborhoods (Chai & Klein,
2003). Therefore, the lack of Mexican origin people’s homeownership is a result of racial
segregation issues historically embedded within society.
16
In 2010, 27 percent of Mexican origin people lived in poverty, as defined by the U.S.
Census Bureau (2019), compared to the 15 percent rate of the entire U.S. (Motel & Patten,
2012). In 2016, the poverty rate for Mexican origin people in the U.S. increased to 29 percent
while the poverty rate for Asians and Whites was 11 percent (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2019). In general, individuals who attain a postsecondary degree are 3.5 times less
likely to experience poverty (Trostel, 2014). For Mexican origin people, living in a poor and
impoverished neighborhood means living in scarcity of not only money and funds, but resources
related to one’s education and health (Solorzano, 2005).
Health, Health Care, and Lifespan
A lack of medical insurance or health care is also correlated to one’s educational
attainment (Trostel, 2014). A lack of health insurance and services results in a higher likelihood
of poor health and mortality (Motel & Patten, 2012; Trostel, 2014). Trostel (2014) found that
individuals with a higher education degree are 47 percent more likely to access health insurance
benefits through their employer. Therefore, a lack of access to employment opportunities, as
result of disenfranchisement from educational and degree-granting institutions, ultimately may
result in a further lack of access to preventative and responsive care interventions for chronic and
terminal health conditions. To be sure, this is reflected in the data. Whereas only 16 percent of
the U.S. population did not have health insurance in 2008, 34 percent of Mexican origin people
did not have any form of health insurance (Motel & Patten, 2012). At a rate more than twice that
of broader populations, such limited access to health care services has significant implications
for the lifespan of Mexican origin people, which I discuss below.
Receiving a college degree is also closely related to a longer lifespan. In a study
conducted by Buckles, Hagemann, Malamud, Morrill, and Wozniak (2016), researchers found
17
that receiving a college degree decreased mortality rate by 8 to 10 percent than those who did not
receive a college degree. Within this study, heart disease and cancer were the highest causes of
death, and resulted from a lack of appropriate medical attention and resources (Buckles et al.,
2016). Another study found that individuals who attended college lived seven years longer than
those who received a high school diploma or less (Maera, Richards, & Culter, 2008). For those
who attended and graduated college, a longer lifespan can be due to individuals’ ability to make
better decisions (Lleras-Muney, 2005). However, for Mexican origin people, this implies that
this population cannot make decisions benefitting their health. Lleras-Muney (2005) suggests a
longer lifespan is a result of one’s ability to make better decisions, but this can also be a result of
one’s lack of access to resources and services that assist in one’s ability to make decisions
benefitting their overall health. Higher education spaces educate individuals about making
healthier choices and accessing medical attention when appropriate. For Mexican origin
individuals with no college experience, taking care of their health may not always be accessible
due to their employment or environmental circumstances, such as increased employment hours
and lack of transportation.
DISCUSSION
“Mira Alondra, tu preocupate por tus estudios. Ya teniendo tus certificados, vas a poder
tener un buen trabajo y vivir agusto. Haci superas a tu mami y a mi.” “Look Alondra, worry
about your studies. Once you have your certifications [degrees], you will be able to have a good
job and live comfortably. That way, you surpass your mom and me.” For Mexican origin people,
it is evident that a higher level of education equates to an increased access to institutions,
opportunities, and possible life outcomes. I did not initially understand this despite my dad’s
constant reminder that I had to work harder than those around me to get admitted into a
18
university. I quickly learned that the language that is used to describe the processes my
community endures on a daily basis is not accessible language, which is why we are not always
aware of how to identify issues of oppression and actively dismantle the systems that oppress us.
The data and research presented throughout this article illustrate the unequal life
outcomes caused by educational disparities Mexican origin people experience in the U.S. As a
Mexican American woman, the process of interpreting the relevant literature served as a form of
counter-storytelling. While researchers have asserted that people who identify similarly to me are
at fault for their low educational attainment and life outcomes, the reality is that for people like
me, education is not always accessible. Take my dad, for example. As an immigrant teenager, his
only aspiration was to attend college and graduate with a degree in mathematics. However, his
undocumented status and lack of available funding in the 1990s meant he would no longer
receive institutional support. My dad’s educational narrative is not unique to him - it happens to
others often. Contrary to dominant ideologies that portray Mexican origin people as uninterested
in education and culturally deprived, the reality is that many Mexican origin individuals do strive
to attain a higher education degree and continue to learn past the secondary level.
The lack of support and resources for Mexican origin students who want to make more of
themselves within the U.S. results in different life outcomes for this community. As we saw,
research shows that educational attainment is closely related to one’s employment opportunities,
income, and lifespan. Now, I want to make it clear that educational systems are not going to
liberate us; they are not the only way to make something of oneself. However, I am suggesting
that by depriving Mexican origin people of an equal education, we are exposing them to a reality
in which they do not always have the opportunity to choose the type of life they may want to
live.
19
Implications for Research and Practice
Institutions of higher education are responsible for assisting in the growth and
development of all students, including Mexican origin students. However, before higher
education institutions can support and retain Mexican origin students within higher education
institutions, this population of students must access higher education spaces. As educators, it is
our responsibility to remain informed about the ways in which Mexican origin students are being
served, both locally and nationally, beginning with primary school. By challenging deficit
oriented thinking, supporting success programs, and providing financial resources, we can ensure
that Mexican origin students not only receive equal access to higher education institutions, but
graduate from these institutions.
First, it is crucial that educators facilitate and create space for discussions about Mexican
origin students’ knowledge and capabilities, which challenge the deficit oriented ideas labeling
Mexican origin people as inherently inferior and incapable of obtaining an education. Because
these oppressive ideas are already ingrained in our society and culture (Losey, 1995), this
process requires that educators continuously make space in higher education institutions that
allow Mexican origin students to share their narratives. However, I am not suggesting that
Mexican origin students carry the responsibility to educate their non-Mexican peers. I am
suggesting that educators listen to Mexican origin students’ knowledge, ideas, and experiences,
and acknowledge that multiple truths exist. It is important that educators challenge
microaggressions, both within and outside of the classroom. Because deficit-oriented ideas about
Mexican origin people are normalized, this process may not seem as impactful. However, the
process of unlearning and relearning what we know about Mexican origin people can help
change our mindset and approach when working with Mexican origin students.
20
In addition, a bulk of the existing literature addresses the low high school graduation
rates of Mexican origin people. Through the research and data presented within this article, it is
evident that focusing on Mexican origin students’ educational performance at a younger age
could greatly impact their educational attainment and life outcomes. While educators within
higher education institutions may not always be able to implement educational programs within
primary and secondary schools, we can continue, or begin, to support success programs that
prepare students of color for higher education. For example, federal TRIO programs, which seek
to improve higher education attainment for underrepresented students, have been found to
increase college enrollment by 12 percent (Maynard, Orosz, Andreason, Castillo, Harvill,
Nguyen, Robertson-Kraft, & Tognatta, 2014). Perna (2015) notes that success programs, such as
the TRIO program, require educators across the field of education make a commitment to expand
these programs across K-12 institutions and create a college pathway for students of color,
including Mexican origin students.
Finally, providing financial resources to pay for college is a crucial aspect of making
higher education more accessible for Mexican origin students. Research shows that when the
cost of attending a higher education institution increases, there are negative implications for
college enrollment (Perna, 2015). For example, while college enrollment has increased along
with the cost to attend college, research shows that the amount allocated for Federal Pell Grant
awards have not increased at similar rates. In fact, the average Federal Pell Grant award only
covers 30 percent of tuition fees, room, and board, 5 percent lower than the average award in
1995 (Perna, 2015). Many students, including Mexican origin students, depend on Federal Pell
Grants to afford their college education, but due to the gradual decrease in allocated funds, it is
important that educators be aware of other financial resources that may help these students pay
21
their way through college without collecting too much debt. This is especially important when
working with undocumented Mexican students who are not able to access Federal Pell Grant
awards due to their citizenship status.
As educators, supporting success programs, challenging deficit-oriented thinking, and
providing financial resources for Mexican origin students could help increase the number of
Mexican origin students completing their high school education and enrolling in college.
However, once these students are in college, it is also important that we continue to make space
for their narratives and experiences within higher education spaces. Not only will this allow
Mexican origin students to build a sense of belonging on their college campuses, but it will also
create an environment in which all students can co-exist and appreciate one another’s racial
differences. By supporting Mexican origin students’ education and preparing them for
institutions of higher education, educators can ensure that this population has an equal
opportunity to an education, thus also providing them with the opportunity to experience
different life outcomes that may not be as accessible without a high school or college degree.
CONCLUSION
Overall, the relevant literature on Mexican origin people and their educational
performance and attainment further illustrate that this population continues to trail other
ethnicities and races within the U.S. LatCrit and its foundations can help us better understand the
unique experiences that Mexican origin people face while also making space for counter-
storytelling. Creating sense of the literature and data to show the ways in which institutions play
a systematic role in Mexican origin people’s educational attainment and access as it relates to
their life outcomes can also be useful in the process of deconstructing the idea that Mexican
origin people do not value education. While access to higher education itself may not guarantee
22
positive life outcomes and resources, such as a higher income, health insurance, and a longer
lifespan, access to higher education does provide Mexican origin people with the opportunity to
attain a degree, expand their knowledge, and access institutions otherwise not made available to
them.
23
REFERENCES
Buckles, K., Hagemann, A., Malamud, O., Morrill, M., & Wozniak, A. (2016). The effect
of college education on mortality. Journal of Health Economics, 99-114.
Carnevale, A. P., Smith, N., & Strohl, J. (2010, June). Help Wanted: Projections of Jobs and
Education Requirements through 2018. Retrieved from https://cew.georgetown.edu/ wp-
content/uploads/2014/12/HelpWanted.ExecutiveSummary.pdf
Chai, S., & Kleiner, B. H. (2003). Housing Discrimination Based on Race. Equal Opportunities
International,22(3), 16-48. Retrieved from https://search-proquest.com.
libproxy1.usc.edu/docview/199616019/97B6FD27D15B40E5PQ/2?accountid=14749.
Cuadraz, G. H. (2006). Myths and the "Politics of Exceptionality": Interpreting Chicana/o
Narratives of Achievement. Oral History Review,33(1), 83-105.
doi:10.1525/ohr.2006.33.1.83
EdBuild. (2019, February). 23 Billion. Retrieved from https://edbuild.org/content/23-billion/
full-report.pdf
Gould, B. (1932). Methods of Teaching Mexicans. Unpublished master’s thesis, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles.
Havighurst, R. J. (1966). Who are the Socially Disadvantaged? In J. F. Frost & G. R. Hawkes
(Eds.), The Disadvantaged Child: Issues and Innovations (pp. 15-23). New York:
Houghton Mifflin.
Herr, K., & Anderson, G. L. (2005). The Continuum of Positionality in Action Research. In The
Action Research Dissertation: A Guide for Students and Faculty(pp. 37-59). Retrieved
from https://us.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/upm-binaries/61861_Chapter_3.pdf.
Hout, M. (2012). Social and Economic Returns to College Education in the United States.
24
Annual Review of Sociology,38(1), 379-400. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.012809.102503
Ladson-Billings, G. (1998) Preparing teachers for diverse student populations: a critical race
theory perspective, Review of Research in Education, 24, 211–247.
Lleras-Muney, A. (2005). The relationship between education and adult mortality in the United
States. Review of Economic Studies, 72, 189-221.
Losey, K. M. (1995). Mexican American Students and Classroom Interaction: An Overview and
Critique. Review of Educational Research,65(3), 283-318.
Lyon, L. L. (1933). Investigation of the Program for the Adjustment of Mexican Girls to the
High Schools of the San Fernando Valley. Unpublished master’s thesis, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles.
Maera, E., Richards, S., & Culter, D. (2008). The gap gets bigger: Changes in mortality and life
expectancy, by education, 1981-2000. The People to People Health Foundation, 350-359
Martínez, O. J. (2001). Mexican-origin people in the United States: A topical history. Tucson:
University of Arizona Press.
Maynard, R. A., Orosz, K., Andreason, S., Castillo, W., Harvill, E., Nguyen, H., . . . Tognatta, N.
(2014). A Systematic Review of the Effects of College Access Programs on College
Readiness and Enrollment. Association for Public Policy Analysis & Management.
Moll, L. C, Amanti, C, Neff, D., & Gonzalez, N. (1992). Funds of knowledge for teaching:
Using a qualitative approach to connect homes and classrooms. Theory Into Practice,
31(2), 132-14.
Motel, S., & Patten, E. (2012, June 27). The 10 Largest Hispanic Origin Groups:
Characteristics, Rankings, Top Counties. Retrieved from https://www.pewhispanic.org/
2012/06/27/the-10-largest-hispanic-origin-groups-characteristics-rankings-top-counties/
25
National Center for Education Statistics. (2010, July). Status and Trends in the Education of
Racial and Ethnic Minorities. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/pubs2010/2010015/
chapter7.asp
National Center for Education Statistics. (2019, February). Status and Trends in the Education of
Racial and Ethnic Groups. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/programs/raceindicators/
indicator_RFAS.asp
Newman, B. M., Lohman, B. J., Newman, P. R., Myers, M. C., & Smith, V. L. (2000).
Experiences of urban youth navigating the transition to ninth grade. Youth & Society, 31,
387-416.
Nunez-Janes, M., & Robledo, A. (2009). A Latina/ Chicana Critical Feminist Approach to
Racism in College. Chicana/ Latina Studies,9(1), 72-102. Retrieved from https://
www.jstor.org/stable/23014564?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents.
OnyxProdNYC. (2014, February 01). Overview of Critical Race Theory, Retrieved September
23, 2018, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z-SffJkUt_U
Perez Huber, L. (2010). Using Latina/o Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) and Racist Nativism to
Explore Intersectionality in the Educational Experiences of Undocumented Chicana
College Students. Educational Foundations,77-96. Retrieved from https://files.eric.ed.
gov/fulltext/EJ885982.pdf.
Phillips, A. (2017, June 16). 'They're Rapists.' President Trump's Campaign Launch Speech Two
Years Later, Annotated. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/
wp/2017/06/16/theyre-rapists-presidents-trump-campaign-launch-speech-two-years-later-
annotated/?utm_term=.5480db64fc70.
Portelli, J. P., Shields, C., & Vibert, A. B. (2007). Toward an equitable education: Poverty,
26
diversity, and students at risk. Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of
Toronto, National Library and Archives Canada.
Ream, R. (2003). Counterfeit Social Capital and Mexican-American Underachievement.
American Educational Research Association,25(3), 237-262. Retrieved from
https://www-jstor-
org.libproxy2.usc.edu/stable/pdf/3699494.pdf?refreqid=search:9335ba2a8b13227249856
90fd3ec3465.
Solorzano, D. G., & Delgado Bernal, D. (2001). Examining Transformational Resistance
Through a Critical Race and LatCrit Theory Framework. Urban Education,36(3), 308-
342. doi:10.1177/0042085901363002.
Solorzano, D., Villalpando, O., & Oseguera, L. (2005). Educational inequities and Latina/o
undergraduate students in the United States: A Critical Race analysis of their educational
progress. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 4, 272-294.
Sowell, T. (1981). Ethnic American: A History. New York: Basic Books.
Stanton-Salazar, R.D., & Tai, R. H. (2001). School personnel as sources of social and
institutional support: Prevalence and predictors. In R. D. Stanton (Ed.), Manufacturing
hope and despair: The school and kin support networks of U.S.-Mexican youth (pp. 218-
247). New York: Teachers College.
Trostel, P. (2014). It's Not Just the Money: The Benefits of College Education to Individuals and
to Society. Lumina Foundation,1-72. Retrieved from https://www.luminafoundation.org/
files/resources/its-not-just-the-money.pdf.
U.S. Census Bureau. (2017, May 16). Educational Attainment. Retrieved from
https://www.census.gov/topics/education/educational-attainment.html
27
U.S. Census Bureau. (2018, October 04). Hispanic Heritage Month 2018. Retrieved from
https://www.census.gov/newsroom/facts-for-features/2018/hispanic-heritage-month.html
U.S. Census Bureau. (2019, January 24). Poverty Thresholds. Retrieved from
https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/income-poverty/historical-poverty-
thresholds.html
Valencia, R. R., & Black, M. S. (2002). Mexican Americans Don't Value Education! On the
Basis of the Myth, Mythmaking, and Debunking. Journal of Latinos and Education,1(2),
81-103. doi:10.1207/s1532771xjle0102_2.
Weil, J. H. (2007). Discrimination in Rental Housing: A Focus on Latinos(Doctoral dissertation,
Tulane University, 2007) [Abstract]. Retrieved from https://search-proquest-com.
libproxy1.usc.edu/docview/304784743/C53804351F1D4CA1PQ/3?accountid=14749
Wentzel, K. R. (1997). Student motivation in middle school: The role of perceived pedagogical
caring. Journal of Educational Psychology, 89, 411-419.
Yosso, T. J. (2006). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community
cultural wealth, Race Ethnicity and Education, 8:1, 69-91.
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
The primary purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between access to higher education, degree attainment, and life outcomes of Mexican origin people through the analytical lens of Latina/o Critical Race Theory (LatCrit). In doing so, I begin by presenting data to support the empirical need for higher education scholars to examine Mexican origin people’s educational and life experiences as they relate to one another rather than examining them as separate, discrete phenomena. Secondly, I discuss and operationalize LatCrit as an analytical framework to make sense of existing data and relevant research. Finally, I review bodies of literature that focus on educational performance and attainment, higher education enrollment, and the relationship between education and life outcomes (e.g., employment opportunities, income, and lifespan) for Mexican origin people. Finally, I contend that postsecondary institutions and higher education professionals are responsible for providing Mexican origin people with equitable access to higher education institutions.
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
Conceptually similar
PDF
Families first: supporting first-generation college students’ families
PDF
College student multiracial identity development during a sociopolitical moment hinged upon identity politics
PDF
Visibly invisible: the experiences of black queer women on campus
PDF
Nothing without us: understanding the belongingness of students with disabilities
PDF
Latino and Latina faculty members’ funds of knowledge: a qualitative study of empowerment agents’ experiences and practices
PDF
Supporting sexual assault survivors through on campus education/liaison programs: a descriptive case study
PDF
Preparing for the field of student affairs: White graduate students and the social justice and inclusion competency
PDF
¿Dónde están todos los hombres latinos? A qualitative exploration of barriers to and enablers of participation in study abroad for first-generation Latino male college students
PDF
Early identification of a learning disability and its impact on success in postsecondary education
PDF
Building a college-going culture: a case study of a continuation high school
PDF
Parent engagement in higher education and its effect on first generation degree attainment: an innovation study
PDF
Compassion fatigue, burnout, and secondary trauma in resident assistants
PDF
Exploring the satisfaction, experiences, institutional support of student veterans in transition to higher education: a case study
PDF
Fulfillment of a regional college promise: lessons from the first year, first cohort
PDF
Building mentoring relationships: the experiences of first-generation Latinx scholars
PDF
The beauty of resilience: an examination of how continuation high school students overcome daily adversities
PDF
Into the wildfire: campus racial climate and the Trump presidency
PDF
Developing a sense of belonging and persistence through mentoring for first-generation students
PDF
Exploring the personal stories and lived educational experiences of multiethnic Latinas: testimonios of educational success
PDF
The perception of campus climate and satisfaction in a postsecondary setting for students with disabilities
Asset Metadata
Creator
Morales, Alondra
(author)
Core Title
A LatCrit analysis of the educational access, attainment, and life outcomes of Mexican origin people
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Master of Education
Degree Program
Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs
Publication Date
07/25/2019
Defense Date
04/16/2019
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
educational attainment,life outcomes,Mexican,Mexican origin people,OAI-PMH Harvest
Format
application/pdf
(imt)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Ahmadi, Shafiqa (
committee chair
), Davis, Charles H.F., III (
committee chair
), Corwin, Zoe B. (
committee member
)
Creator Email
Alondram@usc.edu,Alondramariposaa@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-190326
Unique identifier
UC11663294
Identifier
etd-MoralesAlo-7613.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-190326 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-MoralesAlo-7613.pdf
Dmrecord
190326
Document Type
Thesis
Format
application/pdf (imt)
Rights
Morales, Alondra
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Tags
educational attainment
life outcomes
Mexican
Mexican origin people