University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Stress among undocumented Latinx students

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Stress among undocumented Latinx students

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Content Running head: STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS 1

Stress Among Undocumented Latinx Students
By
Arlín González

A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY of the USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree of
MASTER OF EDUCATION IN EDUCATIONAL COUNSELING

August 2018

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Dedication

I dedicate this thesis to all of those that supported me through this journey. To my
committee, Dr. Venegas, Dr. Oliverez, and Dr. Mosqueda, for being such admirable mujeres and
providing me the encouragement and guidance throughout the entirety of this process. To my
cohort and L.C. for always checking in and celebrating my accomplishments. To all my family,
friends, brothers, and sisters for being so understanding when I was busy, for praying, and
cheering me on when I struggled. To my partner in life, Jonathan, for being my number one
supporter and believing in me when I didn’t. I couldn’t have done this without you. To those that
came before me and those that will follow, gracias y si se puede. Most importantly, to the
students that allowed me the opportunity to hear and share their stories. These are some
extremely difficult times and throughout it all you continue to persist and resist.
“In Lak’ech Ala K’in”- Mayan phrase

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………4
Chapter One: Introduction…………………………………………………………...……………5
Chapter Two: Literature Review………………………………………………………………...22
Chapter Three: Methodology……………………………………………………………………48
Chapter Four: Results……………………………………………………………………………53
Chapter Five: Discussion………………………………………………………………………...71
References……………………………………………………………………………………….79
Appendix A: Interview Protocol…………………………………………………………………85

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Abstract
This study examined how undocumented Latinx students experience stress and how this stress
affects their mental health and well-being. Using a minority stress theory approach this
qualitative study sought to further explore these students’ experiences. By conducting in-depth
interviews six undocumented Latinx college students at a California State University were able
to share their encounters with stress, the multiple layers of these experiences, coping
mechanisms, and the effects it has had on their mental health and well-being. Findings in this
study confirmed that in addition to encountering obstacles as college students, these students
experienced additional challenges as a result of their undocumented status. Implications for
practice and research are discussed to encourage further support for undocumented students.

Keywords: undocumented, Latinx, students, college, minority stress, stress, mental health, well-
being
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Chapter One: Introduction
“For that week afterward, we felt like we were all mourning. I think we were all
mourning different things, but for myself, I felt like I was mourning my chances of education and
of work and of having my family together -- my chances for a future that I thought would be
possible” (Redden, 2017, para.3).
While citizenship does not guarantee mental health, being undocumented can act as a
catalyst towards distress and instability in mental health especially among undocumented
students (Gonzales, Suárez-Orozco, & Dedios-Sanguineti, 2013). In the U.S., the undocumented
Latinx community is more likely to encounter hardships based on their immigration status, which
leads towards a higher likelihood for mental health problems, such as anxiety (Perez & Fortuna,
2005). Additional tiers of stress and hardship are therefore accumulated as a result of their
intersecting identities as college students, Latinxs, and their undocumented status, furthering the
probability of mental health issues (Perez & Fortuna, 2005, Perez, 2012).
Throughout current president Trump’s campaign, and after his election, statements and
promises were made that specifically targeted the undocumented community, including
undocumented students (Redden, 2016). On June 16th, 2015 during his presidential
announcement, Trump stated the following, “When Mexico sends it people, they're not sending
their best...They’re sending people that have lots of problems… They’re bringing drugs. They're
bringing crime. They're rapists” (Trump, 2015). This was only the beginning of the demonizing
and xenophobic actions and statements that would continue. In a survey conducted prior to
Trump’s inauguration by the Pew Research Center, it was found that a high share of Latinxs
believed that “the conditions of being a Hispanic in the U.S was worsening and about half of
them also reported being worried about the possibility of someone they knew being deported
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(Pew Research Center, 2017). 55% of undocumented Latinxs reported having serious concerns
over their place in the United States after Trump’s election (Pew Research Center, 2017). After
Trump issued new guidelines that would strengthen immigration enforcement including the:
“call for the hiring of thousands of additional enforcement agents, expanding the pool of
immigrants who are prioritized for removal, speeding up deportation hearings and enlisting local
law enforcement to help make arrests”, 67% of undocumented Latinxs reported that they were
highly concerned about a family member, friend, or their own deportation (Nakamura, 2017,
para.7; Pew Research Center, 2017).
According to the official website of U.S. Homeland Security, in the first 100 days of
Trump taking office the total number of arrests has increased by 37.6%, this includes both people
who were known to have no status and those who were simply suspected (ICE, 2017). Through
generalizations, like those expressed by Trump, and actions such as arrests and deportations
made across the country, uncertainty among the undocumented population has heightened.
DACA Under the Current Administration
Trump promised to eliminate DACA during his campaign, however, after his
inauguration and being in office his administration shared that they would honor the program and
continue to issue new permits for those eligible (Redden, 2017; Kopan, 2017). State officials
from across the country felt the need to take matters into their own hands since Trump had yet to
follow through on his campaign promises to end DACA (Kopan, 2017; Redden, 2017). In late
June, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton and attorney generals from nine other states came
together to formally threaten Trump and U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions to follow through
with the elimination of DACA otherwise they would proceed to sue the current administration
where they would then have to face a lawsuit similar to the one issued during the Obama
STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS

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administration challenging Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Lawful Permanent
Residents (DAPA) (Redden, 2017). On September 5th, 2017, Attorney General Jeff Sessions
announced on behalf of the Trump administration that the Deferred Action for Childhood
Arrivals program would be rescinded (Shoichet, Cullinane, & Kopan, 2017). According to
officials and the administration DACA permits already issued would continue to be honored
until their set expiration date (Shoichet, Cullinane, & Kopan, 2017). Those who had permits
expiring by March 5th, 2018 were able to renew their two-year permit only if they were
completed by October 5th, 2017 (Shoichet, Cullinane, & Kopan, 2017). Any new applications
would only be considered if submitted prior to the rescinding announcement, before September
5th (Shoichet, Cullinane, & Kopan, 2017).
On January 9, 2018, Judge William Alsup, a judge from the U.S. District Court for the
Northern District of California, ordered the federal government an abrupt stop towards the
termination of DACA (National Immigration Law Center, 2018). This was possible through
Regents of the University of California, et al. v. Department of Homeland Security, et al., a
collaborative effort of consolidated cases where current students benefitting from DACA,
universities, state and local governments, and other organizations filed lawsuits challenging the
federal termination of DACA (National Immigration Law Center, 2018). Through this halt, U.S.
Citizenship and Immigration Services was ordered to resume the acceptance of renewal
applications for DACA (National Immigration Law Center, 2018). It is important to note that this
order allowed current or prior DACA recipients to renew, first-time applicants would still be
ineligible to apply, advanced parole permissions were not included, and being that this injunction
was not permanent it could be subject to change (National Immigration Law Center, 2018). This
order was followed by another shortly after on February 13, 2018 by a federal district court in
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New York also demanding that the U.S. Citizenship & Immigration Services continue to accept
DACA renewal applications (National Immigration Law Center, 2018).
This second injunction was brought up by Batalla Vidal v. Nielsen, a lawsuit that was
pioneered by DACA recipients along with other organizations and allowed for the same demands
as the first injunction (National Immigration Law Center, 2018). The federal government then
attempted a petition to for the Supreme Court to grant an early review of the lawsuits it received
and review the decision of a U.S. District Court without a U.S. Court of Appeal deciding on the
appeals submitted against them (National Immigration Law Center, 2018). On February 26,
2018, the Supreme Court denied the petitioned request to expedite the termination of DACA
(National Immigration Law Center, 2018). Finally, on April 24, 2018, Judge Bates from U.S.
District Court for D.C. issued its final decision to restore the original DACA program, prior to its
changes on September 5, 2017, after 90 days, initiating on July 23
rd
, 2018 (National Immigration
Law Center, 2018). He also stated that the government must provide a better description on why
they decided to end DACA (National Immigration Law Center, 2018).
Due to the current political climate and the anti-immigrant sentiment being evoked by our
country’s leaders, fear and feelings of uncertainty have risen throughout the undocumented
student population causing anxiety levels to increase among this population (Redden, 2017).
Statements and promises Trump made throughout his campaign specifically targeted the
undocumented community and furthered after he took office causing concern among
undocumented students (Redden, 2016). “Since the election, many undocumented immigrant
students at campuses across the country have been grappling with heightened anxieties about
their own safety and that of their loved ones, as well as new uncertainties about their future
opportunities in the U.S.” (Redden, 2017). Before the rescinding of DACA, after, and to this day
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the uncertainty across this population has risen, leaving these students once again with a
temporary protection, if applicable, along with fear and frustration towards the unknown of what
is to come (Redden, 2017; Shoichet, 2017; Shoichet, Cullinane, & Kopan, 2017). In an
interview, researcher Roberto Gonzales shared that through the rescinding of DACA additional
stressors would arise due to the “experience of widened access and increased mobility” the
program provided for these folks and then having it stop (Cruz, 2017). Even with the
reestablishment of work and deportation protections that the DACA program offers, the lack of
urgency towards a permanent solution continues to instill feelings of uncertainty and frustration
among the undocumented population (Bernal, 2018). There is limited research that further
explores the anxiety and stress that undocumented students experience, what that is like for them,
and whether they feel that their institutions are properly equipped to adequately support them
through these difficult times (Muñoz, 2013; Gonzales, Suárez-Orozco, & Dedios-Sanguineti,
2013; Pérez, Cortés, Ramos, & Coronado, 2010). It is especially important to address these
issues today, considering the uncertainty of DACA that has left these students in a state of limbo
towards what the future will bring.
The Undocumented Student & Policies
For the purpose of this study, undocumented students are defined as students attending
college as undergraduates that were born outside of the country but are currently residing in the
United States without U.S. citizenship or permanent resident status (Passel & Cohn, 2009). Most
of these students came into the country at a young age, and have lived in the U.S. for a majority
of their lives (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015). According to Passel (2003)
out of 65,000 undocumented students that graduate from high school an estimated 5-10% will go
on to pursue a higher education.
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In a report by the Urban Institute, California is the state with the largest undocumented
immigrant population in the entire country with an approximate 2.5 million (Fortuny, Capps, &
Passel, 2004). The Los Angeles metropolitan area alone is assumed to be to home to at least one
million undocumented immigrants (Fortuny, Capps, & Passel, 2004). It is within this population
that we find the younger community of undocumented immigrants, that were dubbed
DREAMers after the federal act that was proposed back in 2001 known as The Development,
Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act set to provide a pathway to citizenship through
college, work, or armed services, otherwise known as The DREAM Act, but failed to move
forward (American Immigration Council, 2010). Because undocumented students are ineligible
to receive federal financial assistance to fund their college education, various states have
implemented their own policies, also referred to as tuition equity policies, to relieve these
students from financial barriers they come across (US Department of Education, 2015). While
these policies vary across states it is important to note that such policies have caused positive
increases in college enrollment for undocumented-immigrant students (Flores, 2010). Five states
across the nation, California, Washington, New Mexico, Minnesota, and Texas, have adopted
laws providing in-state tuition and state financial aid for undocumented students (Mendoza,
2015; University Leaders for Educational Access and Diversity Network, 2017). California’s in-
state tuition and state financial aid policies include Assembly Bill 540 (AB540) and Assembly
Bill 130 & 131 (AB130 & AB 131). This study focuses on undocumented students who live in
California, so in the next section of this chapter, I will describe the California landscape in more
detail.
AB 540. AB 540 came into effect in 2001 and allowed students in California, regardless
of status, to pay in-state tuition at public colleges and universities (California Community
STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS

11
Colleges, California State University, and University of California) as long as they met eligibility
requirements (Oliverez, Chavez, Soriano & Tierney, 2006). Requirements include students
attending a school in California for at least 3 years, graduating from a high school or receiving
the equivalent to a high school diploma, filing an affidavit stating residency status, and being
enrolled in an accredited college or university (Oliverez, Chavez, Soriano & Tierney, 2006).
Assembly Bill 2000 was then introduced to amend the school attendance requirement and allow
students in the case that they did not attend a California high school for three years they could
count three years of high school credit or three years of elementary education from California
towards the requirement (California Dream Act, n.d.). More recently, Senate Bill 68 was added
further expanding AB 540 and allowing students to qualify for in-state tuition through CA adult
school or California Community College (Educators for Fair Consideration, n.d). These bills are
beneficial for undocumented students because they are no longer required to pay the out of state
rates that were once in place.
California Dream Act (AB 130 & AB 131). In 2011, as a response to the continuous
organizing and advocacy towards creating more college accessibility for undocumented students,
California adopted AB 130 & AB 131, also known as the California Dream Act (Educators For
Fair Consideration, 2015). AB 130 gives undocumented students access to non-state funded
scholarships from institutions donors, alumni, and departments, as long as they meet the needed
requirements (Educators For Fair Consideration, 2015). AB 131 allows undocumented students,
who meet the needed requirements, access to state-funded financial aid such as Cal Grants, State
University Grants and Board of Governor’s Fee Waivers (Educators For Fair Consideration,
2015).
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Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). In terms of broader policies that
have been adopted to further expand college access for undocumented students across the
country, the Obama administration introduced Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA)
in 2012 through an executive order. DACA allows those who qualify temporary relief from
deportation (2 years) and provides them with a work permit (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco &
Suárez-Orozco, 2015). This new program is available to undocumented youth who “came to the
U.S. before the age of 16, have lived in the U.S. continuously for at least five years, and have
graduated from high school or obtained a GED” (Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco,
2015, p. 23). DACA serves to alleviate some of the stressors that youth and young adults among
the undocumented population experienced due to their lack of U.S. citizenship. It is important to
note that this policy would not have been possible without the tireless efforts from the
undocumented student population and how this policy was enacted to support those that
would’ve been eligible to benefit from the DREAM Act (American Immigration Council,
2012).
Considering that in the past years, significant strides have been made towards providing
more opportunities for the undocumented community in both a federal and state context
(California). For the purposes of this study, I will be specifically focusing on the undocumented
Latinx student community in California. Additionally, the terms Hispanic and Latinx will be
used interchangeably. Finally, Latinx is used to promote inclusivity and gender neutrality across
the study. According to the Migration Policy Institute (2017) between 2011-2015 California was
home to the largest Latinx immigrant population across the United States. In addition, the college
enrollment rates for Hispanic students has significantly risen in the last decade (Gramlich, 2017).
The 80% increase was noted between the years 1999, when Hispanic enrollment was at 9.9
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million, and 2016, when it reached 17.9 million (Gramlich, 2017). Furthermore, California is
one of the few states that has implemented policies and passed tuition equity laws where
undocumented students can benefit from and allow further accessibility to higher education
through financial assistance (United We Dream, 2014). Therefore, my study will be focusing
specifically on undocumented Latinx students in California, because not only is California home
to the largest population of immigrants across the United States it is also one of five states to
have set policies to help fund their college education regardless of their undocumented status.
These policies have allowed undocumented college students to gain access to resources
and opportunities that were impossible in previous years. Not only did these policies allow them
access to further their education through alleviating financial distress, they also permitted them
to further explore job opportunities, and obtain peace of mind by knowing that for 2 years they
would be protected by deportation deferment. While these policies significantly help the
undocumented student community these policies do not relieve these students of all their worries.
Some students share new barriers they have encountered, even with the policies in place, such as
inconsistency across the United States and a hyperconsciousness in regard to their loved ones
who are not protected or benefit from the same policies as them, which has caused feelings of
uncertainty (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015). Today, in addition to these
stressors, the current political climate can also potentially bring about additional fears, affecting
undocumented students’ psychological well-being which can be extremely detrimental for their
mental health.
Below you will find two tables describing policies and legislation in California and at a
federal level, in addition to a timeline outlining the most recent DACA updates.

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State Policies & Legislation
Policy/Legislation State Year
introduced
Description Status
AB 540 State 2001 A bill that allows non-
resident students to qualify
for in-state tuition by
attending a CA school for
at least 3 years, graduating
from a CA high school or
receiving the equivalent to
a high school diploma,
filing an affidavit stating
residency status, and being
enrolled at an accredited
college/university.
Current
AB 2000 State 2014 An expansion to AB540
that allows CA elementary
& secondary school to
count for the required 3
years if students graduate
early without the required
3 high school years.
Current
AB 130
(CA DREAM
ACT)
State 2012 AB540 eligible students
qualify for CCC, UC, &
CSU administered
scholarships.
Current
AB 131
(CA DREAM
ACT)
State 2012 AB540 eligible students
qualify and may receive
state institutional grants
and awards.
Current
SB 68 State 2018 An expansion to
AB540/AB2000 that
allows more non-resident
students to qualify for in-
state tuition through CA
Adult Schools and
Community College.
Current

(Educators for Fair Consideration, n.d.; Educators for Fair Consideration, 2015; The California
State University, n.d.)
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Federal Policies & Legislation

Policy/Legislation Federal Year
introduced
Description Status
Plyer v. Doe Federal 1982 A supreme court case
that guaranteed free
K-12 education for
undocumented
students.
Current
Temporary
Protected Status
(TPS)
Federal 1990 Protected status
granted to those
foreign-born
individuals, from
eligible countries,
who are unable to
return to their country
due to ongoing civil
war, environmental
disaster, or other
extraordinary
conditions
Current
(modified)
Development,
Relief and
Education for
Alien Minors Act
(DREAM Act)
Federal 2001 A proposed path to
citizenship for eligible
college students and
those enlisted in the
military.
Proposed
but never
in place
Deferred Action
for Childhood
Arrivals (DACA)
Federal 2012 An executive order
that provides two-
years of deportation
protection, and work
permit.
Current
(modified)
Muslim Ban Federal 2018 Series of
discriminatory
Executive Orders set
by Trump to halt
Muslim nationals and
refugees from
designated countries
from entering the US
Current
(modified)

(American Civil Liberties Union-Washington, n.d.; National Immigration Forum, 2018; The
Education Trust-West, 2017)
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Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) Timeline Under Trump Administration

(National Immigration Law Center, 2018; Oliverez, 2018)
September 5, 2017
• DACA first rescinded by Attorney General Jeff Sessions
• No new DACA applicantions accepted after this date
• Individuals whose DACA was set to expire between September 5,
2017 and March 5, 2017 were eligible to renew
January 9, 2018
• Judge William Alsup in Northern CA orders the federal government to
block the rescinding of DACA
• Reinstates the acceptance of renewal applications for current or prior
DACA recipients to renew
• First-time applicants still ineligible to apply
February 13, 2018
• Federal district judge Nicholas Garaufis in New York demands similar
order
• The U.S. Citizenship & Immigration Services must continue to accept
DACA renewal applications
February 26, 2018
• The Supreme Court denied the petitioned request from the federal
government to expedite and grant an early review of the lawsuits
recieved towards the termination of DACA
• Further allowing DACA renewals to continue until someone
challenges the injunctions placed by either CA or New York
April 24, 2018
• Judge Bates from U.S. District Court in D.C. issued a final decision to
restore the original DACA program, prior to its changes on September
5, 2017
• Decision will become effective after 90 days, allowing the government
to provide a better description on why it’s decision to end DACA
• First-time applicants are still ineligible to apply at this time
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Definitions (Stress, Mental Health)
Due to its popular use in our society and its subjective views, for the purpose of this study
stress will be defined as “a state of mental or emotional strain or tension resulting from adverse
or demanding circumstances” (English Oxford Dictionaries, n.d.). According to the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5
th
ed., American Psychiatric Association, 2017)
stress, distressing events, and circumstances are common factors or symptoms that can induce
certain disorders including, but not limited to, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, and
depressive disorders. Mental health is described as our “emotional, psychological, and social
well-being” that affects the way “we think, feel, and act” (MentalHealth.gov, 2013, para.1).
Stress & Mental Health Among the Undocumented Latinx Student
While there are common stressors that come with being a college student, such as
academic demand, it is important to note that for students who fall under other minoritized
categories or groups can cause their experiences to consist of supplemental layers of stressors
unique to their identity (Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993). Latinx students, as well as other
students of color, report that through their transition to college they have experienced stressors
such as the undermining of the student’s academic performance, lack of academic self-
confidence, stereotype threat, and sense of belonging as issues that can increase distress
(Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993; Rodriguez, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza, 2000; Hurtado &
Carter, 1997). Migration, assimilation, financial instability, discrimination, lack of access to
federally funded programs/resources, and potential language barriers are only a few factors that
can lead undocumented students towards a higher likelihood of suffering mental health problems
(Perez & Fortuna, 2005). Therefore, not only do undocumented students deal with stressors that
come with being a Latinx college student they also have to deal with the barriers and stressors
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18
that come with being undocumented as well. Due to the political disadvantages presented
currently associated with their undocumented status, these students not only have to cope with
that but also the additional stressors that come with being Latinxs in higher education. The
conceptual framework that minority stress theory represents explains this concept of belonging to
a stigmatized minority group and the additional stressors embedded into it besides the general
stressors experienced (Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993). These negative repercussions can
transpire particularly in these students and bring about higher likelihood for issues related to
mental health to occur or further develop (Meyer, Schwartz, & Frost, 2008).
Significance of the Study & Main Research Question
Historically, the United States has carried xenophobic attitudes towards immigrant
populations causing scapegoating and negative connotations to be imposed on certain groups,
especially among Latinxs, in more recent years (Gonzalez, 2011). Although the United States has
become home to a diverse population of immigrants coming from countries around the world,
Latinxs continue being one of the largest undocumented ethnic groups (Passel & Cohn, 2009;
Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2015). In addition to this, there has been a demand
towards providing more access to opportunities for the undocumented population such as higher
education (Educators For Fair Consideration, 2015). In spite of there being more programs and
policies set for the betterment of this population, we cannot deny the fact that undocumented
college students continue to encounter issues due to not being fully admitted as members of the
United States society, as well as experiencing other unique barriers such as anxiety and mental
health issues because of their undocumented status (Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco,
2015; Suárez-Orozco, Katsiaficas, Birchall, Alcantar, Hernandez, Garcia, & Teranishi, 2015).
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Despite the resources and policies in effect dedicated to assisting undocumented students,
there are gaps in the literature when talking about their mental health. In addition to this, Latinxs
continue being the largest ethnic population within the undocumented community (Passel &
Cohn, 2009). While there are studies that mention and describe feelings of stress among the
undocumented Latinx community, little is known in terms of how these stressors present
themselves across this population and how they can potentially bring about mental health issues.
As a result, my study aims to focus on undocumented Latinx college students in California who
self-report experiencing stress as a result of their status and seeing how it manifests in them.
Therefore, my main research question will focus on the concept of minority stress theory and
how undocumented Latinx students experience stress, as well as how it affects this population's
mental health and well-being?
Brief Description of Theoretical Framework
While research has examined areas encompassing the experiences of undocumented
college students, there is no literature that specifically studies mental health and undocumented
Latinx students. Within the literature, there are continuous claims that include feelings of
uncertainty and anxiety among this community of students (Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, & Suárez-
Orozco, 2015; Suárez-Orozco, Katsiaficas, Birchall, Alcantar, Hernandez, Garcia, & Teranishi,
2015). Through this research, I am making the assumption that undocumented Latinx students
experience uncommon and distinct levels of stress as an effect of their intersecting Latinx
identity and undocumented status. Therefore, I will be using the minority stress model as my
theoretical framework to further examine the mental health outcomes of undocumented Latinx
students. Minority stress is defined as a chronic stress resulting from belonging to a stigmatized
minority group, this stress is defined as an addition to general stress and therefore surpasses it
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20
(Meyer, 2003; Rostosky, Riggle, Gray, & Hatton, 2007). Smedley, Myers, & Harrell (1993)
further interpreted minority stress as stressors uniquely experienced by minority students in
addition to the generic strains school tends to cause for college students. While college and the
transition into this stage already comes with stressors affecting Latinx students their
undocumented status behaves as a further hindrance leading them towards a higher likelihood of
encountering mental health issues. In chapter two, I will further highlight literature and previous
research encompassing similar topics that support this argument.
Brief Description of the Methodology
To better understand how undocumented Latinx students experience stress, my study
takes a qualitative research approach. I obtained my data by inviting a current population of
undocumented Latinx students at a university in California who self-identify as undocumented
and Latinx, and are willing to share their experiences. I collect my data through in-person
interviews with current college students at a four-year university who self-identify and are open
to sharing their experiences with stress and how their undocumented status has affected their
mental health and well-being.
Overall Organization of Thesis
In the following chapter, I provide a review of the existing literature that focuses on the
unique stressors undocumented Latinx students experience as part of belonging to this
stigmatized minority population in the US, and further information regarding the minority stress
model. I begin by focusing on research that focuses on the barriers that undocumented students
encounter as college students and how they navigate these institutions of higher education. I
proceed by exploring Latinxs, their mental health experiences and the stigma it carries
throughout the Latinx community. Furthermore, I introduce the minority stress model as the
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21
theoretical framework, critique its limitations, and relate it to the undocumented Latinx student
population. In chapter three I provide an overview of my research methods and design. I review
my qualitative design and describe my data collection procedures. I conclude the chapter by
including limitations of the study and further connecting how my methods and data will be laid
out in chapter four. In the fourth chapter, I present the data collected, summarize my findings,
and make connections through analysis. In my final chapter, I conclude by summarizing my
research and discuss recommendations and implications for practice and research.

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Chapter Two: Literature Review
In this chapter, I present and analyze research literature that encompasses the unique
experiences of undocumented Latinx students, the barriers they face as college students and how
their status causes them to encounter high levels of stress affecting their mental health and well-
being. The chapter is divided into five sections. I begin by focusing on research that focuses on
the barriers that undocumented college students encounter as they navigate their undocumented
status while also pursuing or being students at institutions of higher education and the negative
repercussions these issues can trigger. Furthermore, I proceed by exploring the distress that
minority students experience due to their minority status in society. I continue into the chapter by
focusing on how this distress is manifested in the mental health and well-being of undocumented
students. I then introduce minority stress theory as my theoretical framework, further define the
model, and share how the model has been used with other populations. I conclude the chapter by
making connections between the theoretical framework and how it applies in relation to my
topic, the experience of undocumented Latinx college student population and how they are prone
to experiencing high levels of stress, and how it can potentially cause other mental health issues
to arise.
Generic College Stress
As adolescents enter adulthood and their college years they encounter new experiences
that they might have never experienced beforehand. Furthermore, as students begin their college
career they may be trying to assimilate to the new college environments, both academically and
socially (Grayson, 1998; Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993; Rodriguez, Myers, Morris, &
Cardoza; 2000; Arbona & Jimenez, 2014). It is important to acknowledge how these typical
experiences can be defined as generic or general college stress for students as they encounter
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their college years. The term “generic college stress” was derived from the work of Smedley,
Myers, & Harrell (1993), and then coined by Rodriguez, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza (2000) to
help better understand the layers of stress that most students go through during their college
years.
Grayson’s brief report (1998) studied how students go through a series of changes as a
result of their transition to higher education. While these changes lead students towards growth
they also have the potential to develop psychological issues (Grayson, 1998). Grayson (1998)
was intentional in making the distinction that these changes and stressors were not particular to a
specific time or year in the student’s college career but instead that they were continuous and
varied along the college years. Grayson’s (1998) brief was directed towards therapists working
with college students and how they can better support their students understand the fluid process
of change they are going through as college students and the types of obstacles this entails. To
better understand the fluidity of the changes and stressors experienced by college students,
Grayson (1998) described the changes as part of a miniature cycle of life that starts from the
initial transition to college, continued through to slowly become more independent and self-
sufficient by making important life decisions, and concluding with the transition out of college
and post-graduation. While this report is aware that the challenges encountered by college
students do not only take part during the initial transition to college he makes the assumption that
the college experience is universal for students, in terms of moving away from home, living with
roommates, and gaining complete independence from parents (Grayson, 1998).
Other studies wanted to make the distinction apparent between generic college stress and
the additional stress experienced by students of minority or underrepresented students therefore
they used instruments designed to demonstrate the contrast between generic and specific stress
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(Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993; Rodriguez, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza; 2000; Arbona &
Jimenez, 2014).
Smedley, Myers, & Harrell’s (1993) study was aimed towards addressing the regression
issue that African American and non-Asian minority students were undergoing as they enrolled
at predominantly White institutions (PWI). The purpose of the study was to establish whether or
not the sociocultural and contextual factors that these minority students experienced defined
these students’ college adjustment and achievement differently from other students, beyond the
general college strains among college students (Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993). They
conducted a study at a large PWI university with a sample of 161 students by dispersing
questionnaires three times throughout the participants’ freshman year (Smedley, Myers, &
Harrell, 1993). They ensured that they measured stress through the use of separate scales, Life
Events Survey for College Students and Minority Status Stress Scales (Smedley, Myers, &
Harrell, 1993). Through the use of distinct scales, they were able to disaggregate the stressors
and determine that college student strains and life events have positive connections to the
psychological distress students experience and that in addition to that the minority status stresses
bring about a supplemental contribution to their distress (Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993).
Wei, Ku, & Liao’s (2011) study also examined minority college students and how in
addition to experiencing challenges that come with the college experience these students also
experience minority stress which can be correlated to college persistence attitudes, especially
when they find themselves at predominantly White institutions (PWI). Wei, Ku, & Liao (2011)
referred to Smedley, Myers, & Harrell (1993) definition of minority stress, as the particular
stress experienced by students that belong to minoritized communities that can then affect their
adjustment and integration to college, to inform their study. They conducted their study at a PWI
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university, using a sample size of 160 students that identified themselves as Asian American,
African Americans, and Latinos (Wei, Ku, & Liao, 2011). Through the use of instruments such
as the Perceived Stress Scale, Minority Status Stress scale, University Environment Scale, and
Persistence/Voluntary Dropout Decisions scale, participating students were asked to complete
said questionnaires in small groups (Wei, Ku, & Liao, 2011). The results showed that in fact, the
perception of the university’s environment would bring about an association between minority
stress and persistence attitude, even when controlling for general stress (Wei, Ku, & Liao, 2011).
Another finding was the notable pattern between all three ethnic groups represented by the
sample when it came to this association between perception of university environment in relation
to minority stress and persistence attitude (Wei, Ku, & Liao, 2011). Furthermore, their results
supported the idea that minority related stress is distinct from general stress experienced,
particularly in college settings, and suggests the need to understand the difference specifically
among underrepresented populations on college campuses (Wei, Ku, & Liao, 2011).
Similarly, Rodriguez, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza (2000) conducted a study that tested a
group of Latinx students at a university, where they comprised the larger ethnic group and would
experience minority-status and acculturative stresses it would increment their chances of
psychological maladjustment. Rodriguez, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza (2000) wanted to ensure
that they distinguished between the stressors that all college students were prone to experiencing
due to being students and the stressors that were specific to particular groups of students. They
wanted to control for that variable by implementing a separate scale to monitor the generic
college stresses, therefore they developed a scale specific for the study (Rodriguez, Myers,
Morris, & Cardoza, 2000). The 22-item College Stress Scale (CSS) was developed to measure
generic college stress through deriving items from other scales that were used specifically for
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Latinx college student stress inventories (Rodriguez, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza, 2000). The
scale consists of three factors, academic stress, social stress, and financial stress (Rodriguez,
Myers, Morris, & Cardoza, 2000). While the results didn’t fully support Rodriguez, Myers,
Morris, & Cardoza’s (2000) hypothesis the findings still suggested that even when Latinx
students are the majority, in terms of being the largest ethnic group on campus, in addition to
experiencing the generic college demands they also encounter the stressors specific to their
Latinx ethnicity.
More recently, Arbona & Jimenez’s (2014) study examined to what extent the minority
stress issues play a role in depression. The study consisted of quantitative methods to measure
the findings (Arbona & Jimenez, 2014). Additionally, Arbona & Jimenez (2014) used two of the
same instruments the College Stress Scale, CSS) and the Minority Status Stress Scale (MSSS),
along with 20-item Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) to measure
depression, and the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure-Revised (MEIM-R). The “findings
indicated that in addition to the typical academic stressors experienced by most college students,
minority stress related to academic achievement concerns that may be compounded by ethnic
and/or family background uniquely contributed to Latino/a students’ depression symptoms”
(Arbona & Jimenez, 2014, p.167). Arbona & Jimenez (2014) discussed that when studying the
relationship between perceived stress among diverse populations of college students and their
psychological functioning “it is important to distinguish between specific stressors that result
from students’ membership in a minority group from typical stressors associated with college life
(e.g. academics, finances) and young adulthood (e.g., social and romantic relations)” (p.162).
As previously mentioned, college students experience stress attributed to the college
culture transition, as well as personal adjustments to social and identity changes. However, when
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it comes to minority students they run the risk of experiencing unique stressors as a result of their
membership to minority groups (Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993; Meyer, 2003, Wei, Ku, &
Liao, 2011). Therefore, minority students encounter general stressors similar to peers, as part of
everyday life situations and college stress, but in addition to this, they also confront stressors
specific to their minority status or identity. Several of the studies that have revolved around
minority stress have been able to examine the experiences among Latinx, African American and
Asian American students in college, in reference to these students race and ethnicity minority
status (Arbona & Jimenez, 2014; Cokley, McClain, Enciso, & Martinez, 2013, Wei, Ku, & Liao,
2011).
Barriers for Undocumented College Students
While there have been significant strides towards assisting the undocumented student
community, specifically in California and a few other states, however, they have not been
significant enough to obliterate the barriers these students encounter. In the previous chapter, I
defined the federal DREAM Act, the California Dream Act, DACA, as well as other legislation
and bills that have been introduced, or otherwise suggested, to provide more equitable access and
opportunities for the younger generations of the undocumented community. Due to the extensive
number of obstacles undocumented students encounter, such as access to a higher education and
limited future opportunities, they also experience stress and mental health issues differently than
their peers. The current literature has focused less attention on specific issues of mental health
and diagnosing, and has revolved more around the socioemotional experiences these students
encounter once enrolled at their institutions of higher education and the effects it has on their
mental well-being (Clark-Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva, 2011; Gildersleeve & Ranero, 2010;
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28
Hallett, 2013; Muñoz, 2013; Pérez, 2009; Pérez & Cortés, 2011; Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, &
Suárez-Orozco, 2015).
To better understand the emotional repercussions these students experience it is important
to first note the particular barriers this student population encounters. The challenges the
undocumented student community faces are differentiated in this literature review between
contextual and systemic barriers. I define contextual barriers as issues relating specifically to the
circumstances that the student is living and encountering in their immediate environment, such as
being from a low-income background, first-generation college students, etc. I then define
structural barriers as challenges imposed by institutional and societal circumstances that later
affect individuals, in this case being undocumented students.
Contextual Barriers
First-Generation. According to the PEW Research Center (2017), approximately 17.1%
of immigrants in the U.S. that are 25 years of age or older have a bachelor’s degree. Although
there has been significant growth in educational attainment across the immigrant population,
they have been more prominent among specific ethnic groups (PEW Research Center, 2017).
The groups that have experienced more educational attainment growth have been immigrants of
European, Asian, and Middle Eastern descent, whereas Latinx immigrants from Mexico and
Central America haven’t seen as significant growth (PEW Research Center, 2017).
In an effort to try and gain a more holistic understanding of the undocumented student
experience, Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suarez-Orozco (2015), led a study seeking to find more
about the undocumented undergraduate profile, differences between students who received
DACA and those who didn’t, and lessons gained from these students’ experiences that can better
inform policies and practices for higher education. Through this study, the UndocuScholars
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Project was established which helped launch a national survey for undergraduate undocumented
students (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015). The study’s sample consisted of a
total of 909 participants that had emigrated from 55 different countries in the world and lived in
34 different states across the United States (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015).
When participants were asked about their parents’ educational level it varied significantly
(Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015). However, 67.6% of participants reported
being first-generation college students (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015).
Lack of Academic Preparation. Lack of college-bound guidance, support, and access is
an issue that undocumented students often encounter, especially as first-generation college
students, and for those who are able to access the information it is related to luck, causing a shift
in the participation in higher education for these students (Gildersleeve & Ranero,
2010). Gildersleeve and Ranero’s (2010) study aims to bring awareness to the myriad challenges
that this student population encounters along their educational career and the impacts it has on
their education. Gildersleeve & Ranero (2010) explain how college literacy and access is gained
through participation and exposure, this study describes how this practice has been taught in an
inequitable manner for undocumented students (Gildersleeve & Ranero, 2010). In addition to
this, there are also other aspects of schooling that start in the K-12 system that continue to put
undocumented students at a higher disadvantage (Gildersleeve & Ranero, 2010). They describe
the lack of understanding coming from educators and the need to meet students where they are at
and establish better means of support (Gildersleeve & Ranero, 2010). While undocumented
students and immigrant communities have a historic association with underperforming schools it
is important that new practices be implemented (Gildersleeve & Ranero, 2010). Typically,
schools were not taking the time to fully comprehend the challenges students from this
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population were experiencing, therefore causing inadequate support for undocumented students’
academic, social, and cultural development challenges to help them achieve a college reality
(Gildersleeve & Ranero, 2010). Additionally, Gildersleeve & Ranero (2010) note that in their
study for those students who were the exception and afforded college preparation it was
attributed to serendipity as opposed to proactive efforts from their schools. The focus on the
one-size fits all model is therefore not appropriate when working with students of different
populations, such as the undocumented student population, and more proactive efforts are
recommended to resolve this issue (Gildersleeve & Ranero, 2010).
Low Socioeconomic Status. Coming from a low-income background is a challenge often
experienced by undocumented students. Perez (2009) followed the lives of undocumented
students at different points in their educational careers by engaging in their personal narratives
and field observations and was able to find individual and shared barriers they experienced. The
students came from different school settings across different states and regardless of where they
were in their educational career a big commonality they encountered was the challenge of
coming from a low-income household and community (Perez, 2009). As a result of this situation,
students described what role they played within their families, such as handling additional
responsibilities in the household and/or working simultaneously to being in school (Perez, 2009).
Early on in their lives, they became cognizant of the disparities they lived in versus dedicating
their childhood or youth to being students (Perez, 2009). Compared to their peers, they often
didn’t experience the luxury of dedicating their time only to school or extracurricular activities
because of the responsibilities they had to uphold (Perez, 2009). This caused these students to
balance demanding schedules that included academics in addition to work and possibly
commuting and personal/familial responsibilities if they wanted to continue aspiring towards
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college since their family would most likely not be able to support them financially (Perez,
2009). Perez found that they believed that by obtaining a college education they would be able
to help support their families by providing financial stability (Perez, 2009).
Similarly, Pérez & Cortés (2011) also note that financial hardships are a significant
barrier in their participants’ college careers. Pérez & Cortés (2011) provide the narratives of both
undocumented community college students and those of campus professionals with the
intentions to gain a more profound understanding of what factors influenced these students’
college paths. The data for this research was gathered from student surveys, interviews, and
observations from 37 particular undocumented community college students (Pérez & Cortés,
2011). The surveys covered a series of areas seeking to examine the academic and
socioemotional support these students had (Pérez & Cortés, 2011). One main theme that came up
was the financial hardship aspect and how this affected their academics (Pérez & Cortés,
2011). While the participants mentioned the lack of privileges in terms of financial aid policies
in comparison to their documented peers, they also mentioned the sacrifices they had to make
coming from a low socioeconomic background (Pérez & Cortés, 2011). Some of the sacrifices
that were mentioned included stopping out or dropping out due to inability to pay tuition (Pérez
& Cortés, 2011). While this might not be an issue for students in California because the
California Dream Act and the benefits it brings, the study brings awareness to other financial
issues that may still be present (Pérez & Cortés, 2011). For example, they touched upon the
difficulty of saving if students come from low-income households where they are also required
to provide for themselves or others (Pérez & Cortés, 2011). The professional educators that were
interviewed explained how in addition to financial concerns affecting their college choice and
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academic performance it also influenced their chances in becoming involved on campus
affecting their overall school and college experience (Pérez & Cortés, 2011).
Mixed-Status Families. Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco’s (2015) study also
gathered information regarding backgrounds and families of the undocumented student
participants. A majority of the participants shared that they lived in mixed-status families,
meaning that someone in their household was not undocumented (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, &
Suárez-Orozco, 2015). 64.1% of participants shared having at least one member who was a U.S.
citizen, 59.9% had at least one sibling that was documented, and 87% had one or both parents
who were undocumented (Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015). As a result of
this, a majority of the participants also disclosed fear and worry over having a family or loved
one detained or deported (Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015). This fear and
worry over family being detained or deported (84.6%) surpassed the worry they had towards
them being detained or deported (76.1%) (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015).
Furthermore, when asking students who were DACA recipients about the limitations of DACA
they shared having the worry and guilt over who was and was not protected by DACA
(Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015). They shared feeling safer due to the
temporary relief DACA provides but also experiencing greater concern for family members who
did not benefit from the program (Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015). The study
showed that DACA recipients worried more over the detainment or deportation of family and
friends (89.6%) then non-DACA recipients (70.8%) (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-
Orozco, 2015). Additionally, this study also shared “that for DACA recipients crossing over to
the safety that DACA affords comes at a cost; a hyper-awareness of the vulnerability of loved
ones left behind the line of the DACA threshold” (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco,
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2015, p.15). One student shared feeling more opportunities because of DACA but also feeling
the constant fear for others such as parents and whether or not they would make it back home
each day (Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015).
Structural Barriers
Financial Aid Policies. While there have been more recent updates in policies through
specific state efforts, such as the California Dream Act (AB 130 and AB 131), that can help
alleviate some of the financial burden or concern when applying to college, financial access
continues being a significant barrier for undocumented college students. In “Purged:
Undocumented Students, Financial Aid Policies, and Access to Higher Education” they describe
that although there have been many advances to help undocumented students succeed in higher
education such as being given the opportunity to apply doesn’t mean that they have the same
access as others, more specifically with financial aid (Diaz-Strong, Gómez, Luna-Duarte, &
Meiners, 2011). Diaz-Strong, Gómez, Luna-Duarte, & Meiners (2011) go into depth about the
lack of financial assistance among the United States and how it is detrimental to students’
success because it continues to add unnecessary stress. Additionally, they bring in historical
events and how the act of denying or restraining access to higher education has been
continuously used as a tool to go against many underrepresented communities in the United
States in order to limit their political and economic power (Diaz-Strong, Gómez, Luna-Duarte, &
Meiners, 2011).
Oliverez’s (2006) research focuses on the challenges undocumented Latinx students
experiences during the beginning stages of their college career. Through interviews and
observations, Oliverez (2006) follows the experiences of students as they apply and actively
pursue higher education. While the students were successful at preparing and navigating the
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college choice and application process they still encountered several limitations (Oliverez, 2006).
She found that the various restrictions they experienced affected their perceptions of
opportunities in both their educational and professional careers. Even when undocumented
students identify themselves as college-goers and are motivated in achieving this goal, they often
times come from low-income backgrounds along with other factors that complicate their access
to higher education (Oliverez, 2006). The biggest factors that affected their lack of access were
the policy-related challenges having to do with college access and financial aid issues they
encounter as a result of their undocumented status, which they have no control over (Oliverez,
2006).
Navigating College Campuses. Another structural barrier that is common for
undocumented students is being able to navigate college campuses and institutions that are
knowledgeable and open to serving this particular population. Not only does the lack of
information on campuses or the animosity towards immigrants in their communities significantly
impact students but also perpetuates the inability for these students to disclose their status to
educators, as a result of the hostile society immigrants experience in the United States (Clark-
Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva, 2011; Muñoz, 2013).
In this study Clark-Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva (2011) focus on undocumented
Latinx college students and how their status affects their educational and social experiences in a
hostile college and community. The study’s setting takes place in a highly conservative
community near the Mexico-United States Border that is described as hostile towards immigrants
and more specifically towards undocumented immigrants (Clark-Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, &
Alva, 2011). Through a qualitative methodology, Clark-Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva (2011)
were able to conduct in-depth interviews to allow their participants to share their experiences
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through their perspectives. Clark-Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva (2011) note that the
community context in itself has harvested an ambiance of fear on account of the excessive anti-
immigrant sentiment and involvement of local authorities. While the university’s values embrace
diversity and multiculturalism, the community context has affected the college campus (Clark-
Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva, 2011). This example resembled other institutions that have
missions that oppose xenophobia and ignorance yet due to the surrounding community
conditions societal inequities present themselves in these spaces designed to be inclusive (Clark-
Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva, 2011). The findings brought attention to how these students
were navigating through hyper-hate as a result of their community’s climate (Clark-Ibáñez,
Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva, 2011). The hostility in their community caused additional challenges
that other students wouldn’t have to worry about, such as how they got to and from school and
navigated through their community as undocumented individuals (Clark-Ibáñez, Garcia-
Alverdín, & Alva, 2011). This hostility emanated by actions in the community, such as routine
check-points, brought about fears for the students both in regard to themselves and their loved
ones (Clark-Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva, 2011). While the campus was seen as a safe haven
where their undocumented status remained invisible because they were able to blend in with
other students, the invisibility they experienced could also be seen as a double-edged sword
(Clark-Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, & Alva, 2011). While not being visible to others was seen as a
relief for some students they also recognized that it could also become very isolating and bring
about negative effects such as depression and leaving school (Clark-Ibáñez, Garcia-Alverdín, &
Alva, 2011).
In a research study that encompassed the experiences of undocumented Mexican
immigrant students, they analyzed how multiple social identities and factors influenced their
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36
college persistence (Muñoz, 2013). Out of the data collected from the qualitative methods, six
themes emerged (Muñoz, 2013). Muñoz’s (2013) study shared ways in which participants felt
emotional in terms of how to navigate their legal status on campus. The feelings of stress in
regard to their status began prior to college and since then the frustration was relieved through
crying (Muñoz, 2013). Students disclosed the helplessness they felt during times of frustration
and how it was difficult reaching out to others and fully disclosing what was worrying them
because that meant sharing their undocumented status (Muñoz, 2013). The participants shared
experiences and instances where they tried reaching out to services such as counseling and were
unable to fully disclose that the main reason why they felt such frustration was due to their
undocumented status (Muñoz, 2013). Other participants attributed feelings of shame to their
status and only shared their status to a select few they felt they could really trust (Muñoz, 2013).
One specific student’s story “conveyed a sense of helplessness and frustration, particularly
because she had excelled in so many areas of her life, yet she felt “stuck” and unable to
demonstrate her true potential to society” (Muñoz, 2013, p.244). Muñoz’s (2013) study also
demonstrated the anxiety that came with the navigation of campus resources and the campus
climate overall. The students shared that they never really had to divulge their immigration status
(Muñoz, 2013). However, this didn’t signify that these students were safe from experiencing
anxiety when it came to campus experiences in and out of the classroom. The women in the
study mentioned circumstances where they were questioned about their status on campus and
lied, and other times where they wished they could have stood up and said something when
topics of immigration were brought up, but in both these circumstances, their fear got in the way
(Muñoz, 2013). Overall this study demonstrated how undocumented college students experience
a sense of isolation due to the fear of disclosing their status in addition to other issues they
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experience, such as perceived discrimination/stereotypes or lack of understanding, acceptance
from others, and availability of resources that help support this population (Muñoz, 2013).
Career and Professional Development Restrictions. Ortiz & Hinojosa (2010) examine
an imperative part of the educational and development process, the professional aspect. They
discuss that most undocumented students might not be able to practice as a professional in the
states due to their ineligibility because of their lack of residency status and restrictions they may
encounter (Ortiz & Hinojosa, 2010). Ortiz & Hinojosa, (2010) further explore different elements
of professional and career development, such as internships and work experience, and the
restrictions encountered. They emphasize the importance of being involved in such opportunities
and the benefits they can potentially bring in the future (Ortiz & Hinojosa, 2010). However, due
to their undocumented status, they are not allowed the same access as others to these
opportunities (Ortiz & Hinojosa, 2010). They discuss examples such as not being eligible or
being limited to internships and employment and the difficult position this puts them in (Ortiz &
Hinojosa, 2010). Much of these restrictions have been tied to the required documentation needed
to formalize the processes which hinder their opportunities for growth if no other alternatives are
given (Ortiz & Hinojosa, 2010).
Out of the six themes that came from Muñoz’s (2013) study she further disaggregated the
data to discover four main sub-themes, two of them concerning financial stress and missed
opportunities because of their status and the value of obtaining a college degree considering their
undocumented status. In financial stressors and missed opportunities, the participants of the
study focused on the “lack of financial assistance and the inability to pursue internship
opportunities” (Muñoz, 2013, p.241). The students disclosed frustration with not being able to
have access to federal aid and certain scholarships due to their lack of citizenship and social
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38
security number, even when their parents would file and pay federal taxes (Muñoz, 2013). In
addition to this, the “participants felt their immigration status prevented them from pursuing
opportunities that would enhance their college learning experiences and economic stability”,
such as internships or finding employment post-graduation (Muñoz, 2013, p.242). For the second
subtheme making meaning of their college degrees as undocumented immigrants, was guided by
the shared assumptions of how college-educated students are perceived in the United States
society, indispensable members despite race, class, gender, or legal status (Muñoz, 2013). The
participants shared the sense of agency and empowerment they gained by being able to pursue a
college degree (Muñoz, 2013). More importantly, they demonstrated their awareness in regard to
how dominant discourses in the U.S. have a tendency to condemn the undocumented immigrant
communities and label them as “‘invaders’ who take away American jobs” (Muñoz, 2013,
p.242). One student’s specific thoughts on this issue regarding her position as a student that was
pursuing a college degree was that she believed that “by completing her degree, she [would]
render this narrative inaccurate or invalid, perhaps by showing adherence to an American ethic
of hard work and responsibility, perhaps because obtaining a credential suggests that her status
will somehow be different when she finishes her degree” (Muñoz, 2013, p. 242).
Discrimination and Exclusion. An additional barrier that is encountered as a
consequence of the historical disapproval towards the undocumented immigrants’ community,
undocumented students run the risk of experiencing discrimination (Chang, Torrez, Ferguson, &
Sagar, 2017; Diaz-Strong, Gómez, Luna-Duarte, & Meiners, 2011; Gonzales, Suárez-Orozco, &
Sanguineti, 2013; Pérez, Cortés, Ramos, and Coronado, 2010; Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, &
Suárez-Orozco, 2015).
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39
Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco (2015) found that some other barriers
reported by students were unfair and negative treatment due to the students lack of citizenship
status coming from other students, campus staff, and faculty, (Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, &
Suárez-Orozco, 2015). As far as experiencing negative encounters at their campuses, the study
showed that “students attending four-year institutions were more likely than students attending 2-
year colleges to report a higher level of unfair or negative treatment by other students and
campus administrators” and “students attending 2-year public institutions reported a higher level
of unfair or negative treatment by financial aid officials” (Teranishi, Suárez-Orozco, & Suárez-
Orozco, 2015, p.19). Although students shared experiencing negative treatment there were no
specific examples of how this negative treatment played out. However, the students did share
what kind of support they would like to see from people. One student shared that he wanted them
to “realize that you have a very important influence on students, especially undocumented
students. So be sensitive, nonjudgmental, patient, motivating, and above all a person that’s
approachable and trustworthy” (Teranishi, Suarez-Orozco, & Suárez-Orozco, 2015, p.19).
Through a qualitative approach and the use of interviews, Perez, Cortes, Ramos, and
Coronado’s (2010) article portrayed the lives of various undocumented Latinx students while
also further examining the socioemotional experiences of these students. From the interviews
conducted by Perez, Cortes, Ramos, and Coronado (2010) sense of discrimination was a theme
that arose from the students and was further elaborated to explain a “triple minority status”. Not
only did these students belong to an ethnic minority, they also lacked documentation, and
experienced economic disadvantages, making it more likely for these factors to create a greater
deal of socioemotional distress due to the social stigmas attached to each of those labels (Perez,
Cortes, Ramos, & Coronado, 2010).
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40
In hopes to better understand and examine the mental and emotional health of
undocumented immigrants, Gonzales, Suárez-Orozco, & Sanguineti (2013) conducted interviews
on young emerging adults that had emigrated to the U.S. at young ages from Los Angeles,
Boston, New York, and Washington. Through interviews, the study was set to better understand
and help assess the mental and emotional health of participants as a result of inclusion and
exclusion in society (Gonzales, Suárez-Orozco, & Sanguineti, 2013). While the study was not
meant to formally diagnose, the structured interviews did allow participants the opportunity to
express their personal feelings and share some experiences they have encountered as
undocumented immigrants (Gonzales, Suárez-Orozco, & Sanguineti, 2013). The data from this
study was able to bring awareness and “identify the most important risk factors that might
exacerbate mental health problems” (Gonzales, Suárez-Orozco, & Sanguineti, 2013, p.1182).
Gonzales, Suárez-Orozco, & Sanguineti (2013) discuss the emotional turmoil experienced as a
result of the exclusions undocumented students encounter, such as not having the ability to plan a
future too far ahead because of the restricted options that are accessible to them. These
restrictions lead to a feeling of dislocation for students and a hyper-awareness or constant
reminder of their status and the limitations that bring about (Gonzales, Suárez-Orozco, &
Sanguineti, 2013). The study showed that this sense of not belonging came about through the
continuous reminder of systemic barriers but also as the external barriers were internalized,
eventually leading towards chronic feelings of uncertainty and anxiety (Gonzales, Suárez-
Orozco, & Sanguineti, 2013)
In “Figured Worlds and American Dreams”, Chang, Torrez, Ferguson, & Sagar (2017)
discuss the continuous shifting of identity for undocumented students’ due to the uncertainty of
the political climate. The study discusses how these students are “at the mercy of the political
STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS

41
ups and downs” (Chang, Torrez, Ferguson, & Sagar, 2017, p.2). They describe this uncertainty
and how it can further develop into fear, stress, anxiety but other times are able to surpass these
obstacles through tremendous courage, hope, and community and made the connection with
Yosso’s framework of cultural wealth (Chang, Torrez, Ferguson, & Sagar, 2017).
Theoretical Framework
For the purpose of this study, I will be using minority stress theory as the guiding
theoretical framework. Meyer (2003) defines minority stress as “the excess stress to which
individuals from stigmatized social categories are exposed as a result of their social, often
minority, position” (p. 676). The experiences of minority stress are known to “heighten feelings
of not belonging and interfere with minority students' effective integration into the university
community (for example, experiences with racism, questions about their right to be on campus)...
and constitute a separate and additional pathway of risk for maladjustment (that is, an additional
stress load)” (Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993, p.435). The minority stress model is a
framework that helps us better understand how stigmatizing or unaccepting events in the social
context can have significant negative effects on a targeted population's psychosocial health and
well-being (Meyer 1995; Meyer, 2003; Rostosky, Riggle, Gray, & Hatton, 2007).
The minority stress model further describes how external circumstances coming from the
environment can affect someone who identifies as part of a minority population and as a result
leading to internal turmoil causing to bring about the possibility of negative mental health
outcomes (Meyer, 2003). Meyer’s (2003) study specifically focused on the lesbian, gay, and
bisexual populations when proposing this model. Through referencing previous research, Meyer
(2003) aimed to show in his study that Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual (LGB) communities had a
higher probability of mental disorders than their heterosexual counterparts’ due to the
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42
stigmatization they encountered and had to cope with (Meyer, 2003). Using a sociological and
social psychology perspective, Meyers (2003) aimed to look at minority stress as an elaboration
to stress, that can be present among populations that are and have been historically marginalized
or stigmatized. Through previous research and incorporating elements used in prior studies,
Meyer’s (2003) approaches his study through a meta-analysis to better understand the stress
process through his established minority stress model. Previous research analyzed through this
study showed the higher prevalence of mental disorders among members of the LGB community
(Meyer, 2003). However, Meyer (2003) emphasized that it was imperative for new research
studies, including both researchers and policymakers to use updated methodologies to come up
with new interventions to further help members of this community in combating minority
stress.

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43
Description of Minority Stress Model

Meyer’s (2003) model is labeled into 9 separate boxes labeled from a-g and presented in
a figure to “depict stress and coping and their impact on mental health outcomes” (p.8). The
model starts by acknowledging general circumstances (box a) we are exposed to that are
happening in our immediate environment (Meyer, 2003). In addition to the general
circumstances, the minority status of the individual follows (box b), the model uses being gay or
lesbian as an example (Meyer, 2003). The first two boxes (box a & box b) are shown
overlapping one another to demonstrate how closely someone’s minority status has to do with
the circumstances happening in the environment (Meyer, 2003). This minority status often leads
a person to personally accept and identify with that minority status, the model describes this
process as (box e) (Meyer, 2003). This minority identity understanding (box e) causes
individuals to perceive themselves as undervalued in society due to their stigmatized status
(Meyer, 2003). As a result, (box g) the “characteristics of minority identity can [either] augment
or weaken the impact of stress” (Meyer, 2003, p.9). General stressors, stem from (box a), are
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44
represented by box (c) and indicate how “circumstances in the environment lead to exposure” of
these stressors, such as issues that may arise during our everyday lives (Meyer, 2003, p.8).
Whereas minority stress processes (box d), also referred to as distal processes, stem from (box b)
and uniquely affect members of the minority group, such as being discriminated at worked due to
sexual orientation (Meyer, 2003). Similar to the first two boxes (box a & box b), general
stressors and minority stress processes represented by (boxes c & d) are also shown in the model
as overlapping to represent their linkage (Meyer, 2003). Now not only do these individuals have
to deal with general stressors they also have an additional layer of stressors caused by their
minority affiliation. After the minority stress processes present itself, for example, a violent or
discriminating event towards the LGB community/individual, it is highly possible that said
individual will experience proximal processes (box f), also labeled as a minority stress processes
in the model (Meyer, 2003). This type of minority stress processes causes an internal reaction
(box f) and is dependent on how the individual perceives their minority identity (box e) during
the event on the minority stress process (distal process) (box d) (Meyer, 2003). When general
stressors (box c), and both types of minority stress processes (box d and box f) come together, in
addition to the characteristics of the minority identity (box g), the individual will experience
effects to their mental health (box i) which can either be positive or negative (Meyer, 2003). The
mental health outcomes (box i), and the positive or negative reactions are contingent on the
coping and social support (box h) the individual has.
Meyer (2003) notes the difference between the external and internal stressors by referring
to them defining them as distal and proximal processes, and recognizing the detrimental role they
play in the mental health of the minoritized population. Distal processes are described as
independent external stresses perpetrated by societal conditions and structures, and enacted by
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45
prejudice events or conditions in the environment, such as discrimination, violence, and negative
attitudes enacted towards a minority (Meyer, 2003). It is important to note that the effects distal
processes have on an individual depend on the proximal experiences or immediate contexts of a
person’s life (Meyer, 2003). When distal and proximal processes are added to the general
stressors it leads the individual towards experiencing either negative or positive mental health
outcomes (Meyer, 2003).
Previous Research & Critiques
The concept of minority stress has been most commonly used when looking at college
adjustment issues for ethnic minority students and how ethnicity related stressors contribute to
well-being (Arbona & Jimenez, 2014; French & Chavez, 2010; Rodriguez, Myers, Morris, &
Cardoza, 2000; Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993; Wei, Ku, & Liao, 2011; Wei, Russell,
Mallinckrodt, & Liao 2008). While this concept of minority stress has been used in different
studies, such as focusing on issues related to racial or ethnicity stressors, this particular model of
minority stress was created to bring about awareness and understanding towards the prevalence
of mental health issues in the LGB community as a result of prejudice and social stress
experienced by members of this population due to being part of this minoritized community
(Meyer, 2003). Other studies that have used minority stress model as a framework have relied on
quantitative methods to gain results on how their designated racial or ethnic populations were
affected during their college adjustment or well-being due to their minority identity (Arbona &
Jimenez, 2014; Cokley, McClain, Enciso, & Martinez, 2013; Rodriguez, Myers, Morris, &
Cardoza, 2000; Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993; Wei, Ku, & Liao, 2011;).
Just like other theories, minority stress theory also has its critiques and limitations. One
of the limitations is that this theory has predominantly been utilized through a public health
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46
perspective, since the author has an epidemiology background, and more specifically towards
minoritized communities concerning sexual orientation (Meyer, 2003). Furthermore, in regard to
experiencing stress because of a minoritized identity, or in this case a status, this multiple
minority identity or status needs to be acknowledged, such as ethnicity/race, gender, religion, etc.
(Meyer, 2003). Finally, another important limitation that needs to be noted is that this theoretical
framework makes the assumption and classifies the participant or minority group member as a
victim versus that of a survivor (Meyer, 2003). The theory focuses on the oppression experienced
and the negative effects a minority identity can result in, versus acknowledging the resiliency,
strength, and agency that can be used in or gained through such experiences (Meyer, 2003).
Connection to my Topic/Summary
Most of the literature that talks about minority stress theory focuses on minority groups
dealing with issues and stressors due to race, ethnic background, or sexual orientation (Arbona &
Jimenez, 2014; Meyer, 2003; Meyer, Schwartz, & Frost, 2008; Rostosky, Riggle, Gray, &
Hatton, 2007; Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993). My research’s purpose is to focus on a specific
ethnic population within the undocumented student population and utilize minority stress theory
in relation to students undocumented status and how this status groups them into a further
marginalized community in society. In using the model, I specifically want to focus on the
minority stress processes, while controlling for the general stressors these students experience as
college students, and identify how the stressors particularly arising from their minority status
affect them by looking into how they experience stress, as well as how it affects their mental
health and well-being.
The lack of citizenship marginalizes these undocumented students further into the
shadows prohibiting them from the integration and acceptance they long in a country that they
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47
have called home for a majority of their life. As a result of this marginalization, in addition to the
stressors that they experience as college students and as Latinxs, puts this population in a higher
likelihood to undergo issues related to mental health. When we further disaggregate those
stressors into contextual and systemic barriers it can help illustrate how these stressors have
affected undocumented students through generating emotional reactions, such as fear,
uncertainty, frustration, and anxiety. While minority stress theory has yet to be used with the
undocumented student population I look forward to incorporating the minority stress model in
helping me find how this student populations minority status affects how they experience stress
and how it further affects their mental health.

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48
Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study is set to focus on how Latinx students who identify as
undocumented experience stress as a result of their status through a qualitative research
approach. The main research question seeks to answer how undocumented Latinx students
experience stress, and how this affects their mental health and well-being. Through this question,
I am making the assumption that undocumented Latinx students experience stress as a result of
their immigration status. Therefore, this study is organized to view this issue through the lens of
minority stress theory. This chapter will begin by introducing the methodologies used for the
study including sample and population. Then proceed to describe the criteria for selecting
participants and the selection process. The data collection process is illustrated through a
detailed description, followed by the instrumentation used in the study and how the analysis of
the data is achieved. Finally, the chapter concludes with my researcher bias and limitations to the
study to demonstrate the trustworthiness of the research.
Sample & Population
The sample population for this study are undocumented Latinx students at a four-year
public state university in California, otherwise known as California State University (CSU). In
the previous chapter, I described the barriers undocumented students typically face as they
pursue higher education across multiple institutions whereas the literature predominantly covered
the community college perspective. My study specifically focused on the public four-year
institution perspective and the stressors that undocumented college students may face at a
university because of their undocumented status and how they perceive it affects their mental
health and well-being.
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49
Criteria for Selection. Given the purpose of the study and its goal, my aim was to learn
about the additional stresses undocumented Latinx college students experience and the effect this
has on their mental health. The objective of the study was to hear from the students themselves
and what they have experienced in terms of stress and how their undocumented status is causing
this. To gain a purposeful sample for this study it was imperative that students met the following
criteria: (a) currently enrolled as undergraduates from the designated 4-year institution, (b) self-
identify ethnically as Latinx/a/o, and (c) self-disclose their current undocumented status, and (d)
be 18 years or older.
Selection Process. To invite students to my study, I developed a recruitment flyer to
advertise the study across campus by sharing it with campus departments, student support
services, and student organizations. The flyer included important details and information
regarding the study such as the purpose of the study, criteria to participate, compensation, and
my contact information if there are any further questions. The flyer also included a link to where
potentially interested participants had access to further study details as well as the liberty to
choose a potential date and time to schedule an interview. This protocol helped inform students
about the in-person interview process where they were then contacted, in regard to confirming
the date and time selected to participate.
Instrumentation
As previously mentioned, previous research using minority stress theory as a theoretical
framework focused on implementing quantitative methods. However, my study followed a
qualitative approach to allow students to express their experiences. As a result, there were no
specific instruments encompassing minority stress theory using these methods. Therefore, I
created my own interview questions based off of previously used instrumentation in minority
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50
stress theory studies, such as quantitative questionnaires. By using previously used instruments I
ensured the theoretical framework was consistently being addressed while also tailoring it to my
study’s specific population since there is no previous research regarding undocumented students
using this theoretical approach. By implementing these questions during the in-person interviews
I was able to gain information on the views and experiences of stress among the undocumented
Latinx student population. The reasoning behind this type of approach is to encourage
participants to fully express their experiences and perceptions of how their undocumented status
causes additional stress.
Data Collection
Considering the qualitative methods approach and the in-person interviews, six
undergraduate students agreed to partake in the study. They all self-identified as meeting the
criteria for participating in this study. Before starting the interviews, I ensured to go over the
“Informed Consent for Non-Medical Research” form with them by reading it out loud to them as
they followed along and then allowing them as much time as they needed to go over the form on
their own and then agreeing to participate by signing the form. During the actual interviews, I
audio recorded interviews through my laptop which then were transcribed at a later time. After
the interviews were transcribed I compiled the data collected and saved it to a secure location to
ensure appropriate protection. Given the sensitivity of this population and collecting data, I
ensured appropriate measures to maintain confidentiality throughout both data collection and
analysis, such as creating pseudonyms for participants, leaving names out of the interviews and
transcriptions, and securing the data through password protection.

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51
Data Analysis
In terms of data analysis, I conducted it concurrently throughout the study as I collected
and transcribed interviews (Creswell, 2013). Due to my qualitative design and phenomenological
approach I understood that the data collected could potentially be rich in information (Creswell,
2013). For this reason, I organized all the data collected and arranged it thematically into a few
main themes by hand-coding it (Creswell, 2013). Prior to being able to do this, I had to organize
and prepare the data by typing and transcribe the interviews collected both through myself and
through a secure online service (Creswell, 2013). Once that was completed I reviewed the data
by reading through it and identifying general responses (Creswell, 2013). I then manually
organized the data to be able to code and categorize identified themes with the intentions to later
create a general description of how undocumented Latinx students experience stress (Creswell,
2013). I was able to code my data using three different coding methods, including in-vivo
coding, emotion coding, and holistic coding (Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2013). Finally,
through my data analysis I wanted to bring awareness and further confirm the importance and
urgency to address the additional stresses that undocumented college students face.
Researcher Bias
As a daughter of immigrants and someone who has undocumented family members, I
have always been aware of the additional obstacles and stereotypes the undocumented
community faces. I have seen how my family members struggled with the fear of being deported,
the idea of going to college, as well as other limitations and obstacles they encountered due to
their status. In addition, as a volunteer at a Dream Center, I have been able to create relationships
with many undocumented students. Through personal conversations, I have heard the
uncertainty, fear, and anxiety in the students’ stories, especially after the new administration
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52
came into office. The unjust, inequitable, and xenophobic culture that our current society is
facing is a very personal issue for me and as a result, I am committed to bringing awareness to
this issue. Finally, in studying specifically the Latinx population within undocumented students it
is important for me to note that I also identify ethnically with the Latinx community.
Limitations of Study
Some primary limitations to the study would be that due to the sample size and where the
population was drawn from the findings do not allow for generalization across other colleges and
universities in California or the nation. Due to the sample size, it would be inaccurate to make
the assumption and comparison across the entire undocumented population. Additionally, the
study is done in California a particularly liberal state that has actively implemented and taken
stances in support of the undocumented community. Furthermore, this study was advertised via
outlets specifically tied to the Dreamers Resource Center on that campus or an affiliate so those
students that participated had some prior interaction and/or awareness of services offered at
CSU. Finally, this study specifically focused on DACA perspectives from undocumented Latinx
students.

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53
Chapter Four: Results
The goal of this study is to understand how undocumented Latinx students experience
stress and how this has an effect on their mental health and well-being. By using Meyer’s
minority stress theory framework (2003) I was able to look into the general stressors that the
participants face as college students and then how their affiliation to a minoritized community,
the undocumented community, added on further stressors creating additional stress and affecting
their mental health. Through a phenomenological approach, we can better understand the unique
stressors and obstacles undocumented Latinx students experience as a result of belonging to a
group that has been historically marginalized.
Participant Characteristics
A total of six participants engaged and completed qualitative interviews during the Spring
of 2018. All participants self-identified as undocumented. The participants’ ages ranged from 20
to 33 years of age. Four participants identified as women and two identified as men.
All six participants identified as Latinx, four of them originating from various states in
Mexico (Michoacan, Durango, Chihuahua, and Mexico), one participant from El Salvador, and
another from Guatemala. Four participants disclosed that they arrived to the United States
between the ages of 1 and 2, one participant arrived at the age of 7, and another at the age of 8.
Four participants disclosed that they came from mixed-status families.
All participants were currently enrolled at California State University (CSU) in southern
California and identified themselves as being the first in their family to go to college. Half of the
participants indicated they were transfer students and the other half were first-time freshman at
CSU. Four participants reported having Junior class standing and two being Seniors. Four
participants worked concurrently, at least part-time, while going to school full-time.
Running head: STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS 54
Participant Age Sex Country of
birth
Age of
arrival
to U.S.
First
generation
Transfer
student
Years
in
college
College
standing
Major/Minor Job/hrs per
week
DACA
recipient
Amy 21 F Mexico 1 ½ Yes No 4 Senior Sociology/Theatre Theme
Park/40
Yes
Elena 20 F Mexico 7 Yes No 3 Junior Sociology/Computer
Information
Office
Assistant/20
Yes
Jason 23 M El Salvador 1 Yes Yes 5 Junior Cellular Molecular
Biology/Organic
Biochemistry
N/A No
Lily 22 F Mexico 2 Yes No 4 Junior Business
Administration/Information
Systems & Business
Analytics
Admin
Assistant/10
Yes
Sara 25 F Guatemala 2 ½ Yes Yes 8 Senior English
Education/Communication
N/A Yes
Simao 33 M Mexico 8 Yes Yes 4 1/2 Junior Physical
Education/Teaching
Driver &
Legal
Assistant/40
Yes

Running head: STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS 55
Themes
The following themes were found as a result of the data analysis done on the in-person
interviews: (1) Undocumented Student College Stress, (2) Political Climate, (3) Mental Health &
Well-being, (4) Family, (5) Uncertainty. The five themes were further developed into subthemes
to fully grasp an understanding of the multiple factors that have an effect on how these students
experience stress and how it affects their mental health and well-being.
Undocumented Student College Stress
Being that all the participants are currently undergraduate students at CSU they shared
that some of the stress they experience is as a result of being college students in addition to being
undocumented. The majority of the students had some sort of understanding of their status but
felt that as they began to prepare for college it became more or a reality. While all of the students
shared that they have had positive experiences being students at CSU, they simultaneously
shared that at some point they encountered or continue to work through academic and/or
financial challenges causing them stress.
Undocumented Reality (Realization). Five out of the six students shared that they knew
from a young age that they were undocumented, but in high school as they began to navigate the
college process they encountered situations or instances that caused a more in-depth reality of
what they would encounter from that moment on and how it would distinguish them from their
peers’ experiences. One student shared how the application process was what brought awareness
to her:
I think it hit me when I was in high school, because we had to apply for colleges, and we
had to get our social security, and I didn't have one. I think I was just ... I don't know, I
didn't know how to feel I guess you could say, because I knew I was undocumented, so I
already knew I had to be prepared, but I was more of ... I felt like I was ignorant because
I didn't know how to approach my situation.
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56
Another student shared the feelings of betrayal she encountered when it became clear of
the limitations and obstacles she would encounter in applying for college,
I felt like all my high school, everything had been, "Do this to go to college..." But then I
got there, and I was like, "Wait. You guys didn't tell me that undocumented meant that I
wasn't gonna have everything that you guys have been painting for me." I felt very hurt,
very betrayed, and then I felt angry because I was made to feel like I was less than like I
wasn't worthy of it.

A different student described the instance when she was left with the impression that there was
no support for students like her that wanted to pursue a higher education. Her high school teacher
had assigned the entire class to complete and submit a scholarship as a class assignment, that
held being a U.S. citizen as a requirement. The student shared the moment when she brought it
up to her teacher’s attention in class:
And I was like, ‘well I would love to apply but one of the requirements is to be a U.S.
Citizen and I’m not’. And so, she was like, ‘oh okay, I’ll just give you the grade it’s
okay’. Umm but like without further help of finding another scholarship and so like with
that it kind of left me with the impression that there were no scholarships for
undocumented students.

Academic. Students’ undocumented and first-generation statuses were sources of stress
and confusion at different points in their college careers. Three of the student participants
transferred from different community colleges before their time at CSU and shared instances
where they felt that their campuses lack of visible support or resources affected them. All three
students knew they wanted to transfer; they shared that this lack of support and stress they felt as
undocumented students at one point affected their motivation to continue, whether it was
withdrawing from a class, taking fewer classes, or stopping out for a while. One student shared
her experience while she attended her community college:
Educationally, I didn't feel like I had the support there to say, "Hey, I'm
undocumented…”. She further adds, “I couldn't trust anyone with that [part of my]
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57
identity which was my whole identity. It affected it in that way, and it affected it in my
motivation to finish this school.

The lack of support this student felt at her previous institution affected her ability to pursue help
while also discouraging her to disclose her status to those that had the power to assist her.
Another student described the pressure she felt to perform well academically to maintain her
financial aid and to ensure she wasn’t perpetuating negative stereotypes about undocumented
students:
…always having to have those really good grades, because, then again, it goes back to the
finances. You don't want to be put on academic probation, because then it'll disqualify
you. I think just always being the best because you're undocumented, so you have to try
twice as hard as everybody else.

A different female student shared how the demographics of her major field have led her to feel
further isolated at times,
…umm well lately like in the classrooms that I’ve been in I feel isolated mainly because
like the field that I’m in its more male-dominated. So like within my classroom there’s
like 20 students three of us are girls… Umm, so I do feel isolated within that being the
only Latina there. Sometimes the only Latina/Latino person representing within the
classroom. Umm, so it does kind of make me feel weird.
Finally, two other students shared how sometimes their undocumented status and the outside
realities they encounter from opposing views can take a toll on their studies,
…I've lost focus in classes, and I've let go and I know this semester, when that happened,
I didn't slack ... I don't want to say slack off, but I know I didn't put my best effort into
certain classes, I know that I didn't go to some, and I was just trying to deal with it the
best way possible that I could, but I just wanted to be alone.
The other student shared, “It's hard to just try to block all the negativity and to focus on school
because it's constantly on the back of your mind.”
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58
Financial. When asked what obstacles they have encountered with college four out of the
six students said financial obstacles were the toughest challenges they experienced as
undocumented college students. They all shared that at some point they have encountered
challenges in paying for college and navigating that process.
One transfer student disclosed his original plans to attend a different university right after
high school and how due to financial circumstances he was unable to attend:
So, right after high school, I did get accepted to Northridge. But, for some reason, my
[CA] Dream Act, was not going through. They were like, ‘Oh, you can't get FASFA, you
can't get [CA] Dream Act.’ So then I asked, ‘So, how do I pay?’ They were like, ‘You
have to get a scholarship or a loan.’ Then that was hard because being undocumented
when you go to the bank they're like, ‘Oh, you have to be a resident to get a loan.’ Then
scholarships there really isn't that many for undocu ... Well, at that moment there wasn't
really that many scholarships for undocumented. So it was like, ‘Oh, my God how am I
going to pay?’ So that kind of prevented me to not go because I didn't have the money to
pay for it.
Three students described confusing situations with the financial aid office at CSU and having to
find alternative ways to pay for their studies. One student shared her experience when she first
started at CSU and not knowing about the affidavit required to qualify as an AB540 student, and
how to go about the financial process as an undocumented student first-generation student:
When I came to college that’s when I learned what AB540 was. I was like ‘why am I
paying so much?’, so I went to admissions and then they told me ‘oh why haven’t you
filled this out?’ And I’m like ‘what does that even mean?’ So like just coming here and
like being informed ‘oh yea you’re this’ ‘you’re that’ in this category umm it was just
like ‘oh okay I guess I am I don’t know any other options’ and like being first you kind of
just go with what you’re told.
Two students shared difficulties in meeting deadlines for additional documentation that the
financial aid office had required from them and instances where they have been left responsible
for unexpected remaining costs and having to get creative to find ways to pay. They shared being
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able to pay through, “asking family members”, “occasional GoFundMe pages”, and even
working additional jobs without their parents knowing.
Another student shared how due to the financial challenges she encountered she felt like
she wasn’t able to fully enjoy and immerse herself into the “typical” college experience like her
friends have been able to:
As an undocumented student here, I feel like I haven't been able to be a big part of the
campus. But it doesn't stem from the campus making me feel unwelcomed. It stemmed a
lot from… [not being] able to become involved here because I always had a full-time job.

This particular student had to maintain a full-time job so that she would be able to pay for her
college education. She felt that due to her financial circumstances she was deprived of having a
typical college experience in terms of being involved. So not only did financial challenges cause
stress in terms of being capable to afford it but also served as a barrier when trying to become
involved on-campus.
Political Climate
Even before our country officially went through the transition of having a new
administration in the White House, xenophobic comments and hostile environments started
spreading throughout our country. A majority of the students shared specific instances when the
new administration came into office and how certain policy changes affected them directly, their
undocumented status, in addition to others opposing views or lack of understanding.
Policy Changes. Five out of the six students disclosed being beneficiaries of the federal
program Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, otherwise known as DACA. As was previously
noted, even before the new administration came into office there was already talk about ending
programs such as DACA. This became a harsh reality for many students.
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One student shared the sadness she felt not only for herself but also towards the many
that would also be affected by the rescinding of DACA. “When he repealed it, I was really ... I
was super sad about it because it's not just me. It's like 800,000 more.” Another student added,
“… it kind of like, broke my heart.”
Other students shared the series of emotions they felt as DACA was rescinded and the
constant back and forth they felt. One student stated,
Like one day it's rescinded, and now it's on hold. Like, we don't know what's gonna
happen next week or next month. Is it gonna be rescinded, and then we're all gonna be ...
all scared. Even though most of us have, still, a work permit, [it’s] only going to last for
so long if it gets rescinded.

A different student voiced how he is content that after it being rescinded, DACA continues for
those that can renew, but it it’s not enough. “So yeah, it's kind of good that it's on hold, but at
that same time, we need something better than that.”
Another student shared that since he could recall he had been a recipient of Temporary
Protected Status, TPS, therefore he never applied for DACA. The student shared that he had
always had some type of awareness due to being exposed to the paperwork at a young age, “but
never paid much attention to it.” He admitted experiencing feelings of shame prior to college and
it wasn’t until after that he became more accepting of it. He shared that when DACA was
rescinded it didn’t really affect him emotionally, but when TPS ended it did:
So, when they announced DACA I wasn't really affected by it because I'm like, ‘Oh, I
have the TPS’ When they announced about TPS in January I remember I was out with
friends and I saw the news. I was kind of feeling like, ‘Oh, my God what's going to ... ‘
like, thinking the future. I'm like ... I felt like ICE was going to bust [out] right there and
just be like, ‘Oh, him. Take him.’
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When the changes for TPS were announced he was able to resonate with his peers and process
what his peers had gone through, "Oh, man ... This must be how DACA recipients felt when they
got rid of it”.
Opposing Views. Students shared being exposed to opposing views or folks that didn’t
quite understand their situations. One student shared her frustration with the media and the way
our current president had expressed his viewpoints of Mexican immigrants, “He says so many
things, like, ‘Oh, they're criminals, blah, blah, blah’. No, we're not.” While almost all student
participants’ agreed on the positivity and welcoming environment they have encountered at
CSU, they also shared instances where they felt vulnerable against opposing views from folks on
campus.
One student shared instances she encountered this past semester in one of her classes
where students would make generalizations towards immigrant and undocumented communities.
She shared the internal struggle she often went through when trying to decide whether or not she
would stand up and address the negative stereotypes and assumptions, “Uh, I want to say
something, but I'm not going to say [anything].” Three students shared feeling some sort of fear
or anxiety when thinking about disclosing their status. They shared a mutual fear towards being
judged by others if they decided to come out, particularly in their classrooms.
Another student shared her internal battle with openly coming out about her status during
situations where there were opportunities to educate others:
I don’t necessarily identify myself with undocumented because like subconsciously I’m
still scared of coming out that way. Because I don’t want someone to know me as ‘oh
that’s the undocumented girl’. I don’t want that to be my first label. I want [my name] to
be my first label.

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This same student also shared a time where she did go against someone and ended up outing
herself unknowingly. Finally, another student disclosed interactions she had with a professor that
was insensitive towards her privacy in regard to her undocumented status. The student shared
the following:
For example, my professor, she knows that I'm undocumented. We wrote a story and she
kept insisting that I brought more detail into it. I had already told here, ‘I'm not
comfortable in this class speaking about that’. In whichever way, she found a way to be
like, ‘But I need you to tell me more’. I was like, ‘No, I don't want to tell you more’.

This student expressed the frustration around occasions where sometimes even faculty weren’t
mindful of respecting students limits and would pressure for more even when it was pretty clear
they were uncomfortable.
Mental Health & Well-Being
When students were asked about stress and how they described it, it was defined as an
“overwhelming,” “lingering,” and “worrisome” feeling that can bring forth physical or emotional
reactions and affect other aspects of their lives. Every student also shared that they have felt
stress due to their undocumented status and Latinx identity. This particular stress stemmed from
a variety of things such as the new administration in office, “rescinding of DACA,”
hyperawareness of status through media, and uncertainty of future. They all had some
understanding in regard to mental health and well-being. After being given the definition of
mental health according to MentalHealth.gov, all six participants shared that this particular stress
they dealt with due to their undocumented status had an impact on their mental health and well-
being. They shared instances where stress and fear became more prevalent as well as coping
methods they resorted to when these feelings came forward.
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Stress & Fear. Majority of the stress and fear they experienced was linked to instances
when their undocumented status took prevalence over other parts of their world and identity. One
instance was when Trump came into office and DACA was rescinded. When one student was
asked if she was aware of the DACA updates and changes she responded:
Yes, I am aware of them... I didn't keep up with all the news, all the protests because I
felt like it was too much stress for me, which sounds bad because I'm like, ‘Someone else
was fighting my battle’. But it was too much for me.

Another student added how it felt like things were constantly getting worse and worse for folks
in the undocumented community:
Since DACA got rescinded, it didn't really hit me because I was like, ‘okay, it's
rescinded, maybe something will come up better.’ But then as the months went by, we
started seeing that it was getting really serious, the TPS, and then a lot of different things
were getting cut off, and how people were getting arrested for misdemeanors or traffic
violations, tickets. So that's when it hit me…So I think now more than ever, I'm really
cautious about everything I do. Even when I'm driving, I'm scared now because I don't
want to get pulled over.

This same student shared how he remembers a time before DACA and other programs in place
now, and how scary it was to try and conceal their undocumented status. He adds that folks who
aren’t undocumented “…don't realize how scary it is sometimes, especially within the last year.”
Coping. When it came to dealing and coping about half of the students disclosed that
during stressful times they noticed they had a tendency to want to be alone and isolate
themselves from others. One student specifically recalled how she had a lot of folks wanting to
be there for her and she just wanted to be left alone:
On the very first day that it was taken away, I remember, a lot of people were like, ‘We're
there, we're there, we're there’. I'm like, ‘Okay, thank you, but just give me the time to
grieve’. Because it really did feel like I was mourning the loss of something.

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Other students echoed similar sentiments in terms of being alone. In terms of having other
coping strategies or techniques, some students shared that having support systems was helpful
especially being part of communities where others could fully empathize. They mentioned how
being involved in dance, listening to music, writing, talking to others, running, and disconnecting
from technology also helped them in coping with stress.
Three students shared that regardless of what was going on they always tried maintaining
some sort of positivity. These students are also heavily involved on campus in supporting other
undocumented students and shared that part of the reason why they’re involved is that it allows
them to feel empowered and resilient. One particular student shared her perspective on being
positive and remembering that there were others that came before her and they were able to
thrive without the same protections currently in place:
At the end of the day, I think that's what's helping me a lot to be positive because I think
of the past. Other students, they didn't have DACA… or the [California] Dream Act, and
they still made it. I know people who are successful, and I'm just like, ‘If they could do it,
then I could do it’. It doesn't matter if I have to go clean houses to pay for school. I'm
going to do it…

Finally, three out of the six students shared that they were aware of their campus’s psychological
services and how that could potentially be beneficial in coping with the stress they felt. However,
only one student disclosed using some sort of service within that area.
Family
Every student shared about their family and how they played mutually vital roles in their
lives. Four students self-disclosed that their families were composed of family members that
were also undocumented, residents, or U.S. citizens, describing their families as mixed-status
families. They shared the different opinions they held in contrast to their family members and
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how this could sometimes present itself as challenging when it came to feeling their support and
understanding.
Mixed-Status. Two students shared the stress that is experienced at home due to being
part of mixed-status families. One student shared the worries and thought process his mom has
shared with him in the case that they were to get deported,
My family, they're kind of scared. They're worried that we're going to [get deported].
Because... my sisters are all native-born here. So, my mom thinks, ‘Oh, they're going to
stay here by themselves’... She thinks if we do get deported she wants them to stay so
they have a future here.

This student added that he feels a great deal of responsibility towards his sisters because he is
often responsible for them since his mother works evenings and nights. He shared his own views
on being separated from his family:
If I do go, I … want my sisters to be able to pursue their career goals. Like, if I couldn't
do it I at least want you guys to do it because that would make me feel a bit better.

This student shared having to deal with these difficult conversations and having to plan ahead
due to the uncertainty and continuous immigration raids that have occurred. Another student
shared that out of all the members of his family, he felt that the current political climate had
affected him the most. Therefore, the worry he experienced was different in addition to their
level of understanding because they’re not going through it:
I think the political climate has affected me, personally. Not so much my family. My
brother is a resident, he's gonna become a UC citizen, my mom, she's a resident. My dad
is a resident, it's just myself and my sister that [have] DACA. But I think I'm more
worried about it, because I'm constantly involved in the community and helping others,
and I feel like I'm always involved in news or learning about different updates about
DACA. So, I think my family doesn't know much about it...

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These students shared similar worries regarding their status and being vulnerable to deportation
particularly because their situation was distinct from loved ones in their households. Having to
experience this awareness and acknowledge the potential outcomes, not only for their family
members but also for themselves, brought about further ambiguity due to that fact that multiple
loved ones could potentially be affected.
Support & Understanding. In terms of support and understanding from family members,
the students shared mixed emotions coming from the reactions that their family members held.
Two students recounted their reactions to when DACA was first rescinded and not being able to
process like they would’ve wanted. One student shared how her parents’ perspective on the
changes were not the most reassuring:
…I told my parents about the news but to them news like that it doesn’t phase them and
they don’t notice how much it affects me. So it’s like there like ‘oh it’s okay nothings
gonna happen’…but sometimes you just want a little more reassurance.
The other student shared how she was not sure how to cope with the news surrounding
DACA and understood that perhaps her family would not be able to help her through it. She
recounts her experience as the following:
I felt really stressed I didn’t know how to cope with it because you know I think as
undocumented your parents you think your parents already umm go through a lot and you
don’t wanna add on to them and umm I mean I don’t want to generalize but umm with
Hispanics especially Latinos I think it is difficult for you to talk with your family about
that.
It’s important to note that she consciously did not want to bring on more stress to her parents
since there were other stressors at home. She was aware that culturally and specifically with her
family sharing of emotions is not very common. She further added:

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I think family-wise ... We don't really talk about it, just because ... I mean, everybody's
busy at home. I spend most of my days [at school]. My dad spends most of his days
working. My mom isn't that kind of person that talks about like, ‘How are you feeling,
mija? Are you sad?’ No, we're not like that. You're going to bottle up your emotions and
that's it.
Overall, while they sometimes felt like their families did not validate their feelings they
did not hold resentment towards them. Instead, they knew that it could have to do with their
cultural upbringing and background. Not understanding their passion towards advocacy work
was another area the students shared struggling with their parents Four of the students disclosed
being involved in some way with the immigrant student alliance club at CSU. Two of these
students strongly identified as activists within the undocumented community and shared that
their families don’t understand the importance behind this identity they carry. One student shared
how her family perceives her due to her involvement, “Within the rest of my family uh it is kinda
weird. I’m seen as like…‘an activist’.” They tell her things such as “you’re trying too hard” but
she adds that all she wants to do is help others like her family get informed.
Another student shared how his family does not approve of his activism within the
undocumented community and the constant struggle he faces when it’s brought up:
And my mom gets worried about anything that she sees on the news. Like, if we see, if I
go to a protest and I tell her, she's like, ‘oh no, mijo no,’ or ‘no, don't do that, you're
gonna get arrested. No, don't do stuff like that, stay home and everything is gonna be
fine.’ But she doesn't realize that this affects me every day, because I'm living it.
Other members of this student’s family contribute similar viewpoints towards his involvement.
He shared his daughter’s mother’s viewpoints and the lack of understanding from her part to see
the reason behind why he is so involved:
She doesn't realize how important this is to me, being outside of school, and being an
advocate, an activist. She sometimes thinks it's a waste of time, ‘being out there and
protesting, it's not gonna get you anywhere, you're just gonna get arrested and get
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deported’. But then she doesn't realize like, how important this is for me and for the
future of my daughter and myself, because I think change starts from the community and
from the people. Like, if we all stay quiet then the government is going to keep doing
whatever they want. They have to hear our voices in order for things to change. And we
see that through history.
Constantly having to navigate those conversations with their families, while also being cautious
to not cause greater fear or worries, in addition living authentic lives is something these students
also shared.
Uncertainty
Uncertainty was a constant theme reoccurring throughout the entirety of the interviews.
However, the two major uncertainties the students experienced dealt with what would occur
post-graduation and what would happen in terms of policy and changes.
Post-Graduation. Transitioning to life after college is already known as a stressful time
for college students. However, for these students, the changes they worry about are far beyond
those of the typical college student. The participating students’ majors ranged widely, including
English Education, Cellular Molecular Biology, Sociology, Physical Education, and Business
Administration. When asked about why they chose to major in their field and how they felt when
they found themselves in the classroom, their faces lit up. They shared such passion and desire to
pursue fields that held valuable meaning for them personally. One student emphasized feeling
“privileged” to have the opportunity to benefit from education. While these students felt
fortunate to be pursuing a higher education they also mentioned the uncertainty they encountered
when thinking about post-graduation. One student disclosed how the current political climate
affected not only his academics but had caused him to doubt and worry excessively about
whether or not continuing his college education was worth it:
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I'm still motivated to be in school, but I think it dropped a little bit because right now,
we're in the middle of, are we gonna keep it or not? So it's like, do I keep going to
school? Do I not go to school? What if I graduate and nothing happens, my diploma's just
gonna be there, or my bachelor's just going to be hanging on the wall, and I'm not going
to be able to practice it… I don't know. I have mixed emotions.

Other students shared similar worries especially in the sense of whether or not they would be
allowed to work. Two students shared their desire to pursue research or work in government
positions but felt very discouraged due to this uncertainty. Other students added dreams of
further continuing their education but feeling unsure about it due to the recent policy changes
that have occurred on a national level in addition to having to navigate the educational system
once again but this time at a different level.
Policy. Another significant uncertainty they mentioned was that towards policy and what
will come next. Two students specifically mentioned the uncertainty and ambiguity they have
experienced lately. One student shared the constant feeling of insecurity and what the next day
will bring:
… you never know what's going to happen. Yeah, DACA's good right now, but what
about tomorrow? Or what about in a month, you know? I think that feeling of not being
able to feel secure is always going to be there…

Another student shared similar thoughts about not “knowing what’s going to happen to DACA
pretty much since right now there is no end point.” She added uncertainty around whether a
federal Dream Act would ever become a reality for them and thus allow for more opportunities.
Other students shared similar worries about whether or not this country that they call home
would ever share with them the opportunity to even just become a resident:
I think it's just been a roller coaster of emotions…”, one student shared, “…because one
day it's good, one day it's bad, one day it's done, one day it's going to continue and you
can keep renewing it ... I just think it's all over the place, and now we're just hoping for
the best.

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Correspondingly, another student, that identified himself as an advocate and activist within his
community, emphasized his frustration behind the unjust way this country is treating folks like
him and urged the need change:
I feel like they're just playing with our emotions... So, I think this is the time to do
something about it, as we've been doing, and fight for something permanently so we
won't be scared forever

The question “what’s going to happen?” was brought up at some point by each student during
their individual interviews. This further demonstrates the worry towards issues that are out of
these students control but drastically affect them in everyday life as members of our society. It
additionally reinstates the need towards implementing more effective policies to support this
population versus prolonging temporary fixes that further perpetuate uncertainty.
Summary
Overall the data from this study demonstrates that in fact, these students experience areas
of stress due to their undocumented status, whereas many of their peers will never feel or
experience such stress. While the results demonstrate self-awareness and resilience in how these
students have been able to persist, they further solidify the importance of implementing visible
changes and practices into our communities for the purpose of further supporting our
undocumented population. These results provide a basic structure to further explore topics
regarding mental health, particularly for the undocumented Latinx community.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
The purpose of this study was to further understand how undocumented students
experience stress and how this stress affects their mental health and well-being. Through a
qualitative approach, this study was able to hear the first-hand experiences of undocumented
Latinx students on the CSU campus. Through a qualitative approach I considered the following
questions, how do undocumented Latinx students experience stress, as well as how it affects this
population's mental health and well-being, to further acknowledge the stress these students are
exposed to and the effect it has on their mental health. The overall findings were that
undocumented Latinx students experience stress in areas that other peers might not encounter.
Through these findings implications for practice and research, suggestions have emerged to
continue to inform and educate practitioners and the field of research.
Theoretical Framework Analysis
The theoretical framework used in this study was minority stress theory. This theory
describes how individuals from historically marginalized communities are likely to experience
excess levels of stress as members of minoritized groups (Meyer, 2003; Rostosky, Riggle, Gray,
& Hatton, 2007). Minority stress theory was used as a framework in this study to understand how
undocumented Latinx students experience stress. The minority stress model takes into account
multiple aspects such as environmental circumstances, being part of a minoritized community,
and identifying with such minority identity or status (Meyer, 2003). It includes general stressors
as well as additional layers of stress experienced as a result of a marginalized status(es), caused
by external and internal factors, and how the prevalence of this status or identity in addition to
coping mechanisms can have an effect on mental health (Meyer, 2003).
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The student participants were aware of the additional stress they experienced in contrast
to their peers who were not undocumented. In addition, the data collected included various
components of the minority stress model such as where the students self-identified as
undocumented, and included details regarding the current political climate. For example, all
participants described encounters they had experienced directly related to their undocumented
status. These students were aware of the additional barriers they had to navigate as soon as they
began their college careers and therefore were aware of how they coped with stress. They
responded positively when they were asked if they felt that the stress they experienced, as a
result of their status, had an effect on their mental health. The more detailed themes that emerged
from this study aligned with the minority stress theory. Students were clear in connecting
feelings of uncertainty, worry, and fear tied to their undocumented status.
It is important to note that while this theoretical framework is applicable to this study it
doesn’t specifically cover the nuances related to the undocumented population. On the other
hand, this theory does include the importance behind the environment and interactions directly
related to the minority status of a marginalized community. Therefore, it is important to note, not
only within this theory but how this study overall further brings awareness to the impact that
context has on the undocumented population. Given the circumstances of our political climate
and the significance it has made for these undocumented students it is imperative that we address
not only the stress being perpetuated but the greater issue causing it with utmost urgency.
Through this study and the perspectives shared by the students, it is more than apparent
that the matter causing these issues and unnecessary barriers for these students is the current
political climate. This marginalization is not something new in this country nor specific to the
Latinx community alone. This has been repeated time and time again throughout history and has
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left devastating amounts of trauma across various groups. It is important that we are cognizant of
this issue and are able to recognize it as a systemic problem. The problem goes beyond a legal
issue and into a moral one where now masses are being targeted, criminalized, and held hostage,
both metaphorically and literally, due to the ability of those in power to further perpetuate the
cycle of marginalization towards folks who are deemed as not part of this country solely based
on them not possessing the required documentation. It then becomes far more frustrating to see
that now these actions are impacting so many students not only hindering their mental health but
also impacting educational attainment, motivation, and their sense of belonging when they have
rightfully earned these opportunities to attain an education. These are just six out of the millions
of stories in which these students share their perspectives and how these circumstances are
affecting their lives personally. Therefore, it is our responsibility as educators and researchers to
act with urgency and support these students so that they can continue to resist, persevere, and
succeed.
Implications for Practice
Increase Ally Trainings. In terms of implications for practice, it is important to
emphasize an increase in ally trainings. Through participating in ally trainings campus staff,
faculty, and administrators can learn more in regard to issues affecting the specific student
populations, legislation and policies, best practices, and resources available. Many campuses
have started implementing ally trainings to better support these student populations and even
introduced ally decals so that students are aware when someone has gone through such training.
While this is all helpful it is important that as allies the work and advocacy does not end after
attending an ally training. By increasing these trainings not only would more folks become aware
but also encourage cross-collaboration between resources and departments. In participating in
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these ally trainings, allies can learn about one another and help build lines of communication that
otherwise wouldn’t have been possible. Faculty members can learn about allies in psychological
services, financial aid, admissions, etc. and vice-versa so that now if they ever encounter a
student going through a difficult point they can guide them in the right direction. By creating
these networks students would be able to receive more support early on, further enhancing their
academic success, motivation, and sense of belonging because now they see that they are cared
about.
Increase Visibility of Psychological Services. It’s important to note that all students that
participated in this study disclosed feelings of stress and uncertainty. In addition to disclosing
experiencing stress, students were given definitions on mental health and well-being. Through
being provided this definition they were able to self-identify that in fact their mental health had
been affected by the stress they were feeling. Majority of this stress stemmed from obstacles or
issues related to their undocumented status. Each student was able to share the ways in which
they personally coped with feelings of stress, such as isolating themselves, bottling up emotions,
physical activities among other things. While a few students shared their awareness of
psychological services offered on campus, only one student shared that she had utilized the
services provided. Other students disclosed perspectives of stigma within their community about
opening up about their emotions.
Due to these reasons, I believe that it is important to encourage the visibility of
psychological and mental health services on campuses to help put an end to the stigmatization
that it carries. For this to occur it is critical to incorporate more appealing practices and
approaches for our students to feel more comfortable if they decide to pursue such services. A
way that this can be done is by incorporating aspects or language that are culturally appealing for
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these students, such as community, empowerment, or resilient communities or support groups
where students can meet others that are going through similar experiences and allowing them to
lead these groups through conversation and with the help of a counselor or psychologist to
facilitate such conversations. However, before this can be done it is also important for students to
become familiar with counselors and psychologists on their campus so they can build rapport and
gain trust. This would be possible by having members of these offices finding ways to connect
with students, build rapport, and possibly meet in spaces where students feel comfortable versus
requiring them to visit the offices that are specifically designated for psychological services.
More importantly, it’s vital that we also try to put an end towards the stigmatization that
mental health holds in our communities of color. For the stigma to end or decrease we must
normalize mental health issues and encourage seeking outside assistance to help those going
through challenging and stressful moments. Not only would normalizing be beneficial for
students that feel like they are unable to confide in others or share what they are going through,
but also help them realize that they are not the only ones experiencing these struggles. One of the
students mentioned the correlation between not being able to share feelings among family
members and it not being culturally acceptable. Having resources available throughout campus
that are accessible and informative, such as flyers or presentations through psychological
services where they go over their services and special topics could be one easy step. Another
recommendation would be to go beyond just sharing information through a broad approach and
instead ensure that outreach practices are being catered accordingly to each population.
Furthermore, considering the importance that family can play among the undocumented
community it would be beneficial to also include information and presentations specifically for
parents and families. Campus psychological services and other offices can partner with outside
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organizations so that families can learn more about these health issues and perhaps change their
perspectives on mental health. These presentations can be organized similarly or in conjunction
with “Know Your Rights” workshops. As for students, taking similar approaches and possibly
hosting events or workshops where psychologists can host some sort of interactive event to help
demystify beliefs and feelings towards mental health, encourage time for Q&A, or even just
drop-in sessions. Through efforts like the ones mentioned not only would visibility increase
towards services and resources available but also help end the stigma that mental health carries.
Holistic Student Understanding. Furthermore, it is important to always be cognizant
and support our students holistically, regardless of population. When working with
undocumented students it’s important to take into account the multiple aspects of a student’s
being and how these different areas can contribute to additional stress and mental health
concerns being experienced.
For this reason, it is important that those who offer support to this population of students
are culturally competent and aware to ensure that our undocumented students are receiving the
support needed versus attempting to use a one size fits all model. This is especially important
and relevant for faculty and counselors. Being that students tend to see faculty more often due to
their classes and the important role that counselors play, both in their academic and emotional
well-being, it is important that they have the cultural competency to understand where their
students are coming from. More importantly, so that the interactions they have with them are
done in the best interest of the student. In doing so, we can ensure that we are meeting our
students where they are at and gain a better understanding of what their needs are. This way we
can be active agents of change to further enhance their experiences and therefore develop or
maintain mental health.
STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS

77
Implications for Research
Inclusivity & Diversity. As for implications for research it would be helpful to take into
account the multiple avenues and or policies that may affect students undocumented status in
addition to including other races or ethnicities that also shape our undocumented community.
During the interviews conducted in this study, we focused more so on the updates regarding
DACA without asking about any other recent changes to programs that have also impacted
immigrant communities, such as Temporary Protected Status (TPS). It’s important to note that in
contrast to DACA, TPS has been terminated for three countries, Sierra Leone, Guinea, and
Liberia, and it is scheduled to end for a few others countries in months to come (U.S. Citizenship
and Immigration Services, 2018). By being aware of the different policies affecting the
undocumented community, as researchers, we can be more cognizant of the additional obstacles
and stressors members of the undocumented community are facing. When acknowledging these
factors, as researchers, we can make further connections and thus allow us to gain a better
perspective on the stress these folks are encountering.
Secondly, it’s important to state that the majority of research that has been done focuses
mostly on Latinx folks and more specifically those of Mexican descent. Future research should
be more representative of the diverse makeup the undocumented population is made up of. In
doing so we would be able to gain different perspectives and find ways in which we can be more
inclusive of all and develop research that can serve to educate and eventually inform
practitioners on how to create or further develop more welcoming and supportive spaces for all
undocumented students.

STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS

78
Conclusion
The undocumented Latinx college student population is one that has gone through several
political changes this past academic year creating a great deal of uncertainty and fear. The
purpose of this thesis was to bring awareness towards the issue of mental health within the
undocumented Latinx student community and recognize the need towards better supporting these
students while advocating for the necessary services to ensure an overall well-being. Overall, the
experiences shared by the participants in this study further acknowledge the various stressors,
coping mechanisms, and effects that these levels of stress have on this student population’s
mental health and well-being at California State University in hopes that they can further inform
future research and practices so that these students can receive the support they deserve.

STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS

79
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85
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

Introduction
The purpose of this interview is to hear from students like you about your different
experiences as an undocumented Latinx college student and how these experiences have caused
or created stress.
I will be asking you a series of interview questions on your personal experiences. The
answers you provide will be kept confidential and will not be linked to your identity.

Interview Questions
Adapted from (Zamudio, 2016)
Demographics
1. How old are you?
2. What is your gender identity?
3. Where are you from?
4. How old were you when you came to the United States?

Access to Higher Education
1. Are you the first in your family to go to college?
2. How many years have you been in college?
3. Are you a transfer student?
4. What is your current college standing? (freshman, sophomore, junior, senior)
5. What is your major? Minor?
a. Why did you choose this pathway?

Stress, Coping, & Mental Health
1. How do you define stress?
2. Describe how you feel when you’re experiencing stress? (emotionally, physically)
Explain.
3. Have you experienced stress due to your undocumented status and Latinx identity?
4. Has this stress affected different aspects of your life? If so, how and in what way?
5. What do you do when you feel overwhelmed by this stress? Explain.
6. How do you currently cope with stress? What kind of things help you feel less stressed?
7. Are there any other new ways or things you are aware of that can help relieve your
stress? Explain.
8. According to MentalHealth.gov, mental health is defined as “our emotional,
psychological, and social well-being. It affects how we think, feel, and act. It also helps
determine how we handle stress, relate to others, and make choices.” Do you feel that this
stress you have experienced has had an effect on your mental health and well-being?
How so?

On-Campus: in class, campus community
1. Describe how your undocumented status has affected your current college experience at
CSUDH?
STRESS AMONG UNDOCUMENTED LATINX STUDENTS

86
2. If you are a transfer student, describe how your undocumented status affected your
college experience at the previous college you attended.
3. Describe all the things that most stress you out about school.
4. What are some of the obstacles that you have faced in college?
5. Describe how you feel when you are in-class?
6. Have you shared your undocumented status in-class? Can you describe that experience?
7. Have you experienced any issues in-class due to you undocumented status? If so, how?
8. Have you experienced any issues in your college campus, outside of the classroom, due
to your undocumented status? If so, how?

Financial
1. Do you currently work?
a. If so, describe what type of work do you do?
b. How many hours a week?
c. Why do you work & what does your money go towards?
2. Describe how you have been able to pay for college.
3. Were there any challenges you encountered when paying for college? If so, how did you
find out about these challenges?
4. Have you had to take a semester off or a leave of absence from college because you
couldn’t afford it? If so, can you briefly describe that experience.
5. If applicable, describe any other financial issues you have experienced or are currently
experiencing.
6. What steps do you take/What do you do to avoid or prepare for these financial stresses?
(if applicable)
DACA
5. When and how did you learn about your undocumented status? How did you react?
6. Have you applied for DACA? Why or why not?
7. Can you tell me the story of when and how you decided to/or decided not to apply for
DACA?
8. If you have applied for DACA, are you still currently a DACA recipient?
9. Are you aware of the DACA updates and changes that occurred in the recent months? If
so, how did you react and/or what are your thoughts and reactions to these changes?

Off-Campus: climate/community, personal, family
1. Describe how the current political climate has affected you? Your family and loved ones?
2. How has the latest DACA policy update affected you, if at all?
3. Has your immediate community added on to that stress? If so how?
4. Are there any other additional things you’re experiencing at home and/or with family or
loved ones that is adding on more stress to your life? If so please describe.

Post-Graduation
1. What would you like to do after you graduate from college? Why?
2. Describe any worries or uncertainties you have about life after you graduate college?

Thank you for your participation.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study examined how undocumented Latinx students experience stress and how this stress affects their mental health and well-being. Using a minority stress theory approach this qualitative study sought to further explore these students’ experiences. By conducting in-depth interviews six undocumented Latinx college students at a California State University were able to share their encounters with stress, the multiple layers of these experiences, coping mechanisms, and the effects it has had on their mental health and well-being. Findings in this study confirmed that in addition to encountering obstacles as college students, these students experienced additional challenges as a result of their undocumented status. Implications for practice and research are discussed to encourage further support for undocumented students.

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Asset Metadata

Creator González, Arlin (author)

Core Title Stress among undocumented Latinx students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Master of Education

Degree Program Educational Counseling

Publication Date 07/31/2018

Defense Date 06/18/2018

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag college,Latinx,Mental Health,minority stress,OAI-PMH Harvest,Stress,Students,undocumented,well-being

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Venegas, Kristan (committee chair), Mosqueda, Cynthia (committee member), Oliverez, Paz (committee member)

Creator Email arlingnz@gmail.com,arlingon@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-43912

Unique identifier UC11671497

Identifier etd-GonzlezArl-6578.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-43912 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-GonzlezArl-6578.pdf

Dmrecord 43912

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights González, Arlin

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Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

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