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Self-evident truth that all men are not perceived equally: examining perspectives of African American male college graduates who have been criminalized

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Self-evident truth that all men are not perceived equally: examining perspectives of African American male college graduates who have been criminalized

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Content Running head: PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 1
SELF-EVIDENT TRUTH THAT ALL MEN ARE NOT PERCEIVED EQUALLY:
EXAMINING PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE
GRADUATES WHO HAVE BEEN CRIMINALIZED

by

Bernice Embry

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2018

Copyright 2018 Bernice Embry
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 2
DEDICATION
I dedicate this dissertation to my loving parents, Margo and Troy. You both have inspired
me to be a better person each and every day. Thank you both, for always instilling in me the
importance of education. Thank you for being my source of strength. I love you.
I also dedicate this dissertation to my sisters, Bridgette, Brittany, and Brandi. I love you
all and want you to know that no matter what, you can accomplish any goal you set out to
accomplish as long as you believe in yourselves. Additionally, I dedicate this dissertation to my
older sister Brenda. May you forever Rest in Peace. You were my first best friend, supporter,
protector, and cheerleader. I will forever miss you. You will always be in my heart. I love you.
Lastly, I dedicate this dissertation to Eugene. Thank you for supporting me the best way
you could at any given moment. Your continuous love and encouragement are simply priceless.
You mean the world to me and are truly the rock on which I stand. I love you.

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 3
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am extremely grateful for the support and dedication of my overly supportive and
esteemed dissertation committee: Dr. Briana Hinga (Chair), Dr. Alan Green (Member), and Dr.
Chelena Fisher (Member). This entire process has been so rewarding and informative for me as a
result of your guidance and expertise. I sincerely thank you for all of your tireless work and
effort on my behalf. I am forever appreciative.
This dissertation would not have been possible without the cooperation of the six men
who participated in this study. Thank you for sharing intimate moments of your lives with me
and helping to contribute to the current body of research. Your stories are all so inspiring and
genuine. I am truly grateful for your willingness to support me in this endeavor.
I would also like to thank all of my exceptional USC professors as well as classmates.
Thank you, Brandie, Ashley, Sahar, and Amber for being supportive throughout this journey!
Our cohort definitely would not have been the same without you.
Additionally, I would like to acknowledge my LMU professors Dr. William Parham, and
Dr. Mathew Jung. Thank you, Dr. Parham for always inviting me to consider ways in which I
could be a better counselor as well as challenging me to be a better person in general. Thank you,
Dr. Jung for sparking in me an interest for conducting research. Your research methods class was
life changing and was the initial reason I applied to USC.
Finally, I would like to thank Avis. I am also grateful for you whose constant
reassurance, reinforcement, and inspiration made this journey possible. You are truly God sent
and have contributed a great deal to my entire pursuit of higher education.

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
Abstract 6
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 7
Background of the Problem 8
Statement of the Problem 11
Purpose of the Study 14
Research Questions 14
Limitations and Delimitations 15
Definition of Terms 16
Organization of the Study 17
Chapter Two: Literature Review 18
Research Questions 19
Brief Overview of Chapter Two 19
The Development of Critical Race Theory 21
Principles of Critical Race Theory 22
Critical Race Theory and the Prison Industrial Complex 24
Prior Research Using a Critical Race Theory Framework 26
Self-Authorship Theory 28
Prior Research Using Self-Authorship Theory 33
Limitations of Self-Authorship Theory Through a CRT Lens 34
Transformational Resistance Theory 35
Conceptual Framework 36
Rationale for the Study 37
Figure 1. Conceptual model of theoretical frameworks. 38
Chapter Three: Methodology 39
Methods 39
Rationale 40
Participants and Site Selection 41
Data Collection and Coding 43
Counter-Stories 44
Data Analysis 45
Credibility and Trustworthiness 47
Ethics 48
Researcher Positionality 49
Chapter Four: Findings 50
Description of Participants 50
Greg 51
David 52
Richard 53
Jake 53
Vincent 54
Summary 55
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 5
Table 1: Demographics of Interview Participants 55
Theoretical Grounding and Research Questions 56
Experiencing Criminalization 57
Portrayals of African American Men in the Media 57
Driving While Black 63
Shopping While Black 69
Been Arrested or Expected to Be Arrested 72
Criminalizing Identities and Self-Authorship 81
Following Formulas (Phase One) 82
Crossroads (Phase Two) 87
Becoming the Author of One’s Life (Phase Three) 91
Internal Foundation (Phase Four) 94
Engaging in Transformational Resistance 98
Commitment to Social Justice 99
Internal Transformation 103
Conclusion 107
Chapter Five: Discussion 110
Discussion of Findings 112
Experiences of Being Criminalized 113
Criminalized Identities and Self-Authorship 114
Criminalized Identities and Transformational Resistance 117
Implications for Practice and Research 118
Implications for Practice 118
Implications for Future Research 120
Conclusion 121
References 122
Appendix A: Solicitation Message 129
Appendix B: Scheduling Email– Interview 130
Appendix C: Survey to Participants 131
Appendix D: Interview Protocol and Interview Questions 132
Appendix E: Informed Consent Form 135

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 6
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this counter-narrative study was to understand the perceptions of African
American men regarding society’s willingness to place criminalizing identities on them. This
study examined their use of transformational resistance as well as examined the relationship
between their development and self-authorship, through a critical race theory lens. The
researcher interviewed six African American male college graduates to share their lived
experiences and perspectives. To address the disproportionate number of criminalization
amongst African American men when compared to their White counterparts, the researcher
utilized a critical race framework. The stories told through this work can assist faculty,
counselors, student affairs personnel as well as community workers with distinguishing the
impact that criminalization has on the African American man, and how transformational
resistance can help redefine who they are. Conclusively, this dissertation highlights the voices of
those who are criminalized, which is too often missing from the literature base that informs
educators. By interviewing these individuals, the researcher captured unique narratives to better
explain the lived experiences for this marginalized group of men while presenting the ways in
which they have rewritten stories placed on them by limiting social structures.

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 7
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
The act of criminalizing African American men has been strategically woven into the
structure of the United States. This claim is supported when examining statistics of incarcerated
African American men in America. According to the United States Census Bureau (2017), as of
July 1, 2015, the African American population was 46.3 million and is expected to grow to 74.5
million by July 1, 2020. When looking at the criminal justice system in the United States, it
could be noted that African Americans now account for 2.3 million of the 6.8 million
incarcerated citizens in America (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
[NAACP], 2018). According to the NAACP, African Americans are arrested five times more
than their White counterparts. Additionally, African Americans and Hispanics amounted to 56%
of all prisoners in 2008 despite making up an estimated 32% of the total US population
(NAACP, 2018). This disproportion of punishment being administered between African
Americans and White citizens is mirrored in the educational system. Research has shown that
35% of African American students in grades 7through 12 have been suspended or experienced
school expulsion compared to 15% of White students (NAACP, 2018).
However, in the face of this criminalizing system and scripts placed on African American
men, many of them manage to surge paths of self-determination that overcome expectations and
structures placed on them by social constructs. Understanding the power of these African
American men and their stories is crucial to fostering hope and showing the transformative
resilience against a dehumanizing system (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001; Solórzano &
Yosso, 2002). Through a critical race theory (CRT) lens, this counter-narrative study (Solórzano
& Yosso, 2002) set out to determine whether there was a relationship between the development
of six criminalized African American men and self-authorship (Baxter Magolda, 2001) as well as
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 8
to capture the process for these men practicing transformational resistance (Solórzano & Delgado
Bernal, 2001) within a society and structure placing criminalizing and dehumanizing identities
on them. Hence, the findings uncovered from this study can directly illuminate the hidden issues
of criminalizing African American men in the United States as well as the individuals’
resistance.
This problem is important to address because there is an ascending concern about
America’s disposition to break up African American families, incarcerate African American
men, and its failure to promote education for African American youth (Perry & Bright, 2012).
According to Perry and Bright (2012), 51% of the African American fathers in a random sample
of urban couples from 20 cities had been incarcerated by their child’s fifth birthday. As a result,
these fathers played less intricate roles in their children’s lives, and their children displayed
notably worse behavioral issues than children of fathers who had never been detained.
Considering the above statistics regarding the criminalization of African American men, it is
important to acknowledge and understand the effects that criminalization has not only on African
American men, but also on the African American family as a unit (Barbin, 2010; Perry & Bright,
2012; Roberts, 2004; Swisher, & Waller, 2008; Taifa, 2016; Western & Wildeman, 2009).
Background of the Problem
Roughly one-third of African American men in their twenties are controlled by the
criminal justice system, either in jail, on probation, or on parole (Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts,
2004). This statistic reflects the dominant narrative that African American men are more likely to
commit a crime, yet, it disregards responsibility of this problem on the part of the criminal justice
system in the United States (Bell, 1995; Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts, 2004). For this reason, it
is imperative to recognize the transformation of prison policy in the turn of the 21st century,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 9
which could be characterized as the mass incarceration of African Americans (Roberts, 2004).
This shifting of attention moves away from African American men as the exclusive determinant
of these disparities, provides clarity toward the larger infrastructure and forces that influence
prison policymaking (Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts, 2004). Accordingly, to address the rates in
which African American men are being incarcerated, one must first follow the chronicled
changes to various laws during the 1980s in the United States (Perry & Bright, 2012). Although
some laws that were created in the 1980s have since been refined or discontinued, the
detrimental ramifications of mass incarceration have continued to wreak injustice on African
American men (Monroe, 2005; Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts, 2004).
One of the most prominent causes of the inflated number of African American males in
the prison system was the War on Drugs (Perry & Bright, 2012). Described by legislation in
1986 and 1988 as the Anti-Drug Abuse Acts, the War on Drugs exhibited a primary turn in the
government’s counter to substance abuse (Perry & Bright, 2012). Many U.S. citizens have been
analytical of lawmakers for the implementation of mass incarceration in exchange for solving
issues of poverty, unemployment, and poor public-school systems as well as failure to provide
adequate mental health care (Ward & Marable, 2003). These law practices authorized mandatory
penalties for crack cocaine, which were considered the most severe ever endorsed for drug
offenses. However, enforcing inordinately different punishment arrangements for crack cocaine
when compared to powder cocaine (Bonhomme, Stephens, & Braithwaite, 2006). Crack cocaine,
which is the less expensive proxy to powder cocaine, is massed in poor neighborhoods of color
and carries a 100 to 1 sentencing disparity when compared to powder cocaine (Perry & Bright,
2012). In other words, it takes 500 grams of powder cocaine to elicit the equal 5-year mandatory
minimum sentence that is associated with five grams of crack cocaine (Mauer, 2009).
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 10
Subsequently, these policies led to an increase in volume of new drug offenses and longer
mandatory sentences, which ultimately resulted in retaining prison populations at historically
high levels during the 1990s, even with declines in crime (Roberts, 2004), causing the population
most restricted under tenacious drug laws, to be young African American men (Perry & Bright,
2012).
Additionally, various studies have shown that the exit and reentry of inmates is most
potent in low-income minority communities (Clear, Rose, Waring, & Scully, 2003). I Fagan,
West, and Holland (2003) was noted that “72% of all New York State’s prisoners came from
only seven of New York City’s 55 community board districts” (p. 1568). With geographical
maps, Fagan and colleagues discovered that neighborhoods that had high incarceration rates
during the year 1990, continued to increase by the year 1996 (Fagan et al., 2003). By heavily
patrolling the same low-income areas, law enforcement continued the cycle of imprisoning men
from concentrated geographical neighborhoods (Fagan et al., 2003). As a result, findings
indicated that incarceration rates remained steady or continued to increase even as crime
remained constant or declined (Fagan et al., 2003).
Social inequality is apparent when reviewing America’s penal system (Perry & Bright,
2012; Western & Wildeman, 2009). As previously mentioned, mass incarceration typically stems
areas where the disadvantaged are concentrated (Western & Wildeman, 2009). It could be noted
that a third of African American men who were incarcerated were unemployed at the time of
their arrest while the average income for the remaining incarcerated men is much lower
compared to other men with equal education levels (Western & Wildeman, 2009). Regardless of
variables such as education level and employment status, African American men are arrested at
rates very different from those of White men (Western & Wildeman, 2009). In fact, if White men
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 11
were incarcerated at the same rate as African American men, there would be upward of six
million total prisoners in the United States (Western & Wildeman, 2009). To minimize the
disparity in incarceration rates for African American men and White men, researchers must
continue to acknowledge the existence of institutionalized racism or colorblind racism that is
currently fueling the number of arrests of African American men (Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts,
2004). To navigate around this social justice issue, African American men would benefit from
reform to criminal laws, more employment opportunities, access to adequate education, and
access to mental healthcare (Roberts, 2004). Researchers should engage in uncovering the effects
that criminalizing the African American man has on his ability to create a different narrative for
the lifestyle he aspires to live (Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts, 2004; Western & Wildeman,
2009). By acknowledging these men’s lived experiences of being criminalized, researchers could
suggest recommendations for assistance with resisting the narrative placed on them.
Statement of the Problem
Disproportionately high numbers of African American men are incarcerated as a direct
result of War on Drugs policies implemented during the 1980s in the United States (Perry &
Bright, 2012; Roberts, 2004; Western & Wildeman, 2009). The outcomes of mass incarceration
led to criminalizing disadvantaged racial minority groups and subsequently sending them to
prison for their substance abuse problems while granting the opportunity for wealthier people to
utilize rehabilitation centers to combat their substance abuse (Perry & Bright, 2012).
Incarceration is a much more common occurrence for African American males than White males
(Barbarin, 2010). It is important to note the lasting impression this leaves on the African
American male psyche. In fact, arguably, the most lasting repercussion on the African American
community is that prison is normalized and being arrested becomes a rite of passage, that many
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 12
adolescent men feel is part of their upbringing (Roberts, 2004). This claim is important to
understand because it sets the tone for young African American men who believe that, despite
the choices they make in life, they may still be arrested at some point. Documents have shown
that White men are detained at a rate of 8.5 per thousand while African American men are
incarcerated at a rate of 48.3 per thousand (Barbarin, 2010). Adjoining the punishments that
these men are given while imprisoned, researchers identified that, in many ways, their sentences
continue even after release from prison. (Perry & Bright, 2012). Specifically, ex-offenders face
unseen punishments that persist following discharge, such as trouble obtaining employment,
exclusion from various housing and education assistance programs, and the loss of voting rights
(Perry & Bright, 2012; Taifa, 2016).
Institutional racism exists within the United States criminal justice system, which makes
navigating the penal system challenging for African American men (Taifa, 2016). Although one
could argue the discrimination African American men experience within the criminal justice
system is not typically sustained through individual acts, it can be noted that discriminatory
treatment is ingrained within the structure, policies, and practices of whole institutions (Roberts,
2004; Perry & Bright, 2012; Taifa, 2016). One direct outcome of institutional racism that affects
African American men can be seen in the form of prison overcrowding as well as the lack of
appropriate healthcare (Seabrook & Wyatt-Nichol, 2016; Taifa, 2016). The lack of adequate
healthcare leads to the spread of tuberculosis, HIV and other diseases that eventually have
negative consequences on prisoners’ families and communities once released (Taifa, 2016).
Therefore, for criminal justice policy reform to take place, there needs to be a continued dialogue
regarding the African American people’s experience and their relationship with a racist and
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 13
oppressive criminal justice system as well as their relationship with law enforcement (Seabrook
& Wyatt-Nichol, 2016; Taifa, 2016).
Mainstream portrayal of African American life is associated with constant threatening
depictions with anticipated consistency (Monroe, 2005). Images of African American men often
display threatening and criminal stereotypes (Monroe, 2005). Both media and scholarly
illustrations of African American life focus on cultures of violence, drugs, anti-authoritarianism,
and other social deficits (Monroe, 2005; Seabrook & Wyatt-Nichol, 2016; Taifa, 2016).
With stereotypes that mask racism and perpetuate dehumanizing criminalization of
African American men, counter-stories (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002) are necessary to share hope
and glimpses of transformational resistance (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Fortunately,
some African American men escape the trap of mass incarceration through the practice of
transformational resistance (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Transformational resistance
refers to behavior that displays both a criticism of oppression and a passion for social change
(Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). While practicing transformational resistance, one critiques
the oppressive conditions and structures of control and is motivated by a sense of social justice
(Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001).
To provide educators, administrators and researchers with an understanding of how
African American men perceive their experiences of being criminalized, this study focused on
the narratives of six African American men who resisted the narrative placed on them. In this
qualitative study, these men discussed their experiences of being criminalized and how it
affected their decision making. Learning from African American males about how they utilized
transformational resistance to change the narrative for their lives allows for a deeper
understanding of the perspectives of this marginalized group of individuals.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 14
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this counter-narrative study was to understand African American men’s
perceptions regarding the criminalizing identities placed on them. Additionally, this study
examined the ways in which these men engaged in transformational resistance as well as how
and if their development was related to self-authorship, which is defined as “the internal capacity
to define one’s beliefs, identity and social relations” (Baxter Magolda, 2008, p. 269). The
researcher interviewed six self-identified African American men who earned bachelor’s degrees
and have experienced criminalization. These men were asked to share their stories because
African American men are, too often, portrayed as violent drug abusers with no regard for the
law (Monroe, 2005; Seabrook & Wyatt-Nichol, 2016; Taifa, 2016). Since the basis of this study
was individuals’ perceptions, utilizing a qualitative method was the most efficient way to answer
the research questions thoroughly. Qualitative interview studies produce enriched, genuine
descriptions of phenomena that are difficult to understand any other way (Weiss, 1994). This
qualitative study captured rich descriptions provided by each participant. Participants were
selected through purposive selection, which is a common technique to select participants for
qualitative research (Maxwell, 2013). Purposive sampling is an approach in which the researcher
intentionally chooses precise settings, persons, or activities to present information that is
especially relevant to one’s questions and goals (Maxwell, 2013). By way of public online
message boards, and email communication, the researcher selected six volunteers.
Research Questions
1. How do African American men describe their experiences of being criminalized
throughout the course of their lives?
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 15
2. How do African American men’s development relate to the theory of self-authorship,
through the lens of critical race theory?
3. How do African American men who have been criminalized, engage in transformational
resistance?
The intent of these research questions was to examine the experiences of African
American men who have been victims of criminalization while revealing the transformational
resistance strategies they used to counter the narrative of their lives. Additionally, the researcher
wanted to examine whether there was a relationship between these men’s development and self-
authorship through the lens of CRT. By understanding the ways that each man engaged in
transformational resistance as well as obtaining an understanding of the development of African
American men, education practitioners can learn how to better support this group of
marginalized students.
Limitations and Delimitations
One of the main limitations to this study was time. Due to time constraints, the researcher
did not conduct a longitudinal study. This led to a limited number of interviews that could be
administered. Participants were interviewed once and participated in an additional follow-up
interview to serve as a member check. Additionally, the sample was noticeably small. While,
initially, 12 men volunteered as participants, only six were available for interviews. More time
could have allowed for an increase in participants to uncover more emergent themes. There was
also a limited perspective provided since all participants lived in the same state. Various themes
could have emerged had the study been conducted nationally. A delimitation to this study was
the selection of African American men who earned bachelor’s degrees. The data may have
reflected different outcomes had I chosen to look at various education levels amongst this group
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 16
of men. Another delimitation touched on previously was the location for each of these men. By
simply focusing on men from one state, I narrowed the perspectives of African American men
who have been criminalized.
One of the strengths of this study was the researcher’s ability to elicit meanings through a
qualitative approach (Maxwell, 2013). For this reason, the researcher uncovered important
themes to consider when dealing with criminalized men.
Definition of Terms
African American According to Sellers et al. (1998), the term African American refers to
individuals of African descent who have received a significant portion of their socialization in
the United States (p. 19).
Black According to Sellers et al., (1998) the term Black refers to the individual’s own
phenomenological view of the makeup of their reference group (p. 19). In this study, the
participants used the terms African American and Black interchangeably.
Counter-narrative Solórzano and Yosso (2002) defined the counter-story as a method of telling
the stories of those people whose experiences are not often told (i.e., those on the margins of
society). The counter-story is also a tool for exposing, analyzing, and challenging the
majoritarian stories of racial privilege (p. 32).
Criminalization in Merriam Webster ’s dictionary (11th ed.) criminalization is defined as the
action of turning someone into a criminal by making their activities illegal.
Critical race theory According to Yosso (2005),
(CRT) challenges traditional interpretations of cultural capital. CRT shifts the research
lens away from a deficit view of Communities of Color as places full of cultural poverty
disadvantages, and instead focuses on and learns from the array of cultural knowledge,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 17
skills, abilities and contacts possessed by socially marginalized groups that often go
unrecognized and unacknowledged. (p. 69)
Driving while Black is a form of racial profiling that singles out Black drivers as targets for
traffic stops simply for being Black drivers (Harris, 2002).
High-risk student Pizzolato (2003) defines a high-risk student as “one whose academic
background, prior performance, or personal characteristics may contribute to academic failure or
early withdrawal from college” (p. 798).
Self-authorship theory Baxter Magolda (2008) defined self-authorship as “the internal capacity
to define one’s beliefs, identity and social relations” (p.269).
Shopping while Black is known as the practice of racial profiling in a retail setting (Gabbidon,
2003).
Transformational resistance theory refers to behavior that displays both a criticism of
oppression and a passion for social change (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001).
Organization of the Study
This qualitative study utilized CRT and self-authorship theory as well as transformational
resistance theory to explore the narratives of six African American male college graduates.
Chapter Two displays the development and use of all three theoretical frameworks while
expressing the need for further study for this conceptual framework. Chapter Three is comprised
of a comprehensive description of the methods used to conduct this study. Detailed information,
including sample selection, data collection methods, data analysis, and the considerations to
ensure credibility and trustworthiness are amongst the items included in Chapter Three. Chapter
Four examines the results of this study, and, finally, Chapter Five expresses the practicality of
the findings as well as discusses implications for practice and further research.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 18
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Disproportionately high numbers of African American men are incarcerated as a direct
result of War on Drugs policies implemented during the 1980s (Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts,
2004; Western & Wildeman, 2009). The outcomes of mass incarceration led to criminalizing
disadvantaged racial minority groups and subsequently sending them to prison for their
substance abuse problems while granting wealthier people the opportunity to utilize
rehabilitation centers to combat substance abuse. (Perry & Bright, 2012). Incarceration is a much
more common occurrence for African American males than White males (Barbarin, 2010). In
fact, arguably the most lasting repercussion on the African American community is that prison is
normalized, and many adolescent men feel it is part of their upbringing (Clayton & Moore, 2003;
Roberts, 2004). Research shown that White men are detained at a rate of 8.5 per thousand, while
African American men are incarcerated at a rate of 48.3 per thousand (Barbarin, 2010).
Adjoining the punishment these men receive while imprisoned, researchers have identified that,
in many ways, their sentences continue even after release from prison (Perry & Bright, 2012).
Specifically, ex-offenders face unseen punishments that persist following discharge, such as
trouble obtaining employment, exclusion from various housing and education assistance
programs, and the loss of voting rights (Perry & Bright, 2012; Taifa, 2016).
Equally important to note, the media paints a criminalizing picture of the African
American lifestyle. Mainstream portrayal of African American life is associated with constant
threatening images with anticipated consistency (Monroe, 2005). Both media and scholarly
illustrations of African American life focus on cultures of violence, drugs, anti-authoritarianism,
and other social deficits (Monroe, 2005; Seabrook & Wyatt-Nichol, 2016; Taifa, 2016). Figures
of African American men often display threatening and criminal stereotypes (Monroe, 2005);
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 19
thus, this study intended to provide African American men the platform to reveal their own
counter-stories to challenge the dominant narratives that perpetuate criminalizing identities upon
them. Specifically, this study set out to understand how their lived experiences contributed to the
types of transformational behaviors they engaged in while also uncovering the relationship
between self-authorship theory and the ways in which each man developed the ability to take
control and make meaning of his own life. To explore these concepts, the researcher asked three
research questions.
Research Questions
1. How do African American men describe their experiences of being criminalized
throughout the course of their lives?
2. How do African American men’s development relate to the theory of self-authorship,
through the lens of critical race theory?
3. How do African American men who have been criminalized engage in transformational
resistance?
The purpose of these research questions was to examine the experiences of African
American male victims of criminalization while revealing the transformational resistance
strategies they used to counter the narrative of their lives. Likewise, the researcher wanted to
examine whether there was a relationship between these men’s development and self-authorship
theory.
Brief Overview of Chapter Two
Through a CRT lens, this literature review seeks to investigate the development of self-
authorship of African American men utilizing transformational resistance within a society and
structure placing criminalizing and dehumanizing identities on them. The review of theoretical
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 20
concepts and empirical research frames this dissertation by demonstrating what this treatment
does to the identities of criminalized men as citizens in society. With this in mind, it is
imperative that faculty, counselors, and student affairs personnel understand stories of how one
engages in resistance strategies that strive to negate the circumstances and outcomes of
ineffective educational practices (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Since these practitioners
serve as gatekeepers who help encourage development for students, learning the various barriers
that may impede or influence one’s development is crucial.
The literature review for this study covers three primary theoretical areas: CRT (Bell,
1995), self-authorship theory (Baxter Magolda, 2001), and transformational resistance theory
(Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Presented first is an overview of CRT as it relates to the
criminal justice system, criminalization of men of color, ways in which the theory has been used
in the field of education, and what this theory means to this study. According to Yosso (2005),
(CRT) challenges traditional interpretations of cultural capital. CRT shifts the research
lens away from a deficit view of Communities of Color as places full of cultural poverty
disadvantages, and instead focuses on and learns from the array of cultural knowledge,
skills, abilities and contacts possessed by socially marginalized groups that often go
unrecognized and unacknowledged. (p. 69)
Given these points, the researcher felt it important to employ CRT as one of the guiding
frameworks for the present study, as CRT provides an essential means for assessing default
theories and data that may be limiting due to their exclusion of the voices of people of color
(Yosso, 2005). Presented second is the history and principles of self-authorship theory, its
application in the field of education, and its relevance to this dissertation. Baxter Magolda (2008)
defined self-authorship as “the internal capacity to define one’s beliefs, identity and social
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 21
relations” (p. 269). Therefore, the researcher’s objective for examining the relationship between
participants’ development and self-authorship theory through a CRT lens was to identify whether
this epistemological theory could be used to predict development trends for this marginalized
group of students. Presented third is an examination of transformational resistance theory and its
importance to this study. Transformational resistance theory was selected in conjunction with the
previously mentioned theories, as it is defined as being a form of resistance referring to student
behaviors that project a critique of oppression and social justice (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal,
2001). For the present study, the researcher was curious to see how each participant engaged in
transformational resistance behaviors with the purpose of countering the dominant narrative
being placed upon them.
The final section presents the conceptual model that guided this study, making use of all
three theoretical frameworks and establishing the need to examine the lived experiences and
perspectives of the six African American male participants. Although each research question
focuses on one theory, it was important to create a conceptual framework that merged the three
theories to review the experiences of these men through the lens of CRT while simultaneously
identifying uses of transformational resistance theory and self-authorship theory as they relate to
criminalized African American men.
The Development of Critical Race Theory
According to Derrick Bell (1995), critical race writing and lecturing is characterized by
frequent use of the first person, storytelling narrative, allegory, interdisciplinary treatment of law
and the unapologetic use of creativity (p. 899). Bell and various legal scholars began employing
the term CRT as a derivative of critical legal theory in the 1970s (Bell, 1995). Critical legal
theory, which is a derivative of critical theory, is a division of legal scholarship that investigates
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 22
the legitimacy of concepts such as rationality, objective truth and judicial neutrality (Bell, 1995).
Many regard the efforts of CRT to be unsettling, due to its commitment to anti-racism which
goes over and above civil rights, integration, affirmative action, and other liberal measures (Bell,
1995). Critical race theorists set out to empower and encompass habitually rejected perspectives
and recognize all-inclusiveness as the ideal, due to the belief in shared knowledge (Bell, 1995).
CRT arrived in the late 1980s when the Civil Rights Movement came to a halt; advanced theories
were essential to grapple alongside developing structures of institutional or colorblind racism and
a public that seemed exasperated with hearing about race (Bell, 1995; Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008;
Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Critical race theorists demonstrated how racism is customary, not
uncommon, and that liberal accounts were incapable of comprehending its tenacity and influence
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2007).
Principles of Critical Race Theory
According to an article written by Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic (2007), there are
five key tenets to CRT. The first tenet, the intercentricity of race and racism with other forms of
subordination (Solórzano, 1997, 1998), states that racism is such an established way in which
society operates, it is often difficult to distinguish, much less confront, and embodies the typical
everyday experiences for most people of color in the United States (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007).
The second tenet, the challenge to dominant ideology (Solórzano, 1997, 1998), makes the case
that CRT challenges White privilege and counters the assertions that educational institutions
make toward objectivity, meritocracy, colorblindness, race neutrality and equal opportunity
(Yosso, 2005). A third tenet of CRT is a commitment to social justice (Solórzano, 1997, 1998),
which is noted by recognizing that race is a social construct, and the affiliated concept of
differential racialization concludes that race and races are commodities of social thought and are
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 23
divisions that society creates for distinct intentions (Bell, 1994; Delgado & Stefancic, 2007).
Additionally, this tenet supports the claim that CRT is devoted to social justice and bids a
liberatory or transformative counter to racial, gender and class oppression (Matsuda, 1991). The
fourth tenet, the centrality of experiential knowledge (Solórzano, 1997, 1998), creates the
premise that the experiential knowledge of people of color is justifiable, relevant, and critical to
discerning, analyzing and teaching about racial subordination (Delgado Bernal, 2002). Finally,
the fifth tenet, the transdisciplinary perspective (Solórzano, 1997, 1998), proclaims that CRT
goes beyond disciplinary confines to investigate race and racism within both historical and recent
contexts, drawing on scholarship from ethnic studies, women’s studies, sociology, history, law,
psychology, film, theatre and other fields (Delgado, 1984).
The first tenet of CRT, which served as the guiding tenet for this study, is the affirmation
that racism as it appears woven into everyday social interactions is the norm. Vast sections of
society have allowed for institutional colorblindness, which Lopez (2006) described “as a set of
understandings—buttressed by law and the courts and reinforcing racial patterns of White
dominance—that define how people comprehend, rationalize, and act on race” (p. 62). In other
words, colorblind racism ultimately negates the existence of racism within structures of
operation, including the criminal justice system. In like manner, CRT argues that acts of racism
are so ordinary, they are experienced by many people of color. Critical race theorists believe that
colorblind laws, including caselaw, cannot alleviate racial disparities, because racial disparities
are essentially ingrained into the social structure, including the legal structure (Matsuda &
Lawrence, 1993). In its early development, CRT shed little light on race, crime, and justice
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). However, when considering a variety of criminal justice issues, it
can be noted that society insists on progressively harsher sentences for drug offenders (Delgado
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 24
& Stefancic, 2007). Some would argue that there are many different motives that play into harsh
sentencing, such as creating a moral divide between Whites and minorities, profitability from
privatized prison building, the republican party’s benefiting from fewer Black votes due to
felony conviction, and control of the labor pool in case of job market failure along with the
reduction of competition for White laborers (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007).
Critical Race Theory and the Prison Industrial Complex
The abolition of slavery did not lead to an end in racism within the law; it simply led to
novel systems of racism within the law (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). In fact, essentialist racism
was now sanctioned by biology. Laws did not recognize equal treatment for African American
people because they were deemed by nature-not-man, to be of a degraded status (Bell, 1994;
Harris, 1993, p. 118). After the abolishment of slavery, White supremacy was established in the
law using various segregationist Jim Crow laws (Bell, 1995; Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). During
this time, the most members of society believed in the idea of separate but equal as a vital
principal to live by (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). Finally, following the end to segregation and Jim
Crow laws, legally supported racism would be shifted toward a more deceitful equivalent, thus
the introduction to an era of colorblindness (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008; Delgado & Stefancic,
2007). Ensuing the termination of legalized racial discrimination, there was a united intent to
further the domination of African Americans through the criminal justice system (Brewer &
Heitzeg, 2008; Mallory, 2007). The criminal justice system took an advanced and pivotal role
(Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). Laws mirrored the regulations associated with slavery and
criminalized numerous activities in the event the perpetrator was African American (Brewer &
Heitzeg, 2008). When reviewing the promise of the 13th Amendment, “Neither slavery nor
involuntary servitude shall exist in the United States,” incorporated is a critical technicality is the
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 25
phrase “except as a punishment for crime.” This granted the modification of old plantations into
penitentiaries, and this, alongside the debut of the convict lease system, allowed the South to
sustain economic profit from the free labor of African Americans (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008).
The ongoing explosion in criminalization and incarceration is unparalleled in breadth,
scope, and adverse ramifications—not only directly but collaterally as well—for communities of
color (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). Global searches for low cost labor and profit gains caused the
expansion of the prison industrial complex (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). The criminal justice
system produces a favorable mechanism for objectively sustaining the old legally imposed color
lines as African Americans are unjustifiably policed, prosecuted, convicted, disenfranchised and
imprisoned (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). In the absence of slavery, lynching, and legalized
segregation, contemporary and more ambiguous structures for institutionalized racism have
emerged (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008; Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). In this new era of colorblind
racism, people of color, especially African Americans, are subject to more subtle forms of
racism, such as unequal preservation of the laws, disproportionate surveillance, maximal
segregation, and neo-slave labor by means of incarceration, all in the name of crime control
(Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). Critical race theorists acknowledge that colorblind racism denies the
fact that racism occurs systematically to subtly control oppressed groups of people. Rather,
colorblind racism implies that racism occurs at an individual level and is intentional (Bell, 1995;
Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008; Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). The intense racialization of criminal
justice and the climb of the prison industrial complex are directly bound to the extension of the
global economy, increase of the minimum wage service sector in the United States, as well as the
surge of privatization of public services (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008).
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 26
The prison industrial complex depletes immense amounts of tax dollars at the sacrifice of
education and other civil programs (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). Annually, the United States
allocates higher than $146 billion dollars on the criminal justice system, inclusive of police, the
judiciary and court systems as well as correctional facilities (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). When
reviewing the conditions currently in place through a critical race lens, it is important to
acknowledge the systematic racism and the factors that contribute to fueling the prison industrial
complex. Some of the most significant contributing factors are the monetary gains from low-cost
labor, private and public supply and construction contracts, job creation, continued media profits
from exaggerated crime reporting and crime/punishment serving as entertainment (Brewer &
Heitzeg, 2008).
Prior Research Using a Critical Race Theory Framework
In the critical race framework, one should acknowledge that racism is often difficult to
distinguish and confront; therefore, is the typical everyday experience for most people of color in
the United States (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Secondly, due to interest convergence and the
fact that racism can provide advantages for various sectors of society, many may have little to no
enthusiasm to exterminate it (Bell, 1994; Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Finally, CRT is noted by
affirming that race is a social construct and differential racialization concludes that race and
races are commodities of social thought and divisions created by society (Bell, 1994; Delgado &
Stefancic, 2007).
CRT and criminalization. The exploration of race and crime in mainstream media
illustrations acquired a considerable amount of scrutiny throughout the years (Delgado &
Stefancic, 2007; Monroe, 2005; Oliver, 2003). It has been noted that realistic genres, such as
police television shows and news outlets, are amongst some of the more debatable types of
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 27
programming when regarding racially-biased depictions particularly dealing with African
American men (Oliver, 2003). Prominent pictures and stereotypes of each minority group change
over time (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007; Monroe, 2005; Oliver, 2003). During one era, various
ethnic groups can be viewed in popular culture as cheerful and easy going, and pleased with
attending to the master’s needs, as seen with African Americans during slavery (Delgado &
Stefancic, 2007). Then, changes in conditions led to that same group of African Americans
appearing as threatening and beastly, with desires for White women (Delgado & Stefancic,
2007).
CRT and school discipline. When investigating research on school discipline, the
criminalization of African American males seems to present a compelling connection for the
discipline gap (DeMatthews, 2016; Monroe, 2005; Sullivan, Larke, & Webb-Hasan, 2010).
Researchers have uncovered that teachers often enter classrooms of low-income and African
American youths with a firm emphasis on regulating student behaviors (Monroe, 2005). It has
also been revealed that some teachers tend to punish African American students more severely
than required (Monroe, 2005). Many teachers may not decidedly attribute their disciplinary
reactions to adverse images of African American males, yet systematic biases in
disproportionality propose that teachers may be influenced by stereotypical portrayals that
African American boys require more control than their peers (Monroe, 2005).
Documentation of racial bias sheds light on the fact that pupil discipline is not forthright,
but subjective and determined by a student’s racial background (DeMatthews, 2016; Monroe,
2005; Sullivan et al., 2010). Sullivan et al. (2010) found that, during the 1999–2000 school year,
53.6% of African American students had received out-of-school suspension, compared to 37.3%
for Hispanic students, 5.5% for Asian students, and 3.7% for Native American students.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 28
Researchers conducted the same study to review the out-of-school suspension rates for the
academic school year of 2002–2003. In that year, disparities in discipline remained as African
American students were expelled at a rate of 65.1% (Sullivan et al., 2010). Using a CritQuan
method, researchers utilized tenets of CRT to assess the prevalent conceptions of social issues
and the outcome of social policies (Sullivan et al., 2010).
DeMatthews (2016) disaggregated data on student discipline and suspension by race and
explained how the bias of the school’s leader influenced disciplinary reactions. DeMatthews also
acknowledged the lack of attention on race and racial inequities in principal preparation
programs. Using a critical race framework, DeMatthews concluded that school leaders should be
conscious of intersecting aspects of racism, sexism, classism, and other forms of discrimination
in their schools and neighborhoods while also acknowledging racism as an integrate cause of
educational equity. Additionally, it was noted that school leaders should examine relevant
discipline and academic achievement data and instructional practices related to school
background and student needs (DeMatthews, 2016).
Self-Authorship Theory
Since the early 2000s, self-authorship has developed into a pivotal theory in discerning
college students’ capability of interpreting the world and their lives in it (Patton et al., 2016, p.
355). Self-authorship theory was created by Baxter Magolda, a retired Miami University
professor who taught graduate students in an educational leadership department and who
connected her work to Kegan’s orders of consciousness with a focus on the development of self-
authorship (Baxter Magolda & King, 2004). First introduced as “self-evolution” in 1982 and
later revised in 1994 as “evolution of consciousness,” Kegan viewed the progression of
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 29
development as an attempt to resolve the strain between a desire for differentiation and an
equally powerful desire to be immersed in one’s surroundings (Patton et al., 2016, p. 356).
Kegan believed that there are levels of consciousness that must be developed in
sequential order (Patton et al., 2016, p. 357) numbered from 0 to 5. Kegan believed that, during
order 0, newborn infants viewed everything in the world as mere extensions of themselves.
During order 1, which was believed to occur around age two, children can form their own
meaning making and realize they control their own reflexes. During order 2, also referred to as
the instrumental mind, individuals form various categories for people, objects, and so on (Patton
et al., 2016, p. 357). During order 3, the social mind, cross categorical thinking occurs, meaning
the individual can associate one category to another, (Patton et al., p. 357). During order 4, the
self-authoring mind, the ability to cross-categorize constructions of abstractions takes place.
Additionally, relationships with others become part of an individual’s world as opposed to the
reason for an individual’s existence (Patton et al., 2016, p. 358). Finally, order 5, also referred to
as the self-transforming mind is an order in which Kegan believed was rarely ever reached prior
to the age 40. During this order, individuals see beyond themselves and others and reflect more
on how all people and systems interconnect (Patton et al., 2016, p. 358).
Baxter Magolda’s early research (1992) concentrated on the epistemological
development of 101 Miami University students during their journey through college. She later
followed 39 students over the course of their twenties. Of this population, she continued with 30
participants into their thirties (Patton et al., 2016). From the latter study, she created a model of
epistemological reflection that eventually became the foundation for self-authorship theory
(Baxter Magolda & King, 2004, p. 23). With the 39 participants, Baxter Magolda began studying
their post-college development as well as their overall experiences as opposed to simply studying
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 30
their learning (Patton et al., 2016, p. 365). Through her work exploring young adults in their
twenties and thirties and drawing from the work of Robert Kegan (1994), self-authorship was
developed. Self-authorship is being able to define one’s social relations, beliefs, and identity
(Baxter Magolda & King, 2004). Based on data from the longitudinal study, she displayed
several developmental tasks and difficulties for adolescents in their twenties, including values
exploration, constructing sensibility of knowledge obtained about the world in preceding years,
determining the route one will choose, and taking strides on that path (Patton et al., 2016, p.
365). She concluded people learned in an accelerated paced and complicated society with very
few precise blueprints for achievement in career and relationships, thus a self-authoring
perspective is crucial for having the ability to manage one’s life (Baxter Magolda & King, 2004).
The progression of self-authorship is not a linear but can ensue various paths determined by the
personal attributes of individuals, the conditions in which they find themselves, and the
challenges and reinforcements they experience along the way (Baxter Magolda & King, 2004).
The three dimensions of self-authorship or one ’s internal foundation. When
considering self-authorship, it is important to understand the development of one’s internal belief
system. According to Baxter Magolda and King (2004), for one to understand context, interpret
multiple frames of reference and evidence as well as justify their choices, it is imperative to first
understand the necessity of cognitive complexity (p. xxii). It was further deemed that, to become
an effective citizen one must develop self-authorship, as it brings about complexity in
determining one’s belief system, knowing oneself in a holistic capacity as well as other mutual
relations (Baxter Magolda & King, 2004). Additionally, an internal sense of self is needed to
interact with one’s internal belief system (Baxter Magolda & King, 2004; Patton et al., 2016).
With evidence from earlier research, it is believed that traditional-aged college students do not
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 31
develop self-authoring ways in college. In fact, it is believed that it is uncommon for an internal
foundation of beliefs and values to exist (Baxter Magolda & King, 2004; Patton et al., 2016;
Pizzolato, 2003; Strayhorn, 2014). Baxter Magolda’ (2001) latter study revealed that failure to
develop an internal foundation prior to college graduation led to the following of external
formulas throughout the course of one’s adult life (Baxter Magolda, 2001). She believed that, at
some point, young adults realize the need for creating their own realities and, therefore, do so,
either toward the conclusion of college or after they graduate to be the master of their own
decision making as well as become more connected with the world around them (Baxter
Magolda & King, 2004).
The four phases of self-authorship. When Baxter Magolda (2008) examined the
developmental process for participants in their thirties, it was believed that, around this age, self-
authorship solidified. From results of the longitudinal study, Baxter Magolda concluded various
developmental stages and difficulties that young adults faced in their twenties. She revealed that,
during this time, young adults are tasked with three questions that help guide their development
(Patton et al., 2016). These three questions are “How do I know?” “Who am I?” and “How do I
want to construct relationships with others?” In dissecting each question, it can be noted that the
first question refers to the evolution of assumptions, the second question refers to an individual’s
sense of who they are and what they believe, and finally the third question refers to an
individual’s perceptions and construction of relationships (Baxter Magolda & King, 2004; Patton
et al., 2016).
Baxter Magolda established four phases in the journey toward self-authorship involving
the shift from external to internal self-definition (Patton et al., 2016, p. 366). In phase one,
following formulas, young adults allow others to define who they are, they follow plans that are
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 32
created for them by external authorities, and they seek the validation of others as a critical
component of relationship building (Patton et al., 2016, p. 366). In phase two, crossroads,
students are displeased with how they are characterized by others and see the need to reinvent
their own sense of self while realizing the path they had been pursuing no longer fits, and new
paths need to be established to satisfy their needs and interests (Patton et al., 2016, p. 366). In
phase three, becoming the author of one’s life, students develop the ability to select their own
beliefs and stand up for them (Baxter Magolda & King, 2004). Finally, during phase four,
internal foundation, students become disciplined in their self-determined belief system, in their
sense of who they are, and the congruity of their relationships, while also being mindful of
outside influences without allowing them to affect their life decisions, which are now based on
their own internal foundation (Patton et al., 2016, p. 365).
Assessing and measuring self-authorship. To apply this theory to practice, one must
understand how to assess students’ level of self-authorship (Patton et al., 2016, p. 371). One way
to determine level of self-authorship is to use two interview techniques (Baxter Magolda & King,
2007). One technique is referred to as a self-authorship interview that encourages students to
discuss various topics of significant value in their lives (Baxter Magolda, 2001). The second
technique is referred to as a reflective conversation guide (Patton et al., 2016). In addition to
these qualitative methods, various studies have utilized quantitative instruments created for
specific student populations (Pizzolato, 2003; Strayhorn, 2014). By utilizing varied data
collection methods, researches capture ways in which self-authorship is developed amongst
diverse student populations in different environments (Patton et al., 2016; Pizzolato, 2003;
Strayhorn, 2014). For assessing levels of self-authorship in this counter-narrative study, semi-
structured interviews were conducted to ask all participants the same types of main questions,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 33
while also leaving room for flexibility as they reflected on their lived experiences (Miles &
Huberman, 1994).
Prior Research Using Self-Authorship Theory
In a study conducted by Jane Pizzolato (2003), two research questions were examined.
The first question was “To what degree do high-risk college students possess self-authoring ways
of knowing?” and the second question was “What types of experiences are associated with
development of self-authoring ways of knowing?” By interviewing 35 high-risk college students,
Pizzolato (2003) uncovered the answer to those research questions. Pizzolato defined a high-risk
student as “one whose academic background, prior performance, or personal characteristics may
contribute to academic failure or early withdrawal from college” (p. 798). The author found that
high-risk college students oftentimes develop self-authoring ways of knowing precedent to
enrollment in college, specifically if the students maintain low levels of privilege (Pizzolato,
2003). In another study using self-authorship theory, Strayhorn (2014), set out to answer a single
research question: “What is the relationship between measures of self-authorship and the
academic achievement of African American collegians at HBCUs, controlling for potentially
confounding differences?” He utilized the African American Student Success Questionnaire to
obtain data regarding students’ demographic traits, financial aid sources, high school and college
achievements, as well as psychosocial development, such as self-authorship (Strayhorn, 2014).
He found was that self-authorship helped to anticipate first-year GPA more so than background
traits and classical measures of academic readiness for college (Strayhorn, 2014). In a separate
qualitative study, researchers explored self-authorship theory through the viewpoint and
experiences of first-generation undergraduate students, while also, examining contextual and
environmental factors related to development (Carpenter & Vallejo Pena, 2017). The study
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 34
shared the individual stories of 14 first-generation undergraduates at a public 4-year
comprehensive liberal arts institution on the west coast of the United States (Carpenter & Vallejo
Pena, 2017). Findings expressed that participants experienced self-authorship in numerous ways
(Carpenter & Vallejo Pena, 2017). Eight of the 14 participants were classified as being in the
concluding phase of self-authorship, implying that higher numbers of first-generation students
may achieve self-authorship at earlier stages in life (Carpenter & Vallejo Pena, 2017). When
considering the findings from past research, it is observed that the African American men in this
study shared similar demographic traits with participants from earlier studies. Bearing that in
mind, it was the goal of the researcher to learn whether there is a relationship between these
men’s development of and self-authorship theory.
Limitations of Self-Authorship Theory Through a CRT Lens
Many higher education professionals sought to employ self-authorship theory to advance
student development in a practical sense (Abes & Hernández, 2016; Baxter Magolda & King,
2004; Patton et al., 2016; Jones & Stewart, 2016). Numerous publications have offered examples
as to how self-authorship theory may be implemented in practice (Baxter Magolda & King,
2004; Patton et al., 2016; Pizzolato, 2003; Strayhorn, 2014). Researchers have provided
narratives from educators who disclose ways in which self-authorship theory has assisted
students with shifting from authority dependence to self-authorship (Baxter Magolda & King,
2004). Unfortunately, however, there is little to no research that provides clear insights regarding
how self-authorship theory can be implemented to promote development amongst students of
color, specifically African American male students who have been criminalized. Although
research offers antidotes from a wide array of student populations, ranging from honor students,
students living in on-campus housing, American study abroad students, and graduate students
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 35
(Baxter Magolda & King, 2004; Patton et al., 2016), it fails to offer implementation of the theory
specifically amongst students of color. In addition, the theory excludes other student populations
such as students with learning disabilities, students from low socioeconomic backgrounds, first-
generation students, immigrant students, English language learner students as well as
international students studying in the United States, just to name a few.
Transformational Resistance Theory
Transformational resistance refers to behavior that displays both a criticism of oppression
and a passion for social change (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Through transformational
resistance, one critiques the oppressive conditions and structures of control and is motivated by a
sense of social justice (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Researchers Solórzano and Delgado
Bernal (2001) conducted a qualitative study in the form of counter-storytelling that utilized CRT
and Latina/Latino CRT as a framework. Focusing on two events in Chicana/Chicano student
history, the 1968 East Los Angeles school walkouts and the 1993 UCLA student strike for
Chicana and Chicano studies, the authors employed the notion of resistance to home in on its
transformative potential and its internal and external dimensions (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal,
2001). Authors interpreted a sequence of individual and focus group interviews with women who
took part in the 1968 East Los Angeles High School walkouts (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal,
2001). Authors contended that transformational resistance built within the tenets of a CRT and
LatCrit framework concedes one to examine resistance amongst students of color that is political,
collective, conscious, and encouraged by a sense that individual and social change is achievable
(Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001).
One factor to consider in regard to transformational resistance is the lack of research that
connects the theory with African American men. As is, there is little literature on the topic of
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 36
transformational resistance; therefore, providing more research for this theory serves as one
rationale for this study. Transformational resistance theory is relevant for this study because it
will enable the researcher to explore the various transformational resistance behaviors that aid
with countering the dominant narrative for African American men with criminalizing identities.
Conceptual Framework
With the criticisms of self-authorship theory in mind, the researcher found it best to
review self-authorship through a CRT lens for this study. It is imperative to inspect various
student development theories, such as self-authorship, from a critical perspective because it
allows theorists as well as educators the opportunity to investigate numerous aspects to student
development that may have previously been ignored or disregarded (Jones & Stewart, 2016). In
doing so, educators are invited to consider three additional elements related to self-development
theories: intersectionality, individual agency, and context (Jones & Stewart, 2016). Additionally,
when considering students with oppressed identities who are on a path toward developing their
internal voice, it is important to note they must resist and challenge systems of oppression within
the context of their lives (Abes & Hernández, 2016). Failure to acknowledge the burden that
resisting systems of oppression carries could lead to a misinterpretation of less developed than
normal self-authoring ways. By utilizing a critical lens, theorists and/or educators can reconsider
the nature of development for marginalized groups of students (Abes & Hernández, 2016), such
as African American men.
In addition to interpreting self-authorship through a CRT lens, it was beneficial to explore
transformational resistance as a potential way to understand how interviewees challenged and
changed the label of criminalization to determine their paths in life. By merging these three
theories, the researcher sought understand the lived experiences for each of the participants.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 37
Allowing multiple theories to work together to examine student development and context and
environments in which these students are placed allows for a deeper sense of learning:
Student affairs educators’ ability to continue to revise existing theory and generate new
theory relies on the interdependency between research and practice. Scholars need to
practice intentional and consistent interdisciplinary engagement by directing our
theorizing toward liberatory and healing ends. (Jones & Stewart, 2016, p. 25)
Rationale for the Study
Like other young adults, African American men are enrolling in higher education
institutions; however, they battle with negative perceptions and stereotyping of them caused by
similar images of them in the media. During their time as students and even before making the
decision to go to college, these men learn to recreate their own truths, despite what society led
them to believe about themselves. While learning to practice transformational resistance, African
American men create new meaning for their lives. This study utilized CRT, self-authorship
theory, and transformational resistance theory to help examine the perspectives of six African
American men in Los Angeles, California. CRT assumes that racism is such a traditional way in
which society operates that it is often difficult to distinguish and confront, so it embodies the
typical everyday experience of most people of color in the United States (Delgado & Stefancic,
2007). Transformational resistance refers to behavior that displays both a criticism of oppression
and a passion for social change (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). While practicing
transformational resistance through a critical race lens, these African American men constructed
their own truths and rerouted the path for their lives. A better visual explanation of this concept
is highlighted in the conceptual framework used for this study in Figure 1.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 38

Figure 1. Conceptual model of theoretical frameworks.
This study started with the assumption positioned by the literature that criminalized
African American men rely on CRT and transformational resistance to counter the dominant
narrative. This study also set out to determine the relationship between these men’s development
process and self-authorship. By investigating the process in which African American men
incorporate these various frameworks, the researcher can gain direct knowledge about these
individuals’ perceptions and experiences of being criminalized. Further research on the effect
that criminalization has on African American men and their ability to develop self-authoring
ways is needed to understand ways in which this population of men can be guided to make better
decisions for their lives. Currently, there is little to no research offering a narrative that provides
the perspectives of this marginalized group of men; therefore, this fact served as the rationale for
this study.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 39
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
In the preceding chapter theoretical models of critical race, self-authorship, and
transformational resistance were explored and represented in prior literature. While all three
theoretical models have been individually justified, the intent of this study was to investigate the
intersectionality of the three paradigms to gain knowledge from African American male college
graduates regarding their experiences of being criminalized as well as their use of
transformational resistance and their development process. The purpose of this counter-narrative
study was to obtain an understanding of African American men’s perceptions pertaining to
society’s placing criminalizing identities on them. Additionally, this study examined the ways in
which these men engaged in transformational resistance as well as determine how and if their
development was related to self-authorship. Three research questions guided this study:
1. How do African American men describe their experiences of being criminalized
throughout the course of their lives?
2. How do African American men’s development relate to the theory of self-authorship,
through the lens of critical race theory?
3. How do African American men who have been criminalized, engage in transformational
resistance?
Methods
The purpose of this chapter is to provide the research design, methods, site selection, data
collection, and data analysis processes for this qualitative study. Using a critical race theoretical
framework, the researcher employed the qualitative inquiry process of counter-storytelling by
interviewing six African American male college graduates. Counter-storytelling, as defined by
Solórzano and Yosso (2002), is “a method of telling the stories of those people whose
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 40
experiences are not often told (i.e., those on the margins of society). The counter-story is also a
tool for exposing, analyzing, and challenging the majoritarian stories of racial privilege” (p. 32).
There are three different types of counternarratives: personal stories, other people’s stories, and
composite stories (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). For the purpose of this study, the researcher
utilized personal stories to convey the experiences and perspectives of the participants. Personal
stories or narratives allow individuals to share their experiences while navigating and dealing
with various forms of racism (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
Rationale
Since the rationale for this study was to provide further research on the impact that
criminalization has on African American men in terms of resistance strategies and their
development process, utilizing a counter-narrative approach was the most efficient way to obtain
thorough and genuine responses for each research question. By implementing the use of counter-
storytelling, the researcher set out to learn, from an African American male’s perspective, what
their experiences of being criminalized were like and how these affected their decision making.
Precisely, this counter-narrative study uncovered the experiences of African American men who
have had criminalizing identities placed on them and how they have resisted the dominant
narrative created for them. The researcher examined the types of transformational behaviors they
engaged in as well as factors contributing to their development. Information gathered from the
present study will be shared with African American men, researchers, faculty, counselors, and
other student affairs personnel.
To not fall victim to the trap of mass incarceration, African American men must learn to
practice transformational resistance. Transformational resistance refers to behavior that displays
both a criticism of oppression and a passion for social change (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 41
2001). While practicing transformational resistance, one critiques the oppressive conditions and
structures of control and are motivated by a sense of social justice (Solórzano, Delgado Bernal,
2001). It is imperative that educators, policy makers, and community workers better interpret
how students engage in resistance strategies that strive to negate the circumstances and outcomes
of ineffective educational practices (Solórzano & Solórzano, 1995). This is important to note
because these practitioners serve as the gatekeepers who help encourage students’ development.
Furthermore, learning the various barriers that may impede or influence one’s development, is
crucial.
Participants and Site Selection
Seeing as counter-storytelling is a specific form of qualitative inquiry, it is important to
note the benefit of utilizing qualitative inquiry for this study. One beneficial aspect of qualitative
research is that it is a strategy for examining and analyzing the significance that individuals or
groups attribute to a social or human problem (Creswell, 2014, p. 4). This sort of inquiry
recognizes an inductive style, a focus on individual meaning and the significance of the
complications of a situation (Creswell, 2014, p. 4). Another benefit of qualitative research is that
it illuminates local processes, meanings, and contextual importance in specific settings or cases
(Maxwell, 2013). With that is mind, the researcher decided not to use a specific site, and, rather
utilized public message boards targeted at African American men who met specific criteria. For
this study, the researcher used an overt approach which let all parties involved know her interest
upfront (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). This was especially important due to the fact participants were
asked sensitive questions related to their experiences of being criminalized in this country.
To answer the research questions, the researcher interviewed six self-identified African
American men who have experienced some form of criminalization as well as received a
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 42
bachelor’s degree. Having a bachelor’s degree was one of the selection criteria because the
researcher wanted to discover whether these men engaged in self-authorship. Since Baxter
Magolda (2008) found self-authorship begins to develop as students near graduation and
becomes more evident in their late twenties and early thirties, the researcher felt it best all
participants had graduated as well as be in the suggested age range.
Due to time constraints, participants were obtained through snowball sampling. Snowball
sampling allows the researcher access to participants through contact information that can be
provided by other participants and the cycle continues as necessary (Noy, 2008). In addition, the
researcher used convenience sampling, which allowed her to interview students who were easily
accessible due to use of public message boards. Participant selection was also considered
purposive because the researcher was intentional in selecting interviewees with similar
demographic backgrounds (Maxwell, 2005). All participants were African American men within
the age range of 25 to 29 years old who grew up in low-income communities. Participants from
low-income communities were necessary for this study because research has shown that low-
income communities tend to be heavily policed, leading to more acts of criminalization (Fagan et
al., 2003). Again, it is important to highlight that these sampling strategies were most efficient
due to time constraints.
For the function of the study, the researcher followed up with each message board
respondent via email communication. She identified 12 men who volunteered to participate in
the study. However, although 12 men initially volunteered to participate, only six were available
for interviews. The criteria used for participant recruitment was self-identified as African
American male, college graduate, and had been a victim of criminalization. After receiving
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 43
agreement to participate from the six men, the researcher scheduled appointments with each one
via phone call or email.
Prior to interviewing participants, the researcher created an interview protocol and
informed interviewees that they would be needed for a follow-up member check interview to
discuss researcher interpretations. The interview protocol served as a guide for navigating each
interview and included questions that the researcher planned on asking during each interview.
Each question was related to the research questions as well as the conceptual framework that
guided the study. Additionally, the interview protocol had an introduction as to the purpose of
the study and how the data being collected would be used. Utilizing an interview protocol
enabled the researcher to quickly and efficiently disclose the purpose of the interviews to each
participant as well as ensured obtainment of verbal consent and written consent. In addition to
obtaining verbal and written consent, the researcher assured each man of confidentiality as well
as explained the limits of confidentiality. Finally, the researcher received permission to audio-
record each interview and explained that no one would hear the recordings, except for a third-
party transcription company and all data would be stored on a securely locked computer which
would be destroyed after three years.
Data Collection and Coding
The primary form of data collection for this study was counter-stories produced from
each interview. The researcher conducted 60-minute semi-structured interviews to ensure all
interviewees were asked the same main questions while also permitting flexibility to allow
participants’ individual experiences to be explored in depth (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The goal
was to understand the types of experiences these men had throughout the course of their lives by
using verbal prompts (“What types of things do you recall being said about African American
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 44
men in the media? Tell me about a time [if ever] that you have been followed in a store? Tell me
about a time in your life that you were following a path that was set out for you?” “Tell me about
a time in your life [if ever] when stood up for something you believed in?”). The interviews
focused on the stories about experiences regarding the decisions these men felt were important
(Pizzolato, 2003). According to Pizzolato (2003), individuals’ ways of knowing can be analyzed
through cognitive, interpersonal, and intrapersonal dimensions (all of which make up self-
authorship) by having them share important experiences along with how they processed them
and why.
The researcher began data analysis from the moment she was in the field interviewing
participants through the time she collected the last data from the last participant. With
interviewees’ consent, she took notes that pertained to the research questions to ensure she was
answering them appropriately. According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), simultaneous data
collection and analysis occurs in and out the field. Reviewing relevant literature while in the
field, adjusting questions she asked during interviews based on what she uncovered through
previous interviews, as well as trying out potential themes on participants during interview
sessions helped the researcher ensure appropriate data collection and analysis strategies
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Counter-Stories
The researcher felt it would be useful to conduct interviews to obtain counter-narratives
from each participant (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). According to Johnson and Christensen (2008),
interviews can be used to attain in-depth information about a participant’s thoughts, beliefs,
knowledge, reasonings, motivations, and feelings about a topic. Interviews are also beneficial
because, even when observing participants, thoughts, feelings, and beliefs are not always easily
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 45
recognized (Patton, 2002). During each interview, the researcher was prepared with probe and/or
prompts to obtain clarity as well as make sure the research questions were being answered.
Additionally, with verbal and written consent from participants, the researcher audio-
recorded each interview so that no important information was lost (Johnson & Christensen,
2008). The researcher conducted one-on-one interviews with each participant to obtain the most
accurate and genuine information pertaining to African American male students’ perspective on
being criminalized. While conducting each interview, the researcher made sure to be respectful
and refrained from being judgmental or threatening, to build rapport (Merriam, 2009). Interviews
were conducted over the course of 6 weeks.
Data Analysis
Data analysis was informed by CRT, self-authorship, and transformational resistance.
Allowing for the perspective of each participant to come to light, the researcher used a constant
comparative method as it relates to CRT, self-authorship theory and transformational resistance
theory to analyze the data and uncover emergent themes. Constant comparative method refers to
interpreting data to develop a grounded theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). One key component of
constant comparative method is that it provides a rationale for selecting comparison groups in
their theoretical relevance for fostering the development of emergent categories (Glaser &
Strauss, 1967, p. 28). Throughout the course of analysis, the researcher utilized a cycle of open,
axial, and selective coding. According to Strauss and Corbin (1990), open coding refers to “the
process of breaking down, examining, comparing, conceptualizing, and categorizing data” (p.
61) whereas, axial coding refers to “a set of procedures whereby data are put back together in
new ways after open coding, by making connections between categories.” (p. 96). These same
authors define selective coding as “the process of selecting the core category, systematically
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 46
relating it to other categories, validating those relationships, and filling in categories that need
further refinement and development” (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, p. 116). In the first stage of data
analysis, the researcher engaged in category construction.
Since CRT, transformational resistance, and self-authorship were the guiding frameworks
for this study, the researcher designated each theory to be an a priori code. A priori codes are
referred to as codes that are determined before analysis begins (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). From
these a priori codes, a preliminary list of additional codes was created. The researcher coded
each of the interviews to find different themes, and phenomena (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The
initial codebook included 40 code words/phrases. However, after going through each interview,
some codes were discarded while others were conceptualized. By going through each interview
line by line the researcher was able to convert codes into emergent themes, that were uncovered
once the data was collected (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
To ensure accuracy, the researcher first listened to each interview recording and later
submitted each recording to an external party known as Rev.com for transcribing. Upon
obtainment of each transcript, she utilized the highlighting tool on Google docs, which allowed
her to color code different keywords and phrases that held importance regarding the research
questions. With the help of the color code key, the researcher noted how many times common
phrases or words occurred throughout each of the interviews. With a color-coded codebook, she
noted patterns and themes by clustering relevant information and aligning words and phrases
(Miles, Huberman, & Saldana, 2014).
Five major themes emerged from the data analysis to answer the first research question:
portrayals of African American men in the media, shopping while Black, driving while Black,
being accused of doing something illegal, and being arrested or expecting to be arrested at some
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 47
point in life. In response to the second research question, four key themes emerged: following
formulas, crossroads, becoming the author of one’s life, and internal foundation. These themes
allowed the researcher to explore the various ways in which each participant experienced self-
authorship (if at all), when compared to students studied in past research. Finally, in response to
the third research question, two key themes emerged. The two themes that emerged from
transformational resistance, which was the initial a priori code, were commitment to social
justice and internal transformational resistance.
Once each interview was transcribed and analyzed, the researcher used excerpts from
participants’ counter-stories to share the experiences and perspectives revealed. By doing so, the
researcher, provided an understanding of the impact that criminalization has on African
American men and their ability to challenge and change the dominant narrative that places
criminalizing identities on them. It is necessary to provide an analysis using a critical race
perspective because it offers a critique of the cognitive, interpersonal, and intrapersonal domains
of self-authorship (Jones & Stewart, 2016). Students with oppressed identities struggle with
agency and authenticity, for example, not because of their developmental capacities but because
systems of oppression created this reality (Jones & Stewart, 2016). Therefore, a critical
perspective promotes redefining the components of development and the meaning of self-
authorship (Jones & Stewart, 2016).
Credibility and Trustworthiness
To create credibility in this study and to assist in discovering answers to the research
questions from the collected data, the researcher engaged in member check interviews to serve as
follow-ups for the initial interviews.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 48
Member checking continues to be an important quality control process in qualitative
research as during the course of conducting a study, participants receive the opportunity
to review their statements for accuracy and, in so doing; they may acquire a therapeutic
benefit. (Harper & Cole, 2012, p. 1).
Member check interviews ensured the researcher interpreted responses in the way that they were
intended and not based on her on own perception (Miles et al., 2014). Member checking also
assisted in ensuring the study’s accuracy, credibility, validity, and transferability (Byrne, 2001;
Merriam, 2009). The researcher maintained trustworthiness by presenting credible data and
findings as well as by becoming competent in the subject matter (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To
further establish credibility and trustworthiness, the researcher employed three approaches:
reflexivity, collecting rich data, and searching for discrepant data. Reflexivity occurs when one
engages in the reflection of critically examining one’s role and influence as a researcher
(Merriam, 2009). Additionally, the researcher also collected rich data that produced an adequate,
revealing picture of what was, indeed, occurring (Merriam, 2009). Furthermore, the researcher
scanned for contradictory data to ensure that she did not neglect critical findings to appease her
own biases (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). By using various methods to ensure credibility and
trustworthiness, the researcher was also engaging in the method of triangulation (Maxwell,
2013).
Ethics
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), although the federal government developed
policies, guidelines, and codes of ethics, institutions, and professional associations, actual ethical
practice relies on the individual researcher’s own values and ethics. The researcher remained
ethical throughout the course of the study by remaining transparent. Specifically, she gained
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 49
permission from all parties involved. She received written and verbal approval from all six
participants. For this study, she utilized the overt approach, which let all parties involved know
her interest upfront (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). She explained the purpose of the study as well as
disclosed who would read the study. She obtained verbal consent from all participants prior to
engaging in any interviews. Additionally, she offered to provide a copy of the study to any
participants who were interested. She felt this helped her remain ethical because it held her
accountable for presenting accurate, and credible findings. Finally, it can be noted that she used
pseudonyms to mask the identities of each participants.
Researcher Positionality
I am an African American woman who grew up in a low socioeconomic status
community. I, too, have witnessed/experienced being criminalized throughout my life. I am
educated and attended a predominantly White institution. Currently, I serve as a community
college counselor and have worked with many African American men who have been
criminalized in their lifetimes. I chose to focus on African American men because I want to
know their perceptions and how they feel criminalization affected their decision making and life
choices. As of now, there is a gap in the literature about the effects of criminalization on African
American men and how they engage in transformational resistance. There is also a lack of
research that focuses on the perceptions of the students who have experienced the act of being
criminalized. In past research, the focus on criminalization has been on the disciplinary actions
within the K-12 setting or the daily micro-aggressions students face while on campus such as
Black males being stopped on their way to class by campus police. The rationale behind this
study was to examine the perspectives of students brought up in a system that has told them how
to think about themselves and what types of futures they will have.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 50
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
The purpose of this counter-narrative study was to understand six African American
men’s perceptions regarding the criminalizing identities placed on them. Additionally, this
counter-narrative set out to discover how these men practiced transformational resistance as they
navigated their way through life as well as determine if there was a relationship between their
development and self-authorship when reviewing the theory through a CRT lens. The narratives
obtained for this study revealed each participant’s prominent recollections and their accounts of
the most meaningful memories they felt shaped who they became. This chapter explored the
findings from the analysis of each interview to answer the research questions presented in
Chapter One. Each research question was taken in turn so that further examination of the
findings emerged from each participants’ narrative.
This chapter is categorized into four parts. First is a biographical description of each
participant. It was important to present descriptions of the study’s participants to provide a
holistic look at each man. These men shared intimate portraits of their lives; therefore, it is
necessary to understand who they are individually. The following three sections of this chapter
present the participants’ responses for each research question. Following this chapter is Chapter
Five. Chapter Five includes a discussion of the findings, recommendations for practice,
implications for practitioners, as well as recommendations for future research.
Description of Participants
Below is a description of the six study participants. Each of these men was given a
pseudonym to protect his identity. Descriptions of participants paint a clearer picture of each of
these men as individuals while allowing for learning and understanding more about their lived
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 51
experiences. The descriptions also draw attention to the similarities these men share. Following
this section is an analysis of their interviews, which was used to depict the findings of this study.
Greg
Greg, 28-year-old, played professional basketball internationally. He was very soft
spoken and had a welcoming demeanor. He played basketball at and graduated from a
predominantly White institution in California with a degree in communications. He was born and
raised in California as an only child in a single-parent household. He attributed most of his
success to having an extremely supportive mother. He grew up in a low-income community, and
as a result, his mother felt it best he be bussed out to a high school located in a more affluent
community with hopes of receiving a better education in a safer environment. He was the first in
his family to go to college and receive a degree. While in college, he was awarded a full
scholarship to play basketball. He recalled enjoying his time in college despite having to fight
through adversity athletically.
He stated being a family-oriented person and loving to take care of his loved ones. He
took pride in the fact that, after only a couple years of playing basketball professionally, he saved
up enough money to buy his mother a new house. He displayed a positive outlook on life and
tried his best not to “sweat the small stuff.” In addition to playing basketball, he volunteered at
local schools and hospitals in the countries in which he plays. While Greg volunteered with
children, he also spent time with stray dogs in his neighborhood. He made it a habit to buy dog
food and water to feed random dogs throughout the communities in which he lives. He had
played basketball for five different countries. In his time as a professional athlete, he became a
six-time all-star player in two different countries and once won the all-star MVP title.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 52
Jason
Jason was 27 years old. From the age of 11, he was raised by his aunt but would alternate
weekends to spend time with his mother and father. He had a sister but recalled not growing up
with her. He felt he received support from his aunt, his mother, and his father throughout his
childhood. He described himself as being very independent and took his academics seriously. He
had a confident and assertive demeanor. As an undergraduate, he, too, played basketball at a
predominantly White institution in Northern California before sustaining an injury. After taking
time away from school and work to figure out what he wanted to do with his life, he transferred
to a university located in Southern California where he received a bachelor’s degree in
communications. He stated he prided himself on being independent and not allowing others to
steer him away from doing what it he wants to do in life.
At the time of this study, he was enrolled at a university in Washington working on a
master’s degree in intercollegiate athletic leadership. He worked with the men’s basketball team
as a graduate assistant and had hopes of becoming a head coach for an NCAA Division I college
basketball team.
David
David was 26 years old. He was born and raised in a single-parent home by his mother.
He recalled his mother instilling the importance of education in him early in life. He had three
sisters and a god-brother. Growing up, he had very close ties to the church in his community and
played various sports to keep busy. He was passionate about taking care of the environment and
conserving energy. After witnessing his mother receive a master’s degree, he identified her as
being a source of inspiration. He attended a predominantly White university in California where
he received a bachelor’s degree in environmental science and policy.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 53
After graduating, he partnered with friends and opened a barbershop in his community.
He led his own volunteer effort with local kids in the community as well as worked with his local
NAACP chapter. He graduated with a master’s degree in urban sustainability. David had also
recently started a doctorate program in educational leadership with an emphasis in organizational
leadership and organizational development.
Richard
Richard was 26 years old. He was born and raised in California in a two-parent household
until the age of 17. He had a younger brother and sister. He recalled both of his parents being
supportive and encouraging throughout his life. He was very appreciative of the amount of
support he received from his parents and acknowledged that everyone is not fortunate enough to
have their parents be so hands-on and supportive in their lives. His father completed a bachelor’s
degree, and his mother was working towards a doctorate.
Richard graduated from a predominantly White university in California with a bachelor’s
degree in communications. He was enrolled in a master’s in counseling program at a private
Jesuit university in California. He worked with the alumni association as a graduate assistant and
produced all the digital media for the department on campus. He hoped to start his own digital
marketing company immediately after graduation. He had traveled to multiple countries and
enjoyed living in the moment.
Jake
Jake was 29 years old. He grew up in a single-parent household in California. Although
raised by his mother, he did have a relationship with his father who lived in Connecticut. Since
the age of 8, Jake spent every summer with his father. He remembered both of his parents being
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 54
supportive and instilling the importance of education at an early age. His parents also taught him
to be a very respectful individual. Jake was very polite and presented as a kind spirit.
He graduated from a predominantly White university in California with a bachelor’s
degree in political science and a concentration in public policy and administration. He was
enrolled in a master’s in special education program with the hope of becoming a special
education teacher. He displayed a passion for working with students and took pride in becoming
a support for them. He remained in contact with all the students he worked with and took on the
role of mentor. His ultimate goal was to become a principal or a director of a special education
program.
Vincent
Vincent was 26 years old and identified as Nigerian American. He was raised by his
mother as an only child in a single-parent home. He felt his mother was very supportive of him.
He recalled being a good student in school while growing up and staying out of trouble. Vincent
was very quiet, yet friendly.
He attended a predominantly White university in California where he completed a double
major. He received a Bachelor of Science in Construction Engineering and a Bachelor of Arts in
Africana Studies. During his time as a student, Vincent was involved in multiple student
organizations while excelling academically. While completing his bachelor’s degree, Vincent
also completed three internship opportunities. He planned to own his own company within either
the engineering or architecture field. He also loved to cook in his free time and stated he would
not mind owning a business in the food industry. Vincent was considering applying to a master’s
program either in international business or in the technology field.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 55
Summary
These biographical snapshots deliver a glimpse into the lives of each participant.
Although each has unique lived experiences, they share similarities. A description of each
participant sets the foundation for analysis. It is important to understand the participants gain
perspective on the stories they share. Seldom in the research do these men get the opportunity to
be the voice of their own stories. As noted, through the works of CRT, it is common for people
and/or institutions of power to tell the narrative of this group of people. Again, this study aimed
to let the voices of these men be heard. In addition to providing descriptions of each participant,
the researcher compiled a brief description of each participant’s demographic information in
Table 1 below.
Table 1
Demographics of Interview Participants
Participants Relevant
Characteristic 1:
Ethnicity,
Gender, and Age
Relevant
Characteristic 2:
Type of Degree
Completed
Relevant
Characteristic 3:
Been
Criminalized?
Other Relevant
Characteristics:
Enrolled in/ or
completed Graduate
School?
Greg African American,
Male, 27 yrs.
B.A. in
Communications
Yes No
Jason African American,
Male, 27 yrs.
B.A. in
Communications
Yes Yes
David African American,
Male, 26 yrs.
B.S. in
Environmental
Science and
Policy
Yes Completed
Richard African American,
Male, 26 yrs.
B.A. in
Communications
Yes Yes
Jake African American,
Male, 29 yrs.
B.A. Political
Science and a
concentration in
Public Policy and
Administration
Yes Yes
Vincent
African American/
Nigerian
American, Male,
26 yrs.
B.S. Construction
Engineering and
B.A. in Africana
Studies
Yes No
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 56
Theoretical Grounding and Research Questions
The narratives provided by the men in this study uncovered key concerns that critical race
theorists have voiced over time (Bell 1995; Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). In the critical race
framework, it is noted that racism is so ingrained in the traditions of this country that it becomes
part of everyday life for people of color (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Secondly, due to interest
convergence, these men experienced various acts of criminalization that put them at risk of being
targeted (Bell, 1994; Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Finally, CRT is noted by affirming that race is
a social construct, and the associated notion of differential racialization concludes that race and
races are commodities of social thought and are divisions that society creates for distinct
intentions (Bell, 1994; Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Specifically, the narratives provided by these
African American men support key concepts that make up various key tenets of CRT.
In this chapter, the narratives provided remain in the words of the participants who said
them and are presented verbatim rather than converted into the researcher’s interpretations. The
reason for this was to invite these men to have their voices heard. One key tenet that supports
this analysis method is the centrality of experiential knowledge (Yosso, 2005). According to
Delgado Bernal (2002), CRT acknowledges that the experiential knowledge of people of color is
legitimate, appropriate and necessary to understand the analysis and teaching of racial bias. CRT
also utilizes the lived experiences of people of color by implementing various data collection
methods, such as storytelling, as seen in this chapter (Bell 1995; Delgado Bernal, 2002).
Ultimately, these narratives answered the research questions for this study:
1. How do African American men describe their experiences of being criminalized
throughout the course of their lives?
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 57
2. How do African American men’s development relate to the theory of self-authorship,
through the lens of critical race theory?
3. How do African American men who have been criminalized, engage in transformational
resistance?
Experiencing Criminalization
The first research question asked, “How do African American men describe their
experiences of being criminalized throughout the course of their lives?” From interviewees’
responses, five key themes emerged: portrayals of African American men in the media, shopping
while Black, driving while Black, being accused of doing something illegal, and being arrested
and/or expecting to be arrested at some point in life. These themes were identified by more than
half of the participants as being significant moments that contributed to the shaping of their lives.
Each theme is discussed in order in the sections below.
Portrayals of African American Men in the Media
The types of derogatory statements made about African American men in the media were
found to be significant amongst all six participants because they provided a foundation for how
the world viewed them. When asked what types of statements or descriptions he remembered
being used in reference to African American men in the media, David recalled,
I was hearing things like, “You got the violent ones. They’re a threat. Thieves.” Any type
of crime was just associated to African American men: petty crime or violence. I would
say even the hyper-sexualization of White women perceived by White people on Blacks.
You can see in the history. They would say things like “What, he looked or whistled?
Well, he got the outcome that came to him.” You see it. I saw it in school when certain
girls were Caucasian or non-Black descent, and their parents would say something about
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 58
them talking to, or liking, or dating a Black guy. I would say that was one of the clear
indicators for me. There’s truth to every stereotype or saying or a belief, but the
magnitude to which you can apply that to a number of people, it doesn’t work, because
once you find that one person that contradicts that stereotype, it doesn’t exist. You can’t
say Black people. You have to say that person or be specific in your approach—the way
you’re characterizing people.
I think it’s intentional. It sets the playing ground for justification of Black
treatment in America. You think about box office and movies. Communication is the
biggest way to spread a perception. If somebody goes in the movie theater and watches
Boyz n The Hood or sees some hood scene in a movie, they assume “that’s what they do
in their community.” Well, the police might go there, and say, “we’re going to stir things
up. We’re not even going to tell them freeze or to put their hands up. We might shoot
first.” I feel like, yes, the media was intentional for monetary purposes and also
systematic purposes, to undermine the African American race in America. That’s
probably one of the most potent, hardest things I’ve said. I’ve never verbally taken a
stance like that, but that’s the truth. It feels good to say out loud, but I also know, once I
start saying it more and more, I’m going to. I’ll receive some negative feedback. I saw
what happened to MLK, and Malcolm X. Anybody who wants to lead the generation into
a new, progressive era or way of thinking, you have them holding the thought of death
over your head because, if you are that influential, impactful, that is a possible outcome.
It feels good to say, but I’m one of the people who know when you speak the truth, or
you bring people toward the light. The darkness isn’t going to like that.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 59
David described the types of images shown of African American men are intentional. As noted,
he also discussed his belief that the intent behind painting the African American man in such a
negative light was to justify the negative treatment that African American men endure.
Greg discussed his belief that some of the negative statements being said in the media
tend to have a lasting effect throughout the course of one’s life. He stated,
The types of things I remember being said were, I mean, obviously if you’re a Black
man, you’re a gang member. You don’t do anything positive in society. You’re a
deadbeat. The biggest thing is that you’re a deadbeat father, which, I really think that’s
probably like a very true statement because I know a lot of African American kids who
grew up without a father. The girls are considered whores or whatever. I don’t know if I
can say that. We’re going to drop out and not go to college. Just pretty much a negative
part of this society. Like I said, a lot of it. Well, I wouldn’t say a lot of it, but, from what I
know, I know a lot of deadbeat fathers. I know a lot of people who dropped out of school
and just do their own stuff. But, at the same time, I know a lot of people who took the
right path and went to college and did good stuff with their life. I do not agree with
everything that has been said. However, I feel like, somewhat, I agree but, at the same
time, the media doesn’t show the good part of the Black community. You know, they just
focus on the bad part. So, if you’re a White person who never been around a Black
person before and all you see in the media is “oh he’s this and that,” of course I
understand they’ll probably be scared or think some way, but, if they also saw, like, the
positive side of Black people, then they’ll be less biased.
If you’re a kid and you’re growing up and all you hear is that you’re not going to
do anything with yourself and you’re just going to be scum, you’re going to take that
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 60
mindset and carry it around with you throughout your life. You’re hearing all this
negativity and that’s going to make you not care and just become that negative person.
Although Greg found truth in some of the statements being said about African American
men, he also expressed his thoughts about the importance of showing the positive side of African
American men. He felt that, by constantly spreading negative depictions of African American
men, other racial groups would only assume that is how all African American men are, and
young African American boys will internalize what is said and become whom they see on TV.
In addition to understanding the motivation and ramifications of negative stereotypes,
Jake expressed how the media tends to criminalize entire geographical areas populated with a
high concentration of African American people. He stated,
What have I noticed being said about African American men? That all depended on what
outlet you were listening to. You hear the news. They only talk about all the bad things
that’s going on in Compton, so that’s why the rest of the world has this perception
because it’s like, “Oh, another person got shot in Compton,” or “This is going on in
Compton,” or “all these gang bangers.” When I did go, like I said, I lived with my father
in Connecticut, so I did go to Connecticut. When I tell people I’m from Compton, they’re
like, “Oh, you from Compton? You been shot at? You ever shot somebody?” No, I’m an
honor student. I’m over here chilling. They hear that, and this is just what they know
from the news or hear from the movies and stuff like that.
They also tend to think of African American men as entertainers. That we’re
definitely good athletes. There’s always that, you know, they consider us as performers.
“You must know how to rap or something or you must know how to dance. You’ve got to
have rhythm. You know how to play baseball and football. You can play all the sports.” I
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 61
wouldn’t say I agree with them. Was I good in basketball? I was alright. I was okay. Was
I good in football? I wasn’t too shabby. Could I rap? If I decided to sit down and put a
pen to the paper, you know, I would have been all right. Can I dance? That’s up for
debate. But, no, I’m definitely not violent because, like I said, I’m from Compton. I’ve
been here 29 years. This is what I know. I’m not a violent person. I don’t condone
violence. I would definitely not agree with that stereotype. I don’t steal. No robbing, no
stealing, no killing.
When reviewing Jake’s thoughts, it could be noted that he dealt with negative stereotyping
pertaining to the neighborhood in which he grew up as with the burden of dispelling negative
stereotypes about African American men in general.
Jason discussed his conflicting opinions regarding how society views African American
men. He recalled,
The types of things I would hear being said about African American men are that we are
disrespectful, don’t know how to speak, violent, deadbeat dads, abusers, worthless,
criminals, not good enough. Yeah, that’s what I come up with. Yeah, I think that’s about
right for me. I didn’t agree with those things because one of those things as far as, I
guess, you could say deadbeat dad. Despite whatever my dad and mom went through, I
have what I would say one of the best dads ever. I know that’s cliché because everybody
could say that about their dad if their dad was in their life, but, I mean, I’m okay with that
being cliché. Even with my best friends, I’ve seen their dads in their lives. I’m almost
certain that they have a reason to say their dad is the best dad. The media also describes
us as being worthless and being criminals, but my dad wasn’t a criminal, I’m not a
criminal, my friends aren’t criminals. Not all of them at least are criminals. I’ve seen
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 62
enough of a difference between what they said Black men were to know that that notion
wasn’t true, at least in an absolute sense. Like, I knew that wasn’t true. Also, because of
the Christian private school and the upbringing I had, I knew that there were people in the
world who just have a lot of anger and hatred in their hearts. Between me seeing it myself
and seeing it in the community I grew up in, I knew that there was another side to what
they were pretty much proclaiming we were.
I think they were speaking mainly to White America and also to other ethnicities
as well. Yeah, I think they just tried to further push the envelope of divisiveness. Why? I
don’t think I can really say why. As far as TV goes, it’s pretty safe to say that those were
funded by White America and they had the say, as to what went on the TV screen. You
could also possibly, for example, have a racist reporter, and they have the ability to frame
the narrative of us however they chose. I think they were speaking mainly to White
America and stuff like that because you would see, if a Black guy did something, he was
the worst in the world. He has the worst picture you can find of him. If it’s a White
person, it’s probably their high school prom picture or some nice picture, and he probably
done blew up something, or was a serial killer, or whatever it is. The narrative was
always framed to make Black men or Black people seem like monsters feel they knew we
were already a powerful group. We were just a powerful group without the funds and
resources that they had. Had you given us the funds and resources that they had access to,
I think they kind of understood that we could eventually take over and overthrow their
power and be in position of making decisions. It’s a power struggle that they don’t want
to deal with, so they do whatever they have to do to keep us in our place.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 63
Jason, described felt the intent behind the media’s portrayals of African American men
can be due to the desire of promoting divisiveness. He also believed “White America” has power
struggle concerns and, as a result, resorts to spreading negative depictions of African American
men in hopes to prevent them from reaching a position of power.
The responses that these men shared align with past research. According to Oliver
(2003), research on realistic genres like news outlets imply that African American men are more
likely to be portrayed as criminal suspects, despite a discrepancy in the actual crime statistics for
African American men. These media outlets also tend to describe African American men as
being more violent or threatening (Oliver, 2003).
Driving While Black
According to Harris (2002), driving while Black is a form of racial profiling that singles
out African American drivers as targets for traffic stops simply because of their perceived race
and/or skin tone. Harris (2002) discussed how African Americans who were pulled over claimed
the police had not stopped them for the various reasons that were provided, such as speeding or
missing tail lights. Rather, they felt they were stopped simply for the color of their skin (p. 129).
Additionally, statistics reported for traffic infractions, revealed that African American drivers are
stopped at higher rates than White drivers (Gabbidon, 2003). When considering these statistics,
one poll revealed that more than half of Black men stated they had experienced racial profiling
while driving (Williams et al., 2001).
In conjunction with the claims made in the literature, all six participants reported feeling
like victims of racial profiling while driving as well. When asked to recall the times in which
they were pulled over, David disclosed,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 64
Yes, I have been pulled over. I can’t recall how many times, but I know for a fact, in one
year, I was pulled over four times, and I think I at least had a gun pulled on me three or
four times each time that year. Yeah, I can recall one stop that occurred when I was with
my cousin and friend and we were just driving a Honda through Lakewood. Car pulls
over, sirens go off, and “everybody stick your hands out the window.” I knew if I
sneezed, or if I moved wrong, I could get shot. So, it’s like you’re put in a frantic state,
and I don’t know if the police really understand, like when you guys pull us over, even if
we didn’t do anything, we’re thinking about dying. So that’s why we be puffing. You
know, breathing heavy, nervous, you know, moving a certain way. And I think those are
the type of things, you know, motions that get situations escalated. I don’t even know
how that type of procedure works, you know what I’m saying? So, I was confused
because I never heard those type of instructions from a cop, and, when all that stuff goes
down, they’re not giving you time, you know, it’s either comply or you might get shot.
So, I was even uncomfortable. Like, I didn’t even think I could hold my hands outside the
window grabbing the roof that long. And they approach the car with guns drawn, it’s like,
if I slip, you know, he could pull and pop. At that time, the cop then says, “we got a call
about a home invasion in the area, and your car matched the description.” And we were
just like, yeah, whatever, you know you guys just want to stop us because we’re three
Black guys in a car.
After a good five minutes, they ran the information and, you know, took our IDs
and stuff, and, once they figured out that we were clean, everything was good. And the
crazy thing was I did not have my California ID on me. I had my college one. After
showing it to him, I sensed that feeling of “damn, I didn’t want to do y’all like this.”
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 65
Once he saw that we were college students, and that sucks because I feel like I’m a Black
privileged person within a race of, or a group of, people that lacks privilege. So, it doesn’t
make it better, you know? Every time I’ve been pulled over, I just knew I wasn’t doing
anything wrong, and I just knew, like, I’m Black. They call it driving while Black. When
I was in high school, I already had a friend tell me about this, so, growing up, you already
know it’s going to happen, you know? It’s like, if you’re a Black male driving, you’re
going to probably get pulled over, and you feel like it’s hard to even describe how you
feel ’cause obviously it’s like my whole life, you know? It’s to the point. I don’t even
know if I feel it anymore. I feel desensitized. I feel like it’s almost like I know why we’re
doing this. Let’s get it over with. So, part of me is accepting the reality or the stereotypes
being placed on me to even treat me that way.
David discussed how it feels to be treated as a criminal simply for a routine traffic stop.
He revealed his feeling of being desensitized because it was such a routine occurrence for
African American men while driving. He also disclosed the thoughts he had when he was told to
put his hands out of the car and on the roof. He expressed how these commands were confusing,
yet he knew that, in the moment, there was no room for misinterpreting what was being required
of him, since it could be the difference between life and death.
Jake, another participant, discussed his own experiences of driving while Black. He
recalled,
Yeah, I have been pulled over. Oh, man. Too many times to count. I’ve been driving
since I was 17. I say, on average, I get pulled over about three or four times a year. It’ll
be for stuff like, “Hey, you look like a suspect.” It has been for things such as window
tint or plates not being on the car. Sometimes, there’s no reason at all. I got pulled over
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 66
once because an officer said, “You look like you are far away from home.” It’s not a
good feeling because it’s always such a general description. The suspect was between
5’9” and 6’2”, short hair, dark skin. The descriptions are always the same. They always
range within the same, so I feel like you’re targeted. It’s just like, “Hey, I’m going to put
this out there, so I can cover myself.” As always, they might just be trying to find
something. They pull you over just because they want to. They’ll say stuff like “You look
like you can be up to no good. Let me see. You have this?” Boom, got one and if it’s
nothing, then oh well. Go about your day.
One instance I won’t forget because it happened right after I purchased my first
new car. It was a 2013 Chevy Camaro SS. Black with a red rally stripe. Inferno red
interior. I’m driving. I’m excited. This is my first car I bought brand new. I get pulled
over and he’s like, “This your car?” I’m like, “Yeah.” He’s like, “This car is too nice to
be yours.” I’m like “Whoa. Oh, yeah?” He says, “You sure it’s yours? You got your
license? You got your registration? You got proof of insurance?” I’m like, “Yes, sir. I got
all of that.” I showed him and he’s like, “Alright. Well, I wish I had a car like this. Have
a nice day.” I’m like, “Okay, cool.” You get mixed emotions when stuff like that
happens. I was angry. I was upset. How come I can’t have nice things? Why does it have
to be that I’m up to no good because I have nice things or I have a nice car? At the same
time, I feel proud. Haters going to hate. I’m working hard. I deserve this. This is
something that shows my hard work and dedication. Something I wanted to do for
myself. It also made me proud that I’m able to do the things that I’m able to do.
Jake expressed how he was pulled over because he was driving a “nice car.” He offered a
reflection of how it feels to be questioned simply for having nice things such as fancy clothes,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 67
cars, and jewelry. In this instance, Jake had done nothing wrong but appeared to not deserve a
nice car to the police officer who pulled him over. In that moment Jake realized that he was a
victim of racial profiling because the police officer assumed that he had to have done something
illegal in order to have the car. Richard, relived an incident he experienced when driving while
Black. He stated,
This was actually really weird. I’ve only been pulled over, knock on wood, like a handful
of times, maybe like four times, two of which I got tickets for, but, the two that I got
tickets for, I deserved those. One was a speeding ticket, and one was texting and driving.
One situation I remember, I actually was walking out of my house, and I saw a police
cruiser coming down the street as I was walking to my car. So, I got into my car, and they
were kind of creeping down the street, and it was maybe two or three in the afternoon, so
it wasn’t dark. It wasn’t anything sketchy, so I get in my car and then I start the car up
and instead of pulling off in front of the police car, I just let the car go, like I let them
keep going down the street, and then I took off. So, at the end of the block, there’s a stop
sign. They stop, I’m behind them. They go straight, and I stop and then I go straight and
then they kind of pulled over to the side, and I get to the light, and I make a right hand
turn and then pulled me over when I make the right.
Ironically, I’m listening to Jay-Z’s song “99 Problems.” I was listening to “99
Problems,” and they pulled me over, and they asked, “Do you know why I’m pulling you
over?” and I’m like “Not really, you know. I put my signals on, and I stopped at the stop
sign.” They’re like “Why’d you let us go in front of you?” and I was like “What? Are you
serious?” And I chuckled a little bit, and I was like, “What am I going to do?” I’m going
to cut you off, and I’m going to get pulled over for that?” They ended up not giving me a
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 68
ticket and not giving me a hard time other than, you know, or a harder time, I guess. It
was just weird to me and that was when I was like police are kind of weird. I felt mad. I
felt like they were wasting my time. It was like something that is literally a courteous
move, is being questioned. Okay, I let you go in front of me. Who says that? Like, if I
would have cut them off, they would have said, “Why did you cut me off? You didn’t see
me coming?” I would have understood that more than why did you let us go first? Almost
to see if I’m trying to hide something, or we were going the same way. I’m not hiding
from you. But, yeah, it just made me feel really weird. Just kind of like, okay. But it was
a weird situation to be in.
Richard expressed how a simple gesture that would otherwise be deemed as a courtesy
move in any other context was questioned as if he had something to hide. Richard referred to the
police officers as being weird. He could not fathom why he had been stopped for allowing them
to continue driving down the street before pulling off and cutting them off in the process.
Richard vividly remembered this instance because he had been listening to a song by Jay-Z about
the experiences of Black men being racially profiled for driving while Black.
Greg, recalled a time when he and his uncle were harassed in a parked car. He revealed,
I remember one time I was in the car with my uncle, my aunt’s husband. He would come
to my college and help me out with money because, at that time, I didn’t really have
money. And I remember we were in his car, and we was talking about basketball. When
we finished talking, he had given me some money for the week. As soon as I stepped out
the car, the campus police pulled up to the car we were in and asks, “What did he give
you? Is that drugs?” And he started questioning me like we did something wrong when
all my uncle did was give me money for food. I feel if I was a little White boy or
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 69
something, and his dad gave him some money, it wouldn’t be a problem. I feel like, since
they saw two Black guys in the car talking and he gave me something, they probably
thought it was drugs or something illegal, you know, but I feel like that was also racist.
At the time, that pissed me off. Now that I think about it, that really pissed me off, and,
with my attitude right now, I would’ve said something. And I probably would’ve got in
trouble because I would’ve said something to make him mad.
Shopping While Black
Shopping while Black has been studied by researchers over the years (Gabbidon, 2003;
Scheer, Smith, & Thomas, 2009). Shopping while Black is known as the practice of racial
profiling in a retail setting (Gabbidon, 2003). Many qualitative studies have examined the types
of treatment Black customers reported while shopping as well as examined the interactions these
individuals experienced while shopping in predominantly White neighborhoods (Crockett, Grier,
& Williams, 2003; Gabbidon, 2003; Scheer et al., 2009). They found that Black customers were
treated differently than Whites in consumer settings (Crockett et al., 2003; Gabbidon, 2003;
Scheer et al., 2009). Black customers voiced concerns of being ignored as well as being treated
rudely in general (Crockett et al., 2003; Gabbidon, 2003; Scheer et al., 2009). Scheer et al.
(2009) found that store employees were more likely to express greater levels of suspicion by
following and/or staring at Black customers, specifically Black male customers while they
shopped.
Half the participants endured the same effects of shopping while Black in their own lived
experiences. When asked if they had ever been followed in a store, each of these men disclosed
what it felt like to deal with this form of racial profiling and/or act of criminalization. Greg,
revealed,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 70
Have I been followed in a store? Oh, plenty of times. It could have been attributed to the
neighborhood I was in and my skin color. I mean, obviously, if you go to a better
neighborhood, people aren’t going to steal that much like in a grocery store or, like, a
liquor store. But, if you go to a bad neighborhood, little kids are going to try to steal
candy or chips or something like that. Yeah. I would say I don’t get watched as much in a
good neighborhood. I’m pretty sure like they look at me to see what I’m doing, but, when
I was growing up, I would have the store clerks leave their post and really watch me, and
I left the store. Like, I mean, I understand why they was doing it, but to leave your post
and just walk every aisle I’m in was ridiculous, so I left, and they didn’t get my money.
I’m pretty sure people, kids, or whoever were stealing from their store before, and I’m
pretty sure they caught a lot of people, so I understand where they were coming from. But
at the same time, it’s like you’re doing way too much, like you could at least try to be
discreet about it, like you don’t get to follow me at every aisle like this. I haven’t been
followed around a store as an adult though.
Greg recalled being followed more so as a child rather than as an adult. He attributed this fact to
the communities in which he was shopping. Greg felt that, if a store owner or store clerk
experienced an act of theft in their store frequently, then they understandably would be on high
alert. Although Greg acknowledged that there may have been some sort of theft that occurred in
certain stores in which he shopped, he was angered at the thought of being treated like a thief,
despite the fact he never stole from any of the stores he entered.
Richard discussed the times in which he was followed in a store. He divulged,
Yes. Yes. I’ve been followed in a store. All the time, and now it’s crazy that, even when
I’m not being watched, I feel like I’m being watched, and it’s just like the damage is
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 71
done. I’ll go somewhere, and I’ll try not to do anything that could look weird because I’m
just super self-conscious of myself and my movements, like, just so I don’t have to get
into a situation where I have to defend that I’m not doing anything, you know? Yeah, it’s
just sick. It’s very sick. It’s being Black. It’s being a Black man. It’s being a, I mean, I’m
not super tall, but I’m tall enough to be threatening. I’m not a small guy, so I know
people are probably threatened by me when I go into places, so I just try to make sure I’m
just chilling’ and that I just don’t. I just don’t want to cause any problems. If I take that
proactive measure and then somebody still wants to get crazy or get weird I feel like it’s
free game for me to express how I really feel because I really did go in with the intent of
taking that card out of their deck and they still wanted to find something to complain
about so then that’s when I’ll get angry.
Personally, it makes me feel kind of uneasy a little bit, but that’s only for a few
seconds. After that, I make a joke. As soon as I notice it, I’ll say something. I’ll say, “Oh
can I help you, or do you work here?” Or some type of sarcastic remark to acknowledge
the fact that I know they’re watching me. The same goes if I walk into an establishment
and I don’t get greeted, I don’t shop there. I don’t care how busy it is, if I see an associate
and they don’t say, “Hey how are you today? Can I help you find anything? Are you
finding everything alright?” I’ll leave the store and I’ll go shop somewhere else. That’s
just how I operate.
In Richard’s experience, he felt that, even when he was not being watched, he still felt
watched. He felt the damage of frequently being watched in a store had lasting effects on him.
He also tried to remain aware of how his actions may be perceived and, as a result, monitored his
own behavior as to not come off as suspicious. In his response, Richard also spoke about how he
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 72
resented being ignored by clerks when shopping. He felt that he should, at the very least, be
greeted by store clerks like everyone else when entering a store. David shared,
The last two stores I’ve been to, I have been followed. It infuriates me because, one of the
last times, there were other people in the store that I knew for a fact, presentation-wise,
were more of a threat to the store and loss prevention than I was. And the last time, I
think it was the other night, a Black security guard came up to me, and he got so close
like he wanted to touch my body to see if I had anything stuffed on me or whatever. I’ve
dealt with this stuff my whole life to where I know it’s coming. I know when it’s coming,
and I know how people look when it’s coming. And I was just thinking on my way home,
I was like ignorance truly is bliss, because, the moment you become informed of all of
this, it’s 24/7 paranoia, worry. You don’t know what’s going to happen.
David discussed how he constantly worried about his experiences while shopping in a
store. He feared that it could escalate to something more, even though he did nothing wrong. He
felt that his experiences with shopping while being Black caused him to become paranoid.
Greg, Richard, and David all shared similar stories to the Black customers interviewed
for various studies (Crockett et al., 2003; Gabbidon, 2003; Scheer et al., 2009). Their
recollections of shopping while Black reinforce the idea that the act of being criminalized
happens in the everyday routines of their lives.
Been Arrested or Expected to Be Arrested
The act of criminalizing African American men is woven into the structure of the United
States (Bell, 1995; Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts, 2004). According to the NAACP, African
Americans are arrested five times more than their White counterparts. Additionally, most
prisoners in the nation are African Americans and Hispanics (NAACP, 2018). This statistic
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 73
insinuates the dominant narrative that African American men are more likely to commit a crime
(Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts, 2004) and disregards responsibility for this problem on the part
of the criminal justice system (Bell, 1995). Incarceration is a much more common occurrence for
African American males than White males (Barbarin, 2010). In fact, arguably, the most lasting
repercussion on the African American community is that prison is normalized and being arrested
becomes a rite of passage, that many adolescent men feel is part of their upbringing (Roberts,
2004).
All six interviewees discussed they had either been arrested or expected to be arrested at
some point in their lives. Their lived truths align with the previously mentioned claims. When
asked to recall a time (if ever) that they were arrested or expected to be arrested, David recalled,
Yes, I have been arrested. It was on campus during my time as an undergraduate student.
What actually happened was me and my friend were homeless at the time. We were
living on the campus in the African Student Union Room. It was bad. We didn’t have any
money to eat, so we went down on campus to an outside convenience store. It’s like in a
hut type of thing, and it was kind of like open at the bottom, even at night. We went in
there, and got some food, and then the police came on campus with their guns drawn.
Yeah. We had to go in the little cells on campus. It was a mini conspiracy. He was like,
“Yeah. We’re going to take you guys to County.” I was just thinking the whole time like,
“Damn. County is like, you know. They say county jail is worse than real jail.” It was
probably $30 dollars’ worth of random snacks: couple noodles, candy, and water. We
were, I think, it was the day, the night before Thanksgiving or the day before. It was
Thanksgiving break I believe. Yeah. They took us to the thing. The biggest thing that
stuck out to me, or just the moment where I felt like my life was over, and I knew I would
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 74
never do some stuff like that again is I realized how, I think, the Sergeant was showing
me how the law works. He said, basically, what I did was trespassing, but the technicality
that he tried to hit us with was felony burglary. I heard the word felony. I just, I just was
like I’m done, and I literally told the Sergeant. I said, “I’m about to graduate from
college. I won’t be able to do anything if you, if I get a felony.” I told him that, and he
kind of looked at me. I know he wanted to say, a cop is supposed to be a dick in that
situation, “You did the crime, take your punishment.” But, I really feel like, at that
moment, he saw in my eyes, my spirit, and my body how much my education and my life
meant to me. It all flashed before my eyes because something like that, I know it’s an
immediate down turn. Short run, you won’t get hired. Its stigmas. You can’t even, I don’t
think you can get financial aid as a felon. From that point, you take away school and my
ability to bring in an income, and then I’m back in the community where I was. I was like
I knew what my prospects were in trying to get out of something like that would have
been tougher than, one of the toughest things I ever faced, probably the toughest thing
I’ve ever faced.
To be honest, I think, initially, it was my race. He pulled the guns out. We’re
talking about going in a place where we don’t need guns to rob to slide under a tent-like
structure to get snacks. I think they saw individuals they were probably dealing with on
the digital cameras, and they were like, “We’re going to go out here armed because we
might have to shoot somebody.” I actually had the gun pulled on me with the flashlight
on my face. I think, the way they approached the college students, I think, if we weren’t,
I’d say, in this situation, I think if we weren’t Black, we probably wouldn’t have been
approached with guns. The crime, it was nonviolent. They had surveillance. We didn’t
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 75
have to force our entry in. I believe, if it was a group of two White students, any other
race, that probably wouldn’t have went down like that, because I know for a fact when
they approach, when they captured us, the first questions were, “Are you even students
here? What are you doing on this campus?” By the time they found out we were students,
their energy changed. I think that was the only thing that did save us. If that was any
other two Black males that weren’t enrolled at the school, they would have been in
County with felony charges. They eventually didn’t end up following through with
pressing charges, which was probably one of the luckiest things in my life.
While David acknowledged what he did was wrong, he also discussed how the law does not
work in the favor of African American men. As the deputy had showed him, at any given
moment, his minor charge of trespassing could have been converted to a felony charge. Due to
technicalities written in law, he realized that many African American men could face harsher
punishments. In like manner, Richard, discussed his experience of being arrested. He stated,
Yes, I have been arrested. I was in D.C. for a graduation party, and the bouncer hit the
woman that I was with. I confronted him, and I pretty much asked him why he did what
he did, and he just kind of started getting real aggressive with me. He tried to assault me,
and we got into an altercation outside of the venue, and I was put in cuffs and taken to
jail. Spent a few hours there, and, yeah, I was charged with simple assault. When I first
got cuffed, I was in shock because we were kind of tussling on the ground and then
somebody pulled me up, and, as soon as I got up, it was the police, and they had just
cuffed me immediately. That was the first time in 25 years that I had ever been in
handcuffs before, and it was just like tight cuffs ripping my wrists. I literally still have a
cut on my wrist from that night, and it was just weird. And then it was raining, so I’m
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 76
standing in the rain in dress clothes, my shoes all scuffed up, and I’m trying to tell my
side of the story to the officer, and they weren’t having it. They weren’t even hearing it.
They didn’t care and then, yeah, so I’m just standing out in front of the venue for maybe
what felt like 10 minutes. Realistically, it was probably like five or six minutes. And then
I’m thinking, okay, it’s going to get sorted out. They’re going to take me out the cuffs,
and I’m going to go home, and, yeah, I was just standing there and then I heard “let’s go”
and then he just walked me to the car.
I was like, damn, is this really happening right now? The first time that I ever get
arrested, I’m going to jail over something stupid, not that I wanted it to be for something
more, but, like, I could have done more to warrant an arrest instead of a little altercation,
and, then, if I was even given the chance to explain what happened, it wouldn’t have been
the same outcome, but regardless. He walked me to the car, got in the car and was just
sitting in the car, drove me to the station. I remember pulling up to the station and I
never, I’d never been to a police station, so I didn’t know what the intake process was
like. But it was kind of like a drive through if you’re going to get some fast food or
something. You pull up and they talk into this mic, and they open a garage and then they
got me out of the car and took me in. It was a pretty slow night. There was nobody else in
there. There was actually two other people that had gotten arrested with me. They
arrested me first, but I didn’t even know that they got my two other friends, too. They
took my shoelaces out of my shoes, took all my belongings, and went through my wallet.
I just felt, like, violated. I never felt like that before, like somebody just rummaging
through my stuff, took my money out of my wallet, my cards asked me oh “what’s this
what’s that?” Took my earrings out of my ears, took my chain. I had this a wrist, a
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 77
bracelet, a cloth bracelet that I had got when I was in Thailand. I was in Thailand August
2015, and I pretty much had it on my wrist since the lady that made it tied it on my hand.
One of the officers asked me. He was Black, which is what pissed me off more. He was
like, “Oh, is this religious?” And I said “yes” real quick because I knew, if I said no, he
was going to cut it and then he cut it anyway, and, again, that shit really pissed me off. I
was really upset and, obviously, I couldn’t do anything in there, but that gesture really,
really, really made me upset so I just resorted to what I do, and I just started being
sarcastic with him, too.
I was perceived as a criminal, and this is something I actually, a concern that I
voiced to them and I was, like, “you see I’m in here in dress clothes. I’m not a criminal. I
just got in a little bar fight. This is crazy.” They acted like I had just killed somebody or
something. But, yeah, and it was all Black officers, too, and, like I said, that’s what made
me more upset. Well, I mean, if it was coming from White officers, I would have
expected it and, not that I wanted any sympathy, but it’s just like they didn’t have to do
all of that. I know that White cops don’t care, but I would have thought that a Black cop
would just do his job and not add on extra commentary or extra measures to be an
asshole, you know? They even arrested my friends. They were two Black women and one
of them was the girl that was assaulted by the bouncer, but I was just surprised because I
didn’t know they’d been arrested, too. Eventually we were all released.
In reviewing Richard’s recollection of being arrested, he was most concerned with how
he was treated by African American police officers. It made him angry that they would go out of
their way to make his intake process more difficult when they shared the same ethnicity. He also
expressed his concern that he was arrested without ever getting a chance to tell his version of
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 78
what happened. In addition, he voiced his disbelief of the fact the girl who was the assault victim
was arrested as well. Greg, on the other hand, discussed a time in his life as a child that he
thought he may have been arrested. He conveyed,
A time in which I thought I would be arrested happened probably as a kid, but I didn’t
know any better. One time me, my uncle and my mom were walking down the street. It
was when I first moved back to L.A. from Florida. My uncle was walking down the
street, and these two White cops pulled over and stopped my uncle. They said he was a
suspect in a robbery that happened down a street or something like that, and they didn’t
ask him any questions. They just told him, “Oh you are a suspect” and then put him in the
car. So, me and my mom are looking like what’s going on? I’m thinking, since we’re
with him, they’re going to arrest me and my mom as well. But we stayed there for like an
hour or two, and, obviously it wasn’t him. And, then, they just let him go. But, when I
was younger, I thought they were going to arrest me and my mom, too. At the time, I was
just scared. Like I said, I’ve never dealt with anything like that, and seeing my uncle in
the back of a cop car over something he didn’t even do is kind of scary. But, now, I think
about it; it was absolutely wrong, and I would definitely speak up now if something
happened like that. Like, no! That’s crazy.
Greg revealed how at an early age, he was conditioned to believe that it was
normal for African American men to be stopped for no reason. He expressed how now
that he is grown, he would have spoken up to let the cops know that what they did was
wrong. He was a child and feared being arrested just because his uncle was told he fit the
description of a robbery suspect. Similarly, Jake revealed,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 79
The first time I was apprehended was in high school. I was at Universal Studios
City Walk, and they had a curfew rule or something like that and I wasn’t aware of it. I
was there with my cousin. There was actually four of us all together, but they only took
two of us: me and my cousin. For whatever reason, they put us in the little cuffs and they
took us to the little. It wasn’t a jail. It was a holding thing or something like that, so the
parents came and picked us up. They gave us curfew tickets and all this extra stuff. You
got all these kids around here walking around City Walk. It was a Friday night. The
movie You Got Served just came out, and everyone was there watching the movie. We
were the only ones to get the short end of the stick.
The second time wasn’t an arrest, but I got pulled out the car. The officer said I
was texting and driving, but it was my cousin who was on his cellphone in the passenger
seat when he pulled us over. As we’re getting out the car, it was actually two officers, so
the one that pulled us over, he was the guy and there was a lady cop and she’s just
shaking her head like she knew he was in the wrong. She said something like, “I don’t
know why he’s doing this,” or something like that. She didn’t say it to him. She still let it
go on. He came, and he threw us in the back of the car. At this point, he’s grilling us:
“You guys got any guns and weapons? Got any drugs on you?” I was like, “No sir. I’m a
college student. I’m going to school.” He was like, “All right,” and he threw us in the
back of the cop car, slammed the door. I’m looking back, and I see a shotgun shell in the
backseat. I’m like, oh this is how I’m about to go out right now. This is it, man. They
searched the car. It came up clean. He just opened the door and was like, “All right. Get
out.” I’m walking out toward the lady officer. She said it softly. She didn’t say it loud
enough to hear, but she said, “I’m sorry.” I just wanted to get up out of there. He was
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 80
Caucasian, and she was Hispanic. I was in college at the time, so I’ll say I was about 21
years old.
It’s definitely discouraging. She knew it was wrong, and I felt like, as much as I
wanted her to say something, and I think she should have said something. At the same
time, it’s like I knew I was clean. There was nothing to worry about, but it’s just that
unknown. He’s sitting here got us pulled over, got us in the back of his car. Say she did
stand up and say something and he plant something on us? It’s like, “You’re sitting here
talking and look what I found.” It’s just one of those things where you just let it play out
and hope everything goes how it’s supposed to go.
Jake’s experience with being pulled over and placed in the back of the police car is like
all the other participants’ stories. These men were haunted by the thought of being arrested on a
regular basis even when they were not doing anything wrong. In Jake’s example regarding the
female officer expressing that she felt the way they were being treated was wrong, it can be
noted that one of the key tenets of CRT explains why this happens. The intercentricity of race
and racism with other forms of subordination state that race and racism are central, endemic,
permanent and a fundamental part of defining and explaining how US society functions (Bell,
1995). This tenet also highlights that racialized subordination is also based on gender, class, and
other factors and may cause others to feel as though they cannot confront racism directly (Valdes
et al., 2002). These themes were prevalent throughout the interviews, allowing for a deeper
perspective of the criminalizing identities and how self-authorship manifest within each
individual. Thus, uncovering true thoughts, feelings and experiences of this specifically unique
criminalized population.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 81
Criminalizing Identities and Self-Authorship
This section addressed the second research question, which asked, “How do African
American men’s development relate to the theory of self-authorship, through the lens of critical
race theory?” In response to this question four key themes emerged. The findings are organized
around the four phases of self-authorship theory. Men’s narratives were analyzed through a priori
codes that directly align with the four phases of self-authorship theory as described in Chapter
Two. The four codes of self-authorship were following formulas, crossroads, becoming the
author of one’s life, and internal foundation. Coding men’s narratives through these categories
allowed the researcher to explore how each participant experienced self-authorship, when
compared to literature defining self-authorship.
At the time of the study, all six participants identified as being in the final phase or
internal foundation phase of self-authorship. None of the men recalled being in phases one or
two. All six men experienced phase three while co-occurring with phase four. Case in point, the
men in this study were challenged with the task of making meaning of their lives from a very
early age to counter the narrative created by society and the media.
As discussed in Chapter Two, Baxter Magolda (2001) connected her work to Kegan’s
orders of consciousness to focus on the development of self-authorship (Baxter Magolda & King,
2004). First introduced as “Self-Evolution” in 1982, and later revised in 1994 as “Evolution of
Consciousness,” Kegan viewed the progression of development as an attempt to resolve the
strain between a desire for differentiation and an equally powerful desire to be immersed in one’s
surroundings (Patton et al., 2016, p. 356). Kegan believed there are levels of consciousness that
must be developed in sequential order (Patton et al., 2016, p. 357). The order of consciousness is
numbered from 0 to 5. When reviewing the various orders of Kegan’s theory, the most relevant
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 82
order in relation to the sample of men for this study, is order 5. Order 5, also referred to as the
self-transforming mind, is an order in which individuals see beyond themselves and others and
reflect more on how all people and systems interconnect (Patton et al., 2016, p. 358). Although
Kegan believed individuals rarely reached this order prior to the age 40, it could be noted that
this was not the case for the six interviewees. This highlights the important fact that these men’s
epistemological development is different from the development of participants from the
established body of research. From an epistemological stance, self-authorship, which was
conceived from Kegan’s order of consciousness, disregards the epistemological development of
people of color because it ignores the fact their conscious mind is different than the conscious
mind of White people. People of color tend to have a double consciousness that helps them
navigate the world by the ability to view how they are perceived by the outside world, while also
viewing how they see themselves. The subsequent sections provide direct quotes that reveal how
participants cycled through each phase of self-authorship, if at all.
Following Formulas (Phase One)
While self-authorship focuses on one’s pursuit toward developing a strong sense of self,
it was uncovered that for this sample of men, their internal conflict stemmed from more than
simply allowing others to define who they are. What self-authorship theory fails to do is seek an
understanding of how these men make meaning of their lives. Each participant experienced a
feeling of double consciousness. First introduced in 1903, W.E.B Dubois stated, double
consciousness compels Blacks to not only view themselves from their own exclusive
perspective, but to also view themselves as they might be perceived by the outside world
(Dubois, 1903). As can be seen in the previous section, these men speak about how they were
constantly aware of their surroundings and grew accustomed to the traditions that take place in
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 83
reference to their daily battles with racial profiling. As a result, these men developed a strong
sense of self early on in life to navigate the world around them. In opposition to the participants
in Baxter Magolda’s (2001) early work, the men in this study revealed that they never
experienced phase one of self-authorship. These men chose not to let external authorities define
who they were because they did not agree with what was being suggested of them. By examining
the relationship of self-authorship with these men’s development through a CRT lens, the
researcher prompted a discussion that would allow these men to share the many factors that
contribute to their development of an internal foundation. Considering that Baxter Magolda’s
early sample of participants were majority White men, it can be noted that their lived
experiences, when compared to those of the participants herein, are much different. The men in
this study did not benefit from unearned privilege while wandering through life without
understanding their role in relation to the rest of the world. Therefore, for the men in this study to
not become victims to prescribed identities and damaged self-images shaped by society, they
were compelled to learn to trust their internal voices early on in life.
According to Baxter Magolda (2001),
In the following formulas phase, also known as phase one of the “journey toward self-
authorship,” young adults follow the plans laid out for them by external authorities about
what they should think and how they should accomplish their work, although they frame
these formulas to sound like their own ideas. (p. 40)
An evaluation of this explanation of the following formulas phase revealed that all six
participants did not identify as ever being in phase one of self-authorship theory. When
examining their experiences of being criminalized, it could be concluded that had these men
began in the “following formulas” phase, also known as phase one of self-authorship, many of
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 84
them would have become criminals as opposed to college graduates. When asked to recall a time
in his life when he was following a plan laid out for him, David shared,
I think going to college is following a plan. I mean, I know off top that coming out of
high school at 18, I wasn’t ’bout to start up a business. I didn’t have one, you know. I was
a rapper. That was my main goal, to honestly sell music. School was a backup. I was
always good at school, and it was there, so I did it. My mindset was to do it until the
music took off. I fell in love with a major, and it worked out. But I would say I’m trying
to think of something somebody told me to do a plan. I really haven’t taken advice like
that, you know, people say, “Oh go get your master’s, or go do this or that” and, you
know, I went to school after my bachelors, and got a job, but it was my plan.
David recalled going to college as being his own plan. He discussed how he initially viewed
college as a way to put him in a better position to pursue music full time. However, upon his
arrival in college he discovered an enjoyable major. For David, going to college and even
pursuing a master’s degree were all things he wanted to do. Resembling David’s recollection, it
was difficult for Jason to remember a time in which he followed a plan set forth for him. He
stated,
Like it’s weird to answer, just simply because I almost never, I can’t even recall a time
when I went and done something that somebody else wanted me to do and that was the
only reason behind me doing it. I can almost say never. I think, at the same time, it can be
due to me being away from my parents every day while growing up. Not knowing it then,
but, looking back at it now and kind of reevaluating myself and understanding why I am
who I am, and how I am in certain situations, I realize it is because I gained a lot of
independence and freedom at a very young age.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 85
Even though I lived under my auntie’s roof, she still wasn’t my mom and she
didn’t police me. She policed me like a mom, but my mom and aunt are different. What
came with that was a lot of freedom because I was still going with my parents on the
weekends. Which I was in a child support system, so I was flipping back and forth, but
through the course of a week, she wasn’t checking on me like that. I guess you would say
I gained a lot of independence at a very young age, so I was kind of making a good,
nothing crazy, but I was making a good amount of decisions for myself without having to
ask my parents. As a kid, I was making my own decisions, and that’s kind of how I’ve
always been. I’ve kind of carried that. I always have taken pride in not succumbing to
peer pressure, even though I do sometimes. I did sometimes, but I never really did
anything that I know for sure I didn’t want to do or be a part of.
For Jason, much of his decision making and plan following stemmed from his own ideas.
He realized that going back and forth between his aunt’s and parents’ houses caused him to
become independent early on. Having three authoritative figures in his life with various
parenting styles encouraged him to make his own decisions. He valued his independence and
cited it as being one of the contributors to whom he became. Additionally, Richard expressed,
A time when I felt I was following a plan that was laid out for me or that I let someone
else determine what I was doing? I don’t know really. I really don’t know. I’m trying to
think. I kind of want to say me being in the master’s program that I’m in now, but I think
that was more so someone or a handful of people advising me, and then me realizing,
“I’m actually into this.” But it’s not me following a plan that they laid out, it was more so
taking guidance, you know what I mean? So not really them telling me “I said go do
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 86
this.” But it’s like “okay maybe you should do this” and then I tried it out and that was a
good call, because I actually like this.
So, I don’t know if there’s, if I can recall off the rip something that, like a
memory or an experience like that. Prior to starting this program, I had talked to a few
peers of mine that went through the program and have had some good things to say about
it. I felt that I would find benefit in going through the program and even though it wasn’t
necessarily my career choice initially or it wasn’t a career path that I thought of, I decided
to start the program and almost immediately after starting the program I began to see my
opportunities open up and I really started to get into the field. I really started liking what
it was I was doing. It was just a good suggestion from the people I surround myself with
as well as me being diligent and taking heed to the advice or to the guidance of people
that I keep in my circle.
In Richard’s experience, he acknowledged receiving advice and guidance from people in
his peer group toward pursuing a master’s degree in counseling. However, he also stated that he
had to do some research on his own to make the ultimate decision on whether it was something
he wanted to do. After deciding to give it a try, he realized he enjoyed the counseling field and
was considering a career as a counselor. Contrary to Richard’s experience, Jake revealed,
Well, I never really allowed others to define who I am per se. I always did what I wanted
to do. I did allow influence, or I did look toward people. What they did, what they were
doing, to help shape who I am today. I guess I just always wanted to follow my own path.
It was just, I don’t know.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 87
Parallel to Richard’s experience, Jake recalled looking to others as a form of influence when
considering the paths he followed in life. However, he too, felt that, ultimately, he made his own
decisions without allowing others to define who he became. Likewise, Vincent disclosed,
I would say that never happened. Going into college, I definitely did choose my own
path. Yeah, so I don’t think, no. I don’t think that ever happened. Because I didn’t know
much about college to begin with, so I just did my own research and figured out what to
major in and things like that and chose that route.
As expressed by each participant, Vincent recalled creating and following his own plan in
life. In contrast to the participants from Baxter Magolda’s (2001) earlier study, it can be noted
that these men who have been criminalized never allowed external authorities tell them what to
do or how they should be thinking. These men had to make decisions for themselves to not fall
victim to the low expectations that were suggested to them.
Crossroads (Phase Two)
In the crossroads phase, also known as phase two,
individuals realize as they progress along their journey, that the plans they have followed
do not necessarily work too well and they feel the need to establish new plans that better
suit their needs and interests. They see that allowing the approval of others to dictate their
relationships is limiting and that being more authentic would be preferable (Patton et al.,
2016, p. 367).
As seen in the following formulas phase, all six men in this study were already aware that
allowing others to define who they were was limiting, and as a result these men had been
following their own paths in life. When reviewing how these men progressed through phase two,
it could be noted that instead of shifting from external influences toward internal influences, as
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 88
seen with other students (Baxter Magolda, 2001), they simply continued to allow their internal
voices as well as their lived experiences assist them with their decision making. In other words,
these men did not feel the need to change a plan created for them by an external authority.
Instead, their decision to change a previously set plan when compared to participants from early
research, was that they are changing their own plan as opposed to a plan originally created by
someone else. When asked to recall a time in which he realized the plan he had been following
no longer worked and felt the need for change, Greg shared,
I guess the first time I felt like I needed to create a new plan for myself was when I began
playing basketball in college. Of course, in high school, I had made a name for myself
and was considered one of the star players on our team. However, when I started college,
I had to start all over. At some point, I even had doubts that I would stay on the
basketball team. My first year was terrible. I went from starting and being an all-city
player in high school to going to college and barely playing at all. That kind of messed up
my confidence and made me contemplate if I really wanted to play basketball anymore,
you know. But I just stuck through it and, eventually, it paid off. I worked out more in
order to better myself. I discovered the amount of time I was previously devoting to
basketball wasn’t good enough, so I had to adjust my plan on what I was doing and work
out two to three times more than I did in high school just to catch up to the level in which
I wanted to compete.
As Greg reflected on his time as a student-athlete in college, he realized he needed to
adjust the way he was training in order to play at an elite level. He recalled that, in high school,
he was one of the best players on the team as well as in the city. However, he faced the reality
that he would need to put forth more effort to reach those same accomplishments in college. For
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 89
him, it took not being satisfied with his role on the team, to prompt a change to his plan.
Congruent to Greg’s experience, Jason stated,
I think the first time I felt like a life failure was after I graduated from my senior year of
high school. I could have received a scholarship to go to UC Davis, but I was unable to
get in due to my academics. I think that would be the first time where I kind of felt like I
set out a goal and I didn’t accomplish it. That was the first time I was heartbroken as far
as life goes. I was always smart. I was always deemed handsome. I was considered one of
the cool kids, the kid that all the adults admired and stuff like that. So, that was the first
time where none of that mattered, and I felt like I was a failure.
I just changed gears and still had the same goal. Then, I finally reached that goal,
which was becoming a Division I basketball player. That also hit the fan, and that was
another sense of failure. Now I’m like, “Well, if I’m not a Division I basketball player,
how do I become a professional athlete?” Then, I redirected that again and was like,
“Okay. I can still be a professional athlete if I go this route.” So, I transferred universities
and I went to a lower division school. Now, I’m not on the highest level of college
basketball anymore. I had to drop a level to be able to get what I wanted out of college to
be able to become a professional athlete. I was 23 when I failed at becoming, in my mind,
a professional athlete. I actually ended up getting hurt before I transferred to the lower
division and, as a result, statistically I just didn’t have the kind of year that I needed to
have to be able to guarantee my professional career. For me, it was more so accepting
that my playing days were coming to an end. I always did say that I wanted to be a
basketball coach, though, even when I got done playing. I loved it so much I’ve never
saw myself just going cold turkey and walking away from basketball in every capacity.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 90
Now that I am a coach, and I’m on the path to furthering my coaching career, I
have accepted what my playing days were versus changing the whole plan. I mean, I look
at it now, as I never really changed this part, like my career I guess. Well, yeah, because I
would have two careers. I had a playing career and now I have a coaching career.
Like Greg, Jason felt the need to change his plan after his expected plans of being a
student-athlete changed. Due to a basketball injury, he gave up his dream of playing basketball
professionally, but he adjusted his plan to start a coaching career. For Jason, giving up basketball
altogether was not something he wanted to do. Instead, he remained working with basketball in a
different capacity. In comparison to Greg and Jason, David recalled,
This past year, was when I realized that my plan wasn’t working for me. At the time, I
had just finished my master’s degree. It was this past summer to be exact. My initial plan
was to pursue this degree in two years, gain some more experience with my field work,
and things like that, and then start working. I wanted to start saving and funding my own
projects, like different entrepreneurial goals. And, it was tough when you work 9 to 5 full
time and go through it. I started to realize that I might have to sacrifice a little bit more.
From that thought, I came up with alternative ways to think about, you know, producing
income that could substitute having to work a full-time job. So, I wouldn’t say the whole
plan changed, but the way in which, I went about it had changed. One thing I added to
my plan was pursuing a doctorate degree. I didn’t plan on doing a doctoral program, but I
am waiting on an acceptance letter at the moment.
So, really things like working less or applying to a doctorate program are not me
having a change of heart change. These are all things that have been heavy on my mind
I’ve just yet to implement them, but I feel like next year is going to be a great year for
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me. I have my mind right. I’m just smarter than I was, I’m more patient. I’m changing
my plan and then I’m kind of going back to some stuff and adding things.
David realized his plan needed to change to include the goals he once had for himself before.
Instead of creating a whole new plan, he decided to incorporate aspects that he initially always
wanted to do because he felt more mentally prepared to do so. David, like the others, expressed
how his desire to alter his life plan was something that he did for himself, without the influence
from anyone else.
Becoming the Author of One ’s Life (Phase Three)
The becoming the author of one’s life phase, also known as phase three, is characterized
by the ability to choose one’s beliefs and stand up for them in the face of conflicting external
viewpoints (Patton et al., 2016, p. 367). In regard to phase three, all participants showed proof of
standing up for their own beliefs as seen with the previous phases of this analysis. For this
reason, it is determined that the men in this study experience phase three while co-occurring with
phase 4. Again, suggesting that criminalized African American men need to stand for their own
beliefs as to not fall victim to the prescribed identities being placed upon them. When asked to
recall a time in which he had a belief chose to stand up for it, Jason stated,
A time I chose my own beliefs and stood up for them? What story can I tell? I feel like I
have a lot of them. Let me tell you one involving my parents. There was a point when I
left the last university that I played for without graduating. So, at the time, I wasn’t in
school. I was just working. And then, for a while, I actually stopped working and going to
school. I was kind of shopping around trying to navigate my way into a professional
basketball career. I had a conversation with my parents, who I thought were not being
supportive. In fact, I felt they were being borderline demeaning, even to the point where I
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actually screenshot our text threads and kept them. For me, I use them as motivation
because I felt like they didn’t support me and they kind of didn’t believe in me. Even
with them going back and forth with me, I always knew at the end of the day I was going
to be all right as far as in life. Whether it was by doing what I wanted to do or whether it
was doing what they wanted me to do. I knew I was going to do it in within my own
timing, and at the end of the day I was going to be alright.
Jason shared that, although his parents did not agree with how he was choosing to live his life, he
did not let them pressure him into doing something he did not want to do. In fact, Jason used his
parents’ lack of support as fuel to further motivate him to pursue the goals he set for himself. For
Jason, what was most important was how he felt about his own decision making, as opposed to
making his parents comfortable with his life choices. In contrast to standing up to his parents,
David recollected,
Standing up for my beliefs. I mean there have been a lot of times. One time in particular
that I remember, was during a Black Consciousness Conference at my university. There
was a speaker who was talking about the proper way to represent your African culture,
and things of that nature. He was saying, “Don’t wear Dashiki if you’re not fully
informed or engaged in the African history.” I felt like that was a backwards way of
thinking because everyone is not going to be completely informed with their African
heritage. Like, there needs to be an entry point. So, maybe someone will start off with
like a necklace or a Sphinx necklace even without knowing everything about the
pyramids, African power lineages and things like that, but I don’t think it should
disqualify them from identifying with where they came from.
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Although I understand his whole point was saying that, if you’re going to do it be
informed, too, I also feel like that type of message was a deterring certain people in the
audience from exploring their roots. Our disagreement turned into a heated argument. Of
course, that wasn’t my intentions, but, you know, I really felt like I was speaking from
my heart. Like, when something just fires you up so much, you can’t hold it in.
In this example, David expressed how he felt compelled to stand up for his beliefs. He did not
agree with the presenter at the conference because he felt the presenter was discouraging other
audience members from exploring their identities. David felt that he needed to stand up for
himself in letting it be known that you do not have to know everything about a culture to identify
with member of the culture. Although David’s passion came across as confrontational, he still
felt the importance to speak what was on his mind. Pertaining to standing up for his own beliefs,
Jake expressed,
When I chose my own beliefs and stood up for them? I will probably say when I first
started working with kids at an afterschool program. Many people discouraged me about
working for an afterschool program. They would say things like, “There’s no money in
there. Why are you doing that? You’re just wasting your time.”
My response was always like, “I feel like these kids need me. I can relate to them.
They can relate to me. I’m a product of my environment. They need to see this.” I just
feel like, if I can change one kid’s life and be influential to one kid, I feel like it’s worth
it. It was a lot of, I don’t want to say negativity, but it was a lot of “Why are you doing
this? You could be doing something else.” I stood behind the kids. I love what I do. In
Compton, you can get lost in the shuffle. You can get lost hanging out with the wrong
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crowd or if you don’t think school is cool or fun, you can get lost in doing the wrong
things.
I’m just kind of there to let them know, “Hey, you don’t necessarily have to be a
nerd to enjoy school or to like school or to want to go to college. Not all your teachers or
people that work for the school are ‘uncool’ or whatever the case may be. You can still
enjoy school. You can still wear Jordan’s to work and everything is okay.”
Jake found himself defending his career choice. While others around him suggested that he
should be focused on making more money, he stood by his beliefs of becoming a mentor to the
students he worked with. He saw high importance on helping kids change their lives for the
better, regardless how much money he made.
Internal Foundation (Phase Four)
Throughout the course of this analysis, it could be noted that all six men started out in the
internal foundation phase while concurrently in phase 3. In the internal foundation phase, also
known as phase four, “young adults who successfully negotiate this stage are grounded in their
self-determined belief system, in their sense of who they are, and the mutuality of their
relationships. A solidified and comprehensive system of belief now exists” (Baxter Magolda,
2001, p. 155). In response to this definition of phase four, it is made clear that these men needed
to have a strong sense of self in order to reroute their lives. Failing to develop a strong sense of
self at an early age could have led to fulfilling the scripts that were created about African
American men by society and the media. From a very young age, each of these men were
involuntarily made aware of who they were as an African American citizen living in the United
States. Although the common narrative being told was in contrast to how they viewed
themselves, they still were cognizant of the reality that their race oftentimes overshadowed any
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other relevant characteristic about them. Thus, making each man conscious of who they were in
relation to the world. Bearing this in mind, it can further be deemed that self-authorship theory
fails to acknowledge the way in which this specific group of men develop over time. When
considering this phase through a CRT lens, it is recognized as neglecting the acts of
criminalization, that these men combat with over time. Subsequently, each one of the men in this
study not only identified as having a strong sense of self, but they, too, struggled to recall a time
in their lives, that they allowed anyone or anything to define who they were. When asked to
share whether they had a strong sense of self as well as understood their role in relation to others,
Greg stated,
Yeah, I understand who I am. I mean, I don’t care who you are, if I believe in something
I’m going to believe it. Yes, I understand my role with others. I’m usually the quiet guy
in the group. I’m more of a listener if that’s what you mean like “what’s your role?”
Well, let’s just say I have a group of friends I hang out with. Like four or five friends and
there’s always a funny one, a dumb one, or whatever. You know everybody has their own
thing, but, for me, I’m the quiet funny one. I’ll be quiet the whole time and I’ll just say
something funny out of nowhere. So, I kind of understand my role at that. Could I bring
up basketball again? Yeah, like I said when I went to college I was struggling because I
just wanted to be a scorer and shoot all the time. But then I had to change my role to a
hard worker who rebounded and ran the floor and I made that my role now. I’ve been
playing basketball overseas for six years now and that’s how I’m known. I’m just known
as a rebounder who works hard. Who plays with a lot of heart. So, I understand my role
from there.
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Greg expressed his role in the varying relationships he has. He was confident in who he was and
attributed his confidence to the fact that he did not allow others to force their beliefs onto him.
He accepted his roles with others as well as his role in his profession. Much like Greg, Jason
knew his roles as well. He shared,
I think I have a very strong sense of self. I think it’s so strong that, sometimes, I’ll try not
to be me just so other people can’t call it. I also don’t want it to seem like I’m conceited
or something like that just because I kind of know. I have a good grip on who I am, what
spaces I can navigate better than others, when to talk, when not to talk, how to talk to
people, kind of reading people. I think my sense of self, has allowed me to do all that, and
become the person I am. I know my strengths and weaknesses and how to use my
strengths to get where I need to go in life, but at the same time not showcasing the
weaknesses. I still understand what my weakness are and kind of under the table making
it stronger while not allowing other people to know that it was even a weakness anyway.
Like, I’m not just in the world doing stuff, and not conscious about it. I’m
constantly thinking like, “This is somebody’s child that they love,” or if I hurt somebody
or harm somebody, whether it be however way. I’m pretty self-aware of everything that I
do and have going on. I would say that is kind of like a strength of mine, which I think
has kept me, a kid from where I’m from, afloat all these years. By navigating the gang
banger space, and navigating the student-athlete space, and navigating the family space,
the friendship space, the boyfriend/girlfriend space, the dating space, the talking to
people of other ethnicities, cultures and races space. I think my self-awareness for sure,
my sense of self, has allowed me to use all the tools and skills that I have to get to where
I am now and be who I am right now.
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For Jason, his sense of self is one of his strengths. He felt that without being self-aware, he
would not be who he is today. Jason recalled having a strong sense of self early on in life. He
tries to make conscious decisions in life that reflect who he is as a man. Additionally, Ryan
expressed,
Absolutely. I have a strong sense of self. I just know. I know what I’ve been through and
I know who I am, and I’m not worried about altering that in terms of the role that that
plays in my relationship with others. I feel that I try not to let it be so big that it becomes
bigger than me if that makes any sense, but I know that, sometimes, when people know
themselves they’re like “yeah, I know myself” and then they always have to be right or
have to be a loud person or act extreme. But I just know it, and I realize it and I take pride
in knowing myself. It’s not really a thing to brag to others about, but it’s just something
that helps me at the foundation of knowing who I am so that I move in certain ways or do
certain things. Because I know this is me or this isn’t me, but it’s not really an “I know
myself, and you don’t” kind of bragging right or something like that.
I mean, it sounds crazy, but I know. I spend a lot of time talking to myself, you
know. I’m in tune with what I like and what I don’t like. I’m in tune with where I see
myself going and where I’ve been. Where I’m at now and you know, it’s just I have a
good sense of knowing that about myself. I know what makes me tick. I know the role
that I play with others. I know who depends on me. I know who I depend on. I know
where I fall in the universe, in the environments that I’m placed in.
Richard discussed it was important for him to know who he is while also remaining humble
about knowing. He did not want to become so caught up in knowing who he is that he made
others feel bad if they were still searching for themselves. Richard felt it is was important for him
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to self-reflect so he could evolve as a person. He understood his roles with others as well. In
comparison Jake stated,
Yes, I do feel like I have a strong sense of self. I feel that way because all the decisions I
make are decisions that I chose to make. I know who I am. I’m comfortable with who I
am. I love who I am. With that being said, I don’t let others define who I am. I am who I
am because I allow myself to be who I am. Yes. I know my roles that I play with others.
Just based off the needs. Like, if it’s my kids, I’m there for that or my students, I should
say. I’m there for that support that they might not get at home. I’m their counselor. I’m
the person they go to when they get in trouble, and I’m the person they go to when they
have good news. I guess just, depending on who the person is, I kind of know who I need
to be because I have friends who need me to be there for them. Just as a reminder that I’m
there emotionally or just knowing that they have someone in their corner. I have friends
who may need me in action. They need me in the trenches.
Like the other men, Jake also felt that he had a strong sense of self. He too, understood his role in
the relationships with others. Jake felt his strong sense of self kept him from giving others the
ability to define who he was as a man. Again, it can be noted that each of these men were said to
be in the final phase of self-authorship at a very early point in their lives, far before college.
Engaging in Transformational Resistance
This section addressed the third research question, which asked, “How do African
American men who have been criminalized, engage in transformational resistance?” In response
to this question, two key themes emerged. The two themes that emerged from transformational
resistance, which was the initial a priori code, were commitment to social justice and internal
transformational resistance. Transformational resistance refers to behavior that displays both a
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criticism of oppression and a passion for social change (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001).
Through the practice of transformational resistance, one should critique the oppressive
conditions and structures of control and ought to be motivated by a sense of social justice
(Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). When reviewing the responses from each participant, it
was noted that more than half of them displayed a commitment to social change through
participation in some form of protest. Additionally, within this study, each man expressed some
form of internal transformational resistance. Transformational resistance can be divided into two
different types, internal and external (Delgado Bernal, 1997). According to Yosso (2005),
The behavior of internal transformational resistance appears to conform to institutional or
cultural norms and expectations; however, individuals are consciously engaged in a
critique of oppression. Students maintain both criteria of transformational resistance, yet
their behavior is subtle or even silent and might go unnamed as transformational
resistance. (p. 324)
During the analysis phase, the researcher found that, although these men were engaging in some
form of transformational resistance in terms of critiquing the conditions set forth by their
oppressors (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001) and showing a desire for social justice, they also
expressed that they were not intentionally making decisions to live their lives in opposition of
what society expected. Rather they were simply living their lives in the manner in which they
wanted to live, regardless of others’ opinions or expectations.
Commitment to Social Justice
According to Solórzano and Delgado Bernal (2001), commitment to social justice refers
to the focus of making sure marginalized groups fight for the education and treatment they
deserve. The actions one takes should be to help tear down systems of oppression. In this section,
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participants recalled the times in which they committed to social justice through participation in
protesting. When asked if he ever participated in any form of protest, David recalled,
Oh yes, I have participated in a protest. On campus, we had a protest because the
university wanted to downsize the entire Africana Studies department from being an
actual department to simply becoming a program. Doing this would have changed a lot of
staffing and administrative placements on the campus, which would’ve ultimately
resulted in less students being educated about their ethnic backgrounds. On campus, we
started marching and organizing, pretty much, advocating for the department to remain a
department.
Another time I marched was in my immediate neighborhood, not too far from the
barbershop I owned. There was a protest with the Cambodian community organizing for
their rights. I didn’t directly yell and stuff, but I was there in attendance, and I was
catching things on film. Of course, I empathize with the Cambodian people due to their
own suffering they faced from a dictator and stuff. It was a social justice effort that was
outside of, a Black effort. Yet, I had the liberty of participating. I believe in social justice,
so I felt compelled to join. Eventually, I do look to organize a protest on a larger scale.
David remembered a couple protests that he participated in. At his school, he felt it was unjust
for administrators to downsize an entire academic department that would cause many minority
students to lose out on an opportunity to learn about their cultural backgrounds. In another
instance, David expressed his need to march with the Cambodian people in his community to
show a sense of unity and empathy for what they had experienced in their own culture. To
David, the cause not matter; he felt it was important to fight for social justice in all capacities. In
Richard’s experience, he shared,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 101
Yeah, I have actually protested on campus. I mean this might sound crazy, but it’s been
so long I don’t even remember what the actual protest was for. Looking back, it’s been
almost 6 years, but, I don’t remember what it was for. I do remember that, at the time, I
was the sitting vice president of the African Student Union and felt obligated to be a face
for this protest and we just did what we felt was right at the time, and I ended up on the
front page of the school newspaper. I remember the next day coming in to work, and I
worked on campus, so I came into work and everybody in my job was so surprised that I
would protest. There were mixed reactions. Some people were proud of me, and some
people were like, “Oh, what happened? What was going on? We heard the noise,” you
know, and used it kind of almost as a talking point. They weren’t really interested in what
was going on. They just wanted the scoop, you know? But, yeah, I did that. I haven’t
participated in any protests besides that. I’ll protest in different ways. Like, I’ve
boycotted certain companies or not used certain brands because the things that they’ve
done that I don’t agree with. But that’s my protest. I don’t march in the streets anymore,
though.
Although Richard did not remember the exact cause for the protest in which he participated, he
did recall receiving mixed reactions from outsiders. He explained how his co-workers did not
think he would be the type of student to lead an on-campus protest. However, he did what he felt
was best. As the vice president of the African Student Union, he felt compelled to lead protest
and show their presence on campus. Although he had not participated in any other marches, he
still engaged in various forms of protesting. Jake’s experience with protesting was more of a
community effort as opposed to on campus. He explained,
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We had a protest out here in LA when all the police officers were shooting innocent
Black people. It was a peaceful march outside. It was something I felt I could do for
myself to express how I felt, like there’s power in numbers. I just felt like I needed to go
there and release some of the frustration I felt.
It was a good outlet. It was being with groups of people who feel the same way
you feel. They’re frustrated or angry. they want their voice to be heard. They want to do
it in a nonviolent way. So, we have these peaceful marches or peaceful protests against
all the injustice that’s going around. You just need that outlet.
Jake described his experience of protesting as being a way to release some of the negative
feelings he was feeling. He felt it was important to be there to show that there is power in
numbers. He enjoyed being with likeminded people that share his beliefs. Vincent shared a
similar experience as Jake. He stated,
Yes, I have protested. I think, because everybody has a voice and if you believe in
something, or you believe something is wrong, then you should stand up for it and make
sure your voice is heard. It was a march. It felt good, ’cause I was able to voice my
opinion along with others who felt the same way. I participated just to be sure that my
voice was heard and to support what was going on.
It was definitely therapeutic, definitely brings awareness, and definitely gets
everyone riled up. Now, there are times when people do the protests and then, after that,
they don’t do anything. There’s definitely times when that happens, and that’s not very
progressive. But, then, there are people that continue to help others become more aware.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 103
Vincent too, had an experience that he described as therapeutic. To him, it was important to let
his voice be heard. Each man in this study felt that it was important to stand up for what they
believe in and to fight for social justice.
Internal Transformation
According to Yosso (2005),
The behavior of internal transformational resistance appears to conform to institutional or
cultural norms and expectations; however, individuals are consciously engaged in a
critique of oppression. Students maintain both criteria of transformational resistance, yet
their behavior is subtle or even silent and might go unnamed as transformational
resistance. (p. 324)
Since each of the men in this study expressed having a strong sense of self, they worked to create
something more than exists. They changed the structures set in place as they lived their lives
outside of following formulas. Due to the fact that these men did not allow others to define who
they are, their identity development serves as a form of transformational resistance in and of
itself. Each participant discussed the ways in which he engaged in transformational resistance.
Although some did feel they had been intentional in resisting the narrative created, others
claimed not to be intentionally making decisions to counter the narrative that society placed on
them. Rather, they were simply living their lives how they chose to live them. When asked to
share the ways in which he was resisting the narrative created by society, Jason shared,
I do think I am resisting the narrative that has been created. Vastly because they don’t
paint pictures of Black men as master’s degree candidates who are pursuing higher
education and want to help shape young people’s lives to better themselves while
bettering the further existence of human beings. They don’t paint the picture that we have
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some of the biggest influences on the world’s future leaders. They don’t agree that we
have the voice that propels a future president of the United States to be president of the
United States.
My decisions for sure go against what they would have expected me to do
because I think they would have expected me to be a gang banger, sell drugs, have
multiple kids by several women as well as be an absentee father. They’d probably even
expect me to be in jail or dead by now. My decisions definitely don’t go with what the
media would assume someone like me, from where I am from would be doing with his
life.
I take pride in that though. I don’t like being predictable. Even though sometimes,
naturally, you’re going to be predictable anyway, I get a kick out of being underestimated
and kind of just coming out on top. Whether I choose to be demonstrative about it or just
be under the table about it, I like doing that because I feel like I keep an element of
surprise about me. I can be reserved but I can also be a little dominant. There are a lot of
positive role models and people who made the same decisions I made. Like I didn’t pave
this path, not totally. Everybody’s path is going to be different. I had to pave this path,
but I also understand that a kid like me, from where I came from also hasn’t really
decided this path. I like to serve as an example of what I want to be, versus the example
that the media expects me to be.
Jason felt that he was resisting the narrative the media created by making decisions he felt were
best for him. He did not allow the influences from the media deter him from doing what he
wanted to do in life. Jason also expressed that he liked to prove people wrong and prevail. He
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 105
hoped to be an example to the youth in his community. Jason and David had similar experiences.
David recalled,
Yes, I am resisting the narrative. My goal is to defy the status quo. I like to think of
myself as a living experiment or opportunity for observation. For instance, I had the
opportunity to buy a car, and I bought a 1985 Mercedes Benz, a diesel car, because I
wanted to have biodiesel fuel from cooking oil that was reusable energy, essentially more
eco-friendly and better for the environment. I wanted to use my own method of
transportation as a notion to express that way of thinking or way of life. I think, on a day
to day, if you’re someone who is knowledgeable or someone who advocates for the
environment and sustainability, there is a certain level of compassion that you possess.
I also think it is important for instructors to acknowledge that people of color have
their own stories to share. The fact of the matter is, when you have these Black students
in your classroom advocating their narrative, they’re bringing to life information that is
needed, regarding various racial or social issues. There’s been times in the past that I felt
like me and my Black classmates had to hold it down and tell it like it is in order for
society to be better. This is important because our peers are in the classroom listening to
us, and they are the future as well. If you’re able to impact the hearts and minds of those
people in a way where they can alternate their views or take on something much more
optimistic, I believe the whole notion of umbrella racism starts to disintegrate. So, I
believe that the fact that I’ve gone so far in college, I’m able to understand and
participate and access certain discussions that most people won’t have opportunities for.
For David, resisting the narrative was also about speaking up and trying to teach others about the
various sides of African American people that do not make it to the mainstream. He felt that, if
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 106
he could encourage non-Black people to understand the experiences that African American
people have had, he could help to expand their way of thinking. To David, resisting the narrative
is not enough, he wants to help others resist the narrative, as well as offer an alternate version of
the narrative. In similar manner, Richard stated,
No. I don’t live my life based on other people’s expectations of me. I know where I see
myself, and I know what I want to do with my life, so I make decisions based on that. If
that happens to be the opposite of what society would expect of me, then maybe they
should start expecting something different ’cause, yeah, I want to be successful, I want to
have a nice house, I want to have a nice car. I want to make sure that my family is good.
Things that everybody wants. It’s not a Black thing, it’s not a White thing. It’s just like
you want that security. So, everything that I do for the most part is rooted in making sure
that I’m setting up my future right.
So really, I’d say just like, if this makes any sense, I guess me creating my own
narrative is a resistance of the narrative. It’s not like I’m doing things consciously saying,
“They don’t want me to do this, so I’m going to do this.” It’s more so these are things
that I want to do so I’m doing it. And if me doing it is something that’s rare or
unexpected or not the norm, then that’s just what it is but this is out of my own personal
desires, so it’s just like I don’t look at this laundry list of narratives to defy and say I’m
going to do this. I’m looking at my life, and I’m looking down the line at where I see
myself and I’m taking the serious steps that are going to lead me there and I’m really
taking it one day at a time.
I do what it is that I want to do. If that confirms the expectation, then, shit, it
confirms the expectation. If it doesn’t, then it doesn’t, but I’m not here to appease White
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 107
people. I’m not here to make people feel comfortable or right or wrong. I’m here to live
my life and do what it is that I want to do.
Richard disclosed that, for him, creating his own narrative was resisting the narrative. He was
grounded in his own beliefs and knew that he wanted to do things that will lead him to having a
better future in the long run. He was aware that society has expectations for African American
men, but he also ignored those expectations because he made his own decisions. Richard
ultimately felt that he was simply making decisions that would lead to some form of security just
as everyone else does. Like Richard, Jake revealed,
The last thing that I ever wanted to do was become another statistic. Another African
American male who is not doing what their supposed to be doing, who is living up to
those stereotypes. Like, “Oh, you know, there he is robbing or stealing” or stuff like that.
I feel that way because the decisions I made are because it’s who I wanted to be as a
person. I didn’t want, I’m not going to allow society to have that effect on me. As me,
becoming a man growing up.
Jake shared the same feelings as Richard. He too, did not feel the need to let society tell him who
he is as a man. He made his life decisions according to how he wanted to live his life. Each man
in this study expressed the mindset and capability to create his own narratives and live his life
how he wanted.
Conclusion
This chapter explored the findings from the analysis of each interview with the intent of
answering the research questions presented in Chapter One. Each research question was taken in
turn to further examine the findings that emerged from each participants’ narrative. The three
research questions for this study were
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 108
1. How do African American men describe their experiences of being criminalized
throughout the course of their lives?
2. How do African American men’s development relate to the theory of self-authorship,
through the lens of critical race theory?
3. How do African American men who have been criminalized, engage in transformational
resistance?
When answering the research questions, it was revealed, that although these men had
unique lived experiences, they shared many similarities. This chapter invited each participant to
recollect their individual experiences with being criminalized. These men expressed various
ways in which they have been treated like criminals on an everyday basis, even when doing
nothing wrong. Although each man faced repeated acts of racial profiling and other forms of
criminalization, it is important to note they all had unique experiences that contributed to the
types of men they became. They explained how these acts of racism and numerous forms of
racial profiling occurred constantly throughout their lives: being pulled over for driving while
Black, being followed in a store, thinking they would be arrested even when doing nothing
wrong, and listening to the media paint a picture about them being a menace to society and a
failure at life.
Additionally, this chapter answered the second and third research questions pertaining to
how each man engaged in transformational resistance and whether they engaged in self-
authorship. The research questions guided the researcher toward centering the dialogue of these
experiences on the voices of these men to express how their experiences influenced them to
become the men they are today. Learning the strategies these men used to resist the narrative
may encourage other African American men to do the same. Each participant had the
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 109
opportunity to disclose the various ways in which he engaged in transformational resistance.
They shared their experiences with protesting as well as the ways in which they resisted the
narrative created by society. Whether or not these men engaged in self-authorship, it was
determined that each started out in phase four, also known as the internal foundation phase,
without needing to cycle through the first three phases. Using CRT to examine these men’s lived
experiences, it can be noted that they did not have the same opportunities to wander through life
without knowing who they were or how they related to others, like the men from Baxter
Magolda’s (2001) early study had done. As a result, this theory failed to acknowledge and
legitimize this entire group of men’s lived experiences when expressing the development of each
phase. For criminalized African American men, self-authorship does not seem to fit.

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 110
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
The act of criminalizing African American men is strategically woven into the structure
of the United States (Bell, 1995; Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts, 2004). When looking at the
criminal justice system in the United States, it could be noted that African Americans now
account for 1 million of the 2.3 million incarcerated citizens (NAACP, 2018). According to the
NAACP, African Americans are arrested 6 times more often than their White counterparts.
Additionally, African Americans and Hispanics amounted to 58% of all prisoners in 2008,
despite these populations making up only one-quarter of the national population (NAACP,
2018). This counter-narrative study captured an understanding of African American men’s
perceptions regarding society’s placing criminalizing identities on them. Secondly, this counter-
narrative set out to discover how these men practiced transformational resistance as they
navigated their way through life and to determine whether there was a relationship between their
development and self-authorship.
This problem is important to address because there is an ascending concern about
America’s disposition to break up African American families, incarcerate African American men
at high rates, and about failure to promote education for African American youth (Perry &
Bright, 2012). According to Perry and Bright (2012), 51% of the African American fathers in a
random sample of urban couples from 20 cities had been incarcerated by their child’s fifth
birthday. As a result, these fathers were less involved in their children’s lives, and their children
displayed notably worse behavioral issues than children of fathers who had never been detained.
Thus, the idea of what it means to be an African American man in the United States is presented
at a young age.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 111
Approximately one-third of 20-something African American are being controlled by the
criminal justice system, either in jail, on probation, or on parole (Perry & Bright, 2012; Roberts,
2004). Consequently, the insinuation is that African American men are more likely to commit a
crime, disregarding any responsibility for this problem on the part of the criminal justice system.
Institutional racism exists within the United States criminal justice system, which makes
navigating the penal system challenging for African American men (Taifa, 2016). Although one
could argue the discrimination that African American men experience within the criminal justice
system is not typically sustained through individual acts, it can be noted that discriminatory
treatment is ingrained within the structure, policies, and practices of whole institutions (Roberts,
2004; Perry & Bright, 2012; Taifa, 2016).
To provide educators, researchers, and community constituents with an understanding as
to how African American men perceive their experiences of being criminalized, this study
focused on the narratives of six African American men who overcame odds and resisted the
narrative placed on them. In this qualitative study, these men discussed their experiences of
being criminalized and how it affected their decision making. Learning from African American
males about how they utilized transformational resistance to change the narrative for their lives,
allows for a deeper understanding on the perspectives of this marginalized group of individuals.
In this counter-narrative, the researcher interviewed six self-identified African American
men who experienced some form of criminalization as well as received a bachelor’s degree.
Having a bachelor’s degree was one of the criteria for the participants because the researcher
wanted to discover whether these men engaged in self-authorship and, according to Baxter
Magolda (2001), the ability to know yourself, know what you know, reflect upon it, and base
judgments on it, begins to evolve as students near graduation and becomes more evident in their
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 112
late twenties through their early thirties. The primary form of data collection for this study was
counternarratives (Harper & Davis, 2012) through interviews. The researcher conducted semi-
structured interviews using open-ended questions. Each interview was approximately one hour in
duration. To answer the research questions and ensure credibility of the data, the researcher
engaged in member check interviews to serve as follow ups for the initial interviews. Member
checking continues to be an important quality control process in qualitative research as, while
conducting a study, participants receive the opportunity to review their statements for accuracy
and, in so doing, they may acquire a therapeutic benefit (Harper & Cole, 2012). Member
checking was also used to assist with ensuring accuracy, credibility, validity, and transferability
of the study (Byrne, 2001; Merriam, 2009). Ultimately, the researcher used these methods to
assist with answering the three research questions for this study:
1. How do African American men describe their experiences of being criminalized
throughout the course of their lives?
2. How do African American men’s development relate to the theory of self-authorship,
through the lens of critical race theory?
3. How do African American men who have been criminalized, engage in transformational
resistance?
Discussion of Findings
In this final chapter, the findings from this study are centered around the perspectives of
men who participated and discussed their experiences of being criminalized to provide
contributions to the literature regarding African American men. Through the lens of CRT, this
study provided in-depth recollections of the lived experiences of six African American men who
have been criminalized throughout their lives. Additionally, this chapter provides suggestions for
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 113
new directions of research when working with this specific population. The goal was to present
the participants’ understandings of significance, connections to literature, and implications for
practice. Finally, this chapter addresses recommendations for practice in student affairs,
implications for practitioners, and the study’s limitations.
Experiences of Being Criminalized
This study’s first research question asked how African American men described their
experiences of being criminalized. The narratives provided by participants support key concepts
that make up various key tenets of CRT. According to Delgado Bernal (2002), CRT
acknowledges that the experiential knowledge of people of color is legitimate, appropriate and
necessary to understand the analysis and teaching of racial bias. CRT also utilizes the lived
experiences of people of color using various data collection methods such as storytelling, as seen
in this chapter (Bell 1995; Delgado Bernal, 2002). The five emergent themes pertaining to
question one that were explored were portrayals of African American men in the media,
shopping while Black, driving while Black, being accused of doing something illegal, and being
arrested or expecting to be arrested at some point in life.
These themes were selected as they were commonly identified as being significant
moments that contributed to shaping the lives of each participant. These men expressed various
ways in which they have been treated like criminals, even when doing nothing wrong. They
explained how these acts of racism and numerous forms of racial profiling occur constantly:
being pulled over for driving while Black, being followed in a store, thinking they will be
arrested even when doing nothing wrong, as well as listening to the media paint a picture about
them being a menace to society and a failure at life. Analysis revealed that these men are treated
like criminals simply because the color of their skin.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 114
Criminalized Identities and Self-Authorship
The second research question for this study asked how African American men’s
development related to the theory of self-authorship, through the lens of CRT. Participants’
narratives were analyzed through a priori codes that directly aligned with the four phases of self-
authorship theory (as described in chapter 2). The four codes of self-authorship were following
formulas, crossroads, becoming the author of one’s life, and internal foundation. Coding
participants’ narratives through these categories allowed the researcher to explore how each
participant of this study experienced self-authorship. When considering the ways in which these
men committed to using their internal voices, it was determined they could not wander through
life while failing to understand their identity, role and/or relation to the world around them as the
“traditional” White male student from Baxter Magolda’s original study (1992) tended to do. In
fact, participants were challenged with the task of making meaning of their lives from a very
early age to counter the narrative created by society and the media. When examining their
experiences of being criminalized throughout the course of their lives, it could be concluded that,
had they begun in the “following formulas” phase, many of them would have become criminals
as opposed to college graduates.
In response to the second research question, the analysis revealed the importance of
examining the relationship between these men’s development and self-authorship through a CRT
lens. As noted before, these men did not identify as ever being in the first two phases of the
theory, instead they experienced phases three and four concurrently. The analysis suggests that
this could be due to the fact these men needed to develop a strong sense of self as well as stand
up for what they believed in, early on in life to not follow the path that was imposed on them by
a racist society. Self-authorship theory fails to acknowledge the common occurrences of racism
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 115
these men experience in relation to who they are in the world, therefore it does not completely
detail the development of African American men who have been criminalized. Baxter Magolda
(2008) explored the developmental process that her participants experienced in their thirties, a
time in which, she believed self-authorship becomes solidified. In contrast to the participants that
Baxter Magolda studied, it can be noted that the men in this study developed self-authorship
from a very early age.
As seen from the analysis, factors that contributed to their developing self-authorship
without cycling through each of the phases were a sense of independence, supportive parents,
strong sense of self early on in life, and a desire to live life by their own terms. Jason disclosed
that from a very young age, he made his own decisions about his life because he was granted a
moderate level of independence from his aunt, mother, and father. Additionally, all participants
expressed they had supportive parents who allowed them to be who they were as opposed to tell
them who they were going to become. The main concern that these men’s parents had was
ensuring that they remained safe and that they worked hard to become the best that they could
be. In comparison to the participants from Baxter Magolda’s latter study (2001), all six African
American men did not have a path set out for them. Baxter Magolda discovered that failure to
develop an internal foundation prior to college graduation resulted in the following of external
formulas throughout the course of one’s adult life (Baxter Magolda, 2001). She affirmed, at
some point, young adults realize the need for creating their own realities and do so, either toward
the conclusion of college or after graduation (Baxter Magolda & King, 2004). Although this may
have been true for her participants, findings from the current study revealed the need for each
man to develop an internal foundation prior to college to deny the anecdote of African American
men presented by society.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 116
Another reason self-authorship failed to work for this group of men is that the theory
does not acknowledge the various forms of racism these men endure daily. The literature as well
as the theory fail to speak to the wisdom and experiences of these men. This may be because
self-authorship theory can be considered an Eurocentric epistemological theory. According to
Delgado Bernal (2002),
Eurocentric epistemological perspective is based on White privilege. The Council on
Interracial Books for Children (1977) defines this perspective as (a) the belief that the
perspective of the Euro-Americans is the norm and (b) the practice of ignoring and/or
delegitimizing the experiences, motivations, aspirations, and views of people of color.
Traditionally, the majority of Euro-Americans adhere to a Eurocentric perspective
founded on covert and overt assumptions regarding White superiority, territorial
expansion, and “American” democratic ideals such as meritocracy, objectivity, and
individuality. (pp. 110–111)
In knowing this, as long as researchers and practitioners retain these types of Eurocentric
epistemological perspectives as the primary source for understanding student development, we
will continue to invizabilize entire groups and wisdoms of students of color. Utilizing
Eurocentric epistemological perspectives exclusively to gauge development for African
American men who have experienced various forms of criminalization can be counterproductive
because these perspectives do not account for the numerous acts of racism these men are
involuntarily made aware of daily. For this reason, it is important to review these types of
perspectives through the lens of theories such as, CRT, since they assist with revealing the lived
experiences of people of color. By doing so, researchers and/or educators could begin to account
for the development differences that occur amongst White students and students of color.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 117
Criminalized Identities and Transformational Resistance
The third research question asked how African American men who have been
criminalized engaged in transformational resistance. Transformational resistance refers to
behavior that displays both a criticism of oppression and a passion for social change (Solórzano
& Delgado Bernal, 2001). For this study, more than half the men reported participating in some
form of protest. To them, having their voices be heard was critical to implore social justice.
Additionally, these men believed that participating in peaceful protests served as a form of
therapy. They were able to stand alongside other people that shared their beliefs and passions for
social justice.
The analysis for the third research question also uncovered how each man displayed
behaviors to counter the narrative being placed upon them. All six men did not allow others to
define who they were. As a result, their identity development served as a form of
transformational resistance in and of itself. Thus, by being in the internal foundations phase of
self-authorship, these men prevailed at redirecting the path of their lives. Although participants
expressed their knowledge of the narrative being told about African American men, they also
demonstrated the ways in which the expectations of others were rejected when making decisions
for their own lives. Half of the interviewees claimed they were intentional in their decision
making in regards to countering the narrative. The other half of men believed their form of
transformational resistance stemmed from not making intentional decisions to oppose what was
suggested of them; rather, they believed they were simply living their lives in the way in which
they desired.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 118
Implications for Practice and Research
This study brought to light the lived experiences of criminalized African American men.
These experiences are important to acknowledge because they offer an understanding of the
various challenges to the development of this group of men. The many forms of racism these
men experience daily are part of the shaping process that makes them who they are. Without
acknowledging this part of their development, we deny these men the chance to make sense of
their role in relation to the rest of the world. The following paragraphs describes the types of
theories/ resources each of these men would benefit from as they navigate their way through life.
Implications for Practice
At the end of every interview, each participant was asked what advice they would give
younger African American men. After review of these responses, reoccurring amongst the
majority of the participants were that younger men should find positive African American male
role models, it is important to continue learning whether through higher education or by
acquiring a specific skill set, it is important to be surrounded by positive likeminded individuals
who support your dreams and goals, and, finally, it is important to talk about one’s emotions and
fears regarding the things that they are exposed to at a young age.
The researcher found that these recommendations were consistent with previous studies
on African American students in general. In a study conducted by Harper (2006), three of the
four implications for practice that were made are aligned with the recommendations that this
study’s participants expressed regarding the idea of surrounding one’s self with likeminded
people. First, it was suggested that “support (financial and otherwise) for predominantly Black
clubs and minority student groups was imperative, as those organizations serve as the primary
venues through which Black leadership is developed and achievement is embraced” (Harper,
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 119
2006, p. 354). Harper also suggested that administration finance and encourage attendance to
conferences and leadership retreats that would allow African American students to meet other
students who shared similar goals, values and experiences, and lastly “programming (e.g., a
conversation series) that brings together members of different African American student
subgroups to discuss the importance of peer support and confront internalized racism is
necessary” (Harper, 2006, p. 354).
In support of the recommendation for continuing to learn whether through pursuing
higher education or acquiring a specific skill set, Owens et al. (2010) concluded that career
counselors and student affairs personnel should encourage African American men to explore
their interests, goals and abilities in relation to their worldview. Additionally, it was revealed
that, due to the fact that people of color constantly deal with the consequences of racism, it is
imperative for career counselors as well as other student affairs personnel to not only be willing
to learn the frame of reference of African American men, but also be open to developing the
appropriate skills to effectively assist these students (Owens et al., 2010).Universities should
start by implementing policies that support the hiring of more African American faculty,
counselors, and administrators as well as encourage African American male students to seek
mentors within their field of study (Brown, 2012; Owens et al., 2010). Finally, in a study
conducted by Elligan and Utsey (1999), support for African American men who deal with
stressors from living in a racist and oppressive society was deemed necessary to help them cope.
Researchers found that African-centered focus groups helped African American men develop
effective coping skills to successfully navigate the impact of societal racism and oppression
(Elligan & Utsey, 1999). As a result, student affairs personnel should work with student
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 120
psychological services on campus to develop African American male focus groups that would
allow students the opportunity to decompress and develop lasting relationships with their peers.
Implications for Future Research
Much of the current research regarding the experiences of African American men who
have been criminalized fails to allow these men to share their unique stories. Therefore, future
research that focuses on African American men’s experiences in this country should provide
opportunities for this group of men to be heard. In regards to the development of criminalized
African American men, it is imperative to acknowledge their lived experiences and acquired
wisdom to understand how they develop over time. The use of Eurocentric epistemological
theories is not supportive of this group of students (Delgado Bernal, 2002).
While the findings from the present study are a good starting point, more research is
needed on this population of students. Ultimately, there is a need for research led by African
American men and conducted through a lens of anti-Eurocentric epistemologies. Much research
is done on this group, but how can we engage in research that creates space for their truth
without inviting them to discuss their truths from their own perspective?
An additional line of inquiry should focus on the experiences of criminalized African
American women. One could look for intersectionality between the two groups of African
American students. Furthermore, future inquiry from the perspectives of these men could lead to
studying the lasting effects that may be endured mentally, from constantly trying to counter the
narrative of their life.
One of the limitations to this study was that, due to time constraints, there were a small
number of participants included. In the future, researchers can interview more African American
men and follow their development over the course of time. Also, it may be useful to conduct a
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 121
similar study with younger African American men to determine factors that lead them to pursue
higher education.
Conclusion
This study aimed to explore the lived experiences of African American men who have
been criminalized. Additionally, this study examined the ways in which these men engage in
transformational resistance as well as determine how and if their development was related to
self-authorship. Using data collected from six in-depth interviews with African American male
college graduates, the findings point to the need for theories that acknowledge and legitimize
people of color’s experiences, such as that of CRT. Findings also shed light on the therapeutic
effects peaceful protesting can provide for this group of men while also rejecting Eurocentric
epistemological theories to be the point of reference to gage the development process for these
men.
Furthermore, the data from this study reveal the importance of soliciting campus support
to provide resources specifically earmarked for African American student organizations. Hiring
practices should also lead to the hiring of more African American male faculty and student
affairs personnel. Lastly, it is important to provide African-centered focus groups for African
American male students. Ultimately, it was uncovered that we must give these men a platform to
tell their stories as well as express what they need to counter the narrative placed on them.

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 122
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PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 129
APPENDIX A
Solicitation Message
Dear Future Participant,
My name is Bernice Embry and I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern California
(USC). I am conducting a study on the effects that criminalization has on African American men
and their ability to develop self-authoring ways.

The purpose of this qualitative study is to obtain an understanding of African American male
college students’ perceptions and experiences regarding society’s willingness to place
criminalizing identities on them. You have been chosen to participate because you have self-
identified as meeting the necessary criteria for the participants of this study. Please support my
efforts to understand your experiences, so that we can inform the improvements of student
services, academic programs, practices and policies that may serve as barriers for other African
American male college students.

I am looking for volunteers to participate in a one-on-one interview, a follow-up interview to
discuss my interpretations of the initial interview, and possibly a focus group. To participate, you
must be an African American male, victim of criminalization, and have graduated from or
currently attended college.

If selected, each participant will receive a $10 Amazon gift card at the end of the interview. If
interested, please call me (562) 489-5804 or email me at bembry@usc.edu. I will immediately
contact you to schedule a convenient time and location to meet for the interview.

I look forward to working with you and please do not hesitate to contact me directly with any
questions or concerns.

Thank you,

Bernice Embry

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 130
APPENDIX B
Scheduling Email– Interview

Hello (STUDENT NAME),

Thank you for your email reply. You have been selected to participate in an interview and/or
focus group regarding the effects that criminalization has on African American male college
students’ ability to develop self-authoring ways.

Please respond to this email with your availability on (DATE GOES HERE). An agreed upon
location will be reserved for your convenience, and the duration of the interview and/or focus
group will be 60 minutes.

You will receive a $10 Amazon gift card at the end of the interview and/or focus group for your
participation. Please do not hesitate to contact me directly at bembry@usc.edu or call me at (562)
489-5804 with any questions or concerns.

I look forward to working with you!

Bernice Embry
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 131
APPENDIX C
Survey to Participants
Directions: Please answer the following questions to the best of your ability. All responses will
remain confidential.
1. Have you ever been arrested? ____ Yes ____No
2. Have you graduated from college and received at least a Bachelor’s Degree? ____ Yes
____No
3. If you answered yes to the previous question, please indicate in what field you earned
your bachelor’s degree (i.e. Psychology).
______________________________________________________________________
4. Are you an African American male? ____Yes ____No
5. May I contact you for a 60 minute interview pertaining to your perceptions and
experiences regarding society’s willingness to place criminalizing identities on you as an
African American man? ____Yes ____No
6. If yes, please provide the following contact information,
________________________________ _________________________________
Last Name First Name

Best contact Phone number_______________________________________________
Best contact email address________________________________________________

Thank you for your participation.
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 132
APPENDIX D
Interview Protocol and Interview Questions

Interviewer:
Hello, I would first like to start by thanking you for your time. I really appreciate you
participating in this interview and answering a few questions for my study. The interview should
take no more than an hour, is that ok with you?
Before we start, I would like to offer you more information about myself as well as this study. If,
at any time, you have questions regarding your participation in this study, please do not hesitate
to ask me. My name is Bernice Embry and I am currently a doctoral student at USC in the
Educational Leadership program. This study is a doctoral dissertation investigating the effects
that criminalization has on African American male college students’ ability to develop self-
authoring ways. The purpose of this qualitative study is to obtain an understanding of African
American males’ perceptions regarding society’s willingness to place criminalizing identities on
them. I am particularly interested in understanding how African American males use
transformational resistance to help developed self-authorization. I am interviewing three African
American male college students to learn more about this.

I will not be evaluating your responses today. There is no right or wrong answer, therefore feel
free to be open and honest. My role, is to simply conduct research to better understand your
perceptions and experiences. The data I collect will be shared with my dissertation committee,
and will be later published. To protect your identity, I will be using pseudonyms, as opposed to
your real name.

I will keep the data in a password protected computer and all data will be destroyed after 3 years.

Once I am done collecting data for this study, I will compile it into a report. I will need to use
some of what you say as direct quotes, however none of this data will be directly attributed to
you. In fact, if you like you can give me a pseudonym (or I can make one up for you) to protect
your confidentiality. I will go through and de-identify the data I collect from you. If you are
interested, I would love to provide you with a copy of my final dissertation. Do you have any
questions about anything I just explained or about the study in general? If you don’t have any
questions I would like to begin the interview if that is fine with you. I have brought a recorder
with me as to record what you express to me as accurately as possible. The recording is solely
for me to document exactly what you say and will not be shared with anyone else. At this time, I
would like to ask you for your permission to record our conversation, if you do not feel
comfortable being recorded, please do not hesitate to let me know.

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 133
Tell me a little bit about your childhood.
1. Did you grow up with both parents or in a single-parent household? Guardian? Other
relative?
2. What level of education did your parents complete? How did your parents feel about you
pursuing your education?
3. Do you feel your family/parental units supported you? Was one more supportive than the
other? What did that look like?
4. How did that make you feel?
5. In what city and state did you grow up? How long did you reside there?
6. Did you ever move?
7. Change schools?
8. How was your experience growing up in your neighborhood?
9. What ethnicity/race do you identify as?
10. Describe your feelings about your race and/or ethnicity.
11. Do you feel that your ethnicity/race was a barrier or privilege? Please explain?
12. What made you decide to go to college?
13. Tell me about a time in your life when you felt that you allowed others to define who you
were, or felt that you were following a plan laid out for you. (Phase 1)
14. Tell me about a time in your life when you felt the plan you had been following no longer
worked, and you created a new plan. What caused you to be dissatisfied?(Phase 2)
15. Tell me about a time in your life when you chose your own beliefs and stood up for them.
(Phase 3)
16. Do you feel that you have a strong sense of self, and fully understand the roles of your
relationships with others? How do you know? (Phase 4)
17. Have you ever been pulled over?
18. Have you ever been watched or followed in a store?
19. Have you ever been arrested?
20. Expected you would be arrested at some point in your life?
21. Tell me a little more about that.
22. Was incarceration a normal occurrence amongst the African American men in your
community?
23. What were the types of things you noticed being said about African American men in the
media when you were growing up (i.e. on the news, movies, shows, and/or songs)?
24. Did you agree with the things that were being said? Why or why not?
25. Can you recall the times in which you were disciplined in school while growing up?
What types of things were you disciplined for?
26. Did you have an IEP/504 Plan (special education) in school when you were growing up?
27. Can you recall a time in your life that you experienced racism as an African American
man?
28. How did that make you feel?
29. Tell me about a time you were mistaken for doing something illegal just because the
color of your skin, if happened at all.
30. Have you ever participated in any types of protests to fight for your civil rights? Why or
why not?
31. Would you if you had the opportunity? Why or why not?
32. How do you think society views African American men?
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 134
33. Do you intentionally make decisions to live your life differently than the way society
expects you to live? Why or why not?
34. How has attending college changed your opinion of African American men, if at all?
35. Do you believe that society expects you to go to college? Why or why not?
36. Do you believe being in college has made society view you differently than African
American men who do/did not attend college? Why or why not?
37. How do you think that your decisions have shaped your resisting the narrative society
has placed on you?
38. Explain why you feel the decisions you have made in life have resisted the narrative that
society has tried to place on you as an African American man. (i.e. do you make
decisions that are different than the decisions that you feel society expects you to make as
an African American man?)
39. Do you believe there is a form of institutionalized racism?
40. What is some advice that you would offer other African American men?

Clarifiers:
1. Can you explain what you mean?
2. Will you give me an example?
3. How did you feel when…?
4. How did you think about that?
5. How did you change or address that behavior…?

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 135
APPENDIX E
Informed Consent Form
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

3470 Trousdale Parkway, Los Angeles, CA 90089-4035

INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

Self-evident Truth we are Not Equal: Examining perspectives of African American men

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Bernice Embry and Dr. Briana
Hinga at the University of Southern California, because you are an African American male
college student who has been a victim of criminalization. Your participation in this study is
voluntary. You should read the information below, and ask questions about anything you do not
understand, before deciding whether to participate. Please take as much time as you need to read
the consent form. You may also decide to discuss participation with your family or friends. If
you decide to participate, you will be asked to sign this form. You will be given a copy of this
form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This study is a doctoral dissertation investigating the effects that criminalization has on African
American male college students’ ability to develop self-authoring ways. This goal of this
qualitative study is to obtain an understanding of African American male college students’
perceptions and experiences regarding society’s willingness to place criminalizing identities on
them.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked to take part in an anonymous one
hour, audio-recorded interview and/or focus group with Bernice Embry pertaining to your
perceptions and experiences regarding society’s willingness to place criminalizing identities on
you. During the interview and/or focus group, no identifying information will be collected. You
will be asked to share some of your personal lived experiences that you feel comfortable
revealing.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks to participants associated with this study.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
Potential benefits to society arise from a clearer understanding of the African American male
experience growing up in a society that has taught them what to believe about themselves. The
purpose of this study is to explore the impact that criminalization has had on the ability to create
new outcomes for African American males’ lives other than being arrested. The process of
transformational resistance that each participant from the study engages in, will serve as an
PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 136
example of ways in which other African American men can be redefine who they want to be in
life.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
Participants will receive a $10 Amazon gift card following completion of the interview and/ or
focus group.

CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. Any identifiable
information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential and will be disclosed
only with your permission or as required by law. However, if we are required to do so by law, we
will disclose confidential information about you. The members of the research team, the funding
agency and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection Program (HSPP)
may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to protect the rights and
welfare of research subjects. Only members of the research team will have access to the data
associated with this study. The data will be stored solely in the researcher’s personal computer
hardware. Participants have the right to review the transcript of their interview only. The
recordings will not contain any personally identifiable information. Transcripts and information
gathered will not be released to any other parties, and will be held by the researcher for three
years. When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.

EMERGENCY CARE AND COMPENSATION FOR INJURY
If you are injured as a direct result of research procedures not done primarily for your own
benefit, you will receive medical treatment; however, you or your insurance will be responsible
for the cost. The University of Southern California does not provide any monetary compensation
for injury.

INVESTIGATOR ’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Bernice
Embry at bembry@usc.edu and (562) 489-5804, or Dr. Briana Hinga at bhinga@usc.edu.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT–IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant you
may contact the IRB directly at the information provided below. If you have questions about the
research and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park IRB (UPIRB), Office of the
Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room 224a, Los Angeles, CA 90089
1146, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

PERSPECTIVES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN 137
SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT
I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have
been given a copy of this form.

AUDIO

□ I agree to be audio-recorded

□ I do not want to be audio-recorded

_____________________________________________

Name of Participant

______________________________________________ _________________

Signature of Participant Date

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the participant and answered all of his/her questions. I believe
that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely consents to
participate.

_______________________________________________

Name of Person Obtaining Consent

________________________________________________ ___________________

Signature of Person Obtaining Consent Date

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The purpose of this counter-narrative study was to understand the perceptions of African American men regarding society’s willingness to place criminalizing identities on them. This study examined their use of transformational resistance as well as examined the relationship between their development and self-authorship, through a critical race theory lens. The researcher interviewed six African American male college graduates to share their lived experiences and perspectives. To address the disproportionate number of criminalization amongst African American men when compared to their White counterparts, the researcher utilized a critical race framework. The stories told through this work can assist faculty, counselors, student affairs personnel as well as community workers with distinguishing the impact that criminalization has on the African American man, and how transformational resistance can help redefine who they are. Conclusively, this dissertation highlights the voices of those who are criminalized, which is too often missing from the literature base that informs educators. By interviewing these individuals, the researcher captured unique narratives to better explain the lived experiences for this marginalized group of men while presenting the ways in which they have rewritten stories placed on them by limiting social structures.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Embry, Bernice Ann (author)

Core Title Self-evident truth that all men are not perceived equally: examining perspectives of African American male college graduates who have been criminalized

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 04/11/2018

Defense Date 03/21/2018

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American,college,counter-story,criminalization,critical race theory,graduate,men,OAI-PMH Harvest,self-authorship theory,transformational resistance theory

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hinga, Briana (committee chair), Fisher, Chelena (committee member), Green, Alan (committee member)

Creator Email bembry@usc.edu,embry.bernice@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-12227

Unique identifier UC11671642

Identifier etd-EmbryBerni-6215.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-12227 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-EmbryBerni-6215.pdf

Dmrecord 12227

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Embry, Bernice Ann

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA