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The resiliency of African American adolescent females in the face of trauma exposure

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The resiliency of African American adolescent females in the face of trauma exposure

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Content Running Head: THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT
1

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN ADOLESCENT FEMALES
IN THE FACE OF TRAUMA EXPOSURE

by

Tiffany Roshelle Bunn

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2018

Copyright 2018 Tiffany Roshelle Bunn
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 2

Acknowledgements
“We are braver and wiser because they existed, those strong women…We are who we are
because they were who they were. It’s wise to know where you come from, who called your
name”- Dr. Maya Angelou

This work is dedicated to two women: Grandma Lemon Kirkwood and Granny Lela Mae
Banks. In the Bible, Proverbs 31 speaks of the virtuous wife who is worth more than rubies, whose
husband safely trusts her, and who does good rather than evil all the days of her life. This woman
is praised throughout her community for being an astute business woman, providing for her
household, and taking care of the needs of her family while radiating queendom. Due to that, her
children and husband rise up, recognizing the blessing that she is. That is the mirror image of my
grandmothers who were the pillars of their families, and role models to their children,
grandchildren, and surrounding communities. Because of their prayers, strength, resilience, power,
foresight, wisdom, example, sacrifices, and love for others I am who I am. My grandmothers were
simply exquisite and brightened every room they entered. They will always be the cornerstone of
my family’s dynasty.
I would also be remiss to not mention the people who have been my village throughout my
life. The biggest example are my parents, Bettye Jean Peete Kirkwood and Rufus Kirkwood whose
love and dedication towards their children shows in our daily journey. It is our compassion, love
for others, humility, joy, loyalty, and work ethic that is evidenced in our lives, and the lives of our
children. I am also grateful for my aunts and uncles who manifest the same attributes as my parents.
Due to that, my generation and the generation after understand our identity and power as Black
people and as an indivisible family. What can I say…I’m blessed beyond compare. Moreover, my
children are the absolute loves of my life. Dominique, Monique, Austin, and Zyrah, my desire is
for you to dream bigger than me, and to go farther than I will ever go. I set big goals, and aspire to
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 3

have an ever-increasing vision for my life, so that you understand that you can and will achieve
more than I have, and definitely more than your mind can ever imagine. I am grateful that God
saw fit for me to raise each one of you. Also, to my king and best friend, Charles: simply put, I
love you beyond infinity. You have seen me at my worst and at my best, and your love and
faithfulness have been unyielding. Thanks for walking this road with me, cheering, and supporting
me as I continue to progress in my calling. I look forward to building a legacy with you.
Lastly, I am grateful for my Dissertation Committee. Dr. Briana Hinga, as my Chair, gave
me the wings, freedom, and confidence to soar and grow throughout this process. Her brilliance
and support can never fully be explained. Dr. Alan Green is the epitome of knowledge that helped
to guide my research, and pushed me to delve deeper in my perspective and confidence as a
researcher. Lastly, Dr. Kirk Kirkwood was instrumental when I was seeking that third eye to
balance me out. His honesty and feedback throughout this process is forever appreciated.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 4

Table of Contents
Abstract 7
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 8
Background of the Problem 9
Statement of the Problem 11
Purpose of the Study 11
Research Questions 11
Significance of the Study 12
Limitations and Delimitations 14
Definition of Terms 14
Organization of the Study 16
Chapter Two: Literature Review 18
Overview 21
Decolonization Paradigm 21
Synthesizing the Literature 21
The Traumatic Experiences of Black Women 22
during the Middle Passage and Slavery
Trauma and Indoctrination of the Enslaved 24
Education and the Slave Chattel 26
The Foundation of Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome 28
Trauma and Education in the Post-Slavery Era 28
Modern Day Trauma and the African American 31
Female Adolescent
Factors that Influence Academic and Social Well-Being 36
Theoretical Framework: Critical Race Theory 42
Black Feminist Theory 43
Resistance for Liberation 44
Conclusion 46
Chapter Three: Methodology 47
Site Selection 48
Population and Sample 49
Instrumentation/Source of Evidence 50
Data Collection Protocols 51
Data Analysis 51
Role of Researcher 52
Credibility and Trustworthiness 53
Chapter Four: Findings 54
Overview and Narrative of Participants 56
Participant One: Background and Self-Description 57
Participant One: Synopsis of Narrative 57
Participant Two: Background and Self-Description 59
Participant Two: Synopsis of Narrative 59
Participant Three: Background and Self-Description 62
Participant Three: Synopsis of Narrative 62
An Analysis Based on the Experiences of AA Women who 65
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 5

Matriculated through the K-12 System as Adolescents
Overarching Themes 65
Findings by Research Questions 67
Experiences of Educational and Social Marginalization in the 68
K-12 System
The Criminalization of African American Adolescent Females 72
The Effects of Low Expectations and a Lack of Academic 74
Preparation
Trauma Exposure 79
The Importance of Caring Educators and Staff 84
Access to College Preparatory Classes & Extracurricular 87
Opportunities
Family and Community Involvement, Support, and 90
Encouragement
Conclusion 96
Chapter Five: Summary 98
Findings 99
Caring Educators and Staff 100
Access to College Preparatory Classes & 101
Extracurricular Activities
Family and Community Involvement, Support, and 102
Encouragement
Recommendations for Practice 104
Recommendations for Further Research 106
Conclusions 106
References 108
Appendix A Information Sheet for Exempt Research 115
Appendix B Interview Protocol and Questions 116

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 6

List of Table
Table 1: DataQuest California Department of Education 19
Cohort Outcome Data

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 7

Abstract
The United States of America use of systemic oppression entails the generational cycle of
separate but unequal K-12 educational institutions for children of color. For African American
adolescent females, it continues the historical pattern that denies this subgroup the right to be
educated equitably in a county whose past speaks of the torture, deeply inhumane treatment, and
pure evil legally garnered toward this subgroup. In spite of laws meant to subject African American
females to positions of inferiority, or various types of traumatic exposure, this subgroup continues
to evidence coping mechanisms that help them survive and thrive in the educational system that
was not created or adjusted for their educational or social-emotional benefit. Therefore, this study
uses the narratives of African American women to analyze the tools used in adolescence as they
matriculated through, and successfully navigated the K-12 system in urban communities. The
utilization of Critical Race Theory, Black Feminist Theory, and a decolonized paradigm ushered
the voices of the participants to express their truths, and revealed the following factors that aided
in their academic, social, and emotional growth and resiliency: caring teachers and staff members,
access to college preparatory and extracurricular opportunities, and family and community
involvement, support, and encouragement. By examining the resiliency of African American
adolescent females in urban K-12 schools, the researcher is able to provide recommendations for
policies and practices in academic institutions that serve African American adolescent females,
and to propose recommendations for further research.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 8

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
The evolution of African American females in the United States began with the kidnapping
of Africans from their native land. In the year 1510 the Spanish Crown legalized the selling of
Africans into slavery, which officially began eight years later in 1518 (Clark & Hewitt, 2000). It
resulted in their involuntary migration from Africa to multiple continents, eventually landing in
the Americas in the early 1600’s (Clark & Hewitt, 2000). The middle passage was wrought with
terror and indoctrination, and resulted in at least one out of six slaves dying during the pilgrimage
(Clark & Hewitt, 2000; Hooks, 1952). Once in this country the horrors of slavery catapulted the
reign of physical, psychological, and emotional torment from the hands of oppressive Caucasians
that secured their power through inhumane measures (Allison, 1995; Cade, 1946; Span, 2005;
White, 1985; Woodson, 1919). After hundreds of years of captivity and brutal labor, blacks were
freed only to face threatening conditions and racist laws meant to keep them oppressed and
subjugated to those in control.
In spite of the mechanisms meant to relegate this particular group to a lower status, they
overcame barriers at a higher rate than any other racial group in this country. Blacks in America
understood the value of education, and fought to learn in spite of legislation and various forms of
intimidation (Berrey, 2009). The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES, 2017) reports
that in 1920 the percentage of persons, who by the age of 25 to 29 years of age, attained high
school completion was 22% for Whites and 6.3% for Blacks. In 2016 the rate for the same groups
are 95.2% to 91.1% (NCES, 2017). When gender was evaluated, beginning in 1980, NCES (2017)
states that in 1980 White males, by the age of 25 to 29, graduated at a rate of 89.1% and their Black
counterparts met the same milestone at a rate of 74.7%. Thirty-six years later, in 2016, the rate of
high school graduation was 94.8% for White males and 91.7% for Black males (NCES, 2017). The
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 9

comparison of White Female vs. Black female high school graduation rates reveals that in 1980
Caucasian females, by the age of 25 to 29, graduated 89.2% of their population. In comparison,
78.3% of Black females received their high school diploma by the age of 25 to 29. In 2016, 95.7%
of White females received their high school diploma by the age of 25 to 29, and 90.7% of Black
females received the same.
The numbers reveal the truth that in spite of hundreds of years of captivity African
Americans increased their educational levels at an astronomical pace in comparison to Caucasians
who were never legally enslaved or subjected to laws meant to permanently immobilize them as a
collective group. Nevertheless, the effects of these laws have had a multi-generational impact on
the perception and lived experiences of African American females, especially in the realm of K-
12 education.
Background of the Problem
The stereotyping, labeling, and continuous micro-aggressions towards African American
females perpetuates the myth of the “angry black female”. What hasn’t been addressed is the
historical resiliency of this group who survived and thrived in spite of systemic tactics meant to
destroy them mentally, emotionally, spiritually, and physically. History shows the immense
obstacles that people of African descent had to overcome before, during, and after their
emancipation from slavery. For instance, when the Civil War ended, people of African descent
who finally were free from bondage demanded schooling for themselves and their children
(Thomas & Jackson, 2007). However, substantial evidence shows that by the time the
Reconstruction era ended in 1870 hate crimes, physical destruction, and eradication of funding of
black schools, and other tactics presented immense obstacles to attainment of education (Thomas
& Jackson, 2007).
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 10

Moreover, the trauma caused by organized governmental and localized terrorism sought to
intimidate and permanently destabilize this group. African American females, specifically, have
felt the blow of focused hate at levels higher than any other race. From a historical lens, they were
“the only group that was enslaved and brought to the United States to ‘work, produce, and
reproduce” (Holcomb-McCoy & Moore-Thomas, 2001). They have also felt the blows of racism
and sexism due to Eurocentric views concerning body image and physical attractiveness
(Holcomb-McCoy & Moore-Thomas, 2001), yet cultural appropriation permeates society. This
has trickled into the school system that simply put was not made with them in mind.
Historically, during the 17
th
and 18
th
century, the educational system began in the New
England Colonies for those who were being prepared for leadership positions in the church (Webb,
2006). During this period, those in elementary school were dedicated to dame schools, reading and
writing schools, charity schools, and apprentice systems (Webb, 2006). The Mid-Atlantic Colonies
would begin their educational endeavors in the 18
th
centuries, with parochial schools opening, with
a limited amount of private schools beginning as well (Webb, 2006). In the Southern Colonies,
hierarchical system favored those who were rich and could afford an education. The upper class
children attended private school, while those who were not at this economic level possibly could
attend through an apprentice system, free schools, or denomination schools (Webb, 2006). The
fact is that structures were in place for people of Eurocentric origin to receive an education from
the beginnings of Imperialism in this country, whereas people of African descent were stolen from
Africa, brought over to America, enslaved, tortured, traumatized, and denied any rights to a public
education during the same time frame. Yet, from a colonized perspective, African Americans have
been identified as “at risk” rather than looking at the educational system that perpetuates and
pushes the marginalization of this particular group.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 11

Statement of the Problem
The problem addressed in this study is the hidden narrative in relation to the multiple
levels of resiliency that African American women exhibit throughout their K-12 educational
endeavors given the effects of what DeGruy (2005) identified as Post Traumatic Slave
Syndrome. This is an ongoing issue given that some women in this subgroup successfully
navigate their educational endeavors, in spite of systemic oppression historically placed against
them. In other cases, the effects of trauma have had a dire effect which impacts the well-being
and advancement of some African American females. It is imperative to address this issue,
because African American females are often not given an opportunity to provide a narrative in
order to gain an understanding of internal and external tools that are useful in surviving and
thriving in an educational system not designed with them in mind.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to give a voice to African American females who bear the
effects of Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome as they provide insight on mechanisms used to
matriculate through urban K-12 educational settings. Their perception of their educational
endeavors, through a decolonized lens, will provide an understanding of their perceived barriers,
as analyzed through Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Black Feminist Theory (BFT) theoretical
lens, as well as provide insight on tools used in opposition to systematic oppression.
Research Question
The context and significance of the problem concerning the complexity and varying
degrees of African American female resiliency in the educational system promotes the need to
understand and analyze the experiences, and coping mechanisms, of African American females
who matriculated and completed elementary and secondary education in public school settings.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 12

Using the decolonization and CRT frameworks, the following research questions help address
African American females’ secondary educational school experience:
1. How do AA women articulate their experience in relationship to the historical and
current marginalization imposed upon them under the educational and social
system created by colonization?
2. What are the various strategies that African American females utilize to overcome
these obstacles, and how are they interpreted through the lens of Post Traumatic
Slave Syndrome?
Significance of the Study
Throughout the history of this country a narrative, from a colonized perspective, has been
painted in reference to African American females that places them in a position of inferiority. Patel
(2014) discusses how this type of outlook has been used for centuries to delineate “statuses of
humanity” to lessen the value and power of individuals (pg. 359). What this study will do is change
the antiquated paradigm that hovers over African American females in this country. The purpose,
therefore, will be to shift the dynamics and positioning of this subgroup given the educational
system that is in existence. The context is the massive educational strives that this group has made,
in spite of traumatic and violent experiences by the hands of others historically. The reality is that
violence has been a part of the African American woman’s existence since the beginning of their
journey to America, but it has not hindered their advancement in relation to other racial groups.
Through this study, the goal is to intensify the attention in reference to how various traumas affect
achievement through the voices of African American females, as well as the mechanisms used to
survive and thrive.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 13

The strategies of success that women of African descent have used in educational settings
are rarely studied, however the negative experiences or statistics have. Rather than focusing on
their chronic school failure, that some note are in disproportionate numbers (Bemak, Chung, &
Siroskey-Sabdo, 2005), there is a need to focus on what has served to advance them in an
educational setting. Otherwise, some African American female adolescents will continue to be
subconsciously brainwashed to believe that they are indeed inferior and should “act accordingly”.
In a more formalized way, it interprets to a reduced belief in one’s ability to be successful in school
which translates into a reduction in interest and involvement in the school setting (Oyserman, Gant,
& Ager, 1995). It is imperative to look at the success stories from women who have experienced
what many of the same race and gender will also encounter as they transition through the K-12
educational system.
The educational system has evolved in a manner that continuously minimizes students of
color. Berkey, Franzen, and Leitz (2000) discuss the labeling of “at risk” students, specifically
speaking on African American adolescent girls, as a stigma by the hands of middle class America
meant to define those labeled as “abnormal: someone who merits our concern and perhaps or pity,
but hardly one to be admired” (p. 38). This type of group stigma, as asserted in the article, speaks
to the internalization of being devalued which evolves into ambivalence on the part of some
students. It can lead to negative behavior or an inability to exhibit positive traits that circumvent
one’s circumstance. The narrative of those who are adult African American women are crucial to
those who have yet to reach adulthood. It is imperative that adolescents understand that those who
were at one time labeled by society as “at risk” can not only survive but accomplish their vision in
spite of mechanisms meant to devalue and/or destroy them.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 14

Limitations and Delimitations
For this study, CRT will be used due to an essential tenet of it that connects to counter-
storytelling which provides a voice to people of color that are otherwise silenced or othered in
society (DeCuir and Dixson, 2004). What is not done is focus on the intersectionality of interest
convergence, which is another tenet of CRT (Bell, 1980; DeCuir and Dixson, 2004). There will
be an omission of the issue surrounding the self-interest of Whites as it relates to the
advancement of African American females in the modern educational system, because the
emphasis will be solely on this subgroup experience educationally. However, other theories
connected to Black Feminist Theory and Resistance for Liberation will be explored in the
literature review.
Another limitation of the study was the purposeful sampling of a few African American
females who graduated from traditional K-12 schools. It does not intend to represent the
perspective of all African American females, yet the purpose is to understand the effects of those
who attended public K-12 schools in underserved communities. Results and experiences may be
differentiated if participants came from rural or suburban communities, a more financially
prosperous community, or from other areas that counter the individuals chosen for the study.
Definition of Terms
A. African American/Black- The term will be used interchangeably and is used to
categorize individuals who are descendants from families that originated in Africa
(Collins, 2017).
B. At-risk – This term is often used by educational systems to describe students of Latin or
African genealogy who exhibit signs of being “in danger” of not meeting the prescribed
measurements of the district. It is also noted that the phrase cultural deficit was replaced
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 15

with this term predominately for African American students due to their racial/cultural
membership (Ladson-Billing, 1995).
C. Black Feminist Theory – This theory is based on the notion that black women have to
contend with two types of discrimination based on sex and race (Crenshaw, 1989). For
those reasons, this study will follow the theory that black women need to be provided an
outlet to present their narrative in a way that self-defines and self-values, while
addressing oppression, and providing an opportunity to define and explain the necessity
of Black women’s culture (Collins, 1986).
D. Critical Race Theory- The Critical Race Theory (CRT) model provides insight on the
intersectionality of race and racism, and the privilege given to those who use their power
to oppress people of color since the founding of American society (Solorzano, Ceja, and
Yosso, 2000). It will be used as a theoretical framework for this study.
E. Decolonization Paradigm- This study uses this particular paradigm to forego
interventions that focuses on African American females. Rather, it seeks to understand
the perspective of African American females in relationship to the system that created
and sustains inequitable attainment of education through counter-narratives (Patel, 2016).
F. Double Consciousness- a term from Dr. W.E.B. DuBois (1903) that speaks to people of
African descent being forced to see themselves from multiple perspectives; one vantage
point being their own unique perspective and the other is their keen awareness of how
they are viewed by other races (especially Caucasians).
G. Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome - This study identifies this disorder as a direct result of
trauma stemming from slavery that shifted the genetics of African American people from
that period and generations that followed (DeGruy, 2005)
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 16

H. Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder- This study connects Post Traumatic Stress Disorder
(PTSD) to the after effects of exposure to community violence, physical harm, or threats
of violence. It manifests as a stress or trauma related disorder which can be inclusive of
anxiety, depression, or substance abuse. Moreover, in contrast it can be symptomatic of
avoidance of thought, feelings, or conversations connected to traumatic experiences
(Psychology Today, 2018).
I. Resistance for Liberation- This research used this framework to identify with and
acknowledge the empowerment of African American females to express their relationship
and problem with oppressive environments, while also creating and adopting therapies of
empowerment (Robinson, T & Ward, J.V., 1991).
J. Trauma- For this study, trauma is connected to Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome. It
speaks to the negative, short and long-term physical and psychological effects of the
treatment of people of African descent through those who held positions of authority.
Organization of the Study
This study of African American females’ perception of their K-12 experience is organized
into five chapters. The first chapter sets the foundation of the study by providing a background of
the problem regarding the lacking narrative from the perspective of African American females in
respect to their K-12 educational journey in the face of trauma and structures set to oppress them.
Chapter two provides a literature review of topics related to this study, including exploration of
the historical happenings that factor into the current educational experience of African Americans,
the correlation of America’s educational system and its impact on African American female
adolescents, and other barriers that were systematically created to inhibit the progression of this
subgroup. Chapter three outlines the research methodology used in this study. Thereafter, chapter
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 17

four provides an analysis of the data collected, and subsequent results found in relation to the
study. Chapter five includes a discussion of the findings and recommendations for practice.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 18

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
Researchers and educational specialists provide data that supports the notion that there is
an academic “gap” which separates the scholastic achievement of African American females in
comparison to their Caucasian counterparts. The most recent information provided from the
California Department of Education states that in the 2015-2016 school year alone, the cohort
graduation rate for African American females was 78.8% while the White/Not Hispanic female
graduation rate was 90.6% (DataQuest, 2017). Seemingly more daunting is the cohort dropout
rate for the same school year that shows that 13.3% of African American females did not
complete their education (DataQuest, 2017). In juxtaposition only 5.4% of White/Not Hispanic
females dropped out of school (DataQuest, 2017). Table 1 attests to the fact that over the last
seven school years, California’s graduation rate between African American females and White
females has been separated by at least 12%, and the dropout rate by 8%.
Table 1

DataQuest California Department of Education Cohort Outcome Data

Table 1 Cohort Outcome Data

School
Year
AA Female
Cohort Graduates
White, Not Hispanic
Cohort Graduates
AA Female Cohort
Dropout Rates
White, Not
Hispanic Dropout
Rates
2015-16 78.8 90.6 13.3 5.4
2014-15 76.7 90.7 14.8 5.7
2013-14 74.3 90.4 16.3 5.8
2012-13 73.1 90.4 17.1 5.9
2011-12 72.0 89.8 18.4 6.3
2010-11 69.1 88.8 21.6 7.1
2009-10 66.6 86.5 23.2 8.9
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 19

While the data shows growth in the rate of African American female cohort graduates, and a
decline in this cohort’s dropout rate, it also provides evidence of a system that exploits data to
separate and rank groups based on race and sex. The lens by which data has been analyzed
provides a warped perspective, tainted by hesitation and denial of the reality of African
American females. The educational system, past and present, not only fails them but justifies the
conclusion that this subgroup remains beneath their Caucasian peers. This system that
continuously provides an unequitable education to African American females fails to entertain
the perspective of those who experience it first-hand. It is imperative that a counter-narrative be
provided for the benefit and well-being of African American females who matriculate through
the K-12 public school systems.
One area that the data does not connect to is how African American females’ perception
of self affects their academic endeavors. Claude M. Steele (1997) says that academic
identification plays a part in school success due to an individual’s identification with the
educational institute that they attend to the point that self-perception is contingent on their
academic standing. Steele (1997) also asserts that there are threats to academic identification that
directly impacts academic identification for African American females. The assumption is that
structural and cultural threats, and threats concerning stereotypes have a direct correlation to
academic performance (Steele, 1997). However, there has not been sufficient studies to ascertain
the perspective of African American females to understand the adolescent experiences that have
shaped their schooling and lives. While Steele (1997) discusses identification, it is from a
definition that arises from a colonized perspective. To assume that perception is connected to
academics negates the voices of this particular group who have often been marginalized and
denied an opportunity to speak their truth. It is possible that there is a correlation between
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 20

structures, cultures, and academic performance, yet that cannot be solidified without the voices
of those directly affected being heard.
To shift the narrative, the literature will focus on events that have directly impacted
African American females. It will begin by analyzing texts that studied the historical context of
Africans being violently kidnapped from their native lands, shipped under horrific conditions,
and enslaved for hundreds of years (for which they were legally denied and violently threatened
with death if educated). It will also cover literature that provides the educational attempts of AAs
after the Emancipation Proclamation, which was impeded through systematic means, informally
and formally leading into modern issues seen today, educationally and socially, that mold their
outlook and emotional state of being
Moreover, is important to focus on the impact of trauma and the history of violence in
connection to the academic achievement of African American females. Due to that fact, there
will also be a review of traumatic experiences of AA females within the timeframe of the periods
discussed. This is inclusive of the sexualization and mistreatment of this particular group, from
slavery to modern day, which perpetuates stereotypes and prejudices that trickle into the
classroom, potentially affecting the learning environment. This will allow the reader to make
connections between extreme violations and their detrimental effects, stemming from Post
Traumatic Slave Syndrome, that have impacted the well-being of this group, as well as the
testimonials from this study’s participants. Using the information garnered will frame the open-
ended question that will, in response, offer perspectives and alternatives that veer away from
statistical information that has historically tarnished and devalued African American females.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 21

Overview
Decolonization Paradigm
The complex educational experience of African Americans in this country calls for us to
extend beyond the paradigms that keeps these system in place. It is imperative to broaden the
analytical lens to the historical dynamics that played a major role in the current situation
witnessed in and outside of the school environment. In chapter one of Pedagogy of the
Oppressed Brazilian educator Paulo Freire (1970) states that the “[c]oncern for humanization
leads at once to the recognition of dehumanization, not only as an ontological possibility but as
an historical reality” (p. 43). Through this lens, educational researchers must understand how
colonization affected the physical, social, emotional, financial, and even education of African
American females from the founding of this country to modern society. The Decolonization
Paradigm changes the focus by unearthing the foundational issues that causes marginalization of
one group over another. It causes the researcher to shun interventions solely aimed at the focus
groups. Rather, it actively seeks to understand how dominant cultural practices, by way of
colonization, impedes upon any hope of creating an equitable society (Patel, 2016). With that in
mind, this research seeks to understand the perspective of African American females in
relationship to the system that created and sustains inequitable attainment of education for
African American females through the method of addressing their experiences, from personal
encounters, factors from the community in which they live, and educational institutes in which
they dwelled during adolescence which directly affected their learning and growth.
Synthesizing the literature
While many in the educational system focus on the educational gap that labels African
Americans at an academic deficit in every category, there needs to be a critical lens that points at
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 22

the factors that led to the data presented. After being stolen from their native continent of Africa,
and targeted through demonic indoctrination on ships, Africans were enslaved, brutally
mistreated, inhumanely worked, and eventually legally forbidden to be educated beginning with
the Act of South Carolina in 1740 (Woodson, 1919). In the midst of this, females of African
descent were denied the status of motherhood, relegated to the role of breeders and often
separated by the owner from the father of their child, and often the child itself (Spillers, 1987).
After the Civil War, and the emancipation of African Americans in 1863, blacks sought to be
educated and many AA women among them established schools in a fervent attempt to learn.
However, from the Reconstruction period that begin in 1865 to the 1960’s, the social system was
set up in a manner that minimized AA’s citizenship, their right to vote, employment
opportunities, and an equitable educational system (Anderson, 1988). The structures that created
an inequitable educational and social system for African Americans in the 19
th
century has
resulted in an unequal system that has impacted the learning and wellbeing of AA females today.
The Traumatic Experiences of Black Women during the Middle Passage and Slavery
What catapulted and solidified the architecture of black education was scientific racism
that set the foundation for race theory, using biological factors as the root cause for systematic
developments in society. William H. Watkins (2001) chronicled the evolution of this type of
racism, beginning with Arthur de Gobineau of France (1816-1882), who was defined as “[t]he
earliest significant intellectual racist…” (p. 25) correlating highest virtue with Aryan bloodline.
Seeking to solidify Caucasians as the highest rate, Gobineau created a hierarchy of races, giving
Black people the lowest ranking. He ascribed their low rank to their energy, willpower, unstable
ways, their unconcern for “preservation of life, [and the fact that they were] easily enslaved” (p.
26). In the decades that followed, others built upon his system of white superiority by providing
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 23

evidence to support the exploitation, enslavement, and disenfranchisement of black people. It
connected to colonial racism, because from the perspective of Caucasians in power, pushed the
notion that people of African descent should be educated in industrial labor, due it being all that
they could handle. The writer stated that the belief was that it held the closest relationship to
what they did during slavery. Watkins (2001) stated that the following beliefs stem from
scientific racism:
• Blacks should hold a subservient position
• Validated colonial laws and policies
• White are superior due to inheritance, and white sovereignty was caused by natural forces
• Whites, and their economic wealth, should be used in their definition of justice and
progress
• Laid the groundwork for institutional and attitudinal racism which affects the social,
emotional, political, and education of individuals of color.
One would have to couple the evolution of Critical Race Theory, and scientific racism that
evolved from this, with the torture either witnessed or experienced aboard demonic ships.
Africans, once captured and placed aboard the carrier, were branded with hot irons, and whipped
mercilessly if they cried out in anguish (Hooks, 1952). The captured individuals were stripped of
their clothes, beaten all throughout their body, while their nakedness served as a reminder of
their vulnerable state and resulted in the sexual victimization by the predatory white men on
board (Hooks, 1952). The author also details that African females were not chained, but allowed
to move freely on the deck, which made them vulnerable to further physical abuse and torment.
The raping of women was the most common torture that occurred, and the threat of rape or brutal
beatings created an atmosphere that “…inspired terror in the psyches of displaced African
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 24

females” (p. 18). By the time the African women landed in the Caribbean or the Americas, a
substantial amount of them were impregnated by a crew member. When those who were
enslaved survived the middle passage and landed on foreign soil, the initial indoctrination was
complete.
Trauma and Indoctrination of the Enslaved
Traumatic indoctrination of black people began on slave ships, rather than just on
plantations, during the middle passage. The African women who were pregnant before being
captured would be placed with 250 women in a 16x18 feet area, and forced to give birth in the
inclement weather outdoors without assistance. Author Bell Hooks (1981) states that many died
during childbirth, or had stillborn children. Her narratives describe a few of the gruesome and
demonic treatment of African women during the Trans-Atlantic journey, by using the testimony
of an African captive named Weldon who described the following scene:
“…a child of nine months was flogged continuously for refusing to eat. When beating
failed to force the child to eat, the captain ordered that the child be placed feet first into a
pot of boiling water. After trying other torture methods with no success, the captain
dropped the child and caused its death. Not deriving enough satisfaction from this sadistic
act, he then commanded the mother to throw the body of the child overboard. The mother
refused but was beaten until she submitted” (p.19).
In “African-Americans and Education: Do Schools Reproduce Racial Bias in America?”
Clinton B. Allison (1995) used reproduction theory to explain how during slavery slaves were
narrowly educated to promote their obligation to be obedient and appreciative slaves due to it
being their “natural disposition”. The theory correlates with the education of slaves who were
formally taught by their owners that slavery was a natural process ordained by God, and that
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 25

slaves should be accepting given their sub-human state. It furthered the mental health of slave
masters, who enslaved people, because they could believe that they fulfilled their Christian
obligation by turning “pagans” into dutiful slaves, which the slave owner believed was a small
sacrifice to receive eternal life in heaven.
The story of the slave woman was one of back breaking tedious work, heartbreak,
objectification, and trauma from the slave owners, overseers, and others who were in a position
of authority over them. Deborah Gray White (1985), chronicling the lives of female slaves,
discussed how they were sexualized from the period that Europeans explored Africa and
thereafter when enslaved. The author stated that female slaves’ bodies were often objectified for
purposes of breeding, sexual exploitation, violence, and rape. She states that women, placed on
the auction block, were stripped of clothing and often physically inspected by buyers to ascertain
their potential for breeding. This was strengthened in 1807 when Congress outlawed the slave
trade oversees. The author states that enslaved black females were expected to work as hard as
their fellow male slave, while also “bearing, nourishing, and rearing children who slaveholders
needed for the continual replenishment of their labor force” (p. 69), and if desired used for the
sexual pleasure of those in authority. One story mentioned was of a thirteen-year-old Georgia
slave girl that was stripped naked, placed on all fours, and whipped mercilessly until she started
foaming at the mouth. It was done to meet the sexual pleasure of her master who enjoyed getting
drunk and fulfilling his lustful desires. Tales of the raping of female slaves abound through
vicious and brutal force, sexually, of humans that were classified as bought property.
Women were sexualized and valued for breeding. Thus John B. Cade (1935) details black
women who were joined with male slaves for breeding purposes. The writer outlines how, for
example, a slave girl of fifteen was placed in a room where she was raped in order to produce a
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 26

child (referred to as stock). Cade (1935) also notes how the slave owner would bring women into
the house and rape them in order to fulfill the “Master’s” lustful desires. This would often be met
by mistresses of the house who violently persecuted the woman and child (if it was thought that
the baby was the illegitimate son or daughter of the owner). The author also details the
unbearable grief that women endured as the children they bore were taken from them and sold to
other plantations as slaves never to be seen again. At other times, as noted by Cade (1935), the
woman would be worked mercilessly or sold if she either couldn’t have children or bore them
infrequently. These events would have psychological ramifications that would alter the mental
and physical state of black women, and those under them who witnessed the devastating
happenings.
Education and Slave Chattel
Beyond, the physical anguish and mental torment women of African descent experienced,
Allison (1995) states that education for Blacks was limited to two goals: to teach manual skills
that would make the plantation lucrative and to continue to make slaves appear sub-human. This
led to South Carolina passage of a law in 1740, and similar laws thereafter, that prohibited slaves
from learning how to read. The illiteracy of slaves was pivotal for some of those in power (given
their notion of slaves being sub-human), to reduce the chance of slave rebellions, and to create a
system which deliberately creates and sustains an inequitable society. This held true for male
slaves and their female counterparts. In spite of laws, such as the one passed in South Carolina,
slaves were educated for various reasons that may have benefitted the desires of others, or out of
the African descendants own passions to educate themselves. Out of that reality, Carter G.
Woodson (1919) chronicled the academic achievement of slaves including Phylis Wheatley, a
female that was stolen from Africa in 1761. Of her he stated that she was bought and brought to
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 27

Boston where, enslaved, she worked for John Wheatley, taking his last name as part of being
owned. By being in the household, Phylis Wheatley learned fluent English as well as advanced
reading in Latin and Greek. Carter G. Woodson (1919) also noted that she would gain
recognition as a famous poet, yet the authenticity of her work was questioned, given the wide
held belief that the level of knowledge evidenced by Wheatley wasn’t attainable by anyone of
her race. Through the narrative of this female slave, we can see the potential for educational
attainment, but recognize the fact that she was an anomaly. Given the horrid conditions of
slavery, legal ramifications, and potential for vicious punishments or death if caught being
educated, there were few opportunities for academic gifts to permeate in the early ages of
America.
While current data provides a narrative that paints a picture of an academic gap between
whites and black, one would have to understand the ramifications for learning during slavery that
plays a pivotal role in current educational shortcomings. Christopher M. Span (2005) details the
punishment for teaching slaves to read, or the consequence if a slave was found learning during
the period of Antebellum America. Using narratives from those enslaved, the author paints a
harsh picture of the consequences for even having the appearance of one being educated. In
Macon, Georgia, Span (2005) used the words from a slave that spoke on the topic who declared
that “Ef us tried to learn to read or write, dey would cut your forefingers off” (p. 32). Other
slaves mentioned punishments such as having body parts cut off (such as an arm), or vicious
floggings. These types of consequences for attempting to be educated was indeed traumatic and
had innumerable effects on African Americans that would span generations.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 28

The Foundation of Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome
These genetic shifts fall into the realm of what is classified as Post Traumatic Slave
Syndrome, as described by Dr. Joy DeGruy (2005) who drew connections from the victimization
of slaves to the modern day behaviors between parents and children that are descendants of
slaves. She referenced the mode of protection slave women used to protect their “blossoming
daughter” from the sexual glare of the slave master who could potentially rape or sell the child.
Denigrating statements, with the intent of survival, such as “Naw sir, she ain’t worth nothin’. She
cain’t work. She stupid. She shiftless” (p. 14) have evolved and normalized, despite its
detrimental effect on the psychological wellbeing of the child. DeGruy (2005) offered several
examples of behaviors that once increased the likelihood of survival of the slave to today’s
witnessed behaviors. From the mother at the parent/student conference at school who uses
negative commentary towards their child that is demeaning in nature, to the mother at the bank
who warns their child to stay close to them (given that during slavery, the Reconstruction era,
and Jim Crow children could be harmed if they interacted with others of different races) being
what the author called hyper-vigilant to increase their survival. She sees Post Traumatic Slave
Syndrome as a tool of reflection to understand how the resilience of slaves, increased their
survival, produced strategic thinking, affected how we as individuals behave today (both in
negative and positive ways) and provides a source of pride regarding the ability of African
Americans to thrive in spite of the inhumane treatment that was embedded in societal laws.
Trauma and Education in the Post-Slavery Era
After President Abraham Lincoln enacted the Emancipation Proclamation in1863,
Blacks sought to be educated, discrediting the ideology perpetuated by scientific racism. In The
Education of Blacks in the South, 1860-1935, James Anderson (1988) provides a historical
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 29

context that helps the reader understand the paradox that affected and often negatively impacted
African American’s educational endeavors to raise above what the author calls peasantry in a
colonized society. History aligns with the notion that purposeful and systematic methods were
used to create a divide which sought to permanently unstablize African Americans.
During the Reconstruction period, which followed the end of the Civil War and the
Emancipation Proclamation, there was a movement by African Americans to receive a free
education as reparation for slavery. For instance, in the early part of the twentieth century a
woman and ex-slave named Callie House, as told by Mary Frances Berry (2005), created an
organization called the National Ex-Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty, and Pension Association in
Tennessee which eventually reached a membership of around 300,000 that demanded repayment
for free labor and cruel punishment that accompanied slavery. The author contends that Cook
motivated her members to push for education given that slavery also involved sexually abusing
slave women, ripping families apart through sales, and physically whipping them, sometimes to
the point of death. Berry (2005) contends that this was met with opposition from Caucasians who
were appalled and resolute to prevent blacks from being educated. Some arguments in opposition
of free and state supported education for blacks played on the notion that it “…would undermine
white supremacy and challenge entrenched beliefs about the genetic, physical, and mental
superiority of whites over blacks” (p. 103) which stemmed from Gobineau’s (Watkins, 2001)
and his predecessors’ teachings. The article also states that white people understood that if blacks
were educated, they would be able to note their financial standing, whether or not they were
being paid fairly, and if any money was owed to them. Counties in Tennessee were given the
option to provide a portion of taxes for the purpose of separate schooling for black and white
students. Three years later, the Freedmen’s Bureau gave up control which ended the potential for
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 30

educational compensation for slavery. Examples like this throughout the country reestablished
the educational deficit, with fidelity, between black and white students.
Other examples in this country’s history curtailed African American’s fight for an
equitable education. Lucey (2003) documents multiple legal movements that enforced
discriminatory practices that directly affected the educational advancement of blacks. He states
that while the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which was passed by Congress, stated that there would
be “full and equal employment of public (facilities)” (p. 32) the strength of the southern state
legislative branches and the withdrawal of armed forces led to a pivotal event in 1883. Lucey
stated that the Supreme Court found the Civil Rights Act of 1875 unconstitutional, using the
argument that the 13
th
amendment did not have any bearing on “social discriminations” (p. 32)
which would eventually usher in the Separate but Equal ruling connected to Plessy vs. Ferguson,
.and Cumming vs. Board of Education of Rich County Georgia ruling of 1899. The second ruling
set into precedence the right of Caucasian students to have separate schools for themselves even
if no school for African Americans are in the same vicinity or are even in existence.
Most evidence of the inequitable “separate but equal” system occurred in the South
where overt racism was legally sustained. Stephen A. Berrey (2009) highlighted this when
discussing the revelation of black students that they were perceived as inferior from the dominant
society in Mississippi. The author noted how students were denied technology in the form of
busses to school, while their white peers (often with half empty busses) enjoyed this school
provision. Given the harshness of the reality, black children recognized their differences. Berrey
(2009) also states that due to this, blacks arrived at their educational facility at a later time to
begin their school day. Without authorities overtly saying anything, this difference assisted black
students to recognize that the white kids they sometimes played with were different and
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 31

“superior”. Even more daunting was the treatment from some in white authority. Some school
bus drivers would intentionally move by the gutter to use mud puddles as weapons against black
students. In other instances, white students would hurl bottles, spit at them, and use vile names
toward this population. The author recalls this as a period of dehumanization, due to what he
calls “visual symbols” (p. 71) Berrey (2009) states that through the act of bussing, two things
were recognized. One was that black lives weren’t as valued as whites, and the other covertly
sent the message that one group was inferior in relation to another. It was also noted that the
traumatic experience linked the educational endeavors of blacks with violence and direct racism.
Modern Day Trauma and the African American Female Adolescent
The history of the African American female correlates with the current landscape where
they grapple with their identity and place in a society that has never embraced them. Studies are
increasingly providing insight on how their traumatic experiences, both presently and in past
generations, have been passed down structurally, familially, and genetically.
Given the history of trauma for African American females, it is essential to
draw connections to stressors that may result in changes physically as well as psychologically.
Horowitz, Weine, and Jekel (1995) used the Adolescent Self-Report Trauma Questionnaire with
the objective of gathering demographic information to ascertain the results of exposure to
community and domestic violence experienced by the participants, and delve into what the
authors called the PTSD Symptoms Scale to assess which individuals, if any, being studied met
the qualifications for DSM-III-R criteria for PTSD, as established by the American Psychiatric
Association. Moreover, Horowitz, Weine, and Jekel’s (1995) goal was to propose the concept as
well as provide dialogue regarding the potential impact of compounded community trauma on a
specific group. Horowitz, Weine, and Jekel (1995) conducted the study using 79 female
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 32

adolescent participants ages 12 to 21, with 81% being classified as African American. Using
Pearson correlation coefficients, the authors were able to show a positive correlation between
trauma (such as hearing about a shooting, stabbing, beating, experiencing unwanted sexual
contact in or out of the home, family violence, or having a friend, enemy, unknown person,
parent, sibling, or other loved one killed) and PTSD. Horowitz, Weine, and Jekel (1995) used the
term compounded community trauma due to the fact that urban adolescent girls would
continuously and pervasively be exposed to violence given the community in which they resided.
One thing that stood out about the study is the fact that the adolescents, just hearing about the
various types of violence happening in their community on a continuous basis, allowed them to
meet the criteria for PTSD. What wasn’t examined was the effect, if any, that exposure to trauma
had on their notion of academic and social well-being in an educational setting.
Another study conducted in a large, central city also centered on the correlation between
chronic exposure to community violence and PTSD. Fitzpatrick and Boldizar (1993) used a
nonrandom sample of African American adolescents, ages 7 through 18, to respond to a
questionnaire composed of 45 questions that would provide demographic data (such as age,
gender, educational level, etc.), as well as topics covering exposure to violence and psychometric
scales, including one that draws a connection to PTSD. Fitzpatrick and Boldizar (1993) also
sought to ascertain the correlation between post-traumatic stress symptoms in connection to
exposure to violence, and to provide an assessment of whether PTSD has similarities or
differences for socio-demographic groups who are exposed to various levels of violence in their
environment. The results revealed that over 70% of respondents were affected by such violent
acts as having a home broken into, being threatened, chased, hit by family or non-family, shot or
shot at, or aware of a murder. The two areas that respondents were exposed to was physical
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 33

violence by a family member or nonfamily member. Even more alarming was data that showed
that nearly 85% of those who responded witnessed at least one violent act. In relation to PTSD,
the study provided data that stated that 27% of the sample met the criteria for this diagnosis.
What is even more astounding is that only 1% of the adult general population in America meet
the requirements for PTSD. Fitzpatrick and Boldizar (1993) also stated that “females that were
victimized also reported more PTSD symptoms than did males” (p. 429). The study reveals that
in part the cause is the trauma stems from sexual or physical assaults. With this it is of
paramount importance to further connect community trauma in urban areas with psychological
impact it has on African American female adolescents and learning.
Another study focused on the effects of the exposure of violence on the distress,
emotionally, of African American students in three urban public middle schools in the
Southeastern United States, as well as its effect on the physical aspect of violent behavior of this
specific subgroup. An exploratory analysis, which a survey was given in three time points, was
conducted to ascertain differences between the genders connected to exposure and reaction to
violence in their community. Farrell and Bruce (2010) reported that 40% of boys in comparison
to one third of girls were exposed to violence which correlated with their frequency for violent
behavior. This had the opposite long term effect for girls. Moreover, the study revealed that
African American boys, who had more exposure to violence, reacted at a higher frequency for
detrimental physical tendencies initially, but eventually tended to normalize the violence and
become desensitized. The study revealed a need to further examine how gender differences affect
the responses of African American females for violence. Farrell and Bruce (2010) expressed that
there is a need to measure indirect aggression that females produce, such as “gaining revenge
through friendship alliances, spreading rumors” (p. 12) rather than responding with physical
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 34

violence. Also, like previously stated there wasn’t an analysis of the short and long-term effect
that exposure to violence has on the academic and social well-being of African-American
females.
Another study examined the effects of exposure to community violence and violence
perpetration, but also focused on how the family unit impacts their reaction to it. Gorman-Smith,
Henry, and Tolan (2004) used a sample of 263 African American and Latino boys living in a
Chicago inner city neighborhood that increased the likelihood of the participants being exposed,
witnessing, or being a victim of violence. The results showed that in each wave, at least half of
all participants were exposed to serious types of violence (witnessing someone being beaten up)
and 14% to 20% of participants reported viewing someone being shot or killed. Data revealed
that participants’ acts of violence in relationship to exposure to violence was nearly zero in
homes classified as exceptionally functioning. Whereas in homes that are even labeled as
moderately functioning, the rate in which they are likely to commit acts of violence rises by 4.27
fold, and an added 2.7 for each additional act that is witnessed. The results also showed that
African American participants were 2.5 more likely to commit violent acts in comparison to
Latino participants. What the literature failed to do was to evaluate the effects of exposure to
community violence on African American females of the same age range, socioeconomic
standing, or from middle class households that may witness these types of occurrences.
Research by Giaconia, Reinherz, Silverman, etc. (1995) examined the impact of post-
traumatic stress disorder and DSM-III-R trauma on psychological factors on older adolescents.
What they found out is that 2/5 of the individuals studied experienced at least one of the criteria
for DSM-III-R which resulted in 6.3% of the total sample being labeled with PTSD. The study
stated that when diagnosed youth reached the age of 18 they exhibited “…more overall
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 35

behavioral-emotional problems, interpersonal problems, academic failure, suicidal behavior, and
health problems” (p. 1369). The research also revealed that even those who were not diagnosed
with PTSD exhibited one of the traits mentioned in the prior sentence. This is similar to Farrell
and Bruce (2010) who attributed negative behaviors with symptoms connected to exposure to
violence and possible PTSD. The limitations of this particular study is based on the fact that
those studied were predominately white and working or middle class. They did note that female
subjects were six times as likely to be diagnosed with PTSD in comparison to their male peers
who come in contact with the same type of traumas that meet DSM-III-R requirements. This
pushes the need for an evaluation of the rate, effect, and response to PTSD in African American
females given that this particular group was exempted from the research.
Research by Hill and Madhere (1996) did look at the exposure to community violence
and African American children, while other factors, such as income and parent educational level,
were also considered. Their study revealed that low family income had a higher effect on social
and emotional outcomes in comparison to exposure to violence. It states that psychological
adjustments were problematic for households that had low incomes which manifested in
distractibility in relation to “…task orientation, frustration tolerance, and good interpersonal
skills” (p. 39). A shift that differed in this study as to the others mentioned was the finding that
study participant’s perception of exposure to community violence affected them in a more
profound way. This apprehension, and the various levels of it, connects to higher levels of
anxiety which the article states correlates with prior findings related to post-traumatic stress
disorder. Moreover, the article links this type of anxiety to an inability to focus on “school
related tasks” (p. 40). The research also connected these types of stressful scenarios to an
increased likelihood of exhibiting confrontational behaviors which is sometimes seen in
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 36

academic environments. While the study suggests that parental support and cooperative learning
strategies would be beneficial, there is a need to hear from African American adolescent females
to ascertain their perspective. The study was done from research involving parents, teachers, and
elementary students. It would be meaningful to see if this result would be rendered from
secondary students.
Factors that Influence Academic and Social Well-Being
In 1903 civil rights activist, historian, and sociologist, Dr. W.E.B. DuBois expressed the
following thought when speaking about the social standing and self- reflection of negroes in
America:
“It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking
at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world
that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One feels his two-ness, - an American, a
Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one
dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder” (p. 2).
From his perspective, he acknowledges the thoughts of African Americans who are navigating in
a country as two different entities: a person of African descent as well as an American citizen. It
also magnifies the complexities for African American women. For us, the realities of knowing
one’s self, and the nuance of also being a female in a society that historically has sought to
devalue us, demands a level of resiliency that outweighs other groups in this country. From the
moment we as African American females begin our educational endeavors, systems seek to label
and create the road that we will travel. The question this brings is how are African American
adolescent females impacted by their experiences through the K-12 educational system, given
the views from others and societal issues that are prominent in their environment.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 37

A study by Fordham (1993) centered on the narrative of African American female high
school students who were navigating their education, and perception from others, in order to be
academically successful. What the researcher noted is that for those studied, being academic
successful equated them distancing themselves from “those loud black girls” (p. 22) who were
frowned upon by teachers given their refusal to conform to societal standards stemming from
Eurocentric patterns of behavior. Noted was behaviors of “successful” students who were silent
and invisible in class, gaining higher scores than their peers yet concealing what the researcher
called “their female voice” (p. 23). Fordham states that for participants their success stemmed
from them “passing” and taking on the persona of the white American female, ultimately
prepping for an adult life that “unconsciously prepar[es] them for a life away from the black
community, a life in which they are the ‘doubly-refracted ‘Other” (p. 24). Questions stemming
from this article revolves around how African American females’ perception of how their
identity, from self-perception and the view point of others, affect their behavior.
This standard was influenced by ecological factors, which is highlighted in research
orchestrated by Fordham and Ogbu (1986). The researchers noted the historical context of
slavery, and limited status mobility imposed by the American corporate system, as well as the
racial stratification system that resulted in inferior schooling, differentiated treatment in school,
limited promotional opportunity in employment, and coping mechanisms adopted by blacks as a
means of survival. It was connected to what the researchers found was behaviors exhibited by
black students that shouldn’t be interpreted as deviant; rather it is “…appropriate for the niche
black Americans have traditionally occupied in the American corporate economy and racial
stratification system” (p. 179). Add to this what the researchers noted was African American
students juggling the perception of “acting white”. Fordham and Ogbu (1986) found that low-
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 38

achieving students often feel judged based on being African American, while in an atmosphere
where they lose interest in trying to achieve what they feel is “unachievable” given their
perceived place in a society they feel is racially biased. High achieving students, as noted in the
study, balance high attainment and its correlation to acting white, with trying to take on
mannerism that in a sense is disarming for their peers of the same race. For examples, activities
that are linked to being “black” such as basketball or football or even clowning around, while
maintaining stellar grades are indicative of their acknowledgment of the double consciousness
noted by DuBois (1903). The study revealed a need to really ascertain how African American
females perceive their community’s belief about academic achievement, and whether it can be
positively connected to their identity as people of African descent, rather than prescribed as
“acting white”.
Oyserman and Gant’s 1995 study on African American identity, possible selves, and
school persistence connected the socialized context of self and school performance. African
American students, who were connected to their identity alone did not have a positive correlation
in achieving school success. In fact, they stated that it had negative implications on school
performance. However, when identity is not taken into account and self-esteem is, there are
academic gains. The study also details that when correlations between African American female
participants and others of the same race and gender are noted, there tends to be a decrease in
academic well-being, given that the study revealed that this particular group is more cognizant of
the “potential for restricted opportunity” (p. 1226). Oyserman and Gant (1995) reveal a belief
that African American females “viewing achievement as part of a socially contextualized
identity” (p. 1229) improves performance. The researchers note a need for African Americans to
be able to define who they are as African Americans and African American students that does
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 39

not correlate with standards that label them as “acting white”. The research leaves a need to
focus on how socially constructed identities infringe or enrich the individual identity of African
American females, as well as their belief in their ability for academic achievement and
wellbeing.
To understand the influence of different perspectives on the academic achievement of
African American adolescents, a one-year study was conducted focusing on 120 African
American middle school students (78 females and 42 males). Gonzalez, Cauce, Friedman, &
Mason (1996) examined the effects of parental, peer, and neighborhood influence on the
academic achievement of this subgroup. Their findings revealed that in high risk neighborhoods,
peer support was not predictive of grades. However, in high risk neighborhoods, maternal
support inclusive of restrictive control correlated with positive grades. A limitation of the study
was that that the environment, especially in high-risk neighborhoods, wasn’t thoroughly
considered when theorizing about the influence of peer and parental influence on the academic
wellbeing of this subgroup. Also, there failed to be an analysis on the impact of trauma (direct or
indirectly) on the academic well-being of African American adolescents. Moreover, the study did
not look at the variables from the educational institutions, or the impact that agencies and laws
have on the lives of the students.
A study by Chavous, Rivas-Drake, Smalls, Griffin, and Cogburn (2008) examined the
factors that influence academic engagement outcomes for African American students in 8
th
and
11
th
grade. The areas of exploration included racial identity, experiences of school based racial
discrimination, and academic engagement. In this study, racial identity and racial centralization
was used interchangeably and connected with recognizing the historical denial of education
towards their race, and the collective struggle for economic and social equality which
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 40

emboldened them to have a higher personal value placed on their educational endeavors. Their
research revealed that racial centrality did not directly affect the academic outcomes of the study
participants. The researchers noted “…that having higher centrality and lower centrality seemed
to protect girls from the impact of classroom discrimination on academic self-concept” (p. 651).
The researchers surmised that African American female students with low centrality may view
classroom discrimination from teachers as targeting their racial group versus them individually.
As a result, the subjects of this study would respond to the treatment by distancing themselves
from the source of discrimination, rather than having the treatment affect their academic self-
concept. For individuals with high centrality, it was connected to the effect that the community
and families have on African American female students given their high expectations concerning
schooling. It served as what the researchers called a “psychological resource” to protect them
from peer racial discrimination effects of girls’ attitude towards school. The researchers
acknowledged a need to further analyze how youth attach meaning to racial group identities, and
how they lean upon being a member of their racial group when encountering racial
discrimination.
In another study, the role of identity was inserted when analyzing the impact of racial
discrimination in the lives of African American adolescents. Sellers, Copeland-Linder, Martin,
and L’Heureux Lewis (2006) examined the connection between racial discrimination,
psychological functioning, and racial identity in a sample of 314 African American adolescents.
The researchers discussed how racial identity has been conceptually linked with the
psychological standing of African Americans, but did state that there was not empirical evidence
to substantiate the claim. The findings from the research revealed that positive attitudes towards
their own racial group ie. African Americans (called positive private regard beliefs) resulted in a
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 41

higher level of positive psychological outcomes regardless of the racial discrimination
disseminated towards this group. The study states that it served as a coping mechanism given
that it prevented the internalization of negative beliefs of inferiority. Researchers of this study
noted that it is possible that African American adolescents, who believe that other races hold
negative viewpoints towards them, develop stronger coping mechanisms that buffer negative
psychological functioning. What needs to be examined is the level of effect coping mechanisms
have on the psychological functioning of African American adolescent females.
Truth telling, as a tool of race-related resistance strategies from African American parent
to adolescent child, was explored as a tool of resistance. Ward (1996) used interview responses
from black adolescents and their parents to understand the “intergenerational transmission of
race related resistance strategies” (p. 86). Her study revealed prior data that stated that African
American girls retained higher levels of self-esteem, in comparison to their white and Latina
counterparts, if they had a close relationship with their family and community who reinforced
and sustained their high self-esteem. Another important sentiment from the article spoke to the
family unit expressing and teaching their black adolescent female when to accept lack of success
to the level of effort given, or to understand the influence of social forces. It is inclusive of
teaching this particular race and gender with what Ward (1996) calls “racial and gender
oppression” (p. 89). The study revealed that parents who shared their own experiences as African
Americans helped the child understand that they are not alone in their daily walk. This
intentionality is called political socialization which calls upon individuals to assess issues of
power and social stratification between Blacks and other races. Moreover, the study revealed that
liberating truth telling, from parent to child and vice versa, allows for emotions, at all stages to
emerge, while also providing age appropriate ways to confront racism. Ward states that the result
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 42

of this action creates individuals who are liberated, strong, and has a higher level of self-worth.
What also is mentioned is that many of the girls interviewed did not rely on the school to boost
their self-esteem, and had a decline in positive feelings in relation to teachers and school work. It
would be of interest to further investigate the connection between African American female
adolescent feelings towards school in relation to their self-perceived value and self-esteem.
Theoretical Framework: Critical Race Theory
In this research, the lens of decolonization must be combined with Critical Race Theory
(CRT) given that the focus is on African American females, a subgroup that has been historically
marginalized due to their race and gender in this country. This theory is embedded in the belief
that racism is normalized in American society as a means of creating superior and inferior
grouping based on the color of one’s skin. (Ladson-Billing, 1998). The three propositions that
impede on the potential for social and educational equity for children of color pertain to race, the
rights to property, and how those two areas create an opportunity to understand how social and
school inequity are bred (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
There are multiple propositions that touch upon race and its inability to be properly
theorized to understand its connection to societal inequities. One point of discussion centered on
Carter G. Woodson who used the lens of race to begin to assess the foundation of social inequity.
Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) referenced Woodson because his research on the miseducation
of the negro in 1933 resulted in his findings that “the same educational process which inspires
and stimulates the oppressor with the thought that he is everything and has accomplished
everything worthwhile, depresses and crushes at the same time the spark of genius in the Negro
by making him feel that his race does not amount to much and will never measure up to the
standards of other people” (Woodson, 2008, p. 6). With that, the researcher’s objective is to give
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 43

voice to African American females who have matriculated through this very system to see if it
indeed crushed parts of their inner being.
Black Feminist Theory
Woodson’s (2008) insight, as a cornerstone of CRT, is connected to Black Feminist
Theory, for the purpose of this research, which steps away from feminist theory given that the
latter is solely concerned with white, middle class women in society, due to it producing a racist
hierarchy that ignores non-white women (Carby, 1985). For example, on a spring day in May,
1851 emancipated slave, women’s rights advocate, and Civil Rights pioneer, Sojourner Truth
proclaimed:
That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages and lifted
into ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into
carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ain’t I a woman?
Look at me! ...I could work as much and eat as much as a man-and bear the lash as well!
And ain’t I a woman? I have borne thirteen children, and seen them most all sold off to
slavery, and when I cried out with my mother’s grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain’t
I a woman! ...”
The counter-narrative presented by Sojourner Truth, offers one of the first published
black feminist voices, and speaks of the reality that black women faced during her era, and still
contend with in modern society. Her speech conveyed her outlook that society often ignores the
plight and needs of black women. Crenshaw (1989) states that black women can experience the
same types of discrimination as white women and black men, yet contend that they also face
double discrimination based on race and sex. It is imperative to allow AA females an outlet to
provide their narrative based on three themes in Black Feminist thought outlined by Collins
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 44

(1986). She states that they need to be allowed an opportunity for (1) self-definition and self-
valuation, (2) to address the interlocking nature of oppression, and (3) to “redefine and explain
the importance of Black women’s culture” (Collins, 1986, p. 521).
Resistance for Liberation
In addition, transformational resistance entails student behavior that expresses an
awareness of the oppressive conditions that have been created and sustained, and as a result,
manifest behaviors that refute colonized ways of being using the motivation of social justice
(Solorzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). A branch of this type of resistance, for African American
adolescent and adult females, is called resistance for liberation. In other words, it is a “resistance
in which black girls and women are encouraged to acknowledge the problems of, and to demand
change in, an environment that oppresses them…to create and adopt a “therapy of
empowerment” (Fulani, 1988) that supports African American women’s transformation into self-
conscious agents engaged in battle on their own behalf” (Robinson & Ward, 1991). It speaks of
resistance to negative images of the self, such as the stereotypical mainstream portrayal of
African American women, or the Eurocentric conceptualization of beauty (Robinson & Ward,
1991). Moreover, Robinson and Ward (1991) proclaims that African American female
adolescents resist excessive individualism that is normalized through a “highly competitive
capitalist society” (p. 92). As part of the resistance for liberation, it is essential for African
Americans to acknowledge the presence of racism and its influence “…on the economic, culture,
family, psyche, and spirit of African Americans” (Robinson & Ward, 1991, p. 97) as well as the
encouragement to adopt an Afrocentric world view and model through traditional African
philosophies (Robinson & Ward, 1991). This, combined as a tenet of CRT, has the potential to
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 45

empower African American students to collectively seek to stand independently and in solidarity
against oppositional forces as a means of continued resistance.
Through the lens of Critical Race Theory (CRT), it is evident that the covert and overt
methods in which K-12 educational school systems have grouped individuals, and provided data
to support the division, has created a marginalization of African American females. Since the
middle passage there has been a systematic approach in minimizing the worth and educational
power of children of African descent in this country. Even more jarring is the Black Feminist
Theory which reveals that the African American female has to contend with discrimination based
on race and sex, and the majority of studies presented fail to address how that impacts their
academic endeavors as adolescents.

Critical
Race
Theory
•Black Feminist Theory
•Resistance for
Liberation
Trauma
•The Middle Passage &
Slavery
•Education Post-Slavery
•Modern Day
Education
& Identity
•Defined through
experiences
•Self-identity
•Counter-
narrative/Counter-
storytelling
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 46

Conclusion
The relationship between African American females and trauma, outside and in the realm
of education, evokes a dire need for this study. Their experiences, from the beginning of their
kidnapping and passage into America was filled with brutality and lives void of the basic rights
and freedom that this nation was supposed to be founded on. The terrors, shown through the
literature, connects to DeGruy’s (2005) diagnosis of Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome. As stated
earlier, the trauma (both witnessed and lived) caused biological shifts that passed through
multiple generations and still affects the modern African American woman. In the literature,
there is a narrative void from the perspective of women who have a shared experience of
matriculating through the K-12 educational system, given recent and historical trauma, both
realized and unrealized.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
The literature adequately summarizes the historical and current barriers that create
various traumas in the lives of African American females, but it doesn’t speak to the ability of
this subgroup to overcome various obstacles and thrive academically in a system that was not
created for them. While data supports the notion of an academic gap between Caucasian and
African American females, that places the latter group behind the aforementioned one, there are
many testimonials and data that supports great strides and advancements academically and
socially. These positive variables need to be explored to relinquish the negative notions of
stereotypes and shortcomings, to be replaced by stories of resiliency and power.
To begin to empower those who are often left voiceless in society, counter-storytelling
was used as a tool for expressing ones’ opinion, providing an opportunity for analysis, and
challenging those who hold the power as the majority (Solórzano, 2002). In the area of
education “…counter-stories can be found in various forms, including personal stories/narratives,
other people’s stories/narratives, and composite stories/narratives” (Decuir & Dixson, 2004,
p.27). This is important given that historically, African American youth were educated in a racist
system meant to oppress and to continuously create an unequitable society and tainted story.
Moreover, was a need for an outlet that allowed a decolonized perspective to be heard from those
who have experienced mistreatment throughout this country’s history.
Scholars with knowledge of CRT and education acknowledge gender inequalities
(females receiving less attention from educators and persuaded away from mathematics and
science courses), so the experiential knowledge of AA adolescent females concerning oppression
in the areas of sexism and racism have to be given a voice to be transformative (Ladson-Billing
& Tate, 1995; Ladson-Billings, 1999). My research allowed the voices of AA females to address
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 48

the potential impact of racism, with the dynamic of being a female (given the notion of gender
bias) in a school system that is not tailored for their academic well-being. The following
questions were in direct response to the experience of African American females who
matriculated through the K-12 system:
1. How do AA women articulate their experience in relationship to the historical and
current marginalization imposed upon them under the educational and social
system created by colonization?
2. What are the various strategies that African American females utilize to overcome
these obstacles, and how are they interpreted through the lens of Post Traumatic
Slave Syndrome?
Participants were asked ten open-ended research questions that attempted to understand their
perspective concerning their educational experience, along with overt and covert methods that
sought to advance or remediate them.
Site Selection
Maxwell (2013) states that selecting a site to conduct research is an essential part of the
research process. The site selection for this study was based on the participants and researcher’s
location and accessibility. Given that the researcher lives in Los Angeles county in the state of
California, all interviews were conducted in the greater Los Angeles area. Her proximity to
participants were within driving range of an hour from where she lived. The sites still allowed
for African American females who have matriculated through the K-12 system to express their
perspective in relationship to their experiences in various educational settings.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 49

Population and Sample
Maxwell (2013) asserts that one has to consider the opportunities for access and data
collection, the researcher’s relationship to the participants, ethical dilemmas, and validity.
Therefore, purposeful selection was used in this study because it provided more certainty that the
conclusion more specifically represented the views of the average member of my specified
population (Maxwell, 2013). Moreover, the goal was to deliberately select three African American
female women who have matriculated through K-12 schools, and who were conscious that they
have experienced overt or covert treatments meant to hinder or advance them academically,
socially, and emotionally.
For the interview process, the researcher identified, and gained access to African American
women to interview. Using purposeful sampling, the researcher was able to narrow the participants
using criterion-based selection (Merriam and Tisdell, 2016). All study participants identified as
black or African American, female, and also met the criteria that they matriculated and graduated
from K-12 public schools in Los Angeles County. It was essential that the participants fulfilled
this requirement, because the study involves the narrative of those from the same ethnic group and
gender who may or may not share specific experiences, while matriculating through this particular
type of academic institution. By using purposeful sampling to deliberately select African American
females who shared this experience, the researcher was able to test the theories that subsequently
developed (Maxwell,2013).
The sample was limited to three participants. In CRT, and counter-storytelling, it is
imperative to acknowledge “that the experiential knowledge of people of color is legitimate,
appropriate, and critical to understanding, analyzing, and teaching about racial subordination”
(Solorzano and Yosso, 2002, p. 26). It was important to allow the voices of the African American
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 50

women selected to speak to share their own unique experiences, while also drawing connections
to the literature and theories noted in this study. Moreover, the researcher wished to acknowledge
their own narratives. Historically, as noted in the literature review, African American women have
been limited or stereotyped to represent one lived experience. Through this method, their stories
will be explored and their voices will provide rich information.
Instrumentation/Source of Evidence
This particular qualitative study was structured with the objective in place in relationship
to the interview process. The interview protocol entailed using standardized open-ended
interview questions composed before the interview (Patton, 2002). The types of questioning were
background/demographic questions, experience and behavior questions, opinion and value
questions, feeling questions, knowledge questions, and sensory questions (Merriam and Tisdell,
2016). There were also probing questions based on the responses made by participants that were
significant or needed to be more detailed or clarified (Merriam and Tisdell, 2016).
Standardized open-ended interview questions were a necessity in order to reduce variation
in the questions asked to respondents (Patton, 1987). When needed, the researcher was also able
to probe to get more detailed information after the initial response to the pre-written questions. It
also allowed the researcher to enter the world of the participants in order to understand their
perspective (Patton, 1987). Through this mechanism the participants were able to drive the
direction of the interview that allowed their perspective to come through unobstructed. In this way
their counter-narrative to what those in power have stated served to provide a fresh perspective on
their resiliency in the face of traumatic experiences in the K-12 educational system in urban
environments.

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Data Collection Protocols
Given that qualitative research was chosen, multiple forms of data and considerable time
spent in the natural setting of participants was essential to gather pertinent information (Creswell
2014). It was imperative that all participants felt as comfortable as possible, especially given the
personal nature of the open-ended questions related to race, trauma, and education. For that reason,
participants were allowed to select the location for their interviews. Participants were also notified
that they had the right to not any answer question that they did not feel comfortable responding to
(Patton, 2002).
The researcher’s goal, during each interview, was to collect data in a manner that was as
full and fair as possible from the particular perspective of the participants (Patton, 2002).
Permission was granted from all three respondents to audio record the interviews. It was also
paramount to write notes in a clear and concise manner on a sheet of paper that also contained the
interview questions (Patton, 2002). The goal was for participants to observe the researcher’s
attention to detail, the interest in their responses, while writing to capture key phrases and thoughts
of their narrative from the participants that needed to be revisited when reviewing the audio
recordings (Patton, 2002).
Data Analysis
The goal of qualitative data analysis connects to what Merriam and Tisdell (2016) surmised
as making sense of the data. Using narrative inquiry for this research, participants were provided
with opportunities to tell their story in relationship to their lives and K-12 educational experiences
(Creswell, 2014; Merriam and Tisdell, 2016). Thereafter, the first step of the process was to
transcribe the first narrative. Then the researcher read the transcript and wrote notes, comments,
and observation in the margins (Merriam and Tisdell, 2016). During this process, formally known
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 52

as coding, allowed the researcher to identify potentially relevant data that responds to the research
questions (Merriam and Tisdell, 2016). While coding it was paramount to use CRT and BFT to
invite the perspectives of the participants to manifest. Given their often ignored voices, the
theoretical frameworks served as a basis for empowerment and to pinpoint themes that came from
the participants’ narrative. This allowed the researcher to begin to construct categories that were
compared to the data from other interviews that went through the same coding process (Merriam
and Tisdell, 2016). It ushered in cross-examination of findings from various pieces of evidence
that highlighted patterns in this study (Merriam and Tisdell, 2016). It was also vitally important,
while coding and cross-examining documents for themes, to repeatedly check for biases that come
from the researcher’s positionality.
Role of researcher
As a researcher, my background definitely connects to the study based on my race, gender,
and experiences matriculating through public urban K-12 schools. As an African American female,
I have felt the weight of PTSD, PTSS, trauma, and the effects of high expectations versus low
expectations throughout my educational journey. While my family qualified as middle class
socioeconomically, given that they were homeowners, both employed, and greatly involved in my
life, I was surrounded by individuals in my peer group who felt the blow of economic and family
challenges. Moreover, I am an educator who has only taught children of color in urban high schools
for over fifteen years. Observing the effects of trauma from those under my tutelage throughout
my professional career, along with my upbringing in an urban environment, brings with it biases
that may prod me to develop particular themes or to seek evidence that correlates with my
perspective (Creswell, 2014). To thwart that, I was certain to review my findings with each
participant, and to provide opportunities for them to adjust findings as needed. As the researcher
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 53

perceived themes from each interview, it was of upmost importance to verify my findings with
each participant.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
To increase credibility and trustworthiness, the researcher used numerous avenues to
provide the most accurate narrative and analysis of the data presented so that the voices and
perspective of each participant was able to resonate clearly. Therefore it was important to have
member checking, and to that end the transcript of each interview was sent to each participant for
their review (Shenton, 2004). The participants were asked to review their transcript, and
ascertain if it was accurate and if the context fully captured the messages they wished to convey.
Moreover, the researcher verified with each participant emerging inferences and themes that
came from their narratives (Shenton, 2004). Participants also were provided an option to omit or
add any information or perspectives that came after the initial interview.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 54

CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
This chapter provides the findings of a study designed to understand the resiliency of Black
adolescent females who matriculate through the K-12 system in urban communities, by using the
narratives of African American women who provided insight on their educational experience in
the elementary and secondary school system. It is important to have this platform, because the
history of this nation speaks to the colonization and oppression that is often imposed upon people
of color, and even more so when the person of color is a woman. What is not often analyzed is
how women of African descent perceive the plight and effect of those of the same race and gender
who have to grow up and raise children in this country, historically and in modern society.
Furthermore, there is a need to understand how African American adolescent females overcome
specific conditions meant to marginalize them as they maneuver childhood and adolescence while
matriculating through educational settings, to become resilient individuals who successfully
complete their K-12 experience.
Therefore, it was imperative to include the voices of those who are often silenced and/or
overlooked in order to understand the essential ingredients that made them resilient in their
educational endeavors. Given that the emphasis is on the narratives of African American/Black
women, it was essential for this researcher to invite the participants’ lived experiences to speak for
themselves. Through this medium, it exposes what Solorzano and Yosso (2002) calls a “…deficit-
informed research” and methodologies that ignores the plight of people of color and pushes their
“racialized, gendered, and classed experiences as sources of strength” (p. 26). Therefore, this
chapter will begin with the portraits and narratives of the three women who were interviewed.
In this study, three self-identified black women were asked to share their experiences
navigating their way through the K-12 educational system and society that presented various social
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 55

and academic barriers to their educational success. They, through responding to open-ended
questions, were able to provide a counter-narrative to the stories that are stereotypically presented
about African American women, and black adolescent females in school that are somewhat
contrived or negative in nature. Throughout the process the researcher let their stories guide the
direction of the follow-up questions in a way that presented opportunities for the participants to
delve deeper into their educational experiences, and to purposefully provide a platform for them
to discuss feelings or issues not previously discussed during their journey in an educational or
social environment.
Given the historical happenings in this country stemming from the involuntary migration
from Africa of its people, it is essential to analyze how the perceived educational and social
experiences of African American females relate to the trauma and marginalization that resulted
from colonization historically and in modern times. Therefore, the analysis will offer a response
to the following two research questions for this study:
1. How do AA women articulate their experience in relationship to the historical and
current marginalization imposed upon them under the educational and social
system created by colonization?
2. What are the various strategies that African American females utilize to overcome
these obstacles, and how are they interpreted through the lens of Post Traumatic
Slave Syndrome?
The lens of Critical Race Theory and Black Feminist Theory were used to analyze, and
provide the context for appraising how each participant’s narrative speaks of specific moments
that affected their educational endeavors. The use of data from the participants’ narratives, Critical
Race Theory, and Black Feminist Theory brought forth three overarching themes for resiliency. It
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 56

is inclusive of (a) school staff (and especially teachers) having a vested interest in the well-being
of this particular subgroup, (b) the ability to participate in college preparatory courses and
extracurricular activities at school and in the community they dwell in, and (c) family and
community involvement, support, and encouragement. These themes were brought forth through
the open-ended interview process and the coding and analysis of transcripts from the interviews.
As a reminder, this chapter is organized in three parts: first, the researcher will provide a
description of each participant, while also inviting their perspective on the experience of African
American women in this country, followed by a synopsis of their narratives. Thereafter, there will
be a thematic analysis of the stories presented by the participants that respond to the two research
questions. After the three synopses and analyses, the final discussion will review and summarize
the themes presented in all the narratives provided by the participants.
Overview and Narrative of Participants
One element of Black Feminist Theory (BFT) is to provide opportunity for self-
valuation which in part entails allowing black females to provide their self-definition and narrative
(Collins, 1986). With that it was important to allow each female to provide their own insight on
their background and use their words for self-definition of their identity. Each narrative will also
reveal a connection to Resistance for Liberation, as each woman (through their lived experiences)
expressed their fight against oppressive environments, and their resolve to become empowered to
change the prescribed course for their lives. With that being said, the three female participants are
between the ages of thirty-five and fifty. They all identify as being of African descent and were
born and raised in Los Angeles County located in California. Each one also matriculated through
the K-12 educational system in urban schools in the Greater Los Angeles area.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 57

Participant One: Background and Self-Description
Participant one grew up in Long Beach, California in an area she describes as “The East
Side”. She attended elementary school, middle school, and high school in Long Beach,
California, and is currently enrolled in a doctoral program at a private university in Los Angeles,
California. When asked about her identity, she described herself as an African American woman.
Participant One: Synopsis of Narrative
Participant one, when asked about the experience of African American women, and how
society perceives them, stated that even to this day, their sexuality, image, and values is based on
their bodies which she said stems from the history of the white man taking some black women
and raping and assaulting them. Furthermore, participant one discussed the issue of skin tone:
And it's like when you're talking about light skin versus dark skin, being in the house
versus being out picking cotton and all those kind of things and I see how that is still
living with us. Because I remember in school how versus the light skin and the dark skin,
women were treated different and how they were [portrayed] for years on TV that the
image of a black woman was light skinned with long hair because that was desired in
slavery. That he would take those and call her a house wife woman and be having babies
with her and that's all of that you know still. And my history coming back to where we
are, a lot of my family were from New Orleans and so being that we had a lot of color
variation in our family. And they would treat my grandfather and my other relatives that
were dark a little harsher and different. And so that became something that was instilled
in our family. So a lot of my light skin cousins thought they were better than my dark
skin cousins and it just trickled down.

When participant one was asked how being an African American adolescent female
affected her K-12 experience, she stated that she dealt with a lot of diversity issues, namely
racism, by Caucasian teachers and administrators who were unfamiliar with her culture. It was
inclusive of continuous disciplinary action against her due to her being a “talker” which would
cause her name to be placed on the board repeatedly, being referred to the office for disciplinary
action, and eventually being labeled remedial and sent to a learning group, away from her
general education class, for students who were in need of additional academic assistance. That
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 58

led her to feel that she was not smart, as she was publicly labeled, which resulted in her having
feelings of anger and pain that still manifests itself. It was evidenced by her crying during the
interview while discussing what she endured in elementary through high school. Even in
secondary school, the participant felt ostracized by a Caucasian counselor who recommended
that she forego college preparatory courses, because the staff member felt that she would be
unable to do well in college. The counselor’s advice was for the participant to have the goal of
attending trade school or to become a hairdresser.
There were also traumatic experiences that also had a haunting effect on the participant.
She shared stories of families in her Long Beach, California neighborhood that were shattered by
the drug and gang epidemic. The participant provided narratives of friends that became children
of drug addicted parents, or peers that joined various neighborhood gangs and went to war
against each other. It would lead to the murder of multiple teenagers, one being her closest friend
that she grew up with. When asked about the coping mechanisms she employed, the participant
stated that there were no formal route to provide her with coping mechanisms to deal with the
direct trauma she endured. What helped her was community wealth: family and friends who
came together as a support system in the midst of suffering from what she called a social norm.
The participant also expressed that her mother, father, and grandfather was the epitome of
excellence, and set an example of endurance that she sought to emulate.
What shifted the dynamic of the systematic oppression that sought to remediate
Participant One were staff members who had a vested interest in her as a student, access to
college preparatory classes and extracurricular activities, and role models. She discussed an
African American female English teacher, who the participant describes as “an educated black
woman”, that provided mantras that reinforced her as a scholar, and motivated her to push
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 59

forward academically. This educator also established an open door policy and comfort so that the
participant saw this teacher’s classroom as a safe haven. In addition, the participant was able to
seek out peers who knew how to navigate the educational system so that she became aware of
the classes and opportunities being afforded at the school that would make her college eligible
and academically competitive. Lastly, her family was a source of inspiration due to what they
accomplished in the community, as well as educationally and professionally. These variables,
from the perspective of the participant, were instrumental in her success.
Participant Two: Background and Self-Description
Participant two grew up in Lynwood, attended elementary and middle school in Downey, and
high school in Inglewood, California. She attended a Historically Black College in Atlanta,
Georgia where she completed her Bachelor’s degree in English. She was recently accepted into a
Master’s program in the area of Social Work at a private university in Los Angeles, California
which will begin in 2019. When asked about her identity, she stated the following:
“My identity is Afro-centric, like real African-centered I guess I would say. I teach my
Kids about African traditions and stuff. I personally do rituals that I don’t include my
entire family in as well, and then regular black culture. Just, I will say that consider
myself probably blacker than black. More African centered than most black people.”

Participant Two: Synopsis of Narrative
When participant two was asked about the position of black women in this country,
historically and in modern society, she stated the following:
I would think mostly just the social structure and the role we take on. Like the super
woman thing. I feel like that same thing is like hold everything together. Like I got to
keep the family together, I got to do this, I got to do that, and then very tight roles, like
men do this and we do that. Also, the way that we raise our children. White people raise
their kids to do whatever they want to do, whatever they want, and act however they
want. We don't. My son already at school, it's funny because there is some white kids at
his school that act up. Their parents are like, "Oh, he'll grow out of it. You don't worry
about it." Telling me that about my son, but I'm like, "My son don't have the space to
grow out of it." Like he'll be on that school to prison pipeline now if I don't have that.
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We raise our kids different because of that. All of those effects, like I just feel genetic
trauma memory too is like ... Causes us to kind of be ... I feel like most of us are harder
than we have to be, like we would be softer, you know? But how do you do that when
your whole genetic memory is geared towards a more survival.

But genetic memory is, it comes up in a lot of different ways. Like just how we, like
doing hair and stuff like this, like how we do all that intricate braiding and stuff like that,
that's genetic and the fact that you can see braid, and the way that we braid and come up
with ideas, you will see it in ancient history, you know what I mean? You'll see the
Fulani women doing those designs that we did and didn't even know. Even with the
naming of the kids. I always thought that and that's kind of what brought it to me. When I
started to notice people being named Lakeisha and stuff and people didn't know that
those are African names, that's what made me start thinking about genetic memory like,
"How are people just coming up with Lakeisha?" And people are like, "That's ghetto."
And that's an African name and they never even knew, that's got to be something that's
already there. That's kind of like, even the dancing, like all our dance ... Somebody has
video out there where it shows all the dancing we do and then they show the African
people doing the same dance. Us doing the dance and then them doing the dance, and like
we ain't never seen them doing those dances. Yeah, genetic memory is very real.

Participant two began her K-12 educational narrative by discussing the feeling of being
othered during her elementary education. She stated that she was the only black student in her
class, and still has painful memories of being used as a point of reference as the teacher
discussed slavery. On days where she would come to school with her hair in cornrows, she
explained that it felt that she was an exhibit for her teachers and classmates (the teacher being
Caucasian and classmates who were Latino and Caucasian). There were also stories connected to
having a double consciousness, learning how to assimilate into various cultures, and gaining
adaptability and duality (such as code-switching) that truly became a source of empowerment
and beneficial for her.
Participant two stated that what helped her with the treatment at school was her mother
imparting cultural pride, and participating in community activities, before transitioning to a high
school whose staff was predominately African American. She gleefully relayed stories of going
to the park located on the East Side of Los Angeles to cheer, and recognizing that she could be
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true to herself without feeling like there was a need to put on a facade. Other stories of attending
cultural celebrations with her mother, and having peers that looked like her brought a sense of
relief to her life. That, from the perspective of the participant, really pushed her to persuade her
mom to place her in a high school where the majority of students and faculty physically looked
like her.
Transitioning into high school brought with it various tribulations that participant two
was able to relive. For example, there was a Caucasian teacher that the participant stated felt
intimated by her. There was an interaction between them that eventually led the participant to
have to appear in district court, because the teacher stated that the participant “threatened her life
which made her go out on sick leave”. There was another incident during her high school
endeavors where she and her peers were involved in a fight, which led to her criminalization, and
name and picture being placed in the city’s gang book. In both instances, her mother played a
key role in her being exonerated in all instances. There were also narratives of race riots, and the
National Guard coming into the school with rifles being placed in her face. In reflecting she
recognized that this wasn’t a normal occurrence in other schools, but at the time there wasn’t a
recognition of that fact. It also became normalized to have friends and peers murdered. She
shared one story where she walked home with two students who happened to be twins. Five
minutes later she heard sirens, and later on in the day found out that they were murdered by one
of their boyfriends. When asked about coping mechanisms, or interventions to support her, she
stated that there were none and that at the time she just believed that it wasn’t a big deal.
Participant two was able to discuss the variables that contributed to her success. It was
inclusive of African American teachers and mentors who sowed into her emotionally and
socially, access to extracurricular activities that gave her an advantage when it was time to apply
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 62

to colleges, and a parent and community members who helped her to define her identity as an
African American adolescent female. For her, school was not the source of her education, but a
place for social growth, fun, and what she calls a sense of tribalism. The narrative stated her
education came from her mother, and the village that surrounded her that helped her learn about
her culture, and to grow a sense of pride that her roots came from the continent of Africa. Due to
her experience she feels it is essential to provide K-12 curriculum that is specifically tailored for
African American female students that will give them the life skills she acquired to successfully
navigate their experiences as women of color in this nation.
Participant Three: Background and Self-Description
Participant three grew up in Los Angeles County and went to an elementary school located in
Los Angeles. Her junior high and high school education were in Inglewood, California. She has
one Bachelor’s degree and two Master’s degree from a college in Long Beach, California. When
asked to describe her identity she stated that she would describe herself as a black woman. It is
interesting to note that when I asked her about the effect being a black woman has on her she
responded by saying:
“I think that being a black woman allows for me to consider the perspective of those who
both have power, and those who, all those who do not have power.”

Participant Three: Synopsis of Narrative
When participant three was asked to discuss the narrative of black women in America,
both past and present, she stated the following:
I think that African American women are the most resilient on the planet in terms of
humanity. And I think that also those women of African descent who are descendants of
enslaved people are specifically resilient. And I think that it is because there's a legacy of
culture that has been passed down generationally and maintained through hardships.
So I would say personally that one ... One thing that was passed down is resourcefulness
and creativity. And at the same time I feel like that ... hat is the reason why African
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 63

American women are able ... The ones that are exceptional and the ones that are able to
break free of negative stereotypes is because of that legacy.

Participant three also discussed her perspective on the role that Black women have had to take on

to be able to raise children in American society:

I don't know how white people raise their kids because I haven't done any research on
that, but based on what I've seen on television and what I know as a black.. being a kid
raised by black parents is that black women feel the need to over supplement and
overprotect their children from a world that they see that is after them. So black women
don't feel like they can afford to allow for their kids to make the same mistakes that a
white kid would make because it could mean life or death. If a black kid goes into the
store acting a fool, just being a regular kid, the black family might get kicked out of the
store, you know? Or if a black kid goes in and put a candy bar in their pocket they might
be taken to jail. Or if a black kid gets pulled over by the policeman and gets nervous
and they forget to say the right thing, "Yes sir. No sir. Yes sir. No ma'am," they might
be dead. So what I feel African Americans females have done is because they're over
compensating, not even over compensating, but doing what they need to do to protect
their child. There are certain expectations that are set on how you behave in public. And
so maybe that's the reason why African American mothers say, "Okay, don't go in this
store acting a fool." Whereas, a white parent will get ...There doesn't need to be a pep talk
before they go into the store. Maybe there does need to be a pep talk, but I think that
where [black mothers are] coming from is, "We don't have room for error especially in
public places." And then also I think there's this stereotype and black people live with
that so they're constantly trying to prove that they're anti the stereotype.

Participant Three, when asked about her educational journey, began by discussing the
low expectations that she perceived from educators based on the long term effects of her K-12
educational experience. For example, she cited that she graduated from high school in the top
10% of her class yet on her college entry exams tested in the lowest remedial classes in
Mathematics and English. In reflecting she believes it was because of a lack of accountability on
the part of school and district personnel. In her opinion, there was a direct correlation of her
being in urban schools as a person of color that translated to the lack of rigor academically, and a
lack of quality educators to empower her.
Participant three was able to provide narratives of being at a school where teachers
exhibited sympathy which in her opinion had detrimental effects. She correlated institutionalized
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racism and institutionalized classism with what transpired at the schools she attended. The
participant stated that if the educational conditions she endured took place in a more privileged,
wealthy environment it would be considered a national crisis. However, because the schools the
participant matriculated through were filled with black and brown students, it was normalized
because there was a belief that “ poor kids are not going to achieve, so that’s okay”. So rather
than striving to build students up academically, the participant surmised that the majority of time
was spent on character building. She believes that teachers were filled with compassion, were
nice, and sympathetic which played a pivotal role in building up character, but never provided an
opportunity to build their brains academically to help in the acquisition of power.
Participant three spoke of the prerequisites of learning in urban schools, and its
connection to the normalization of violence in her educational setting and the surrounding
community. She spoke of the idea of being strategic in order to defend oneself, not allowing
herself to be bullied, and having a hard exterior due to the threats of violence. It was inclusive of
not letting anyone bother her, hitting someone back if they hit her, and being a leader rather than
a follower. The participant spoke of a sort of numbness that she attributes to her being resilient
when dealing with the aftermath of violence (inclusive of friends being killed). She did
acknowledge that the school personnel was reactive when murders ensued, but quickly left after
the incident. The participant stated that that she and her peers would have benefited from more
proactive offerings such as counseling, group sessions, and therapy on a routine basis.
What assisted the participant in being successful in urban schools were individuals who
would guide her academically and socially while at school, family members who would support
her, and access to college preparatory courses (even if they were in name only). She spoke of
having relatives like her brother and cousins attending the same school as her. They were able to
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serve as role models and helped her maneuver to become college eligible. The participant stated
that college counselors were present, but that they took a lackadaisical approach and never
sought her out. Therefore she mimicked the classes her older sibling took, and that allowed her to
complete the prerequisites for college eligibility. Moreover, the participant stated that there were
opportunities to partake in internships (although it came with its own challenges due to them
identifying her as needing improvement due to her inability to change the way in which she
spoke ie. inability to code switch at a level that satisfied the supervisor). It served as motivation
to speak standard English. Lastly, having a family of strong black women assured her that she
can be true to who she is, while recognizing survival tactics to successfully navigate the larger
society in which she dwelled in order to be successful.
An Analysis Based on the Experiences of AA Women who Matriculated
through the K-12 System as Adolescents
Using the themes that came forth from all the participants to guide this section allows
their experiences to transform the narratives that have been mainstreamed in society. It also
provides participants an opportunity to express their understanding of “the interlocking nature of
oppression” and to redefine the culture they dwelled in during their K-12 education (Collins,
1986, pg. 8). Moreover, by focusing on their educational experience there is an opportunity to
understand the factors that helped them overcome various obstacles they were able to identify in
order to be resilient and successful academically.
Overarching Themes
Despite monumental challenges and obstacles each participant had to overcome to
matriculate through the K-12 system, they were able to succeed and graduate from urban schools
fraught with overt and covert systems in place that resulted in various forms of marginalization.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 66

It was inclusive of teachers and administrators that the participants perceived as disconnected to
them as females of African descent, a lack of academic rigor and preparation, as well as
traumatic experiences connected to community violence. It speaks to what Ladson-Billings
(1999) connects to CRT given that racism is normalized and often unacknowledged, and in the
case of the educational system, is systemic in nature. Moreover, the process for positive change
for African American adolescent females in the K-12 system in urban schools has been
detrimentally slow and cumbersome (Ladson-Billings, 1999). Therefore, through the lenses of
Critical Race Theory one can see the consequences of unacknowledged marginalization and
systematic oppression, by those in the positions of power, in the lives of each participant.
In spite of these variables the participants were able to overcome adversity. Each
participant was able to be resilient due to three emerging themes: having a caring teacher or staff
member, access to college preparatory courses and extracurricular activities, and most
importantly the support of family and community members. The participants experienced the
same challenges as many students in urban schools, but they were able to persevere because of
educators and school personnel who exhibited a deep concern for their emotional well-being, and
pushed them forward academically. While the academic rigor did not prepare them for their post-
secondary education, it did provide them with a sense of purpose as African American
adolescent females, and support in the midst of various types of traumatic experiences.
Moreover, each participant acknowledged the benefits that ensued from partaking in college
preparatory courses and extracurricular opportunities. This included being able to have access to
required classes that were a prerequisite for eligibility and competitiveness for college entry.
Also, by partaking in extracurricular activities (such as internships) it allowed the participants to
understand the dynamics of corporate America, the power structure of the majority, and the need
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for duality as adolescent African American females. Most importantly, it was essential to have
family and community members to guide them throughout their matriculation through the K-12
system in urban neighborhoods. Multiple accounts were given of parents modeling behaviors
that were emulated by participants. It was inclusive of being an advocate, community organizer,
protector, and educator (formally and/or informally). The traits and resiliency shown through the
adults in their lives were pivotal in showing these women, as adolescent African American
females, how to overcome all types of adversity to be successful.
Findings by Research Questions
This section will give an account of the findings and overarching themes that resulted
from independently analyzing each research question. To examine the resiliency of African
American female adolescents as they matriculate through the K-12 educational system, the
researcher selected to focus on African American women and their personal experiences of
marginalization, trauma, and the factors that contributed to them being able to successfully
navigate through elementary and secondary education in urban settings. The purpose of selecting
these areas was to determine how these women would articulate their experience of
marginalization in relationship to the historical marginalization of African American females,
and the tools and essential ingredients that assisted them in being resilient in order to matriculate
and graduate from K-12 urban schools.
Research Question One: How do African American women articulate their experience in
relationship to the historical and current marginalization imposed upon them under the
educational and social system created by colonization?
One commonality that all participants discussed were the critical moments, and negative
interactions, in their education that caused them to evaluate their self-worth and placement in the
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 68

school system socially and academically. They were all able to pinpoint individuals in the
position of power, or systems put in place by those holding power, that participants perceived as
trying to thwart their educational advancement by belittling or dismantling their attempts to
become empowered.
Experiences of Educational and Social Marginalization in the K-12 System
Participant One, when exploring her earliest childhood memory of the way teachers
interacted with her in elementary school became emotional as she recalled the following:
I dealt with a lot of racism sometimes in the school system. Very painful experiences
through elementary…When we would have white teachers, it seemed like they were kind
of unfamiliar with me as far as discipline and because I was talkative. I got in trouble a lot.
I do recall getting in trouble, you know, having my name on the board. At that time
paddling was instituted and so I remember talking, not doing anything bad, fight or
anything and being sent to the principal's office from the Caucasian teacher's classroom
because she said I wouldn't keep my mouth closed. And so I wind up being threatened...
we had a Caucasian male principal. At that time a lot of principals in Long Beach, and I
can remember that as a child clear as day, there weren't a lot of administrators that were
African-American at that time. They were all white males majority. So a lot of the times it
was that male ... you could tell that there was a difference.

It is important to also note that Participant One stated that her belief is that educators and
administrative unfamiliarity with her as an African American female impacted the way in which
they interacted with her. This participant connected her belief that who she was as an African
American adolescent female had a detrimental effect on her educational endeavors, from her early
years of schooling, due to her teacher and school personnel being of a different race and gender.
Urban schools will often have more white male administrators and white teachers, than teachers
of color, even if the majority of the student body is of color (Chavous, Small, Rivas, etc., 2008).
Moreover, white teachers who teach in an unfamiliar cultural environment from which they
dwelled in their upbringing are often seen as bitter and prejudiced from the perspective of African
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 69

American students which in turn can impede learning which occurred for participant one (Evans-
Winter, 2007).
When participant one was asked about the treatment she received from teachers, she
revealed the following perception:
Not smart, a lot of times and it kind of brought me down, my self-esteem down because
they thought that ... so I didn't try hard because the perception of me was that I was not
smart. And so I noticed that I started not caring about school at an early age and it could
have been around ... I know definitely, it was sixth grade.

When discussing the impact of educators and school staff in their academic and personal
development, each participant had vivid memories that has had long lasting impacts on them as
African American female adolescents and adults. The negative interactions with Caucasian
teachers caused them to feel incompetent and devalued. For example, as tears flowed from her
face, Participant One discussed the demoralizing experience of being labeled and disciplined. This
brings forth the problematic behavior from educators who rather forego adjusting teaching
methodologies to fit various learning styles. Some educators, knowingly or unknowingly, use
punitive measures because they benefited from ongoing majoritarian stories that pushes students
of color, and in their cases African American adolescent females, to “…assimilate to the dominant
White middle-class culture to succeed in school and life” (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002, pg. 31).
Unfortunately, because she struggled to assimilate she was labeled as troubled and relegated to a
remedial group for portions of her learning. One of the basic premises of Critical Race Theory is
the othering of children of color, specifically in education. In the case of the participants, some
certificated staff knowingly or unknowingly set a bar of low expectations that could have
potentially hampered the economic and professional future of an African American female. This
labeling, in turn, created a sense of academic worthlessness on the part of this participant as an
adolescent.
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In some instances, due to a lack of multicultural education in teacher educational programs,
racially biased teaching can occur which is inclusive of poor grades, evaluations, psychological
damage, and behavioral problems and referrals (Chavous, Smalls, Rivas, etc., 2008). Rather than
seeing their behavior as a positive, educators perceived that it was seen as something to punish and
bring to subjection. Participant Two also shared an experience in high school with a Caucasian
teacher who she said had a vendetta against her because the teacher perceived her as being too
uppity:
One situation I did have was I was basically penalized for being a high-performer at
Inglewood with a white teacher who couldn't stand me. She thought I was too uppity and I
thought too much of myself. She would do all kind of stuff. I used to say the announcements
in the morning and she went to the principal and told her that I had a lisp and that he should
have picked somebody who could speak more clearly, because I would stand up to her all
the time. She would say crazy stuff in the classroom about the students and I'd be like,
"You can't talk to these students like that. You must be crazy." Me and my mom had to go
to a board court because she said that I threatened her life because she got in my face. I
said, "If you don't get out of my face, I'm going to knock you out." I told her that. She said
I threatened her life and I made her go out on sick leave, and all this kind of stuff, and she
was trying to get me kicked out, but they were like, "No."…Yeah, we literally had to go to
a school district court about this.

Participant Two’s narrative speaks to what Delpit (1988) calls the culture of power. Society
would label this African American adolescent female as being problematic, but would be hesitant
to focus on how the teacher is fighting for control and submission from this student. A few of the
culture of power aspects that connect are that the issue of power was evidenced in the classroom
from the teacher, and those with power (in this case the educator) had the privilege of being less
aware of it, choosing to label herself the victim; however the true victim, the African American
adolescent female, was fully aware of its existence (Delpit, 1988). Having the power, the educator
had pre-set rules for students to abide by. One being submission to her authority. The African
American adolescent female, being from a different culture, was knowledgeable of the preset code
of rules yet did not yield to adapt to the teacher’s environment. The teacher, in contrast, has the
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 71

privilege of not acknowledging her cultural norm due to them being established in her culture, and
society, for generations.
This speaks to the historical and current marginalization that stems from the colonization
of America, and the enslavement of people of African descent. In American society the African
American female has to have an awareness of these types of obstacles to have a chance of
succeeding. Her ability to navigate through this type of scenario speaks to the historical nature of
the many obstacles that the African American female overcame (and the survival instincts that
minimizes the crippling effects of Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome) which she needs to have in
order to thrive in this country. Moreover, it speaks to what Freire (1970) warns about when
discussing the banking concept of education where teachers control the academic environment in
a way that asserts her or his power to bring students to submission. Through this means students
are void of critical consciousness and remain adaptable under the will of the oppressor, and avoid
questioning the conditions in which they dwell (Freire, 1970). For the participant, the conflict arose
because as an African American adolescent female she chose to walk in power; a direct
contradiction of what those who hold power seek to produce in students.
Participant One also revealed that beyond teachers, there was also a certificated staff
member that had a negative impact on her emotionally. Recalling a high school memory from a
counselor she already had in junior high school she stated:
And so Ms. Rick was my counselor and she said ... I was ninth grade, it's time for me
to get my classes. She informed me that I shouldn't take college classes. She said that
maybe I should consider being a hairdresser or some kind of trade because she
remembers me from junior high and my lack of motivation and my lack of reading skills,
that she didn't know that had changed, but she just took that and made that picture of me
and never could get it out of her head. I can still see myself walking in that office sitting
down with her trying to make my schedule up and her telling me that I would never make
it in college.”

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For African American adolescent females there will be those in the position of authority
who can only see them as inferior and ineffectual, which leads to their belief that failure is the only
option thus limiting the potential of those under their authority (DeGruy, 2005). For example, this
long held theory, which has roots from pre and post slavery, allowed the counselor to guide
Participant One to select a career that would have her avoid post-secondary education. Without the
intervention of family or community members this quite possibly would have been a key
component of her not becoming a resilient student. This holds true for many African American
female students in K-12 education. Historical and current marginalization leads to feelings of
superiority from those in the position of power, and inferiority from those who are subjugated to
those in control (DeGruy 2005). This lead to generational systemic oppression and the myth that
African American female children are at an educational deficit to their white counterparts. From a
historical context, during slavery individuals who were enslaved were taught manual labor, rather
than formal education, so that they would be obedient and docile servants. The tactic used then
was to keep the power in the hands of the oppressor; the same could be said for the counselor. Post
Traumatic Slave Syndrome speaks to individuals of African descent who never envision going to
college due to “…being depicted as ineffectual and inferior, [and because of that] might begin to
believe that failure in inevitable” (DeGruy, 2005, p. 154). It is then that students self-sabotage
themselves and fail to pursue college eligibility. Without the proper interventions, and support
from inside and outside the educational setting, this will continue to be the case.
The Criminalization of African American Adolescent Females
Another thing that was revealed through the story of the second participant is the
potential labeling and criminalization that can take place in urban schools. Without the proper
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 73

supports, it could have crippling effects on the future endeavors of African American female
adolescent students.
I had more opportunities to be criminalized…at the black school, because there was a
fight that happened that me and my friends were involved in and they put us in the gang
book, because we were fighting in front of the school, and they was like, "Oh, so this is a
gang." We had a clique. The only reason why we was fighting in school because some
people pulled up to fight us. What are we going to do? They put us in the, the little clique
that I'm in, and my name in the gang book and classified us as a gang. Basically, you
know how they do those gang sweeps where they pick people up, I could have been in a
sweep just because there was a fight outside that I was involved in.

What this participant speaks of is the potential victimization that can occur at schools
that house children of color. This female African American adult, who is well educated and a
productive member of society, was as an African American adolescent female labeled as a gang
member who in turn had her image placed in a gang book for law enforcement personnel. Based
on a decision made by school personnel she was one step closer to the school to prison pipeline
where an increasing amount of undereducated youth go directly from high school to the criminal
justice system (Darling-Hammond, 2007). Through the lenses of CRT and Post Traumatic Slave
Syndrome, one can see how the systematic oppression of black people since their forced arrival
in this country has been duplicated but in more overt ways in modern America. This is similar to
The Convict Lease System that took place after the eradication of slavery. Southern farmers
needing more workers and created a system that imprisoned black workers for doing things such
as walking on the wrong side of the street (DeGruy, 2005). They were convicted at a high rate,
and endured back breaking and excruciating labor that often lead to their untimely death
(DeGruy, 2005). From the narrative of Participant Two, the social and educational system lends
itself to labeling, marginalization, and punitive measures that can potentially have detrimental
consequences without the proper supports and interventions.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 74

The Effects of Low Expectations and a Lack of Academic Preparation
Each participant also discussed how low expectations and a lack of academic preparation
affected them at their urban high schools and later in college. For instance, Participant Two
discussed her perspective from what she observed at her school in Inglewood, California.
I never expected that people expected less of me when I was at black schools, but as a
whole I feel like people expected less of the whole student body at the black school. Not
me, personally, they expected that I was smart, I would achieve this and that, but as a
whole, the expectations were lower for the student body, period. That's where I would say
lower expectation was, but I never felt personal lower expectations at all.

What this narrative reveals is that the participant was able to reflect as an adult and
state that part of the reality for students at her urban school was knowing that the level of
expectation for her peers was minimalized even though she was known for being smart. It is
similar to the Hampton Model that was pushed in the late 1800’s through early 1900’s that
directed former slaves to pursue education, but in a manner that fit the social conditioning that
those in power wanted to maintain (Anderson, 1988; DuBois, 1973). It was an expectation that
those in school would take on the jobs and responsibilities equivalent to manual labor and civil
obedience (Anderson, 1988). Dr. W.E.B. DuBois (1973) even stated that the goal of the
Hampton Model was to “Take the eyes of these millions off the stars and fasten them in the soil;
and if their young men [or women] will dream dreams, let them be dreams of corn bread and
molasses”. Similar to the remark of Dr. DuBois (1973), the marginalization of adolescents limits
their ability to have a greater vision that will help them move into a position of power. Without
high expectations, from adults on a school campus, the ability to be resilient is lessened without
the proper guidance and interventions. This leads to systematic oppression, that has been seen
since the Reconstruction Era, that renders a selected group powerless. As CRT asserts, it is
important to call out this type of system that limits the vision and potential for students of color.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 75

The fact that the participant was able to articulate it gives heaviness to the plight of so many
African American female students who are not advocated for or identified as gifted (especially
when the system does not seek to do so).
Beyond a lack of expectation placed on the school as a whole, there are specific
reminders that the participants recounted that subconsciously gave the message that they were
not prepared to achieve educationally. Participant One recalled a conversation with a teacher
after noticing that students of different races were placed in various academic groups. She
devised a plan to figure out why she was separated from others:
I started hanging around different kids not from our neighborhood, kids of different races,
because I wanted to know why they were in all these different groups. And the teachers
were like, "Oh, you're not a part of the CIS and these groups," then they would kind of
look down on you.

What the participant revealed is the remediation that removed her from college

Preparatory classes. Moreover, it was clear to the participant that students that were not African
American were placed in the courses or program that prepared them for their post-secondary
education and career. For this participant, the exclusion from the group served as a type of
systemic oppression that was meant to limit the potential endeavors of this individual. Her
feeling othered based on her perception that she was seen as less than could have caused
irreparable harm that would have led her to not reach her potential. It is similar to the Jim Crow
era when students of color were in separate but “equal” schools. While the law stated that the
same quality of education was given to all children, the reality was starkly different. There were
limited resources that impacted the potential for learning for students of African descent, and the
same holds true today. Therefore, African American adolescent females who are faced with this
exclusionary issue there may be multiple outcomes, especially depending on the level of
advocacy and support from others. It is important to consider procedures, goals, and the purpose
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 76

of programming classes for the African American adolescent female subgroup so that there is
evidence of inclusiveness, empowerment, and a more equitable playing field, not the separate but
equal systems that are covertly in place in the modern era.
The third participant shared her story of being unprepared for college, despite being given
college preparatory classes. She stated the following:
I was considered for example the top 10% of the top students in my high school when I
graduated in 2001. But when I went to college and I took the college entrance placement
exam, I placed in remedial. And I placed in remedial in both English and Math, and not
only did I place in remedial but I placed in the bottom of remedial. So I had to take ...
Usually there's two courses that you take for remedial. You can be placed in the lowest
remedial and have to take two courses or you're gonna be placed in the intermediate
remedial and you only have to take one course. I was placed in intermediate at the lowest
level and I was considered the top 10% in my [high school] graduating class.

What the narrative suggest is that even when given the opportunity to partake in college
preparatory courses, this participant is representative of those who are ill-prepared for post-
secondary schools. The participant expressed how she received high scores and recognition for
being in the top percentage in her graduating class yet tested into remedial college courses. In
using a CRT perspective, African American adolescent females may have access to college
preparatory courses, yet the classes most likely lack the rigor and quality of their white peers in
non-urban schools (DeCuir and Dixson, 2004). So while urban schools may be closing the gap
numerically, the reality is that systematic oppression still permeates urban schools.
Another issue brought forth by Participant Three was the sympathy of teachers, and how
that impacted learning and the level of expectation that she felt was present in her urban high
school:
And because they were so sympathetic they built our character, but they did not build our
brains for academics and towards acquiring the culture of power. Power has a specific
culture and if you want to acquire power you have to learn how to operate within that
culture. And I didn't have teachers who were equipped to teach me how to acquire the
knowledge that I needed to operate within those power dynamics. I was just taught stuff
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 77

like, "You're beautiful. You're kind. You can do it. You're great." Those are character
building, but there was no like content behind it and no real critical thinking skills that
was behind the character building.

The participant’s narrative highlights receiving a type of emotional support that built
them socially to improve, but noted that the educational rigor needed to grow into holding a
position of power was void. As an adult she was able to understand how the power dynamic
begins in the school system, and connected it to having a clear disadvantage due to having
educators who were ill-suited to assist in her learning the knowledge needed to shift the
dynamics of power that has served the majority since the country was taken over by people of
European descent. It is reminiscent of the history of this nation that specifies certain behaviors
and attributes to a particular subgroup. Words she used such as “beautiful, kind, and great”
speaks to the passivity that is taught in a lot of urban schools to bring students to the subjection
of those in control. Rather than teaching students to be independent and critical thinkers, the
types of attributes connected to those who hold power, students are willed into being well-
behaved and caring individuals. Unfortunately, those characteristics alone unassisted by
knowledge or critical thinking, will never shift the power dynamic in this country.
When the researcher asked her perception as to why teachers would lean towards
character building, she stated the following:
I would think that I'm guessing that it was sympathy. The reason why I'm guessing that it
was sympathy, I don't know for sure that it was sympathy but the reason why I'm
guessing is that it was sympathy is because there were low expectations. And I know
where those low expectations came from, I think those low expectations came from lack
of accountability within the school district, and lack of accountability with the teachers.
So if there's no accountability then the teachers would do whatever they had to do to
befriend the students, or to try to sympathize with students in where they are in their
situations without working hard enough to get them to where they needed to be as far as
academics go. If that makes any sense? So I guess that it was sympathy because they did
try to show that they cared through being nice, but it was really a lack of accountability I
think. And I don't know why there was a lack of accountability. I think that that plays into
this idea of institutionalized racism, and institutionalized classism, because I feel like if
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 78

there were that many students in a more privileged, wealthy neighborhood that were not
attaining for the better, it would be considered a crisis. But lack of attainment was not
occurring in those areas of privilege and those areas of wealth, so it wasn't considered a
crisis. It was then considered the norm. Like this is normal, black and brown, poor kids
are not going to achieve, so that's okay.

The participant attributes the emotional support received from her educational staff to
adults who were entrusted with the task of educating students, like her, but having little faith that
they would achieve academically. Possible reasons were attributed to the district’s lack of
oversight concerning the execution of instruction by faculty members. So from her perspective,
rather than intensifying rigor the teaching staff sought to establish friendships with students that
proved detrimental to their academic advancement. She then connected it to institutionalized
racism and classism, because that this type of experience is often successfully orchestrated in
urban schools. Moreover, it is her assertion that the type of behaviors manifested by the
educational staff would never be done in a suburban or wealthier environment. Otherwise it
would be considered an epidemic. Yet, since this is happening throughout the history of this
country to children of color, she points to the fact that it must be a power structure in place
making sure that this trend is continuously manipulated throughout the span of time in this
country. From the opinion of the participant, it is cyclical and continues to establish the position
of those in power (who she defined as predominately white males).
The researcher asked the participant if she recalled the races of the teachers that she
perceived this treatment from. Her response revealed the following:
I definitely had teachers of all races. I had Asian teachers. I've had white teachers. I've
had African American teachers.

What differs in this narrative is that her perspective was not derived from teachers of a
particular race. It speaks to the larger issues of what she perceived as a detrimental approach of
urban school teachers who unknowingly or knowingly lean towards character building rather
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 79

than providing knowledge that will create a more equitable playing field. While it is important to
build character, Ladson-Billings (1992) speaks to a more effective approach that strengthens
African American students. She states that students need culturally relevant teaching that
definitely empowers them emotionally, but just as importantly intellectually, socially, and
politically as well (Ladson-Billings, 1992). Through this avenue, students are empowered to use
their own culture to make sense of their learning and world around them. It also promotes
students to be self-seeking, confident, and to become empowered and intellectual leaders.
Moreover, the participant lists a lack of accountability that is linked to what she felt was a
lack of rigor in learning. What is interesting is that the use of accountability has been connected
to state testing, yet the state or even district historically has not been held accountable for
providing the educational resources to see adolescents, such as the participant, be successful in
school (Ladson-Billing, 2007). It lends itself to the systematic oppression evidenced throughout
the history of this country. The status quo remains for students like her as African American
adolescent females, and there hasn’t been a momentous shift to eradicate the issue.
Trauma Exposure
Each participant had specific memories of trauma exposure and the effect it had on them.
All stated that the death of peers and exposure to violence became a normalized experience in
their adolescent years. For example, Participant One stated that growing up in the East Side of
Long Beach involved multiple traumatic experiences that she was able to vividly recall. Her
stories were filled with events fraught with danger that would impact any individual. The
narratives involve being called derogatory names, drugs and gangs ravaging homes and
communities:
Because there was a incident where I was still at [a middle school in Long Beach}, a
white guy called me a nigga and spit on me. We were having race riots, so you had to
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 80

kind of tell your family that ... that would get [my mom’s] reaction. Because I was getting
angry, so most of the time she was dealing with remorse of finding, "Your daughter got
another fight, 'cause I was at that time, I wasn't gonna be mistreated at school, so I
became a fighter. And I was like, "If anybody mistreat me, they call me a N, they look at
me crazy," and so here you have it like little girl, that just felt like the only way to do is
have this ... I became angry and decide what I would ... you know, if you say something, I
didn't care if you were African-American, you white whatever, I'm fighting. And so we
being raised ... these are kids that grew up in the same neighborhood that split when
drugs came apart. And so they started saying there was the 20s, the 20s and the Insanes.
And so they started ... Friends that I had known for years started feuding and shooting
each other and killing each other and so drugs use came ... kind of every day we would
go to bed, "Such and such got killed," and this started in my high school years. "Oh, such
and such died, he was in the wrong place". One of my closest friends, he was murdered in
a alley. We would go ... Oh stranger people 'cause Long Beach on the East side is very
small. So it would be a lot of things like, you go to sleep, the next day, "Oh, such and
such got killed." So there was a lot of gang violence and you could go to bed literally
hearing gun fire. Police, helicopters at night and then a lot of the girls started gang
banging or fighting a lot 'cause they went with the gang banger, and then they became
enemies or fighting or for a certain stuff, "'Cause I'm with such and such, he belongs to
this gang…I cried and it was like it became a social norm too, because at that time, so
many people were dying, we had to go to such and such funeral and we would go and we
would see somebody 16, 17 in a casket. We didn't know anything. And so, we would say
... and it was always a brother or a closest friend, and we would see the pain of the
parents, at a car wash or the parents try to get the money together to bury him and things
of that nature. And so, I think majority of the time, we would lean on each other and cry.

In one narrative, the participant brought to light the impact of growing up in an
urban environment. It was inclusive of becoming a fighter after being spat upon and called
multiple derogatory terms. Her reaction to behaviors and being called a word that have been
historically used to taunt and demean African Americans as a people were violent, emotional,
and reactive. It was her coping mechanism to literally fight against the racism that was prevalent
at her school. The participant also discussed the impact of the gang and drug epidemic in her
community. She witnessed friends and family being torn apart, and has vivid memories of
hearing shots pouring outside of her home as she laid in bed. Furthermore, the short and long
term effects of witnessing friends and peers lying dead in caskets as victims to gang violence is
life changing and shattering. It is understood that if one lives in urban communities they will be
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 81

prone to violence, and the results thereof, but there is a lack of proactivity to provide tools to
help students psychologically. As the participant stated, all she had was her peers and parent to
cry next to. There was a lack of assistance at the school level, although part of the trauma
occurred there.
Participant Two shared the following:
Okay. It's a lot of that. One big moment is the Latino gangs and black gangs used to get
into it every year. They would call them riots, right? That was the narrative from the
school district. They weren't riots, they were black gangs fighting Mexican gangs. One
year, it got really bad. The National Guard came there with guns. That's like a ... It's an
experience that I always downplayed until I got older. I was like, people were coming
through like, "Walk to class." Literally like this while we were walking to our
classrooms. That ain't normal. That's like war-torn country type activity.
At that time, I was just like, "Oh, this is so extra. Why are they doing this?" I didn't really
take it, you know what I mean? That was that experience. Also, that wasn't the first time I
had a gun in my face from like state authority. When I was seven, the police ran into our
house looking for somebody. Tore up the whole house. That was the first time I had a
gun to me. I guess the second time it wasn't really a big deal because it already happened
once and I was much younger. That's like, you get used to this kind of thing. I feel like if
some white kids or something happens at their school, they have fights all the time, no
national ... The National Guard showed up to our school. Not police in riot gear, the
National Guard. I don't even know how that happened or if that was even legal, but that is
what happened. Yeah, so stuff like that, and then just like having friends die. I feel like
that, when I was in middle school and stuff like that, it had never really happened, but
then when I was in high school people was getting killed. Two of my closest friends, they
weren't my close friends, I shouldn't say that, but we used to walk home together every
day, twins, and we literally walked home together the day they got killed. We walked,
their house was on one corner, mine was at the end of the block. We walked home
together, they started going to their house. I walked to my house, 20 minutes later, I hear
all this commotion and everything, their whole street is blocked off, cops everywhere,
their boyfriend was in the house and killed both of the twins. That kind of stuff just got, it
becomes too normal, I think. Of course that tore us up, but it was like, that's just the kind
of stuff that be happening over here, you know? The two, they were 15.

This account provides the image of a type of urban civil warfare not often spoken of, or
even alluded to, by those in the position of power. This African American woman’s description
of a childhood experience of soldiers coming to the school to restore order is something seen in
news outlets as they speak of international crisis and the potential intervention of the United
States. In this country, children of color have weapons used for war pushed in their face in an
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 82

educational environment as they are ordered to go to class. The fact that she stated that it was
something that she was used to speaks to the normalization of trauma and her ability to adapt to
environmental factors no child should have to. Something intrinsic within her went into survival
mode to assist her in moving forward despite the environmental factors that she dwelled in
during her academic endeavors. In comparison, historically African American females have had
to use the same type of survival mechanism of normalization to live and thrive in this country.
Whether the environment entailed being tormented, beaten, raped, and mutilated through
harrowing and nightmarish experiences, and other life altering and shattering events since being
stolen from the continent of Africa, the ancestors of the participant used the spirit of resiliency to
survive under conditions no other race or gender would experience.
Beyond the civil warfare that took place on the grounds of the urban school she attended,
the participant had to grapple with the senseless murder of peers. The example provided of her
African American female adolescent friends that she walked home with being killed moments
after she departed from them is severely unfortunate but relatable for many individuals who
attend urban schools. The normalization of violence by this participant speaks to a coping
mechanism meant for survival which also enabled her to continue to matriculate in an urban
environment. What also should not be ignored is the expectancy that these types of things happen
in certain communities. Moreover, what wasn’t mentioned by the participant was any type of
intervention by the school or district to provide tools to deal with traumatic experiences or the
emotional aspect of living and being educated in an area that these type of scenarios can occur.
There was no proactive measures on the part of those entrusted with the care and education of
this African American adolescent female in the academic arena.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 83

Participant Three, similar to the other participants, expressed her memories and reaction
to violence in the community she dwelled in.
I think that I was numb about it. I mean it was sad and I think that it was ... Your kind of
taken back when it hits close, but at the same time it wasn't like it wasn't expected. It was
kind of like the norm. It was kind of like the norm that these things take place and what
you had to do is you had to acknowledge, mourn it, grieve it, and then you had to be
resilient and bounce back and keep moving on with your life. That's how it is because it
was kind of like the norm. So you become, I think you become numb to it in a sense. I
think it's unfortunate, but that's the case.

Each participant spoke of the normalization and coping mechanism that ensued as a
response to violence. In a historical context, it mirrors the stories of countless African American
females throughout their time in this country who had to normalize the horrific occurrences they
experienced in life to move forward physically. Rather than wallow in self-pity or loathing, it
became something normalized and to some degree expected given their limited freedom (if they
were free at all). The numbness the participant speaks of is akin to the numbness of the slave
women who was stolen, raped, robbed of their children, and void of an ability to say no. It even
speaks to the modern era where the same types of senseless events are still happening. The
participants expectation of violence, and whole traumatic experiences, points to a survival
mechanism which triggers her, and so many people similar to her, to cope by minimizing the
significance of the negative happenings. A key element of PTSS is the unacknowledged grief
generationally that prevents internal healing and evidences itself in anger, frustration, and self-
destructive behavior. However, these women as adolescents were able to survive and thrive in
spite of unspoken trauma.
Response to Research Question Two: What are the various strategies that African
American females utilize to overcome these obstacles, and how are they interpreted
through the lens of Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome?
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 84

All participants shared common themes that aided in their ability to navigate the K-12
system in urban environments. It was inclusive of educators at their schools who evidenced a
sincere concern for their educational and social well-being. Moreover, every participant
exclaimed the importance of having access to college preparatory courses and extracurricular
activities that allowed them to be competitive academically in relation to other subgroups.
Additionally, all participants reflected on their resiliency that was built on the support of parents
and community members. It included examples of mothers who modeled strength and the ability
to maneuver through society without showing weakness or vulnerability, family members who
showed them consciously and/or unconsciously how to successfully navigate the educational
system, and community members who taught them about their culture and gave them a sense of
pride about their heritage.
The Importance of Caring Educators and Staff
Given the various disparities, a common theme for resiliency for these African American
women as adolescents were school staff and teachers who had a vested interest in their success
educationally and socially. When talking about the positive impact of a teacher, Participant One
discussed an African American female English teacher:
“…we had a female teacher named Ms. Don, that was very ... wanting females to be
better. So what I mean is that for the African-Americans to assimilate into Poly, she
didn’t want us to get lost and made sure that we become scholars. And she developed a
social club and it was called Black Onyx and she did a lot of things to instill in us who we
were. And she would give us quotes like, "The race is not given to the swift, but the one
that endures to the end." And she would start a class off like that and she had expectation
of us and then she would have her door open during lunch if we had any kind of problem.
Not every kid had that experience, but she would leave her door open. And she said,
"When are you going to do it yourself?" And she would question you while she was
teaching and her expectation was that she ruled with authority, but at the same time it was
love there. She was talking about college. So we became excited and then she made us
vice president. "You gonna be a scholar," and she would say, "You're a scholar." And
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 85

everything she would say I was like wow…she kept herself neat and professional and at
the same time you could look up to her”

What separated Participant One, and what allowed her to be resilient, from those who
sometimes take the road pushed by punitive teachers and counselor, are educators who did show
concern for her educational future, and spoke words of encouragement and empowerment. For
example, Participant One raved about a particular teacher who defined her and her peers as scholars
and provided a safe space for expression. The participant’s resiliency led her to an individual who
would counter prejudicial behavior (Evans-Winter, 2007). This particular teacher, who happened
to be an African American female, prodded students and had an expectation that they would learn,
be scholars, and go to college. This approach served as a counter-balance to earlier encounters that
were negative in nature. It appears that this was essential in changing the direction that was preset
for her based on her low academic placement by educators during elementary and secondary
school. Where before she felt “not smart” and describing herself as having “low self-esteem”
Participant One became empowered by that “wow” moment in the class of her English teacher. It
speaks to the caring attitude that teachers have, and how that affects the academic endeavors and
emotional well-being of African American female students under their tutelage (Evans-Winters,
2007). Once again, the participant speaks of the same types of encouragement that is inclusive of
someone who had a vested interest in them, and would watch over them, provide a safe haven, and
who had a sense of firmness and caring that she perceived that students were drawn to. Resiliency
and her ability to thrive seemed to be drawn from at least one memorable teacher who they can
have a positive relationship with (Evans-Winter, 2007).
Another factor mentioned by participants was what one participant described as having a
tribal environment. Participant Two described the following:
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 86

You know how I really like my high school? Because it was a positive environment. It
really was like a family feeling. Like even the people I really didn't like, we still kind of
see each other and be like, "You still family." Like we really do have like a family, like
they say. The teachers were very like, "Yo, auntie." We literally had a drunk teacher, I'm
sorry to say, but it was like your drunk auntie. You know what I mean? It was such a cool
family community, tribal environment that I just had a great time… they set a tone like,
how could you get a familial, "We at home." type of situation if they didn't foster it? We
played into it, but they had that feeling, you know what I mean? For example, Mr.
Brownly, rest in peace, he was like, the bangers, he would make sure they got on the bus,
like an uncle he would be like, "Y'all get on the bus." They'd used to try to hang out on
Market Street banging, or if I was late to school, he would be like, "What are you doing?"
They were just really ... They fostered that. Mr. Brownly was super ... Mr. Brownly was
definitely like everybody's uncle that made sure people were doing the right thing. They,
I would say it was because we had ... Oh, and black administrators because our principal
was black, our vice principal was black, all our counselors were black except for one, our
college prep person was black. What did I say? Principal, vice principal, college prep, all
the counselors except for one, they were all black. All the security guards was black.
Everybody was black on that campus.

The participants use of the word tribalism speaks to African civilizations before the
forced migration known as the middle passage. In Africa, tribes were united voluntarily, or by
force, to protect and nurture their civilization (Williams, 1987). Through this type of unity in this
great continent a progressiveness of ingenuity, technological advancement, progress and
strength unfolded that was not seen elsewhere throughout the world (Williams, 1987). The
participant’s use of the word “auntie”, or endearing story of the teacher who intervened on behalf
of the gangbangers to make sure they got on the public transportation safely, is also akin to the
structure of the interpersonal and tribal relationships in Africa (DeGruy, 2005). In spite of not
having a direct connection to the motherland, she was drawn to and prospered under the same
type of communal system in her secondary school. Moreover, she was comforted by the fact that
her administration mirrored her in color. It once again speaks to the familiarity one feels when
there is representation that an African American adolescent female can identify with.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 87

Access to College Preparatory Classes & Extracurricular Opportunities
Participant One discussed the tactic she used to garner information that would indelibly alter the
direction of her education. Through what she described as networking she was able to get the
information that would make her eligible for college entry.
I met a girl her name was Angela. Angela Glover could assimilate well with Caucasians
and so she would say, "Oh this is why you should take this," I didn't learn it from the
institution I was in. She's was saying, "This is how you get in college. You have to take
these courses." So I would talk to her and she would tell me the courses to take to get ...
in order to get, you need to be in this class and this class in order to get in college. This
was one of my peers because she was so advanced and she had taken all these classes and
she gave me a guide to Cal State Long Beach and introduced me to a program that they
had ran through the CSUs in our Career Center and she brought me in and by being
introduced there, then I got to understand how I would get into a four-year university in
my tenth grade year

The participant observed a peer that was navigating the educational landscape at their
urban school successfully. Through this friend she was able to identify the classes needed in high
school that would provide her the opportunity to become eligible for college. Interesting to note
was the participant’s understanding of the duality of her friend that evidenced an ability to adapt
to various cultures to gain knowledge and access to opportunities. Through this friendship, the
participant was able to learn about a program that directly linked her to a college that had an
outreach program at the high school she was attending. Due to this access to information, the
participant was able to take college preparatory classes and attend extracurricular activities that
would put her on the track for graduation and college eligibility. Critical Race Theory speaks to
the need of interest convergence due to cases like this where students are separated due to their
racial makeup. Fortunately, the participant was astute enough to be strategic so that she could
benefit from the programs that she was initially separated from.
The second participant stated that she was a competitive college application due to
having access to extracurricular opportunities not afforded to others.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 88

I actually did have some great opportunities at Inglewood, one, through the ASB class
and being the fact that I was in student government or whatever, we went to go meet Bill
Clinton. Now, I don't like his views and I don't feel the same way about the experience
then, but it's still the fact that I did it. When I was able to write about why I was chosen
and stuff for my schools, that was very good. For example, going to Spellman, everybody
had a 4.0. If I didn't have experiences that I had, like the whole Bill Clinton thing, I got in
on merit. I was able to get meritable experiences there. Also, we had an experience where
we were able to work with, what was that guy name? Greg Davis. They came to school,
took some students, we were able to do a presentation for him. I was able to write these
things down, and these are the things that helped me get into college.
Her narrative speaks about partaking in activities that provided an advantage, especially
given the disadvantages of attending a school in an urban community. This African American
woman was able to reflect and discuss how her grade point average was not at the competitive
level that would give her the opportunity to go to a particular college. However, because she was
able to partake in programs where through student government she could reach notable
individuals in politics it provided opportunities that gave her an advantage. In writing about her
experience she was able to stand out in spite of not having the academic prowess as other
applicants. It speaks to the importance of providing opportunities for students, and targeting
African American adolescent females who attend schools in urban communities, so that they can
have access to programs that will provide the exposure they need to be competitive
academically, especially when it is time to complete college applications. CRT calls for an
acknowledgment of the disadvantages that she as an African American adolescent female would
face, and seek to remedy the situation by providing opportunities such as this to create a more
equitable system.
The third participant also understood the necessity of being enrolled in advanced
placement classes in high school to become eligible and accepted into college:
I took honors classes and I took AP classes-But the AP classes were not on the level of
rigor that they should have been. I think they were just AP classes in name. I wasn't
required to take an AP test. So I took the AP classes so that I could get the AP acronym
on my transcripts, but I did not take any AP test. I knew I was doing it so that I can get to
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college. I got the knowledge that I needed AP classes from my brother and my cousin. I
used my brother as a ... And he did not directly tell me like, "This is exactly what you
need to do." I just knew, I just saw what he was doing and I did everything he did. And
we did have a College Center, but the College Center did not do outreach. So the College
Center didn't do presentations in classrooms, or call students out of class to meet them at
College Centers. The students would have to figure out that there was a College Center
on campus and the students would have to go to the college counselor to ask for specific
information.

Interesting to note is that the participant was aware that the advanced placement classes
were void of rigor, but was able to understand the value and necessity of the classes (even if only
in name). For her it was essential to have the classes listed on her transcript so that she would be
competitive as she completed and submitted college applications. Also, she acutely analyzed
what her older sibling and family members did academically and emulated it. The participant
pointed out the fact that there wasn’t a specific conversation with anyone centered on what to do
to be eligible for college, but there were role models that the participant could use as guides to
assist her in making the correct choices in her academic journey.
It is also important to note that there was a college center at her school, yet from her
perspective there was a lack of desire, on the part of that department, to actively recruit students
to give them information pertaining to college. The narrative reveals that students would have
had to serve as their own advocate if they wanted to be proactive about their post-secondary
plans. How many students, and for the purpose of this study African American adolescent
females, were prevented from even being eligible for college entry to a four year university or
college if they did not have a family member to indirectly guide their endeavor? For this
participant, the college preparatory courses were essential in her being accepted into college, and
thankfully there were individuals that she could look to to assist her as she matriculated through
her secondary school.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 90

Family and Community Involvement, Support, and Encouragement
The previous narratives highlight the advantage of having a support system of family and
community members to offer support and encouragement. Each participant’s matriculation
through the K-12 system was positively affected by their family and community inside and
outside of the school walls. For example, there was a fluidity in the manner that various
individuals in Participant One’s life supported her directly and indirectly.
“My father and mother ... my father was an African-American studies professor at Cal
State, Long Beach and my mother was a English teacher at [a suburban high school in
Los Angeles county], she was the first African-American teacher there at ABC. So at
home, both of my parents had expectation that you should be doing what you're supposed
to be doing in school.”

DeGruy (2005), when discussing PTSS states that one of the essential ingredient to not
succumb to the low expectations established by those in the position of authority is to have role
models that children of African descent can look to whom can help redefine what their futures
will be. Due to PTSS black children who are void of role models will often subconsciously
determine that their future is bleak, given the historical torment from those who enslaved and set
laws of oppression throughout America for generation. Given that reality, African American
adolescent females in urban schools would benefit from having family or community members
(inside and outside of the school) that have successfully matriculated through the school system
in secondary, and post-secondary education, that they can seek to emulate. For the participant her
parents, who were college educated, established that their daughter was supposed to be working
academically to do well. If not stated, her mother and father’s level of education established a
goal for the participant.
When discussing the influence of her mother, and what was modeled for her, Participant
One stated the following:
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My mother, because she worked, she couldn't always be there, because she had
expectation as well, she had to be at work and she was the kind that never missed. I never
knew my momma to be sick. No nothing, she never missed a day ever and so when we
had problems, she wasn't at our school site. So I really was ... it was all about me,
because she was providing 'cause my father and mother were not together. But my
mother never had to ... but she didn't really know of my struggle. I think, I masked it a
lot, but when I did have trouble, it became unbearable and painful. I saw like my mom
got up every day. She had this thing about work, a work ethic no one ... she was amazing,
and like I said never sick, always pushing herself, got her degree…

The participant’s narrative mirrors the story of the black woman in America since
entering this country after being violently kidnapped from Africa. The participant’s mother was
the first black person to be hired in a school district located in the suburbs of Los Angeles,
California. Therefore, the participant noted that her mother was unable to be physically present
to intercede on her daughter’s behalf because she didn’t want to miss a day of work. Moreover,
the participant states that she didn’t remember a time when her mother was sick due to her
working to provide for her family. This is the story of the black woman. Her mother’s strength
and sacrifice mirrors the black female mother who was enslaved who sacrificed her pain to
strengthen her female child who she knew would indubitably suffer the same fate as her. It is the
same as the black mother who left for work early in the morning faithfully each day during the
Jim Crow era to enter the back door of the home of the white family she would serve from sun
up to sundown. It is the same today, as African American women sacrifice the comfort of home,
or school visits to check on the status of their adolescent daughters, so that they can provide
financially for their child. The sacrificial nature of the black mother, and the mothers before her,
provided a framework that is emulated by the generations that proceed them. What the
participant witnessed taught her how to persevere even when there were innumerable challenges.
That was key in helping the participant continue to strive for college, even though her narrative
revealed teachers and counselors who sought to destroy the long term vision she had for her life.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 92

Unfortunately, it also taught her to hold in pain rather than seek the healing needed to be well
emotionally.
Similar to Participant One, Participant Two also discussed how her mother played a key
role in her educational attainment.

I always knew that like, it's crazy because for some people, school is where they get all
their education. For me, school was where I had the most fun. I had a lot of education at
home. I got a lot of education on the weekends. My education, I never view my education
and what I know as my school experience. That's part of my experience. Even if you hear
me talk, a lot of it is social, what I tell you. Because I don't like, school was not my
educational experience. I got education, it was 24 hours from my mother, absolutely. I
got a lot of super, super all the time from her. Then she would take me to places and
connect me with like, I used to go to the African-American Cultural Center and I learned
there, she would take me there. We even had teachers on campus that would do things off
campus that my mom had me involved in. We had a teacher named Ms. Raul, her and
her husband would do kind of like education, just more like life education. My mom had
me connected to them.

The mother of the second participant provided the education her daughter’s school failed
to produce. Although the participant loved the social aspect of her schooling, inclusive of the
tribalism, the learning occurred outside the walls of the school. Her mother was purposeful in
using the lived experience of her daughter to help her grow in her identity and culture. The
participant was able to grow in knowledge about her heritage, which strengthened her voice
when facing oppression in school. The participants boldness as an adolescent, for example, in
secondary school to confront the teacher about her disrespect of students, directly correlates to
the strength within her that was nurtured by her mother. The strategic nature of the mother
allowed her African American daughter to also connect to teachers on campus that would sow
into her life beyond academics. To combat the effects of PTSS, the participant’s mother used
what DeGruy (2005) calls positive racial socialization and surrounded the participant as an
adolescent with family and community members who instilled in her “…coping mechanisms and
skills necessary to survive and thrive in such an environment” like the urban school she attended
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(p. 164). This was a necessity given that CRT calls for individuals to challenge the ideology
pushed by those in the position of power, even if they are educators. Due to her upbringing and
support system, an adolescent African American female was able to rise up and challenge those
who sought to oppress her.
Participant One and three had to be resourceful to attain the knowledge needed for
college, because those who were charged with dispensing the information at their schools failed
to do so. The first participant gleaned knowledge from a peer in her school community to learn
about college preparatory courses, and the third participant looked to her older sibling and cousin
who also attended high school at the same time she did. Her account is as follows:
I got the knowledge that I needed AP classes from my brother and my cousin. I used my
brother as a ... And he did not directly tell me like, "This is exactly what you need to do."
I just knew, I just saw what he was doing and I did everything he did.

CRT speaks to the fact that the combination of class and race are the building blocks for
oppression (Solorzano and Yasso, 2002). Therefore Participant Three counteracted the systemic
oppression at her school by using the village that surrounded her to reclaim power. Using her
brother and cousin as guides, she self-advocated and got the classes she needed. It was her
resiliency that led her to seek a solution, and it was the presence of family members her age
whom she could trust that assisted her in reaching the goal she set for herself.
The second participant also discussed how her community served as a source of
affirmation in a time where she was still being molded into who she was to become:
Like my outside of school part, like when I cheered. The Athens part, the family, like the
football family, I felt like that's what kept me connected when I was trying to be whiter,
trying to be Mexican, because that was my school, I still had to come over here and chill,
and that's where everything was back to real. I never was able to get too far away, or start
feeling any type of way. Even I told you the little boys didn't like me there because there
was no other black girls, but when I came to the park there were boys liking me here, you
know what I mean? It was like everything will always bring me back because I had to be
there several days a week. I don't know, we would be there like three days a week and
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then games on Saturday. Then, just being over at East Side to my uncle's house, so that
part, I feel like almost like a hood experience. I'm glad I got to have that, because if not I
probably would have identity issues before I got back, even if I didn't do that, I may not
have even had the desire to be like, "Momma, get me away from these white people and
take me to a black school." I was around black people enough to know, "This is where
I'm supposed to be at. This is not working out over here." If I didn't have that experience,
how would I have anything to compare it to?

It is important to note the impact the community had on this participant as an adolescent.
In a time where the participant was trying to ascertain who she was, especially given the
population that she was surrounded with at school that did not mirror her image, there was a need
for positive relationships within her own ethnicity. It came in the form of being around other
individuals who looked like her and who also affirmed her as an African American adolescent
female. It voided feelings of insecurity or doubt in the areas of her physical beauty and power as
a person of African descent. She was able to find her voice, which is a basic component of Black
Feminist Theory. The participant was able to decipher how she was going to define herself,
increase her self-value by interacting with other African American adolescents, and find the
words to articulate the necessity of being around other black children in an academic arena just
by being exposed to her community in a controlled and positive environment. It would also
manifest in her ability to stand up against the oppression of teachers and various types of
systemic oppression during her high school journey.
At the end of each interview, participants were invited to provide a closing message that
they wanted to send to those who would read the study. Each participant spoke on issues ranging
from the pain of being a black woman in America, the need for black womanhood education
embedded in K-12 schools’ curriculum due to the public health crisis surrounding African
American women and adolescents, and the overall resiliency of black women.
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Participant One: it's been a pleasure interviewing and it brought back some of these
memory and also it was very painful because I realize where I am today, but it was good
for me to go through that because it gave me insight of what females may be or women,
African-American women may be going through right now, but we carry a lot of
baggage, and I have co-workers that are in my same age group, and we have
conversations every day and it seems they're in so much pain. And they're working and
they have made advancement, they are in administrative position, but with that they held
baggage and feel in life they have been dealt with racism, that they're working twice as
harder than the next person. That if they mess up, that's the end of their job, their
profession. So, in order to keep their job, they have to do certain things, act a certain way,
but they see co-workers that get away with all these kind of things, and they are allowed
to remain in their job and no one scrutinizes them. But it seems like for African-
American women, that there's this big magnifying glass, and if we step out of line, if we
do anything, we better not show and be the louder ... and the voice, the tone. A lot of the
stimulation part that I do is I change my tone, because I've heard others say, "Oh, she's
aggressive." And one time I was working on coaching how I talk to people, because my
assertiveness that came off that I was angry, and a lot of parents were saying that and I'm
like, "What? I was just explaining what it is, I'm explaining, giving them detail," but then
they thought I was trying to be mean, obnoxious and show them my power. And so, I
have to learn how to coach my words is what I call it. So, I've been through a lot as a
black woman, so, that's it.
Participant Two: I have a kick where I'm all about the black babies and the infant
process and the pregnancy process, so when we talking about these traumas and what
happens in education and all that, even our high school and middle school, our K through
12 experiences prepare us for what we will be like, not just even just as mothers, but in
our pregnancy process. You learn certain values and certain ways you look at yourself
and certain things you think about during that process. I do feel like if you are in an
environment that's ... Even in an all black environment, you really don't get a black
womanhood perspective. It's missing on the white side and the black side. I feel like we
can actually, because there is a high health disparity with pregnant black women. Black
women lose their babies at two times higher rate than any other racial-ethnic group. And
our babies also come out premature two times higher. That's a public health crisis, right?
But it doesn't get looked at. We don't even see it like that because we don't understand it,
but if there is some type of influence of black womanhood that you can get, and I feel
like that's important…especially with this new model in education about finding yourself,
everything is about self-exploration, whatever. If there is a public health crisis about
black women having babies and what happens to black women when they have babies,
that's something that needs to be a part of self ... Like knowing self and body, like there is
not a lot of agency over our bodies. Our bodies are so like, it's such a big topic for
everybody everywhere, even with sexualization. All of that plays into getting pregnant
too, what happens after your pregnant. It plays into why some women don't breastfeed.
That's a big thing, and you learn all those things about your body when you're in K
through 12 age. It's kind of off the subject, but I feel like it's important. I am actually, I've
been working on trying to do something. It's not a good sell. Every time you come in
education and you say, "I'm doing something black." First of all, it's discriminatory. If the
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Asian, or the white, or the Latino students can't come into it, it's already not a good idea.
But if there is a public health crisis, then there is a reason why it should be explored. I
want to get something like that into the schools, but conversations typically get shut
down when you say that it's focused black, but it needs to be focused black because it has
to be cultural relevant, because only black women are having this crisis. Nobody else is,
so ... And I want to have these conversations starting from K on a very menial level, just
having agency over your body at that age, and then as you get older start talking more
about sexuality and what happens and how you got to take care of your body, what
happens in the womb, what tampons do. We don't have none of that kind of
conversations, and then we just be miscarrying babies and all that and we don't
understand why. It just is what it is for us.
Participant Three: I think that African American women are the most resilient on the
planet in terms of humanity. And I think that also those women of African descent who
are descendants of enslaved people are specifically resilient. And I think that it is because
there's a legacy of culture that has been passed down and maintained in spite of
hardships. So I would say personally that one ... One thing that was passed down is
resourcefulness and creativity. And at the same time I feel like that ... That is the reason
why African American women are able ... The ones that are exceptional and the ones that
are able to break free of negative stereotypes is because of that legacy… I think that
without being aware the women in my family from my mom, to my aunties, to my
cousins, and everybody around me have always exuded a sense of confidence, and of
service, and being service oriented, and have been outspoken and passionate.

Conclusion

This chapter revealed the findings from the narratives of three African American women
who reflected on their experiences matriculating through K-12 schools in urban environments.
From the analysis of each interview, three captivating themes emerged that assisted in
understanding the factors that increased their resiliency and ability to graduate and thrive. In this
chapter their resiliency was attributed to caring teachers and staff members, access to college
preparatory courses and extracurricular activities embedded in the school, and family and
community members to support them as they grew into their black womanhood. It also revealed
the silent pain, frustration, and above all strength of African American females that have had to
hold the heaviness of systemic oppression more than any other group in this country. However,
through the lens of Black Feminist Theory they were allowed to boldly speak their truth through
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their counter-narratives, and not have the weight of defending what they know to be true.
Moreover, by expressing their relationship and problem with the oppressiveness of their
educational experience in the K-12 urban school arena, each African American woman revealed
their growth and empowerment which enabled them to fight against the conditions that sought to
remediate them (an element of Resistance for Liberation). Chapter five offers further discussion
of the findings, and recommendations for institutional improvement in the educational setting, as
well as further research.

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CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY
Despite historical and modern trauma, through horrendous atrocities and systemic
oppression, African American females have survived by using various strategies throughout their
history in this country. Even in the educational setting, this subgroup has to evidence resiliency to
fight against a system that was not built with them in mind, nor changed to meet their specific
needs. So in order to understand the factors that contribute to African American adolescent females
being resilient as they matriculate through K-12 schools, especially in urban communities, it was
essential to ascertain the supporting components that African American women, by reflecting,
stated assisted them during their adolescent years. With that purpose in mind, the researcher used
the following research questions to guide her study:
1. How do AA women articulate their experience in relationship to the historical and
current marginalization imposed upon them under the educational and social
system created by colonization?
2. What are the various strategies that African American females utilize to overcome
these obstacles, and how are they interpreted through the lens of Post Traumatic
Slave Syndrome?
The narratives from each participant revealed that these individuals experienced what most
African American students in urban schools undergo: punitive measures by educators and staff
who seek to bring students under their subjugation, curriculum that lacks rigor and which fails to
prepare African American adolescent females to achieve post-secondary goals or power held by
the minority, and violent occurrences in their community. All these factors connected these women
to African American adolescent females who experience trauma exposure, PTSD, and PTSS
genetically which is felt from adolescence well into adulthood.
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Despite the systemic oppression meant to limit the potential of African American
adolescent females (with the goal of them remaining powerless to change society as a whole) there
were key ingredients that provided a counter-balance to mainstream society’s vendetta. It was
inclusive of caring educators and staff who made a conscious decision to support, advocate, and
propel students academically, socially, and emotionally. The access to college preparatory classes
and extracurricular activities were also needed to provide a more equitable opportunity for this
subgroup. Lastly, the family and community support allowed each individual to grow into their
identity, and find the power to fight back, literally and figuratively, against those who were placed
in positions of power who consciously or subconsciously sought to limit the power of African
American adolescent females.
Findings
The resiliency of African American adolescent females can be attributed to tribunal
communities, extracurricular opportunities afforded to them in educational settings and
neighborhoods they dwell in, strong maternal figures, families, and role models. The reality for
this subgroup underlies the fact that living and attending schools in urban communities often
entails various types of traumatic experiences. Therefore, while daunting, proactive measures on
the part of schools, families, and community members can increase the resiliency of African
American female students, and provide opportunities that will empower and prepare them for
post-secondary education and careers. Each woman interviewed spoke of individuals at school
who sought to uplift or provide the knowledge needed to align them in a way that created better
opportunities academically, socially, and emotionally. Also, access to college preparatory classes
and extracurricular activities provided the competitive edge needed to combat the disadvantages
that going to an urban school entails. Each individual was also able to meet the requirements for
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college entry, and be accepted, because they all took college preparatory or advanced placement
classes, and participated in sponsored activities. Moreover, the example provided for these
African American adolescent females by strong maternal figures, family members, and
community members were crucial in helping them form their identity as a person of African
descent, and grow in resiliency to fight against oppressive regimes that have been historically
placed in schools and communities that house children of color.
Caring Educators and Staff
The narratives of each participant consisted of stories about women and men who were
given the task of educating them. For the most part, the rigor that would make them academically
competitive in college was void, but what was manifested was the nurturing and communal
environment needed for each African American adolescent female to positively grow socially and
emotionally. Each educator that had a positive effect on them as adolescents were African
American and purposeful in developing in them a sense of belonging. It was inclusive of
affirmations and encouragement to keep moving forward even in the midst of obstacles, and also
a safe space to decompress and express their emotional needs and concerns. This provided a tribal
community akin to the earliest civilizations in the continent of Africa. As their ancestors met in
circles to be educated by griots and wise teachers, the participants thrived, and began having a
belief that they could achieve, when they were able to be developed by nurturing and concerned
educators. When faced with challenges, history speaks of the ancestors who were able to meet in
a specified location in the village to talk through their concerns, which was mirrored in the stories
of the participants. The reality is that tribal environments created a sense of belonging that was an
essential ingredient of resiliency as they matriculated through various schools during their K-12
experience.
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It is interesting to note that the literature analyzed African American adolescent females’
reaction to violence, such as the manifestation of PTSD and its effects thereafter (Horowitz, Weine,
and Jekel, 1995; Fitzpatrick and Boldizar, 1993; Farrel and Bruce, 2010; Gorman-Smith, Henry,
and Tolan, 2004; Giaconia, Reinherz, Silverman, etc., 1995; Hill and Madhere, 1996), or their
response to structural and cultural threats (Steele, 1997) which had or would cause a rise or decline
in academic performance. However, there was a lack of literature that connected African American
female well-being to supports that were communal in nature. What this study exposes is the
positive response of African American adolescent females when the academic environment, and
the educational staff and administrators use proactive measures to create a familial environment
that embraces, encourages, and supports the cultural and emotional development of this particular
subgroup. It is through this decolonized paradigm, where the problem and solution is placed on
the educational institution, rather than on the backs of African American adolescent females, that
provides a strong counter-narrative to long held beliefs centered on the misfortune or problematic
behavior of this subgroup. Community violence, unfortunately, is a part of most urban students’
experiences, but proactivity on the part of the school community can foster and encourage strong
and resilient African American female adolescent students.
Access to College Preparatory Classes & Extracurricular Activities
Each participant had different experiences attaining and participating in college
preparatory classes and extracurricular activities. One important thing to note is the avenues the
participants had to partake to even get the classes that would make them college eligible. Through
mirroring family members and peers they were able to self-advocate to inquire, petition, and be
enrolled in college preparatory classes. Without examples from those around them, each
participant could have potentially been denied the opportunity to be eligible for college entry. The
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literature speaks to the historical significance of a lack of access to quality education when slaves
were narrowly educated so that the slave master could have docile, obedient, and appreciative
slaves (Allison, 1995). At other times laws were enacted that prohibited people who were enslaved
from reading, because those in power knew that the more educated people of African descent were,
it would increase their financial standing. Moreover, the literature spoke to discriminatory
practices that led to the “separate but equal” educational laws that were in existence for decades
(Lucey, 2003) which created inferior schooling (Berrey, 2009). The findings reveal the necessity
of holding K-12 educational institutions accountable for mandating that this subgroup be enrolled
in college preparatory courses, and supported academically (through funding earmarked for
tutorial services, extracurricular opportunities, internships, and collegiate services, as well as other
resources) to create an equitable educational experience for African American adolescent females.
Family and Community Involvement, Support, and Encouragement
Every participant was able to articulate the importance of having family and community
involvement as they matriculated through the K-12 system in urban schools. It played a major role
in defining who they were individually, as well as their ability to survive and thrive in the
educational system. Through words and action, the women they looked up to modeled resiliency
and a determination to push back against society’s goal of paralyzing the advancement of them
and their children. They taught their daughters the power of a strong work ethic, the strength to
fight against injustices, and to seek knowledge beyond the confines of the school walls. It connects
to Berrey’s (2009) research which provides various example of the historic systemic oppression
of bussing and the legal separate but equal educational system in this country that provided the
unspoken evidence of society’s attempt to place people of African descent in a position of a lower
status hierarchically; however it was the Black family that made a conscious decision to uplift their
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own children rather than wait for the educational system to do so. It correlates with Gonzalez,
Cauce, Friedman, & Mason’s (1996) research that states that a strong maternal figure strengthens
the opportunity for high academic achievement of adolescents in high risk neighborhoods. The
support of family was instrumental for all participants, because the adults in their home provided
a safe haven and resting place that sheltered them from the oppressive and traumatic experiences
in the school and community in which they dwelled. It is the repetition of history by way of a
strong family, in spite of PTSS, that is still seen in modern times that gives a higher level of
resiliency for African American adolescent females that have strong support systems in place. It
also connects to Gorman-Smith, Henry, and Tolan’s (2004) research that states that females who
are exposed to violence rarely react in the same violent manner when raised in exceptionally
functioning homes. Each participant had a home environment where they were nurtured, while
also having role models in their extended family that were productive citizens that had a vested
interest in their adolescent’s well-being.
As an extension, the support from those in their environment was also a source of
upliftment. Each African American woman interviewed provided specific experiences that
conveyed the necessity of community support within the school environment at every level, as
well as the benefits of it outside the academic environment. There were stories that exposed how
opportunities provided for them (such as internships and college preparatory programs that were
brought to their schools from outside agencies) let them as African American adolescent females
be competitive when it was time to apply to colleges. Moreover, through discourse with others
from outside their community they were given exposure to understand, at a macro-level, what
connects or disconnect them from society at large. It was inclusive of learning the fundamental
need for duality. Although one should be able to operate without having to vary their persona, and
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perhaps who they are culturally to thrive personally and professionally, each understood the
necessity of doing so. As Participant One, two, and three were able to articulate, it is a requirement
for advancement. Their journey of changing the way in which they talked to particular groups, or
acted in certain environments, exposes an essential coping mechanism in American society. It
connects to DuBois (1903) literature about double consciousness, and how that knowledge impacts
African American adolescent females’ interactions and way of being in society. What leveled the
heaviness of duality was the ability to decompress and express themselves freely to those in their
community and home who could relate to the struggle and power of being an African American
female.
Recommendations for Practice
There are three recommendations for practice:
1. There is a need for mandatory culturally responsive training and accountability for teachers
that educate children in urban communities. It is inclusive of mandating teachers to learn about
and use the culture of all students in their classes to elevate learning in a manner that increases
student-led learning and active participation that empowers adolescents. That is the priority of
culturally responsive teaching (Ladson-Billing, 1999). Moreover, it has to shift the power
dynamic away from the teacher, such as in a dictatorship, to a more engaging and warm class for
learning and development academically, socially, and emotionally. These professional
developments and accountability measures must be on-going. It is imperative to monitor and
hold teachers, staff members, and administration accountable for all subgroups academic, social
and emotional well-being while in the academic environment.
2. There is a need for purposeful placement of African American female adolescent students into
college preparatory classes and programs. It is essential in providing a more equitable
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 105

opportunity for this particular subgroup who are educated in urban schools that often lack the
rigor needed to be competitive against students from other environments. Being in college
preparatory courses will meet the needs of African American female adolescent students who
need to achieve eligibility requirements, and be competitive, when applying to various colleges.
This grouping can begin in kindergarten and continue as they matriculate through the educational
system. It would be beneficial to also provide opportunities for cultural awareness and
development programs that is tailored for African American girls, tutoring, college access
programs, business and political internships, and mentorship programs embedded in schools at
every level of their development.
3. Support systems play a key role in the resiliency of African American adolescent females.
There needs to be an increase in support and avenues for active parent participation from the
educational system. Given that there are African American parents that seek to be proactive in
their daughter’s life, the school at every level has the responsibility to provide opportunities for
them to be involved and have a voice in decision and policy making (even when unable to be at
the school physically). Moreover, there needs to be recognition on the part of the school and
district in applauding role models in the home and community in order to shift the narrative that
claims that parents and community members fail to meet the needs of their students. In other
cases, parenting classes and community involvement, that is researched based to increase cultural
development and resiliency in the lives of African American female adolescent students, need to
be mandated and funded. To that end, school districts must be proactive in forming partnerships
with community based organizations that provide evidence of positive support and enrichment in
the lives of African American adolescent females. These steps will be essential in moving the
resiliency of this subgroup in a positive trajectory on a much larger level.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 106

Recommendations for Further Research
There is a need for further research to study proactive measures within urban educational
environments and communities that allow African American adolescent females to have a safe
space for expression and healing. The normalization of violence exposure and other types of
trauma, while a coping mechanism, continues the lineage of Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome that
is internally and externally debilitating. There is danger in silent suffering that is too familiar in
the lived experiences of African American females. It is important for this subgroup to gain
strategies that alleviates the heaviness of double consciousness and the need for duality at school
and in society at large.
Moreover, in a larger sense, there also needs to be an analysis of the power of tribalism
that allows communal connections that may increase the resiliency of this subgroup, while
decreasing the effects of trauma on this population. By researching the types of communities that
their ancestors thrived in in the continent of Africa, and even schools in this country that uses
this particular style, and emulating it in a controlled setting can potentially expose the type of
academic environments that are beneficial academically, socially, and emotionally for African
American female students.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the resiliency of African American adolescent females who matriculate
through the K-12 system in urban communities is phenomenal given the historic and modern
systemic oppression which continuously sought and still seeks to limit the power and upward
mobility of this subgroup. In spite of being stolen from the continent of Africa, enslaved, raped,
tortured, brutalized, and many other abhorrent actions against them throughout time, African
Americans remain a source of strength and resilience. It is the communal nature of tribalism that
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 107

connects this subgroup to caring educators and staff, who in turn assists in giving them the
strength to fight against oppression, and to demand a more equitable educational environment
and voice in the school setting. Lastly, it is the fortitude of the maternal figures and community
members that support the cultural development of their adolescent identities that gifts African
American adolescent females true resiliency in spite of those in power who seek to remediate
them.

THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 108

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Appendix A
Information Sheet for Exempt Research

University of Southern California
Information Sheet for Research

The Resiliency of African American Adolescent Females in the Face of Trauma Exposure

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Mrs. Tiffany Bunn at the University of
Southern California. Please read through this form and ask any questions you might have before deciding
whether or not you want to participate.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This research study aims to give a voice to African American females as they provide insight on
mechanisms that they used to matriculate through urban K-12 educational settings. Their
perception of their educational endeavors, through a decolonized lens, will provide an
understanding of their perceived barriers, as analyzed through Critical Race Theory (CRT) and
Black Feminist Theory (BFT) theoretical lens, as well as provide insight on tools used in
opposition to systematic oppression.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you agree to take part in this study, you will be asked to answer background questions about yourself,
and ten open-ended questions. The process will take approximately one hour to complete in a location of
your choice in the Greater Los Angeles area. You do not have to answer any questions you don’t want to.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $25 Visa Gift Card.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential. At the
completion of the study, direct identifiers will be destroyed and the de-identified data may be used for
future research studies. If you do not want your data used in future studies, you should not participate.

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection
Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to protect the
rights and welfare of research subjects.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Mrs. Tiffany Bunn at
tiffanrb@usc.edu and (310) 467-5844.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the research
in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone independent of
the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB), 3720 South
Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 116

Appendix B

Interview Protocol and Questions

Interview Protocol
Hello. Thank you for meeting with me today. Before we begin, I wanted to introduce myself and tell you
about my study. My name is Tiffany Bunn, a doctoral student at USC, and an educator for fourteen years.
My experience has exclusively been the educational potential for urban youth in secondary schools, with
an emphasis on the well-being and academic advancement of African American female students.

The purpose of my study is to understand the complexity and varying degrees of African
American female resiliency historically and in modern society. Specifically, in modern
society I want to hear various perspectives on the coping mechanisms used by AA
females while matriculating through the K-12 urban educational system. To that end it
promotes the need to understand and analyze the experiences, and coping mechanisms, of
African American females who personally have completed elementary and secondary
education in urban public school settings.
I will ask that you recall personal experiences, interactions, and thoughts concerning
African American females and your own school experiences. Your participation in this
research study (or non-participation) will not in any way affect your relationship with me.

Please feel free to share whatever you wish during this interview. If you would rather not
respond to a particular question, simply say, “I pass”. At any time you may excuse
yourself from the interview without consequences of any kind.

Now, before we get started, do you have any questions regarding the information I just
explained to you?

All right, then let’s get started with a few questions about your background.

Interview Questions
1. Background Questions
a. Where did you grow up?
b. Where did you attend elementary through high school?
c. What is your highest level of education?
d. How would you describe your identity?
e. Based on this description, what effect (if any) did it have on you?
f. If you were to reflect on your journey through elementary through high school
using the lens of your identity, what do you feel were the perceptions of you from
teachers when you had personal encounters with them?
g. What strategies, if any, did you use as you matriculated through the K-12 system
based on what you believed others thought of you?
h. What strategies, if any, did you use as you matriculated through the K-12 system
based on what you believed about yourself?
THE RESILIENCY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT 117

2. The history of black women includes the horrors of slavery. AA women endured back
breaking labor, were used for breeding to replenish their slave quota, sexually exploited,
and raped. From your perspective, and experience, what types of long term effects, if any,
do you think this has had on AA females?
3. On a scale of 1 to 10, with ten being the highest, how would you rate the level of barriers
towards your education in elementary, middle, and high school? Also, provide specific
examples that factored into the scores you give.
4. What do you perceive was the short and long-term goal of education established for you
by school administrators and teachers in elementary, middle, and high school? What was
the level of expectation set for you at school versus your home environment? What was
your response?
5. Black mothers are known for making statements such as “Don’t go in that store acting
like you ain’t got no sense!” In comparison, some believe that Caucasians seem to allow
their children to have a level of freedom not seen in black communities. How was your
personal childhood experience similar to and/or different from the childhood of many
white and black families seen on social media and/or in real life?
6. One thing that a lot of urban youth experience is community violence. Can you provide a
narrative of your personal experience living in an urban community, combined with
exposure to violence, while matriculating through the K-12 educational system in Los
Angeles county?
7. How were you, as an African American adolescent female, impacted by your experiences
while matriculating through the K-12 educational system, given the views from others
and societal issues that were prominent in your community?
8. Two stereotypes made towards AA women are that they are loud and ghetto. Should AA
women seek to reconstruct their behavior to assimilate in a specified manner to meet the
standards imposed by society?
9. In our current society, AA females bear witness to various types of racial discrimination.
Can you please talk about your earliest personal experience that you can recall with racial
discrimination? What coping mechanisms, if any, did you use in reaction to it?
10. If you could write a script for a movie, or use another artistic medium, about your
educational attainment and well-being in the K-12 system that you matriculated and
graduated from, what would be the storyline? Based on your life, would there be a happy
ending? Please explain
11. Based on the conversation we just had, is there anything you would like to share with me
before we end the conversation?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The United States of America's use of systemic oppression entails the generational cycle of separate but unequal K-12 educational institutions for children of color. For African American adolescent females, it continues the historical pattern that denies this subgroup the right to be educated equitably in a county whose past speaks of the torture, deeply inhumane treatment, and pure evil legally garnered toward this subgroup. In spite of laws meant to subject African American females to positions of inferiority, or various types of traumatic exposure, this subgroup continues to evidence coping mechanisms that help them survive and thrive in the educational system that was not created or adjusted for their educational or social-emotional benefit. Therefore, this study uses the narratives of African American women to analyze the tools used in adolescence as they matriculated through, and successfully navigated the K-12 system in urban communities. The utilization of Critical Race Theory, Black Feminist Theory, and a decolonized paradigm ushered the voices of the participants to express their truths, and revealed the following factors that aided in their academic, social, and emotional growth and resiliency: caring teachers and staff members, access to college preparatory and extracurricular opportunities, and family and community involvement, support, and encouragement. By examining the resiliency of African American adolescent females in urban K-12 schools, the researcher is able to provide recommendations for policies and practices in academic institutions that serve African American adolescent females, and to propose recommendations for further research.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Bunn, Tiffany Roshelle (author)

Core Title The resiliency of African American adolescent females in the face of trauma exposure

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 10/16/2018

Defense Date 10/15/2018

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag adolescent females,African American,OAI-PMH Harvest,resiliency,trauma exposure

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hinga, Briana (committee chair), Green, Alan (committee member), Kirkwood, Kirk (committee member)

Creator Email tiffanrb@usc.edu,tiffanybunn13@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-77317

Unique identifier UC11672301

Identifier etd-BunnTiffan-6845.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-77317 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-BunnTiffan-6845.pdf

Dmrecord 77317

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Bunn, Tiffany Roshelle

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Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

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