Started from the bottom, now you’re where?: A close look at the development of holistic success within the trajectories of the VIP Scholars program’s Black alumnae

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Content Running head: STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 1

Started From the Bottom, Now You’re Where?: A Close Look at the Development of Holistic
Success Within the Trajectories of the VIP Scholars Program’s Black Alumnae
Ameinah Thomas

A Thesis Presented to the
Faculty of the USC Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Education

May 2019

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Table of Contents

Chapter One: Introduction ……………………………………………….…………………. p. 3-9

Chapter Two: Literature Review ………………………………….……………………... p. 10-21
Overview of Existing Literature ..…………………………………………………… p. 10
Discussion of Relevant Studies…………………………………………… p. 10-11
Black Women in Higher Education ……………………………………… p. 11-13
College Access …………………………………………………………… p. 13-18
Student Involvement in Higher Education ………………………………. p. 18-19
Discussion of Theoretical Framework ...………………………………… p. 20-21

Chapter Three: Research Design and Methods ………………………………………….. p. 22-28
Research Methods, Site Selection, Sampling & Data Collection ………………... p. 22-24
Data Analysis …………………………………………………………….. p. 24-25
Role of the Researcher & Researcher Bias/Trustworthiness …………………….. p. 25-27
Limitations …………………………………………………………………... p. 27
Ethics …………………………………………………………………….. p. 27-28

Chapter Four: Presentation of Data ……………………………………………………... p. 29-59
Summary of Participant Biographies …………………………………………….. p. 29-31
Participant Biographies …………………………………………………………... p. 32-36
Collective Trends ………………………………………………………………… p. 36-50
Trend One: Holistic Success ……………………………………………... p. 37-41
Trend Two: Educational/Career Goals ..………………………………… p. 42-45
Trend Three: Support (Prior to & During College) ...…………………… p. 45-49
Part One: Prior to College ………………………………………. p. 45-48
Part Two: During College ……………………………………….. p. 48-49
Trend Four: Program Impact on Undergraduate Experiences …………. p. 49-50
Current Path Development ………………………………………………. p. 50-52
Additional Program Value ………………………………………………. p. 52-58
Closing Thoughts………………………………………………………………… p. 58-59

Chapter Five: Conclusion ………………………………………………………………... p. 60-67
Presentation & Summary of Findings …………………………………………… p. 61-64
Political & Policy-Geared Implications …………………………………………. p. 64-66
Implications for Research & Practice …………………………………………… p. 66-67
Concluding Thoughts …………………………………………………………… p. 67-68

Works Cited ……………………………………………………………………………… p. 69-70

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Chapter One: Introduction
First generation college students (FGCS) and other underrepresented populations of
students tend to need the most help with college access and retention. According to the U.S.
Department of Education, National Center for education Statistics (NCES), in 2011 the data
showed that first-year full-time college students who were registered for studies at four-year
public higher education institutions showed an average retention rate of 79% but this rate ranged
from 61% to 95% depending on the school’s selectivity (Wibrowski, Matthews & Kitsantas,
2017). Additionally, on average one out of three first year students do not return for their second
year and retention rates for first-year students of color are a concern for higher education
institutions, as these students often finish at lower rates; calling for the need of programs that
provide support and increase retention for students of color. Very rarely are the needs of FGCS
related to inabilities, but instead these students are affected by systemic oppression and other
intangible outliers that cause them to face more barriers and challenges than their second
generation and beyond counterparts (Allen, 1992; Próspero & Vohra-Gupta, 2007). Programs
and services to increase high school to college matriculation do exist throughout the country at
various levels, and the same can be said for retention management once these students enter
college (Venezia & Jaeger, 2013).
As diverse populations continue to enter postsecondary education today, there is an
increase in their needs that must be met as well. Harper, Patton, and Wooden (2009) note, “In
some ways, the recurrent struggle for racial equity is surprising, given the number of policies that
have enacted to close college opportunity gaps between [Blacks] and their [w]hite
counterparts…” (p. 389). Some of these policies included the 1862 Morrill Land Grant Act,
which contributed to the agricultural and mechanical arts educational movement; the second
Morrill Act of 1890, which required funds to be distributed annually to Black Americans in
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seventeen different states; Plessy v. Ferguson, which attempted to establish separate but equal
institutions; and Brown v. Board of Education, which overturned Plessy (Harper et. al, 2009).
There are a number of other policies that have pushed toward desegregation, but inequalities and
inequities are still apparent in less overt ways. While students of color have benefited from
policies over time, they have not persisted at the same rates as other students. For example,
Slater (2007) identified that the nationwide college graduation rate in the early 2000s was at a
low rate of 42 percent for Black students, which was 20 percent lower than the graduation rate of
white students. Further, he addresses the reality that Black women outpace Black men in college
completion rates (Slater, 2007). Yet, there is no information regarding detailed experiences of
Black women as they matriculate to a point of success or what support systems were used to help
them reach college.
Therefore, this research will focus on the experiences of Black women matriculating into
and through higher education. This thesis will inform the literature by adding specific
experiences and trajectories of the Black female Alumnae of the Vice-Provost’s Initiative for
Pre-College Scholars (VIP Scholars or VIPS) from high school, into college, and beyond the
attainment of their bachelor’s degrees. Additionally, this thesis will evaluate how various
components of the VIPS program have informed the research participants’ definition of holistic
success. VIPS recruits its students as high school sophomores and the students remain scholars
until their senior year, after they complete the five-week summer program. In addition to the
services offered to their students, over the course of these two summers, students are paired with
mentors and admissions officers with the goal of assisting the students with preparing detailed
and competitive college applications. Students that are admitted to and attend the University of
California, Los Angeles (UCLA) are gifted a $20,000 scholarship to be spread out over their
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four-year enrollment and are to remain closely tied with the on-campus program’s staff and
mentors throughout their college tenure. This requirement allows the students to continue to
receive further guidance and cultivation to move beyond a Bachelor’s degree, if they choose to
do so. Aside from the scholarship, the VIPS students that do not attend UCLA are not denied any
of these services. Instead, they can choose to stay in contact with the on-campus staff. Further,
this research seeks to discover how exposure to the hidden curriculum (specific norms and
culture that can contribute to one’s success in school), the program scholarship, the function of
the mentors and the role of their advocacy, and the support of program staff contribute to the
holistic success of Black female student participants that were able to attend UCLA and those
that attended other higher education institutions.
The VIP Scholars program is a college access and outreach program centered at UCLA
that fulfills its work in several schools in Los Angeles and several schools in Pasadena. The
mission of the VIP Scholars program is:
“The mission of this program is to prepare historically underrepresented students in 10
high schools to become competitively eligible for admission to UCLA and other flagship
universities, and to encourage pursuit of graduate and professional education, using a
social justice framework and holistic approach” (VIP Scholars, n.d.).

The program was created in response to concerningly low enrollment numbers of Black students
at UCLA and other flagship public institutions. The program has been successful in its mission to
educate underrepresented students and help them gain admission into flagship universities and
colleges and in preparing them for graduate education, but what about the others? The purpose of
this work is to consider the following research question:
How has the holistic success of Black women students been influenced by their
involvement in the VIP Scholars program?
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This question will allow me to discover how this unique program has contributed to the success
of one of its target populations. For the purposes of this research, holistic success will be defined
as “success beyond mere credentialing” (Commodore, Baker, & Arroyo, 2018, p. 66). More
specifically, I am seeking to understand how the individual definition of success for the Black
female alumnae has developed beyond their attainment of a four-year degree. Through these
definitions, I hope to develop a general understanding of what holistic success means to the
VIPS’ Black female alumnae and how the program has contributed to this definition through its
work. As a Black woman, product of the program and a researcher, I am curious to learn about
the trajectories of other Black VIPS Alumnae as they navigated UCLA and other flagship higher
education institutions as it relates to improving their overall success in college.
To increase college access and retention for underrepresented students of color, a number
of schools have programs implemented to help with these tasks. The programs are supported
through federal, state, non-profit, and institutional funding in order to combat various issues and
raise retention rates of Black students. These programs often cater to the needs of students per
the population they identify with. For example, the Upward Bound program is a federally funded
program that services first-generation students from low-income families and the Early
Academic Outreach Program (EAOP) is a University of California specific program that works
at underserved schools in the interest of increasing student matriculation into college (“Upward
Bound Program”, 2018; “Early Academic Outreach Program”, 2013). The University of
California, Los Angeles (UCLA) houses a specific program in its Academic Advancement
Program (AAP), which is “the nation’s largest university-based student diversity program”
(Alexander, 2018). VIPS utilizes a cohort model, mentorship, and social-justice oriented
teachings to create competitively eligible, well-rounded, agents of change and college graduates
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(Tunstall, 2017). The program is notable for reaching its stated goal, having now helped eleven
cohorts of students gain admission to four-year universities throughout the country. Since its
inception in 2005, there exists pertinent information and research about its existence and success.
Howard, Tunstall and Flennaugh’s (2016) book about the VIPS program is one of the most
relevant sources for this study as they look closely at mentorship and exclusive resources as
necessary keys to inform college opportunities and life-long chances for low-income youth.
According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) (2017), during the
2014-2015 school year, Black women composed 11.4% of all women graduating college with
Bachelor’s degrees, 13.5% of all women graduating with Master’s degrees, and 9.4% of
Doctorate degrees. Some information about Black women in higher education exists, but is not
extensive in regard to their narrated experiences. There is some literature that discusses basic
statistics and some overview of Black women experiences in higher education. More
specifically, Patton-Davis’ (2017) work looks at Black women from the student all the way to the
professional level and how the postsecondary institution setting affects their experiences as
students and/or professionals. Outside of Patton’s work, most literature lacks detailed
information about the educational and life trajectories of Black women as they move through
higher education and beyond. This makes the research pursued in this study pertinent to add to
existing literature. Despite emerging research, overall in-depth research about the experiences of
Black women in postsecondary education and beyond is limited. Focusing on this specific
population of women and assessing how the VIP Scholars program has played a part in their
success and/or failures, will further inform the importance of support programs in the lives of
underrepresented students, especially Black women.
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This study will utilize the model of Black women college student success (BWCSS) as
defined by Commodore et. al (2018). The model represents “a theoretical process by which
Black women matriculate and persist through college so that they achieve holistic success
beyond mere credentialing” (Commodore et. al, 2018, p. 66). The model is student-centered one
that focuses on the students’ efforts and actions influencing her persistence. It is also split into
three phases that look at experiences before, during, and after college. The key components that
the model of Black women college student success uses directly correlate with the information I
intend to gather from the VIPS Alumnae. Commodore et. al identify the lack of information on
how structural challenges within the university influence individual decisions as the biggest
limitation of the model. While gathering information and research about this topic, I hope to gain
some insight about structural challenges, but the primary focus is to gather the narratives of
Black VIPS Alumnae and understand what components of the program have contributed to their
trajectories as they relate to before, during, and after program enrollment.
For the purpose of this study, alumnae will be defined as self-identified, Black women
that participated in and completed the five-week summer program component. This is an
example of purposeful sampling because I will assess all program participants and then filter
them out by five-week program participation and completion, degree completion, and race and
gender (Creswell, 2013; Patton, 2012). Creswell (2013) describes purposeful sampling as
involving the following components: deciding the participants and/or sites, selecting the
sampling strategy, and determining the sample size. As I am doing all of the above by purposely
selecting the VIP Scholars program, this method best describes my approach. While this strategy
may prove beneficial to my research, Patton (2015) acknowledges that there may be resource
limitations, such as the inability to contact or recruit the necessary research participants, when
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using a qualitative sample size in purposeful sampling, despite the potential of using information
rich cases.
Moving forward, this work will look closely at existing literature with an attempt to hone
in on the gaps as related to this study. As mentioned before, there is missing information in the
experiences of Black women in postsecondary institutions. This research will evaluate that
literature in its support and lack thereof in order to offer new information on the experiences of
Black women in higher education. Following the literature review will be a detailed overlook on
the methods used to conduct this information and validation of why the proposed methods are
necessary for this work. An evaluation of the data will follow these two sections. The hope is to
find that each of the aforementioned factors played a role in the research participants’
experiences with higher education, as a result of their participation in the VIPS program, while
also offering new and insightful factors as to why they are successful as well. Finally, this work
will close with a detailed account of how it can inform future research and projects to improve
the matriculation and higher education experiences of Black women.

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Chapter Two: Literature Review

Overview of Existing Research

Black women in higher education is a topic that has been steadily growing in the breadth
of research over the last couple of decades. In recent years, work by Harper (2014, 2015, 2016,
2017, 2018) and Howard (2016, 2017, 2018) have strengthened the field with a focus on the
Black student experience in higher education. Additionally, Patton-Davis (2014, 2015, 2017) has
been particularly unique and innovative with her focus on Black women in higher education.
This literature review will review existing literature as it pertains to the Black female student
experience in college access and outreach programs, undergraduate experiences, and experiences
related to life after the Bachelor’s degree. A complete examination of listed literature will expose
that this thesis’ research is unique with regard to its program specificity. The experiences of
Black women in higher education have been researched before, but no such research has been
completed on the VIP Scholars program.
Discussion of Relevant Studies

As a product and proponent of higher education, I believe that no work truly does the
student experience justice like qualitative work. Giving students a space to share their voices and
experiences validates points or shatters myths as research is conducted on these institutions.
Therefore, because the goal of this thesis is to accentuate the narratives of Black female alumnae
of the VIP Scholars program, research that utilizes narratives of minoritized experiences are
some of the most relevant to this work. Following this are some relevant studies, broken down by
various thematic categories. The studies use a mix of quantitative and qualitative data, some
exclusively choosing one over the other. Though my thesis’ research will exclusively focus on
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qualitative data, the presentation of findings in the following studies are still relevant and
connected to the topic at hand.
Black Women in Higher Education

Commodore, Baker, and Arroyo (2018) explore the experiences of Black women students
in higher education. Commodore et. al (2018) provides a comprehensive exploration of Black
women on college campuses. The authors identify six key issues that Black women students face
while explaining how institutions can better support this group and proposing an original student
success model. The six issues are socially constructed homogeneity, isolation on the college
campus, lack of quality mentoring, psychological stressors, forgotten institutions, and financing
higher education. In response to these challenges, the authors offer institutional responsibility as
applicable advice for working with Black women students to ensure their long-term collegiate
success. Commodore et. al state, “As Black girls move into, and at times are forced into, Black
womanhood many find themselves on college campuses having to navigate another world of
inequity and discrimination within the one that they have navigated their whole lives”
(Commodore et. al, 2018, p. 85). Acknowledging this reality validates the need for institutions to
take more responsibility for their students’ needs. Programs like the VIP Scholars are pivotal in
addressing student inequities and making sure those underrepresented populations are able to
succeed with the proper support and assistance.
This piece of literature is where the theoretical framework this research is centered
around comes from will be addressed later in this chapter. The framework utilized by
Commodore et. al is unique in the way it looks at Black women success in three parts. Their
approach directly mirrors the same perspectives I want to illicit from the research participants.
The BWCSS model visually communicates “a sense of forward progress from matriculation to
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graduation” by gathering student experiences prior to college, during college, and after college
which is also identified as the point that holistic success is defined. Considering each of these
parts, this particular work is the most critical to this thesis.
Patton and Croom (2017) composed a comprehensive research-based work that closely
examines the collegiate experiences of Black women and how those shaped their undergraduate
experiences. Through various accounts written by other researchers, the authors challenge their
audience to face various myths that shape the stories surrounding Black women in college.
Critical questions are posed that will force educators to invite Black women to participate in
conversations to further advance them in the higher education settings as well as provide action-
oriented methods to enhance success. Shared experiences, identity issues, intersectionality, and a
look at different support systems that contributed to their retention are all facets of the higher
educational spectrum included in this work to make it pivotal in research developing around this
specific population.
Davis and Maldonado (2015) evaluated the experience of Black women through an
intersectional lens that evaluated their lived experiences as they developed as leaders. This
research is both unique and important because through the collection of qualitative data, the
study confirmed that race and gender influenced the experiences women had in academic spaces.
What is important in this research is that despite the reporting of negative experiences, the
women were able to “perform skillfully in an environment where inequities, negative
assumptions and doubts are prevalent” (Davis & Maldonado, 2015, p. 48). This concept connects
to the idea that VIPS’ Black Alumnae will have experienced similar feelings throughout their
trajectories. The lived experiences of Black women suggest that they should not be successful,
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yet many defy the odds and are as identified in Commodore et. al (2018), Patton & Croom
(2017), and Davis & Maldonado (2015).
One of the most important components of the VIPS program is its mentorship
component. Relationships formed through mentorship are valuable as one individual often feeds
into the cultivation and needs of another. Patton and Harper (2003) identified mentorship as “one
of the salient factors in academic and career success” (p. 67). The study discusses the difficulty
for Black women to locate suitable mentors, examines the definition of mentors, assesses the
mentoring needs of Black women, and also lends implications to improve mentoring
relationships amongst Black women and ways to better support them overall. Through careful
evaluation of a study that closely viewed mentorship between Black women, the participants
“stated that only [a Black] woman could understand the complex intersection of race and gender
in the academy and society” (Patton & Harper, 2003, p. 71). In addition to feeling like they could
establish deeper connections with other Black women, the participants in this study believed they
could be provided advice while being both a sister and a friend to them. These perspectives are
important because mentorship played an immense role in my experiences throughout high
school, college, and still do today. Because mentorship is such a vast component of the program,
I would imagine that other participants will be able to echo these sentiments.
College Access

Harper, Patton, and Wooden (2009) closely analyze the policies that have affected
enrollment and degree completion for Black students since the start of higher education. Multiple
sources of literature are synthesized to have this discussion. Noteworthy historical milestones
toward equity and access are compared with regressions we have seen in recent years. Harper et.
al (2009) use Critical Race Theory (CRT) as an analytical framework that allows their audience
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to understand how the persistence of white supremacy and racist ideologies have informed
various policies and policy efforts. This is important as it relates to this research because the
inequities that still exist, as they relate to Black women in higher education. Harper et. al (2009)
discuss in their work that despite the progressive policies enacted through the late 1960s opened
many doors for Black students in higher education, many inequities still exist. Specifically,
“Over a century of gainful policy efforts have been undermined by the following: the
steady underrepresentation of [Black] students at PWIs; continued over-reliance on
racially-biased college entrance exams; consistent attempts to dismantle affirmative
actions; increased statewide admissions standards for public postsecondary education,
without corresponding advances in public K-12 schools; reports of racism and negative
African American student experiences at PWIs; low African American male student
persistence and degree attainment rates; forced desegregation of HBCUs; inequitable
funding for HBCUs; and the decline of need-based federal financial aid” (Harper et. al,
2009, p. 397-398).

While policies have contributed to the admission of more Black students in higher education,
there is still a large underrepresentation of these students on predominantly white college
campuses. Amidst systems existing to rectify this imbalance, standardized tests, inequalities
within the K-12 school system, and issues of racism on predominantly white college campuses
make larger success for Black students difficult. This is yet another piece of literature that may
influence how the research participants’ identify, reflect, and summarize some of their
experiences prior to and during their undergraduate careers. These experiences may also have
contributed to how they view their holistic success and where they are now.
Howard, Tunstall and Flennaugh’s (2016) book about the VIPS program is one of the
most relevant sources for this study. The authors look at how K-12 schools and higher education
institutions can provide better support and college access to underrepresented students.
Information is used from a ten-year case study of a successful school to university relationship
viewing support, mentorship, and resources as key elements that are necessary to inform college
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opportunities and life-long chances for low-income youth. Using both quantitative and
qualitative data, this research documents how the VIPS’ program model has allowed its students
to attend some of the United States’ most prestigious and selective universities. The support
given to students throughout their high school trajectories propel them forward to do well
moving forth—pursuing not only undergraduate degrees but graduate-level and other
professional degrees and credentials as well. The key findings of this work are that the following
factors are pivotal in VIPS students’ success: mentorship and mentoring, community voices, the
validation and need of access/outreach programs, and postsecondary pathways. As previously
stated, the mentorship component of the VIP Scholars program is arguably its most important
piece as the mentors serve as the face of the program and its values. The program functions on a
framework that pairs high school students with current college students in order to guide them
toward success and matriculation into college campuses. Once these relationships are
established, they often continue for many years to come. Additionally, the VIPS program
encourages community voices, which is often parent engagement, and builds strong bonds with
participating families as well which contributes to “pro-achievement outcomes such as increased
attendance, lower absenteeism, improved self-esteem, higher positive feelings toward school,
and increased academic engagement” (Howard et. al, 2016, p. 80). Further, the success of the
program is reflected in its ability to assist students through high school as competitively eligible
individuals, through college as positive agents of change, and beyond to continue impacting their
chosen fields.
Hurtado, Inkelas, Briggs, and Rhee (1997) focused their study on the different colleges
that students of particular racial and ethnic groups applied to understand the differences in
college access and choice availability to different groups. While the work is dated, it still holds
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relevant information with regard to admittance rates and success of students of color. The
authors found that students of color showed higher participation in school than white students,
but their low socioeconomic status was often an automatic indicator that they were less likely to
actually go to college. They further discussed policies that were at the time changing in higher
education that only formed bigger barriers for underrepresented students. These policies include,
“rising standards for high school achievement accompanied by more stringent admissions
requirements for four-year institutions, increasing reliance on student loans coupled with soaring
tuition costs, [and] sharp cuts in the budgets of secondary and postsecondary systems in urban
areas” (Hurtado et. al, 1997, p. 44). The aforementioned policies continued to make it hard for
Black students to attain higher education admissions and credentialing. Black students are
disproportionately represented as low-income and any increase in costs of schooling is an attack
on their inability to afford higher education, further disadvantaging them. Additionally, the
authors highlighted the then recent actions to prohibit consideration of race/ethnicity as criterion
in college admissions” as a political issue about perspectives of students of color as having
advantage over white students (Hurtado et. al, 1997, p. 44). Policies have been, and continue to
be, a primary source of systematic oppression that prevents Black students and other
underrepresented groups, from pursuing higher education and these authors’ work place
emphasis on how this has always been and still is relevant.
For every advantage and step that Black students and other students of color take forward
as they pursue higher education, there are more roadblocks ahead that prevent many from
succeeding, as discussed in the work of Harper et. al (2009). For example, affirmative action was
put into place to help more underrepresented students into higher education. The last few years
there has been emerging discussion about repealing the policy at the collegiate level because
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many non-students of color feel as if they are not being allotted the space they “honestly”
deserve in colleges (Biskupic, 2018). This concept raises the need for more conversation about
white supremacy and how it effects underrepresented populations of students of color. The
results from Hurtado et. al (1997) reflected Black students as having some of the highest
aspirations of dreams and going to college but the lowest turnout in pursuing these dreams. The
authors used college applications as a measure and found that 45% of Black students did not
submit applications by the end of their high school senior years, 17% applied to only one college
and only 7% of all Black students applied to five or more colleges.
Quigley (2002) focuses on cohorts of students that attend high school in urban school
districts in California and are simultaneously involved in a college access program designed to
assist underrepresented students in achieving their aspirations. This study is relevant to this thesis
because all of the ten schools that the VIP Scholars program works with are located in the urban
Southern California/Greater Los Angeles area. In this particular study, the students were
followed for about five to six years to track their success with the help of the Early Academic
Outreach Program (EAOP). The author claimed that the college preparatory services provided by
EAOP would help students academically develop into college ready individuals. EAOP works
alongside the University of California (UC) system and because of this collaboration, the
students are expected to complete UC preparatory work, which serves as one of the more
important factors that determine UC eligibility and admittance for high school students. The
researchers observed a control group that received EAOP benefits and a group that did not
receive the benefits; this method made observation and the tracking of student progress a large
part of the research. The researchers identified students in schools that were EAOP participants
and students who matched the criteria of EAOP participants but were not a part of the program at
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schools. They then observed students processes and outcomes as those that were A-G ready by
their 12
th
grade year. By the end of the study, the researchers discovered a 30% difference in
those prepared versus those that were not; 40% of EAOP students were UC eligible by their 12th
grade year while only 9.5% of non-EAOP students were eligible (Quigley, 2002). Though
students in both groups shared similar background identifiers, those participating in EAOP were
more prepared than their counterparts who did not. Ultimately, it was discovered that students
who are involved with EAOP throughout their entire high school career are more likely than
others to competitively finish UC preparatory work and successfully move on to college. The
discrepancy in these numbers further proves the importance of pre-college access programs for
students of color. This study is a direct correlation and accentuation of why programs like the
VIP Scholars are important for underrepresented students. A key difference in this study and
what my thesis will cover, though, is the focus on a specific population within an already
concentrated group of underrepresented students of color: Black female students.
Swail and Perna (2002) focused their research on pre-college access programs because
they found a continued discrepancy in the information being gathered substantially on the issue
of college enrollment and not enough on the steps taken to get to college. The authors state, for
students to succeed in college they must first be “academically, socially, and psychologically
prepared to enter” college (Swail & Perna, 2002, p. 15). As stated before, guaranteeing the
success of Black students in college is difficult to ascertain because of many other “confounding
factors” (p. 15). Their claim that school vouchers and early intervention programs can help
improve student success is more agreeable. In evaluating successful pre-college programs, the
authors came up with ten points of success for them. The points include the programs having:
clear, focused mission and vision, start early (earlier than high school if possible to get students
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conditioned to a college culture), motivate students, involve parents, collaborate with schools
and school districts, maintain consistent funding, practice professionalism and personal
development, use proven practices, and incorporate technology.
Student Involvement in Higher Education

Milem and Berger (1997) use quantitative research data to evaluate how first year
undergraduate students persist in college through behavioral measures. This is specifically
looked at using Astin’s theory of involvement, which evaluates how student involvement
contributes to success. Milem and Berger (1997) use Astin’s theory to develop a deeper
understanding of Tinto’s theory of student departure. Using data gathered from several surveys
administered over time, the authors found that an integrated model that allows student behaviors
and perceptions to interact directly influence the development of academic and social integration.
This is relevant to my topic because I am curious to see how involvement in the VIPS program
influenced the success of its Black Alumnae. Using success loosely, I am defining it as the
following: completion of undergraduate education with a Bachelor’s of Arts or Science and
preferably the pursuit and/or completion of a professional degree.
Through gathering and examining various data resources Harper and Quaye (2014),
discuss why and how students do or do not succeed when they are admitted into college by
illustrating the fact that diverse populations of students experience college differently and
encounter group-specific barriers to success. By looking at the National Survey of Student
Engagement (NSSE), the authors were able to identify multiple engagement indicators and
practices that influence student experiences at the university level. They further evaluate how
students are ill-prepared for collegiate rigor and how this deficit reflects the schools they
received their preparation from. Harper and Quaye (2014) end their research by emphasizing the
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importance of colleges to create the inclusive spaces they advertise. Whether it be through
customized resource centers, hiring faculty that mirrors the student body, or the use of other
methods, it is important for diverse student populations to receive the tools they need in order to
succeed. The VIPS program aligns a programmatic example of what Harper and Quaye (2014)
outlined in their work. The program serves to help diverse populations of students succeed in
institutions of higher learning by providing specific resources that makes their chances at
matriculation and retention more equitable to those of their privileged counterparts.
Discussion of Theoretical Framework

Commodore et. al (2018) coined a model titled, the “Black women college student
success” model, which will be short-handed throughout this research as the BWCSS model (p.
66). The authors state that the model “…depicts a theoretical process by which Black women
matriculate and persist through college so that they achieve holistic success beyond mere
credentialing” (Commodore et, al, 2018, p. 66). This model perfectly describes the work that this
thesis will achieve with its research. Commodore et. al (2018) describe the model as a student-
centric one but are careful to note that “…it would be a gross misuse to cast it as placing the
moral onus of responsibility on the student and/or to absolve institutional responsibility” (p. 66).
While the model is student centered it does not excuse the institution’s role in influencing Black
women’s matriculation and experiences in higher education. The researchers suggest that, “Our
model assumes an unfortunate and detrimental lack of institutional support, but the model does
not condone it” (Commodore et. al, 2018, p. 66). Instead, the model identifies a plethora of
factors—both positive and negative—that influence the matriculation and trajectories of Black
women before, during, and post-graduation. These three perspectives mirror exactly what I
intend to do with my research and data. Therefore, this research aims to understand what factors
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of the VIP Scholars program played a role in its Black female alumnae’s trajectories from the
time they were in high school, during college, and how these experiences influenced their ideas
of and movement toward holistic success.

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Chapter Three: Research Design and Methods

This research focuses on a specific population within the VIP Scholars program: Black
female students. For this reason, I included ten interviews from Black female Alumnae from the
VIPS program. Performing these interviews allowed insight into the experiences of these
individuals through narratives, which informs the recurring themes that affect and influence the
life-trajectories of these women through narratives by way of storytelling as discussed by
Clandinin and Connelly (1990). The interviews will serve as a precursor to discovering the
trends that push and pull VIPS Black female Alumnae to persist and persevere in higher
education. A critical step in identifying these themes also assisted in coding the interview data to
consolidate important and often repeated information. As a researcher, I anticipated that the
research participants would have overlapping identities outside of being VIPS Alumnae. This
anticipation contributed to my discovery of their shared experiences and perspectives regarding
holistic success. Later in chapter 5, I will compare my findings to the work of Commodore et. al
(2018) because of the connection and intent of their Black women college student success model
(BWCSS model). The use of this theory serves as a way to evaluate the similarities and
differences in this research and data between my own and what exists. This model is unique in
the sense that is new to the research world, but it is especially important to this research because
it views Black women student success in the same way that I intend to. Commodore et. al (2018)
broke down the model into three parts looking into Black women’s experiences prior to entering
a four-year institution, during the pursuit of their Bachelor’s degree, and post-graduate as well.
This perspective allows for a full understanding of the Black VIPS Alumnae viewed and
projected their success before, during, and after the program and how the VIPS program
contributed to that success. I also compare my work to other existing literature to better evaluate
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my findings with regard to prevailing research in the field. The data will be used to develop a
general narrative of how the VIP Scholars program influenced the career/life trajectories of its
Black female Alumnae and to answer the posed research question, “How has the holistic success
of Black women students been influenced by their involvement in the VIP Scholars program?”
Research Methods, Site Selection, Sampling & Data Collection
To achieve the goal of storytelling, this thesis took a qualitative approach. This has
allowed me to gather specific information from my participants to discover exactly what factors
of the VIP Scholars program have played a part in their life trajectories. While the Vice-Provost
Initiative for Pre-College Scholars program is centered at UCLA, the research participants that I
contacted are program alumna. Half of the group are UCLA graduates—defined as those that
received their Bachelor’s degree from UCLA, and the other half are non-UCLA graduates—
defined as those that received their Bachelor’s degree from a university other than UCLA. Each
of the research participants identified as alumnae from the VIP Scholars program. For the
purpose of this study, alumnae will be defined as Black identified women that participated in and
completed the five-week summer program component. I interviewed members from Cohorts 2-7
as these participants have been out of school from 9 months to nearly six years. This timeframe
is important because it allowed for the more recent graduates to move forward with post-
graduate next steps. All of the Black female alumnae from the VIPS program were contacted and
I decided to move forward with the first ten respondents that agreed to be part of this research
and were able to do the interview within the necessary time period. This is an example of
stratified purposeful sampling and in relation to the chosen theoretical framework, is also an
example of theoretical sampling. Strauss and Corbin (1998) as cited from Patton (2002) say that
grounded theorists define theoretical sampling as, “sampling on the basis of the emerging
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concepts, with the aim being to explore the dimensional range or varied conditions along which
the properties of concepts vary,” (p. 239). Patton (2002) states that theoretical sampling allows
for the “constant comparative method of analysis” meaning that the theory’s designed and
analysis of research go hand in hand, complimenting one another throughout the research process
(p. 239). By utilizing the comparative method, data is continuously examined to identify trends
and refine any variations.
The decision to focus specifically on the aforementioned population is purposeful and
intentional because there is not much in-depth research about Black women in higher education,
especially with regards to the VIPS program. The technique is appropriate because it allows a
focus on a targeted population within a population, “[t]he logic and power of purposeful
sampling derive from the emphasis on in-depth understanding” (Patton, 2002, p. 46).
Additionally, “[t]heory-based sampling involves selecting cases that represent important
theoretical constructs about the phenomenon of interest” (Suri, 2011, p. 7). This method is fitting
because it welcomes the choosing of a specified population based on the named theory’s criteria.
In this case, my use of the BWCSS model welcomes the focus of Black women that have
attended and succeeded in college. The primary difference in the originating population and my
own is the focus on products of a specific program.
After contacting and gathering the research participants, I interviewed them in order to
gather their narratives. I met with several of the participants in person for periods ranging from
30 minutes to an hour and I held phone conversations with the others for the same amounts of
time. The interviews were concise enough to gather all necessary information in one meeting.
Interviews were the most plausible method of data collection for this research because they were
able to emphasize the value of individual narratives. My chosen method of narrative collection is
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through using the technique known as narrative inquiry. Connelly and Clandinin (1990) claim
that the main use of “narrative in educational research is that humans are storytelling organisms
who, individually and socially, lead storied lives. The study of narrative, therefore, is the study of
the ways humans experience the world” (p. 2). Connelly and Clandinin (1990) identified the
unstructured interview as a data collection tool part of narrative inquiry. During the unstructured
interview, interviews are conducted between the researcher and participants, transcripts are
utilized, and information is gathered for an inclusive narrative. Story telling is another data
collection tool described by Connelly and Clandinin (1990); stories are told by participants in a
manner that described their experiences, work, and explain their actions. Understanding how
storytelling allows individuals to experience the world gives validation to everyone with a story.
Narrative inquiry is a technique that sociologically focuses on group and community formation.
This point is important because it emphasizes the idea that narrative inquiries are a voice-fueling
research method that can better contribute to research overall. The anticipated data analysis for
this research will be thematic coding. Coding is the best method to analyze data in this research
because I know there will be reoccurring themes between the participants’ experiences.
Data Analysis

Vaugh and Turner (2016) acknowledge that determining what information is worth
analyzing is one of the biggest challenges with qualitative data but coding along themes and
topics can help identify key information and provide focus to the process of analyzing qualitative
data. Thematic coding will especially be useful for the similarities in narratives the participants
share with one another. It will allow for a comprehensive summarization of all of their
experiences while simultaneously identifying how varying factors contributed to their trajectories
as well. The gathered data will be comprehensive, detailed, and rich because each participant
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will have an opportunity to share their trajectories as it relates to the topic at hand. No two
individuals experience or view the world the same. The conclusion will comprehensively
evaluate all of the information this thesis covers, carefully considering the theoretical framework,
originating hypothesis, and end results. Wildy (2003) defines triangulation as, “…the process of
using multiple perceptions to clarify meaning, showing the different truths about the
phenomenon” (p. 121). In order to properly triangulate my data I used very specific questions
that will extract the answers and information I am looking for. After a careful analyzation of
research as it relates to this topic, I used the thematically coded data I extracted from the
interviews in order to make sure that the research is both rich and consistent.
Role of the Researcher & Researcher Bias/Trustworthiness
As a former member of the VIP Scholars program, there is a chance that I will not receive
complete authenticity from my research participants. I identify both as a Black woman and a VIP
Scholars Alumna with a successful trajectory after my undergraduate experience. Therefore, I am
familiar with certain aspects and functions of the program, and anticipated that my research
participants may have wanted to withhold some critical information from me; they did not. The
specific paths traveled by me and the participants will vary because we did not all attend the
same high schools or four-year universities for our Bachelor’s degrees, but some of our
experiences through shared identities may overlap. One way I combatted this is with a thorough
interview protocol and making sure I probed on key assumptions for the benefit of this research
and limited my responses to my role as the researcher.
As a researcher, I hope to learn what specific factors play part in the success of Black
women who are Alumnae of the VIP Scholars program. Some of the aforementioned factors are
ones that I believe to play a role in their successes because they did so for me, but the test
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population may have some answers that vary and offer new factors as well. Nonetheless, the
nature of these women’s success allowed me to make educated guesses on what factors may
have contributed to their accomplishments.
The importance of this research to me as the researcher is deep-rooted in my being a
product of the VIP Scholars program. Because I am able to identify with the content of my
research and the population at hand, there will be bias in this work. I am passionate about this
topic but neutrality on it was easier to maintain than I initially imagined. I was able to not over
insert myself into the interviews but instead affirmed a lot of what the participants were already
saying. I was able to remain in check with my role as a researcher and not overshare any
personal experiences that may have affected or influenced their narratives. I did not have to
provide the participants with a disclaimer letting them know not to mind my own perspectives
because I did not offer much of them. I originally anticipated that research participants would
express experiences equal to my own, or better as they relate to their ties with the VIP Scholars
program. This held true. I was able to discover that the same factors that influenced and pushed
me to the point I am today did the same for the participants as well.
Limitations
One of the biggest limitations as it relates to this research is the choice of students to self-
select to participate in the research so that they have a space to either speak positively or
negatively about the program. The ability to self-select exposed biases I was not prepared to
encounter. Additionally, without the voice or program administration, I will not have their
perspective of how success manifests itself throughout the trajectories of the Black VIPS
Alumnae that I plan to speak with. Also, the program started in 2005 and has changed drastically
over the years with more components that have been implemented. During data collection, some
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research participants spoke to programs and factors that others did not experience. This was a
limitation because the varying experiences influenced student perspectives on the program.
Though the experiences were positive, this research did not provide the capacity to explore that
information more in-depth. Lastly, the VIP Scholars full-time staff does not change often and
when it does there is a large (but temporary) effect on students. The mentors change yearly and
as needs are reflected in the summertime, this can also have some influence on student
experiences especially as they vary between cohorts
Ethics
This study seeks to utilize primary and secondary research data. In addition to the
inclusion of previously conducted research, first-hand accounts and personal experiences will be
quoted throughout this study. Therefore, a consent was requested from the respondents.
Additionally, suitable permission and confidentiality was ensured for use of their shared data.
Participant confidentiality was maintained to safeguard the privacy of their responses by
changing and omitting important, identifying information such as names, high schools attended,
personal mentors, and professors.
As a former participant of the program, I understand that the authenticity and
transparency that may be provided by research participants may place them at odds with program
staff. Protecting participant identities in this manner will guarantee program staff members are
unable to single-out any individual for any potential negative statements that may be included as
necessary to highlight experiences. Furthermore, any and all information from secondary
resources has been appropriately cited and referenced.

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Chapter Four: Presentation of Data

The data presented in this chapter provides a general narrative of how the Vice-Provost
Initiative for Pre-College Scholars (VIPS) program has influenced the development of holistic
success within the lives of its Black female Alumnae. The information provided will answer the
posed research question, “How has the holistic success of Black women students been influenced
by their involvement in the VIP Scholars program?” This research sought to add information
about the experiences of Black women prior to, during, and after college with a developed
understanding of how college access programs play a role in their holistic development.
This chapter includes general demographic information of the participants followed by a
detailed account of their biographies with the use of pseudonyms to protect the identities of the
participants. The use of pseudonyms was important because the program name and location has
been disclosed multiple times. After the individual biographies are discussed, I outline the
collective trends of the research based on participant responses and conclude the chapter with a
final summary answering the overarching research question. With regard to participant contact
and interview, participants were all reached out to via email with no specific preference on who
would be selected. The first ten alumnae to reply and set a date were the ones I moved forward
with and collected data from. After either an in-person interview or an interview conducted via a
phone call, they were each compensated with either $15 in cash or a gift card.
Summary of Participant Demographics

During the data collection stage of this work, about 15 alumnae of the VIP Scholars
program were contacted in hopes of having them participate in an interview. Ten of the 15
contacts resulted in successful interviews. Five of the women attended UCLA for their
undergraduate degrees and the other five attended other schools. Of the ten, seven women
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identified as first-generation college students and the other three self-identified as second-
generation college students. The Vice-Provost Initiative for Pre-College Scholars (VIPS)
services ten schools between the Los Angeles and Pasadena Unified School Districts. Six
research participants are products of the Los Angeles Unified School District and the remaining
four are products of Pasadena Unified School District. In regard to socioeconomic status (SES),
five self-identified as coming from families that were considered working class or low-income
during their time in high school and their first four years of college, four identified their families
as being middle class during these same time periods, and one participant identified that her
family experienced a shift during her time in high school and college. As mentioned before, five
of the participants attended UCLA for their undergraduate careers where they received their
Bachelor’s degrees. As for the other five, four of them are products of the UC-system while only
one attended an out-of-state school. Nine of the ten alumnae are employed in some type of work
falling into the realm of education (as it relates to outreach, social justice, equity, and social
welfare) while one is currently unemployed but actively seeking work. Below is a table that
provides a visual overview of the aforementioned information:
Demographic Question

Outcome #1 Outcome #2
1. First-Generation College
Student (FGCS) Identity: Do
you identify as a first-generation
college student (FGCS)? If not,
what is your parent or
guardians’ highest level of
education?

70% (7 out of 10) of the
participants identify as a FGCS
30% (3 out of 10) of the
participants identify as second-
generation college students with
parents obtaining at least a
Bachelor’s degree

2a. High School Location: What
high school did you attend?
60% (6 out of 10) of the
participants attended school
within the Los Angeles Unified
School District (LAUSD)

40% (4 out of 10) of the
participants attended school
within the Pasadena Unified
School District (PUSD)
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2b. Socioeconomic Status
Through High School and
College: How would you
describe your family’s
socioeconomic status (SES) in
high school and college?
50% (5 out of 10) of the
participants self-identified as
coming from families that
identify as being poor, at or
below the poverty line, or low-
working class

40% (4 out of 10) of the
participants self-identified as
coming from families that fell
into the middle-class category
during their time in high school
and college

*One participant (remaining
10%) self-identified her family
as experiencing a shift in
socioeconomic status during her
time in high school and college

3a. Location of Bachelor’s
Degree Attainment: What is the
highest degree or level of school
you have completed and where?
50% (5 out of 10) of the
participants attended UCLA for
their Bachelor’s degrees

40% (4 out of 10) of the
participants attended other UC
schools for their Bachelor’s
degrees

One participant (remaining
10%) attended a college outside
of California for her Bachelor’s
degree

3b. Beyond a Bachelor’s
Degree: If currently enrolled,
highest degree received.
60% (6 out of 10) of the
participants either have or are in
pursuit of a graduate or
professional degree

40% (4 out of 10) of the
participants only have their
Bachelor’s at this time
4. Graduation Year: What year
did you graduate with your
Bachelor’s Degree?

*All participants graduated
between the years of 2013 and
2018 from their respective
colleges/ universities with their
Bachelor’s Degrees

5. Employment: Are you
currently employed? If yes,
what type of work do you do?
90% (9 out of 10) of the
participants are employed in
work relating to education as it
relates to outreach, social
justice, diversity, equity, and
social welfare

One participant (remaining
10%) is not employed but is
actively seeking work in
education or related fields

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Participant Biographies

Before analyzing the details of each participant’s experiences, it is important to break
down the aforementioned information through participant biographies. This portion of this
chapter outlines more information on each participant. Since the program’s name and location
has been disclosed multiple times throughout this thesis, participant identities will be protected
through the use of pseudonyms.
Sasha. Sasha is a Black/African-American woman and first-generation college graduate. Sasha
attended a local high school in Pasadena, CA and graduated in 2009. She self-identified her
family’s SES as varying throughout high school and college. She stated that her parents support
themselves, her, and her brothers on an income ranging between $45,000 to $50,000. The turning
point came during her senior year in high school when her parents lost their house in foreclosure
during the economic crisis. It was her second day of her senior year, and things never got better
from then on. It has been eleven years since that happened. Sasha graduated from UCLA in 2013
with a Bachelor’s degree in African-American Studies with a minor in Education Studies. She
proceeded to get her Master’s degree in Curriculum and Instruction Education in 2015 at Loyola
University, Chicago. She is currently an Admissions Officer for one of the UC schools.
Nicole. Nicole is a Black/African-American woman and a second-generation college graduate.
Both of her parents attended college and her mother has a Master’s in Social Work (MSW). She
attended a local high school in Los Angeles, CA and graduated in 2010. She self-identified her
family’s SES as middle class throughout high school and college. She received her Bachelor’s
degree in Social Welfare in 2014 from UC Berkeley. Nicole received her Master’s in Clinical
Social Work from the University of Southern California (USC) in 2017, inspired by her mother
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to pursue this path. She is currently a Children’s Social Worker at the Los Angeles County
Department of Children and Family Services.
Erica. Erica is a Black/African-American woman and a second-generation college graduate. Her
mother received a Bachelor’s degree and received a graduate level degree; she is a librarian. Her
father attended college but did not finish. She attended a local high school in Pasadena, CA and
graduated in 2011. She self-identified her family’s SES as middle class but admitted that the
question is always difficult for her to answer because her family’s financial situation was “not
like the typical middle-class family you might see on television.” Her mother worked for the city
and her dad owned a barbershop, but they supported Erica and several other children on those
incomes. She explained that the question is difficult to answer because while the community she
grew up to know and love was “in the hood,” she never lived in the hood. Her home was in a
more suburban area of Pasadena. Additionally, she felt it important to note that she never missed
a meal—she said this to “emphasize certain implications that separate the middle class from
lower classes”. In 2015, Erica graduated from Barnard College-Columbia University, a private
liberal arts college for women, with a combined Philosophy and Women’s Studies Bachelor’s
degree. She is currently a Senior Bail Associate with the Brooklyn Community Bail Fund where
they are actively working toward the abolition of cash bail and pretrial detention.
Antoinette. Antoinette is a Black/African-American woman and a first-generation college
graduate. She expressed that the identity was always difficult for her to grasp because she has an
older sister and first-cousin that attended college before her, but she learned that their
experiences do not negate her first-generation status. She attended a local high school in Los
Angeles, CA and graduated in 2010. She then went to UC San Diego where she was a class of
2015 graduate. Her Bachelor’s degree is in Theatre and she has not yet ventured to pursue a
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 34
graduate or professional degree. She self-identifies her family’s SES as lower-middle class. She
describes it as such because she did receive some financial aid but not much. She is currently a
Home-Stay Coordinator for Chinese international students that do an exchange program in the
United States.
Tina. Tina is a Black/African-American woman and first-generation college graduate. She
attended a local high school in Pasadena, CA and is a class of 2011 graduate. She self-identifies
her family’s SES as poor/at the poverty line. Her mother was not able to work because she got
sick and had to stop working and her dad did not live with them. He was a bus driver and did not
make much money either but would help support Tina and her siblings when he could. Tina
attended UCLA and graduated in 2015 with a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science with a Civic
Engagement minor. She currently attends New York University (NYU) Law School where she is
pursuing a Juris Doctorate (JD). She will begin working with a law firm in the greater Los
Angeles area this summer that will allow her to engage in both law and community work.
Cheyenne. Cheyenne is a Black/African-American woman and is a first-generation college
graduate. Her mother dropped out of high school in the 10th grade and her father attended
Southern University in Louisiana but left after his second year there. Cheyenne attended a local
Pasadena high school and is a class of 2012 graduate. She self-identifies her family’s SES
throughout both high school and college as lower class. Cheyenne attended UC Santa Cruz for
her undergraduate degree where she graduated in 2016 with a Bachelor’s in Sociology and a
minor in Education. In 2018, she graduated with a Master’s in Social Welfare from UCLA and
now works for the Los Angeles County Department of Children and Family Services as a
Children’s Social Worker. In this position she works with families in the foster care system
assisting them with family reunification.
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Alyssa. Alyssa is a Black/African-American woman and first-generation college graduate. She is
a class of 2012 high school graduate from a local high school in Los Angeles. She self-identifies
her family’s income as lower/working class during her time in high school and college. Alyssa
attended UCLA where she received a Bachelor’s degree in African American Studies with a
minor in Education in 2016. She is currently enrolled in a Master’s/PhD in Sociology program at
UC Santa Barbara. In this program she is currently conducting research on the educational
experiences of Black mothers. At UC Santa Barbara, Alyssa is a teaching assistant and has a
fellowship that is paying for her research.
Brandy. Brandy is a Black/African-American woman and first-generation college graduate. Her
father attended California State University, Los Angeles for two years but stopped when she was
born. Her mother stopped going to high school during her 12
th
grade and never received her
diploma. She took classes for certificates at Los Angeles Trade-Tech College (LATTC). She
says that neither of her parents knew enough to help her correctly along her own path. Brandy is
a class of 2012 high school graduate from a local school in Los Angeles. She self-identifies her
family’s income as poor/at the poverty line. In 2016, Brandy received her Bachelor’s degree
from UC Irvine in African-American Studies and Education Studies. She is currently enrolled in
a Master’s of Education in Educational Counseling program at USC where she will graduate in
May. Brandy is currently employed with the McMorrow Neighborhood Academic Initiative
(NAI) program at USC as the Special Projects Coordinator. NAI is a college access program for
underrepresented students in the surrounding USC area and Brandy’s role allows her to
coordinate projects related to alumni engagement, recruitment, summer programming and is a
liaison between teachers, students, families, and the office staff. She also manages the
undergraduate student workers for the program.
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Cheryl. Cheryl is a Black/Jamaican-American woman and first-generation college graduate. She
attended a local high school in Los Angeles and graduated in 2014. She self-identifies her family
income during high school and college as very poor/at the poverty line. She continued her
education at UCLA, where she is a class of 2018 graduate, only recently finishing her
coursework. Her Bachelor’s degree is in Latin American Studies, and while she is not currently
employed she is actively looking for work in the education realm.
Asha. Asha is a Black/African-American woman and third-generation college student. While her
father stopped his education at the high school level, her mom received a Bachelor’s degree in
Fashion Merchandising and Business Administration. She self-identifies her family’s SES in
high school and college as “base level middle class” and went on to explain that this meant she
still struggled and despite having a mother and grandparents that went to college, no one had
enough information to help her navigate her own pathway to college. Asha also attended a local
high school in Los Angeles and graduated in 2014. She attended UCLA and graduated with a
Bachelor’s degree in World Arts and Culture and African-American Studies in 2018. Before she
finished with her Bachelor’s degree, Asha was hired and currently works as a Cultural Executive
at Jordan Peele’s (writer, producer, and director of “Get Out”) production company, Monkeypaw
Productions.
Collective Trends

In the following sections of this chapter, trends and commonalities of the participants’
experiences are considered. We begin with discussing the similarities and differences of the
participants’ perspective of the question, “How do you define holistic success?” The information
is discussed in an overarching manner, identifying common themes. I then evaluate and compare
the women’s experiences in high school and during and throughout college as they relate to the
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 37
VIP Scholars program, how the program impacted them during their involvement with the
program and influenced them to be where they are now. This section will end with participants’
overall reflections on their time in the program.
Trend One: Holistic Success

In asking research participants to define holistic success, the purpose was to see what
components they each believe formulate the idea of being successful in more than just one way.
For example, success in regard to education is often defined through the passage of tests, the
obtainment of satisfactory grades, matriculation, and graduation. With this question, I wanted the
research participants to utilize their unique perspectives to define what holistic success means to
them as the final question would force them to evaluate how their definition of holistic success
manifests in their own lives.
The common responses to this question included being successful academically,
economically/financially, politically, socially, sexually, spiritually, and mentally. Those terms
appeared several times throughout the interviews I conducted with the research participants.
Holistic success is very far from a one-dimensional concept and entails much more than a simple
answer like the example given in the previous paragraph. Some other answers that came up in
response to this question include finding balance, joy, meaning, and inner peace as those
concepts relate to one’s life pursuits.
Beyond the common answers that arose as participants answered this question, it is
important to look at individual responses and discuss the intricate ways that the women’s
answers overlapped unbeknownst to them. While analyzing the data, it became necessary for me
to break the ways that this question was answered in ways that can be defined as simple and
complex. Brandy, Cheryl, Nicole, Cheyenne, and Erica all provided simple, short answers while
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 38
Sasha, Antoinette, Alyssa, Tina, and Asha provided more drawn out, complex answers. There
were commonalities between many of the responses.
Brandy, Cheryl, and Nicole all simply define holistic success as success that encapsulates
academic, economic/financial, political, social, spiritual, and mental success all into one. Cheryl
specifically said that all of these forms must be in line for an individual to achieve holistic
success. Erica also used many of these same terms to define holistic success, but her response is
unique because it also included the term wellness. Wellness, as described by Erica includes
“actively investing in one’s self to prevent future mishaps”. If one of the components is out of
line, then an individual is not in alignment with holistic success.
Similarly, Antoinette spoke a lot of wellness but in opposition with her peers she does not
define holistic success with academics or finances at the forefront. Instead, Antionette believes
that holistic success is completely within an individual and has everything to do with being a
whole, entire being. She believes that holistic success relates to the balance and peace that
encompasses the mind, body, and soul and is a total inside job; according to her, it is something
that no person or thing can provide for you. The achievement of holistic success by her definition
is completely internal, with “all things of the outside world coming second.” Despite her
distinction between intangible and tangible definitions of success, Antoinette’s definition still
aligns with the spiritual and mental definitions provided by fellow VIPS alumnae. Cheyenne and
Alyssa provided similar, simple perspectives by focusing on the importance of finding balance,
passion, joy, and meaning within one’s personal and professional pursuits. The difference in their
responses from Antoinette’s is that they believe balance, amongst other named factors, must be
found in one’s work in addition to their personal lives.
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In addition to her previously mentioned perspective, Alyssa believes holistic success
relates to finding a path that you can excel in and are still passionate about while accepting
knowledge from all sources. She stated, “It’s important for a person to find something they like
and are interested in the world because there are so many things out there to be interested in.
Once you find your niche, I think the most valuable thing you can do is to be passionate about it
but not so much so that you close off knowledge from new sources. It’s important to always
accept and absorb knowledge from all sources.” Using herself as an example, she explained that
her role as a researcher and a scholar allows her to teach and learn and also learn in the midst of
teaching others. This overlay and intersectionality of teaching and learning for Alyssa validates
the broader social implications that holistic success provides. For her one cannot be holistically
successful without introducing, influencing, and leading others to do the same.
Tina holds similar perspectives to Alyssa with regard to believing that holistic success is
not possible or fulfilled without it extending beyond one’s self. Her exact process is that she
must reach success on her own as an individual, transfer that to her family—ensuring their
success, and then influencing her community and moving them toward a similar success process.
As a future lawyer, her intent is to help low-income individuals of color fund their legal battles in
order to prevent being trapped in a system that does not work in their favor. Black people are
disproportionately placed in jails and Tina seeks to do work that will help eradicate this reality.
According to the NAACP, “In 2014, African Americans constituted 2.3 million, or 34%, of the
total 6.8 million correctional population” (Criminal Justice Fact Sheet, 2019). Blacks are also
incarcerated five times more than their white counterparts, Black women are imprisoned at a rate
double that of their white counterparts, Black children represent 32% of children who are
arrested nationwide, and despite only making up 32% of America’s population in 2015 Blacks
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and Latinx persons made up 56% of all incarcerated people. Once Tina achieves her own holistic
success through the attainment of her J.D., she will then take care of her family and then service
her community through equitable means to change and eventually halt the disproportionate
imprisonment of communities of color.
The last two of the complex answers regarding holistic success came from Sasha and
Asha. Each of these two women included academic, economic/financial, political, social, sexual,
spiritual, and mental” in their definitions of holistic success. One similarity that the two
participants share, independent of the other respondents, is a denotation of freedom within their
answers. Sasha’s initial response to the question was, “…having the ability to do what I want,
and not society’s perspective of what I should be doing.” She then provided an example of a
five-year retirement plan that she has because she does not want to be at her current job
“forever” but instead has a plan that will allow her to pursue other ventures of her liking in the
future. She references a thought similar to Antoinette’s in regard to education not being so much
of a high priority definition of holistic success. Sasha has always valued education but her
thoughts on it have always been, “I never felt like getting a Bachelor’s or Master’s was necessary
but if they could help me get my foot into the doors I needed, then I was all for it”. Her education
has served as a stepping stone for her to create her retirement plan related to her current job, and
then using those acquired resources to invest in her other goals.
Another thought of Sasha’s relates directly to a lot of what Asha spoke of on top of her
general perspective of holistic success. Each of the participants addressed the idea of the
necessity to learning different sets of skills and knowledge to capitalize on the ideology
surrounding holistic success. Asha believes it is important for one to be able to sustain herself
creatively and personally amongst other things. Focusing on economic success, she believes the
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idea is an intersectional one. More specifically, holistic success should encourage one to find
one’s self for one’s self through autonomy, social stability, and self-determination. She stated,
“As people of color, specifically Black women, we’re a double minority. Because of this identity
its especially important for us to exercise our autonomy and to be knowledgeable in multiple
ways. The White man and his family are, so why aren’t we? I say all of this to say that we need
more life and people skills than we tend to be taught so that we can navigate our way into
different realms that will allow us to maximize our definitions of success.” She continued on to
state,
“The Black community in general is often taught to depend on one or more systems for
our survival but in order to achieve holistic success we have to be self-sufficient and
while academia teaches us to critically think, it does not do enough to make sure we are
independent, self-sufficient individuals. It is when we achieve this to the best of our
abilities that we are holistically successful.”

Despite the breaking down of answers to this question into two categories, there were
many overlapping themes amongst the participants. Regardless of the variation in responses, it is
important to note that each person did not give only one answer to define what holistic success
meant to them. There was not one, unanimous component that the research participants called
upon to answer the question. This trend validates the idea that the concept of holistic success is
not one-dimensional but a multi-faceted ideology that can vary from person to person with core
elements relating to one’s self and the efforts put forth to achieve academic, economic/financial,
political, social, sexual, spiritual, and mental success.
Trend Two: Educational/Career Goals

Question two asks research participants to discuss their educational and career goals prior
to joining the VIP Scholars program. The relevance of this question stems from my personal
biases as the researcher and being curious about whether or not other Black alumnae experienced
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major/career changes as they became active participants of the VIP Scholars program. In my
experience, I had a longstanding dream of being a surgeon and receiving my M.D. My early
undergraduate experiences were not privy to this plan and in pursuit of a better grade point
average (GPA) I knew I should change my major. I became a social science major because I
knew my natural inclination of being good at reading, speaking, and writing would make it easy
for me to excel in the classes. Around the time of this switch and being hired to work as a Peer
Mentor for the VIP Scholars program, my entire path began to change. From then on, I knew I
wanted to do something in the field of education regarding social justice and college access for
underrepresented students. Having such experiences has since caused me to wonder how many
other women in the VIP Scholars program experienced similar changes in educational/career
goals. This section will discuss that trend.
The results for this question varied in a way that allowed me to create four categories of
participant outcomes: no change in goals, a slight change in goals, a complete change in goals,
and having no goals prior to the program. Nicole, Antoinette, and Tina are the three participants
whose goals have not changed before, during, or after their involvement in the VIP Scholars
program. Nicole always wanted to be a social worker, Antoinette has always wanted to be an
actress and is still striving toward this goal despite her current role, and Tina always wanted to be
a lawyer—even before understanding what exactly this meant. Despite their goals never
changing, each has incorporated the ideas of social justice and equity in their work. For
Antoinette specifically, this looks like her using her voice to evoke change in people. Nicole’s
work allows her to reunite families, as families of color tend to be disproportionately broken
apart, resulting in 56% of all foster youth identifying as people of color (Foster Care Statistics
2016, 2018). Tina’s work will allow her to help communities of color persevere against the
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judicial system. While holding these goals near and dear since their youth, the VIP Scholars
program has sparked an insertion of social justice and equity into each of their work that will
allow them to better serve their communities.
The participants that experienced a slight change in goals still hold their original goals
close to them but have added a new component to them. For example, Cheryl always wanted to
be a businesswoman in a corporate setting, Sasha always wanted to be an entrepreneur, Erica
always knew she wanted to work in politics, and Asha has always dreamt of being an artist. Each
of these participants disclosed that they found these careers to be respectable and would illicit
enough money to sustain good lives. Today, Cheryl wants to converge education and business in
a way that will allow her to pursue two of her passions at once. Her goal is to educate Black
youth on business and financial practices because they are often not raised taught these things in
their homes or schools. Sasha’s yearn to be an entrepreneur is still in development, a large part of
her five-year retirement plan will contribute to her pursuing entrepreneurial endeavors once she
no longer works as an admissions officer. Erica always wanted to do work in politics and her
current position addresses this because the conversations about minoritized individuals and bail
bonds are constant. These populations often cannot afford to pay for their releases and Erica’s
work advocates for the elimination of cash bonds and pretrial detention, which people of color
are often victim of. Asha has always been an artist since her youth. Drawing, painting, and
writing poetry have always been easy and enjoyable for her to the point that she intended to
make a career out of it. While this has not changed, she now intentionally includes conscious
topics of social justice, diversity, equity, and equality into her work in order to make statements
regarding the need for change and reform in underrepresented communities.
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Alyssa was the only participant that experienced a complete change in goals. Similar to
me, she wanted to be a Doctor of Medicine as well but early in her time at UCLA realized the
path was not for her. She acknowledges that while she was in high school, she was surrounded
by people that wanted to pursue that same path, so it was normalized to her that being a doctor is
what a successful career looked like. She admits that she did not know that a successful career in
the social sciences was possible until the VIP Scholars program “opened her eyes” to other paths.
Alyssa stated that the program director, assistant director, and mentors helped her feel
comfortable in her decision to switch by providing unconditional support through the process.
Cheyenne and Brandy are the two participants that had no educational or career goals
prior to the VIP Scholars program and instead developed them later on. The two are similar
because before the VIP Scholars program neither of them had any desire to even attend college
but their mindsets changed after enrolling in the program. Cheyenne admits that her grades were
poor during her 9th grade year which led to her being paired with a VIP Scholars mentor through
her high school’s VIP Scholars club and the start of that relationship also provided the start to
her development of goals, starting with wanting to go to college. Despite the rocky start, in
college she majored in Sociology and received an MSW at the graduate level. Brandy’s situation
is similar, she had no real goals other than to attend LATTC because she saw her mother do so.
Attending a university was far from her mind because she was never introduced into such an
environment before her involvement in the VIP Scholars and thought she was to stay home and
help her family out because they were not well off. She specifically stated, “I never had any
goals when I was younger. There was nothing I wanted to be when I grew up. I thought all I had
to do was finish high school and stay home to help with my siblings because we were so poor.”
Despite adversity, Brandy went on to study African-American Studies and Education Studies and
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is in an Educational Counseling Master’s program now with the intent to become a counselor for
underrepresented students.
Though there are differences amongst the participants, they all experienced different
experiential processes to end up where they are now. For some people the processes included
more steps and have more influences along the pathway, but the VIP Scholars program has
contributed and shaped their goals in some fashion or another.
Trend Three: Support (Prior to and During College)

Part One: Prior to College
A common trend in the research participants is that they all identified some component of
VIP Scholars as a key part of the support they received in high school. Considering that students
are not admitted into the program until their 10th grade year, this is very important to note
because there was an entire school year in which teachers or counselors could have filled this
void. Sasha identified VIP Scholars and family as two pivotal factors that contributed to the
support she received in high school. Her mentor held her accountable throughout the academic
years and she identifies the Education 98 course, the teaching professor of the course, and the
teaching assistants as key contributors toward her success in the Summer programs.
Additionally, Sasha states, “My involvement in the Early Academic Outreach Program (EAOP)
and Upward Bound set the foundation to think about college but did not give me the focus and
understanding that VIPS provided. I didn’t know the value of AP and Honors courses until VIPS
taught me what they meant. I didn’t really know that my writing was telling of my background
without a certain style or use of certain jargon in it. VIPS showed me all of those things the other
programs didn’t.” Despite being a first-generation college student, Sasha’s mother provided
unconditional support by utilizing her resources in the work place to investigate and find out
more about college so that she could encourage Sasha and her siblings to attend and pursue paths
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to make better lives for themselves. She would often hear her co-workers using acronyms, which
she later discovered stood for different universities, and would take notes on them and do her
own research at later times to pass the knowledge to her children.
Nicole, Antoinette, and Alyssa also identified VIPS and their families as support systems
while in high school. Nicole is a second-generation college student, so she already had a strong
sense of a developing college identity. Her VIPS academic mentor held her accountable with the
frequent check-ins and follow ups regarding grades and extracurricular involvements. Antoinette
identifies the same functions plus the Education 98 course and her older sister and first-cousin
that she saw go to college. Since they knew the processes, they held her close to them and
ensured she went to college as well. Alyssa echoes the aforementioned sentiments of the other
participants with a key difference in the familial aspect. Alyssa was a first-generation college
student with no family members before her to provide help. Instead, her parents provided
unconditional support and encouragement to pursue a better life for herself through education
and promised their unwavering support throughout her process.
Erica and Brandy are the only two participants that identified church as a space of
support outside of the VIPS program and their families. Much like the other participants, Erica
and Brandy were both provided support through their academic year mentor relationships and
their experiences in the summer programs, but it was their churches that provided majority of
their support outside of this. The community members in their church urged them onward and
always expressed being proud of their efforts, validating the importance of pursuing higher
education. Erica specifically named the Black women of her church as providing another sense
of motherly support, always reminding her that she could depend on and call on them if she ever
needed anything. Brandy’s experience in church were the same but she actually utilized the help
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they offered. When she could not grasp AP Calculus, members of her church connected her with
a resource that allowed her to pass the course with an A. In addition to family, church, and the
VIPS program, Brandy was also involved in the NAI program at USC which was similar to VIPS
and they also supported her in high school.
Of all the participants, Asha had the most widespread amount of support in high school.
In addition to the same support from VIPS that the other participants mentioned, she also
received a lot of support from her single-mother. Though her mother attended college and
received a degree she did not know how to direct her daughter along the path other than
encouraging her to seek any and all assistance to get where she needed to and also always
supporting Asha’s arts. Additionally, seeing her single-mother work so hard to take care of
herself and her older sister motivated Asha to excel in everything she touched. At school, Asha
was very close to the faculty mentor of the Black Student Union (BSU) at her high school. He
encouraged Asha to think about politics through her art and introduced her to early thoughts of
being able to incorporate the two. Asha’s art teachers did the same. She appreciates them for
never limiting the type of art she did but instead encouraging her to be political and use her work
to make bold statements.
Tina, Cheyenne, and Cheryl each only identified VIPS as their sources of support. The
specific components they identified include academic year and summer mentorship, the
Education 98 course, and their cohort members. The common theme in regard to their cohort
members was their peers’ ability to relate to their high school struggles and providing a sense of
belonging and community that fostered their yearn to stay involved with the program.

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Part Two: During College

The research participants were able to answer questions about the support they received
in college in a much more concise succinct manner. All of the participants that attended UCLA
named the same components of the VIP Scholars program as points of support during their
undergraduate careers: mentors, the program director, associate director, and the $20,000
scholarship. Sasha identified the Academic Advancement Program (AAP) where VIPS is housed
and VIPS itself as her support during undergraduate. The specific points of support in VIPS were
the mentors, director, assistant director, and the $20,000 scholarship that is granted to all students
admitted to and attending UCLA. Tina and Cheryl identified the same exact factors as Sasha. In
addition to the naming the same components that the other participants that attended UCLA did,
Alyssa and Asha identified McNair Research Scholars program as being points of support that
encouraged their academic excellence at new levels by allowing them to pursue their own
research topics with the support of faculty. They also acknowledged that VIPS is a big reason as
to why they chose to get involved with McNair in the first place. Asha also identified a professor
in the African-American Studies Department that served as a big support person of her endeavors
and is in part how she landed the job at Monkeypaw Productions.
For the research participants that did not attend UCLA, the results varied more. Nicole,
Antoinette, Cheyenne, and Brandy identified the Black communities (BSU, other VIPS students)
at their schools as big support systems. The mentors and cohort members she kept in contact
with provided validations on their experiences and paths. The program was still in its early
phases during their enrollment in college so there were not a lot of other scholars on their
campuses but the few that were validated their sense of community. Nicole also joined a sorority
while during her four years in college which gave her yet another community to belong to and
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bond with. Brandy also had the privilege of forging a close bond with the VIPS Director who has
helped her through a financial aid issue one time during college. Amongst the participants that
did not attend UCLA, Erica’s experiences varied the most and I think this can be attributed to the
distance of her college. Four out of five of the non-UCLA graduates attended school somewhere
in California while Erica went to school in New York. Erica was able to find her version of a
BSU on her campus, called the Black Student Organization where she found solace and
community. She also lived in the Pan-African House her first two years and spent a lot of her
junior and senior years in the Intercultural Resource Center (IRC) which is a queer space for
Black and Brown students. She said VIPS was more of a support during her first year of college
and began to fade with time, but she always took the lessons and values of accountability and
family with her throughout the rest of her years. She also stated that she was grateful for the
academic grooming VIPS did for her because without it there would have been a lot, she was
unprepared for.
Trend Four: Program Impact on Undergraduate Experiences

The data collected from question six proved to be the biggest surprise because all ten
research participants shared the same perspective. Question six sought to answer the most
impactful component of the VIPS program on their undergraduate experiences. Some
participants had not previously mentioned this component, but it is unanimous that the Education
98 course, taken during the five-week Summer program between students’ 11th and 12th grade
years, provided the most insight for each research participant. Education 98’s working title is
Race, Class, and Inequalities in Education and was taught by a professor at UCLA. The
participants identify the course as being pivotal for the readings assigned, lecture techniques by
the professor, discussions facilitated by the teaching assistants, the encouraged rigor of writing,
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and most notably Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed that students had to read. All of the
participants identified Freire’s work as one of the readings that left them with the largest imprint
and understanding of systematic oppression and why equity and the work of VIPS is so
important. The work also allowed them to put language to various experiences they have had all
their lives but did not know were researched phenomena. At the time, each participant
remembers simply being intrigued and wowed by the curriculum being taught but has now seen
everything they learned play out in their schooling and working experiences at some point or
another. Each participant admits that their work would not be as heavily informed by social
justice without that specific Summer course.
Current Path Development

This section corresponds to question seven, which asks the research participants to reflect
on their definitions of holistic success and consider what parts of the VIP Scholars program have
been most significant in informing their definitions of holistic success. The most popular answer
was the Education 98 course. Sasha, Nicole, Erica, and Brandy all identified Education 98 in
providing a transformative experience leading them to develop a multi-faceted perspective of
success, which is another way to say holistic success. Sasha, specifically, still owns her reader
full of all the readings throughout the Summer course and said she still refers to it when
discussing various topics related to education. In addition to the Education 98 course, Brandy
again discusses her appreciation for the program opening her eyes to the beauty of the Black
culture. Freire’s work is the most pivotal reading that established her understanding of the Black
experience as universal one, across the world.
Cheyenne and Cheryl spoke highly of the mentorship and acknowledged how lost they
would be without it. For each of them, mentorship was the foundational component of their
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involvement with the VIP Scholars program and had their mentors not pushed them toward
success, they realize they would not be where they are now. Alyssa discussed the program as
being pivotal in opening her mind to different types of equality which has transformed her into a
Black feminist. The themes she picked up on throughout the Summers have not only informed
who she is as a person but informs the research and work she plans to spend her career doing.
Similarly, Antoinette also discussed her appreciation of the open-minded thinking that VIPS
encouraged. She recognizes that her ability to see the world through as many lenses as she does,
is because of the distinctive factors that make up the VIPS program. Tina places a particular
emphasis on the community-based work that the program encourages. She reflected on an
activity during the first Summer in which the cohort of students rode a Metro bus from
Westwood to Leimert Park in South Los Angeles and were tasked with identifying every
difference they could as they moved through each community. This led to the unveiling of many
inequalities and differences of neighborhoods based on income and location which has
transformed Tina’s passion for wanting to do pro-bono law that will allow her to work with and
assist underrepresented communities in addition to corporate law.
Last, we have Asha who identified the entire program as being a large contributor to her
developed definition of holistic success. More specifically, Asha described the program as being
entirely intersectional, making it difficult to discuss one component independently of others. She
expressed extreme gratitude to all involved parties of the program from the director to the
mentors and all in-between because their presence personifies the knowledge that is being passed
down. Without going into a lot of detail, Asha explained that her mentors and the Education 98
course receive slight favor over other program factors.
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Again, throughout these responses we see many trends and similarities between the
program participants. Despite the start of their involvements with VIPS ranging from seven to
twelve years ago, many of the narratives share distinct similarities that speak positively to the
program’s success in preparing its students to being holistically successful individuals.
Additional Program Value

I have decided to make this section last after realizing that it should have been the last
question I asked participants. Question five reads, “Is there anything that you would like to share
about the program that is important to know?” The importance of this question stems from the
open-dialogue I wanted my participants to have during our interviews. This question allowed the
women to reflect on any and everything they found of value within the VIPS program and also
opened the door for critiques that I did not expect either. In sum, all supplemental commentary
was positive, but one participant expressed that she wished the program was more progressive at
the time. Details of each participant’s perspective will be outlined below, with details and lengths
on commentary varying per participant.
Sasha began her answer to this question by stating that the VIPS program is a unique and
she believes that my doing a thesis on it proves its value. She also moved on to say that the
program should be replicated throughout the United States to increase matriculation, retention,
graduation and all-around student success for underrepresented populations of students of color.
Without direct mention, Sasha brought up Proposition 209 and how the inception of the VIP
Scholars program was a response to it. The California state law was implemented in 1996 that
prohibited “the use of race in hiring and public college admissions [which] top University of
California official and scholars said…that there [was] an urgent need to come up with creative
ways to improve diversity” (Okong’o, 2006, p. 16). While VIPS was not created immediately
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after the passing of the proposition, the urgency for such a program became apparent after
African-American admittance UCLA dropped just at and below 300 students for almost ten
consecutive years, with only 96 attending the institution in 2006 (Korry, 2006). The VIP
Scholars program was established in 2006 as a direct response to the alarming declination of
underrepresented students admitted and enrolled at competitive four-year universities; the
program was formed with the intent to prepare high school students from underrepresented
backgrounds to be competitively eligible for admissions to competitive schools such as UCLA.
Sasha acknowledges that VIPS’ inception was both strategic and intentional and emphasized that
those same issues have not been done away with yet, which is why more programs like this need
to exist. Sparing details, she also said she believes there is room for improvement but the caliber
of such a program still manages to hold a very large impact on the communities it touches. She
ends her answer to this question by stating that the program’s impact is so large that even after
year of involvement she remembers seeing exceptional growth in the students that she mentored
and acknowledges that they are in amazing places today. One of her most heartfelt thoughts
about the program is that “once you are in it, you are in it for the rest of your life”.
Nicole had much less to say. She simply acknowledged that the program is a great one
and allows students of color to be placed into positive, cultivating learning spaces that they
otherwise might not have without it. Having a mother whose career path she chose to follow
allowed her to have a strong idea of the necessary steps to take to end up on the career path she is
on. She was honest about the fact that she had more knowledge about the college-going process
than some of peers but appreciates the program for helping her develop insight about the need for
social justice and equity within communities of color. This work is reflected in Nicole’s daily life
as she is a full-time social worker but also has launched a business that promotes Black
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excellence through social networking, community involvement, and personal/professional
development. Additionally, Nicole is grateful that the teaching assistants of the VIPS program
helped shape her into a strong writer because she realizes she was not receiving that level of
rigor at her high school.
Erica’s favorite outcome because of the VIPS program is the each one, teach one
mentality she gained from her experiences. She stated that she would tell a student applying to
the program, “Know that it will be difficult. No, it is not a vacation. Know that it is going to be
hard and stressful at times, but it will be for the better. Also know that you will be able to find
and for lifelong beautiful friendships if you are open and receptive to those experiences.” Erica
attended school out of state and wishes she would have received clear-cut “instructions” on
better ways to keep in touch with some of her cohort members and how to be better supported
during her college years. She admits to learning a lot, more than she realized at the time, but in
reflection she wishes there were more conversations about how to mental health, how to cope
with stress, and all things wellness related. She also wishes the program could have been more
liberal, more specifically queer, with its readings and teachings. Overall, she wishes that she
would have received some sort of instruction on how to reach out and stay in touch with people
as she grew, learned, and experienced certain things in her college career. Yet, she also admits
that she equally could have sought these things on her own without help. She ended by
expressing extreme gratitude for the program, acknowledging that much of what she does in her
day-to-day life all relates back to some of the biggest lessons and take-aways from the Summer
program and the Education 98 course.
Vulnerability was Antoinette’s keyword in describing what she thinks is important for
people to know about VIPS. She believes the program is phenomenal for getting “young,
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undirected students who may have felt like college is out of their reach, to become college-
minded”. Through the readings and curriculum, she felt as if the program’s leaders and mentors
did a “great job” at opening youthful minds in very subtle but powerful ways to prepare them to
be agents of change for their various communities, which is a part of the program’s mission.
Antionette indirectly mentioned the hidden curriculum. The world that underrepresented Black
students grow up in means they need to be prepared to think outside of the box in order to
survive and VIPS teaches its students just that. Through vulnerability, she explains, students are
taught to open up to new ideas and opportunities, ways of thinking and being, and ways of
understanding the world. Additionally, she recalls the program really teaching students to not be
afraid of asking for help and identifying one’s weaknesses with the intent to explore and rectify
them. She closed with, “Vulnerability is in success, so I think that VIPS permanently sets you up
to be vulnerable; to open your mind, and not be close-minded.”
Tina’s experience mirrored Nicole’s with regard to learning to write at a rigorous level
that was not taught at her high school. For Tina, the writing course during the first Summer and
the Education 98 course during the second summer were very instrumental because she learned
to write in ways that her school was not teaching her. Despite being enrolled in Advanced
Placement (AP) and International Baccalaureate (IB) classes in high school, she felt like most of
the work was busy work and was reminded of this during the Summers she spent with the VIPS
program. Her thought development and therefore writing processes were challenged in ways that
helped her grow as an individual and are a big help as she moves through law school.
Additionally, she places a large value on having a life-long connection with the professor of the
Education 98 course. Despite being a world-renowned educator and researcher, he manages to
maintain close relationships with past VIPS students and serves as a huge advocate for their
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 56
education. She disclosed that maintaining a positive rapport with him gave her the privilege to
ask for a letter of recommendation for law school, which he did write. In sum, for Tina the most
pivotal aspects of the VIPS program is the ability and encouragement to develop a relationship
with a college professor and being taught to write in a competitive, rigorous manner.
Cheyenne’s pivotal experience with the program relates back to her earlier mention of the
valuable relationships formed during her high school involvement with VIPS. In between the
first and second summers she almost lost her spot in the program because her non-weighted
grade point average (GPA) dropped to a 2.7. She was informed by the Assistant Director that she
would not be able to return to the program with that GPA, but her opportunity was saved by her
mentor, whom advocated her continued enrollment in the program. The GPA coupled with her
high school experienced caused a lot of doubt that made her question whether or not she could
succeed, but her mentor supported, encouraged, and motivated her to push onward and by the
Spring of her 11th grade year, Cheyenne received a 3.75 GPA that semester. It was her proudest
moment and a large part in why she values the mentorship that VIPS provided more than
anything. Furthermore, Cheyenne acknowledges that she made a number of friends that she has
considered her best friends since her inception into the program and those same people motivated
her to persevere. In 2018, Cheyenne graduated with her MSW from UCLA with a fellow VIPS
alumnae that was also her roommate during the five-week Summer program.
In contrary to Sasha and Erica, Alyssa believes that the program is extremely unique and
can be looked to “as an example for how a program can constantly be evolving and trying to
better itself”. She stated that the program is always looking for ways to update and improve its
ways in order to provide students with the best possible experience. Alyssa also acknowledges
Saturday Academies as a unique key of the program, which is a component no other research
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 57
participant addressed. Saturday Academies serve as quarterly check-ins for students throughout
the academic year that also allows the parents to be more involved in their students’ school and
VIPS lives. Alyssa also enjoys the fact that a number of VIPS students that attend UCLA yearn
to give back to others by becoming mentors and how those that do not attend UCLA try and find
work mimicking that of the program in order to fulfill similar work. Her final thought was
powerful and thought provoking as she stated, “I think VIPS…there’s not a science to it, it’s like
a legacy of excellence, but also a community that produces individuals incomparable to those of
other programs out there.”
Brandy is most grateful to VIPS for helping her think of herself and her own (Black)
community in a positive manner. Prior to the program she held a strong distaste toward
Black/African-American people because she was never taught anything positive about the
culture and grew up in home circumstances that only aided her thoughts and feelings at the time.
Brandy thanks the VIP Scholars program for not only making sure she was competitive for a
four-year university, but also made sure she knew and understood who she was as a Black
woman in America—important and valued despite all adversities. Additionally, being around her
cohort members who were like-minded with similar end goals motivated her to be her best self.
Like Cheyenne, Brandy had a roommate that affirmed and urged her to persevere.
Cheryl’s response mimicked Brandy’s significantly despite their being in cohorts that are
five years apart. Cheryl spoke heavily of the issues that Proposition 209 caused and how VIPS
was created as a direct response to rectify the fast-growing issue. She also stated the mission and
history of the program is why she chooses to stay involved with the program. For her, the fact
that the resources provided by the program are completely free was a huge factor. Coming from
a background where her family was at the poverty line, receiving such an opportunity was
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 58
“nothing short of a blessing.” She specifically said, “Now that I am a product of VIPS and can
look back at different points of my life, I can easily identify where I almost slipped through the
cracks. I’m a first-generation American and student and I now know the system doesn’t favor us.
VIPS saved me my 11th grade year and I am indebted to them for helping me grow and find my
path the way I have. The VIPS program and my mentors have been nothing short of a blessing.”
Cheryl closed with the following, “It truly is important for us to have programs like this one
targeting our students in high schools and maybe even earlier… because without them, the
school-to-prison pipeline only increases and instead of our students being pushed into college
they are pushed out of school and straight to prisons.”
Asha believes that the program does an excellent job of teaching students their color and
then allowing them to be whoever they want after learning it. She thinks an indirect outcome of
the VIPS program is that its students are pushed to be liberated thinkers that are pushed to
transform the various spaces they are involved in to become the same. Between the readings and
lectures provided in the five-week Summer program and the mentorship provided throughout the
Summers and academic years, Asha thinks the experiences are some that all students of color
should experience in some capacity or another.
Closing Thoughts

For the most part, mentorship was a common phenomenon amongst all participants. The
impact of the program’s mentors, assistant, director and assistant director proved to be most
influential. Closely following were the participants’ experiences in the 5-week summer program
where lectures, reading, and intensive-writing were very important throughout the Education 98
course. Mentors helped shape goals, encourage students to pursue beyond their comfort zones,
and provided a path for the participants to follow and improve along the way throughout the
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 59
summers and the academic years as well. All of the participants are still in contact with at least
one mentor that they met during the VIPS program. For the participants that attended UCLA,
they each identified how important the scholarship was for them. Whether they were from a poor
economic background or middle class, each participant expressed gratitude for having their
education paid for by the VIPS program. The cohort model of the program also was an aspect
that many of the participants acknowledged as a positive influence on their successes. They
acknowledged that having people who are experiencing what you are throughout your journey
provides a sort of accountability that allows them to pull one another up. Specifically, some
participants acknowledged that they might not have been able to return to the second Summer of
the program if it were not for their cohort members first, and their mentors second, providing
unconditional support. These factors can provide strong implications for college access programs
that calls for continued support, encouraging success for Black women prior to, during, and after
their postsecondary education. As noted throughout this research, the more support that is
provided, the more likely Black women will reach points of holistic success.
The final chapter of this thesis will serve as a final reminder of the importance of the
research conducted. Additionally, these findings will be discussed in a manner that implies what
sort of research should be done in the field moving forth. The uniqueness of this thesis indicates
that there is in fact not enough study on the experiences of Black women throughout high school,
college, and beyond that demonstrates how their holistic life paths have developed and what
specific factors have helped shaped those paths as well.

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Chapter Five: Summary & Conclusions

The findings of this research relating to the Black women alumnae of the VIP Scholars
program development of holistic success are highly consistent with research showing a positive
correlation between how well-supported students have positive schooling and life outcomes
(Howard et. al, 2016; Patton & Harper, 2003; Quigley, 2002). This thesis has sought to bring the
narratives of VIPS’ Black women alumnae forward to a place that validates their experiences
while accentuating the need for programs like it. While posing the question, “How has the
holistic success of Black women students been influenced by their involvement in the VIP
Scholars program?” it was found that a number of notable program components were key in the
development of the research participants’ definition of and growth toward holistic success.
Chapter 1 provided an overview and snapshot of the VIP Scholars program’s goals, pertinent
facts and statistics surrounding Black women in higher education, the importance of college
access programs, and brief mention of the BWCSS. Chapter 2 reviewed relevant literature on the
aforementioned topics with special attention to how this thesis relates to and can further inform
research using Commodore et. al’s (2018) Black women college student success (BWCSS)
model. The literature addressed in chapter 2 arguably only emphasized the relevance of this
thesis because of the lack of specificity regarding how involvement in a college access program
played a role in Black women’s experiences prior to, during, and after college.
The information gathered from the first two chapters contributed to the methods used, as
described in chapter 3. A key difference between Commodore et. al’s (2018) work and this thesis
is that the authors developed their model “because of the unfortunate reality that many Black
women will attend institutions that have chilly or even hostile climates” whereas this thesis used
the model’s setup to exemplify that the development of holistic success encompasses experiences
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 61
throughout one’s entire life. I choose to focus on the women’s lives prior to college and limiting
that to only high school, during college because it is a pivotal moment in defining academic
success/credentialing, and after college because after schooling often comes the commitment to
uphold a “successful” lifestyle. Researchers interested in the further pursuit of this topic through
narratives are advised to read chapter 3 as a contribution to their understanding of value of one’s
story.
Chapter 4 is key in understanding the very specific components identified by the Black
women alumnae of VIPS as prominent factors contributing to their holistic success. Because
Black women are born with strikes against them as double minorities, it is important for
programs like VIPS to exist and back their experiences as valuable and supported. In making
sure that Black women feel valued and are propelled forward, they develop an understanding that
there is more to life, and more types of success, than they may have originally imagined. To
reflect specifically, almost all of the research participants once had a narrow scope of success as
defined by their educational and career goals prior to joining VIPS. As their minds opened to a
new understanding of the transformative and intersectional portions that make up life, their
definitions of success developed anew. This new perspective of success gave each participant a
unique, multi-dimensional meaning of holistic success.
Presentation and Summary of Findings

The information presented throughout Chapter 4 sought to answer the overarching
question of this thesis. As previously stated, the research here is critical in developing an
understanding of the holistic success of Black women in higher education, more specifically
those involved in college access programs with a genuine concern for the well-being of its
students. VIPS was created with a purpose and as a solution-oriented response to a very specific
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 62
problem. The components of it that the participants identified as most valuable should be
mimicked by other programs to ensure similar successes.
The first trend found during this research was each participant’s developed understanding
of holistic success as a multi-faceted. The participants’ understanding of success could easily be
associated with their original educational and career goals prior to their involvement in the
program. As they ventured through the program and learned, they also developed an innate
understanding of success being something that is defined beyond credentialing. Reflecting back
on this thesis’s theoretical framework, that exact phenomenon is exactly what Commodore et. al
(2018) addressed. Their model described success as something that extends beyond “mere
credentialing” and instead encompasses many aspects of a Black woman’s life as developed
through her experiences. The Black alumnae of the VIP Scholars program generally defined
success in addition to their academic achievements as those that are economic/financial, political,
social, sexual, spiritual, and mental. This breakdown and understanding of success being
intersectional and layered also exemplifies the mission of the VIP Scholars program which is to
cultivate students through a holistic approach. The holistic approach influenced holistic success
in each woman.
The second trend in this research found that goals prior to joining the VIPS program
varied in students. There was one on the path to medicine, two on the path two business, two
with no prior standing goals at all, and five with strong ideas of what they wanted to do. Despite
the differences of where they were before joining the program, they all are in a similar space
now—wanting the work they do to reflect their passions for social justice, diversity, equity,
equality, welfare, and outreach as reflected throughout the program. This reflects VIPS’ innate
ability to expose students to issues of varying inequalities in higher education and other systemic
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 63
institutions that we are part of. The realization and discovery of the world we live in as being
unjust pushed the students to incorporate aspects of the program into their own work—allowing
them to ascertain personal passions for their work.
The third and fourth trends can be thought of as two sides to a coin. The research
participants were asked to reflect on the support they received in high school and in college.
VIPS was a common trend for all in high school, but there was a slight shift in college that was
reflected in where the participants pursued their Bachelors degrees. The VIPS program in
general, the mentors, participants’ families, and settings such as church were most pivotal in
their lives throughout high school. Amongst all, Asha was fortunate enough to find support in
more outlets than her peers. As they all matriculated through college, VIPS was still the most
common support system for them. Those that attended UCLA had the privilege of open-door
access to the director, assistant director, their Education 98 professor, and their mentors that were
on and around campus. These same women benefited from being scholarship recipients, reducing
the worry on how their education would be funded. They also were afforded the privileged of
being immersed into the VIPS community, which other participants that did not. Those that
attended schools other than UCLA utilized their mentors from afar and developed closer bonds
with fellow VIPS students at their respective colleges, except for Erica who attended school in
New York. All of these women, including Erica, became involved with the Black communities at
their schools in order to develop kinships within their places of refuge. Those who maintained
bonds with their cohort members no matter what school they were at expressed gratitude for
those motivating relationships.
The last two questions resulted in the idea of VIPS as an intersectional program being a
catapult for success at the undergraduate level and the development of individual definitions of
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 64
holistic success. The program being composed of many parts leads one to understand that there
are many avenues that can lead a group of individuals to similar places. Again, mentorship and
the Education 98 course as umbrella concepts were the most prominent answers to questions six
and seven. It has been exemplified throughout this work that bonds formed with like-minded,
goal-oriented individuals results in positive outcomes as they relate to motivation and successful
outcomes. Additionally, the content presented to students within the Education 98 course and the
delivery that shaped their understanding of such abstract ideals pushed students toward the
development of critical thinking with regard to transforming their communities and the world
into better places.
At the end of each interview, participants expressed sincere gratitude for the program and
all its pieces for contributing to who they are and their trajectories thus far. The few critiques
surrounding program improvement contribute to some implications for future programs and
research. It is important and okay for programs to be dynamic in delivery, shaking the table and
jolting the minds of youth to be revolutionary thinkers if the mission is to create agents of
change. This must be done so in a way that encourages critical thinking while teaching students
to identify problems but then be solution-oriented in solving them.
Political & Policy-Geared Implications

Orfield (1992) discussed “political opportunism, insufficient outreach, bureaucratic
insensitivity, and a failure to distinguish cultural differences” as some of the primary reasons that
low-income, underrepresented students have trouble accessing higher education (p. 337).
Focusing specifically on “insufficient outreach” we can reflect on chapter four when the research
participants disclosed on numerous occasions that without he VIP Scholars program they would
have slipped through educational cracks. Sasha and Tina are two specific students that identified
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 65
themselves as being part of/involved with the EAOP but never receiving detailed information on
what that implied for their college pursuits. Further in his work, Orfield (1992) addressed
research that shows “financially needy students” as those that drop out the most, change from
four to two-year colleges, or change from full to part time status (p. 342). The research
participants included in this thesis could have easily become drop outs without proper support.
Mentorship and a network of support combatted this possibility and propelled them forward.
Among all underrepresented students, Black students are the most likely to drop out of college
because of financial issues. Financial issues are some of the most prominent matters that prevent
underrepresented students from accessing higher education. Without the opportunity to access
higher education, underrepresented, Black students are more likely to not succeed at the
collegiate level either because of financial hindrances.
It is important to note that the times we live in regard higher education as a commodity.
As this research explores, higher education is a privilege for many despite it being a right that all
should be afforded. The systematic set up of colleges and four-year universities plays a large part
in who can access higher education. Orfield (1992) examined the strong link between money and
college access. Despite the age of his work, he touched upon the still relevant notion of cost as
being a foundation for who can and will attend college versus those that cannot and will not
because of the lack of funds to do so. The five research participants that attended UCLA for their
Bachelors degrees identified the $20,000 scholarship as a key component of their success at the
university. The status of their backgrounds had no real influence on who valued the scholarship
more. Asha, as a middle-class individual knew that college still could cost her a lot of money if
plagued with having to pay out of pocket for her education. Concurrently, Sasha, Tina, Alyssa,
and Cheryl all came from low-income backgrounds and, lacking an understanding of how
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 66
financial aid assists the financially less fortunate, still had concerns about how their education
would be paid for and were grateful for the VIPS program’s financial support. Orfield’s work has
a primary focus on the indisputable connection between “dollars and college attendance” as to
why many underrepresented students are unable to attend colleges. These same students that tend
to have financial issues while attempting to access college sometimes face even more once they
make it to four-year universities. Policies should be reformed to guarantee more funding for
Black women students. Those VIPS students that had the privilege to attend UCLA were able to
combat some of these issues through the scholarship they received. The removal of the financial
burden allowed for their holistic growth and development into the beings they are today and still
seek to become in the future. Consequently, it is important for institutions and leaders alike to
urgently seek ways to replicate programs like the VIP Scholars one and provide necessary
funding to encourage the pursuit of higher education in Black women.
Implications for Research & Practice
Throughout this thesis, the idea of holistic success was at the forefront in regard to the
success of Black women and their attainment of this notion. The focus stems from the reality that
Black women are double minorities because of their intersectional identities. Not only are they
second-rate citizens as women but being Black in a system that already puts down women causes
them to receive double the brunt of inequalities and inequities as they exist throughout higher
education. Holistic success is dire for Black women students. As double minorities there are
mental health needs that must be met to eradicate the fears and reality of stereotype threat and
imposter syndrome. The idea of holistic success acknowledges and focuses on the reality that
Black women are entire beings with layered identities and stories that contribute to their
existence. Considering this, it is important to avoid focusing on credentialing and degree
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 67
attainment as largely pivotal milestones in the lives of Black women. Instead, the focus should
consider that all of their experiences should be taken into account, holistically, and cultivated in
the same manner that acknowledges all of them and not just parts that should be propelled
toward academic success. Black women must be cared for mentally, spiritually, economically,
financially, politically, and socially—not just academically and educationally. This reality
encourages a shift in the perspectives of what postsecondary institutions should be doing for
Black women students. Not only do students need to be pushed to their maximum educational
abilities but they also must be encouraged to take care of themselves beyond the roles of students
and scholars. Without wellness in other realms of one’s self, it is nearly impossible to excel
academically, anyhow. Student success should not simply be defined as matriculation and
graduation. These accomplishments are not worn on sleeves for the world to see, therefore it is
important for Black women students to not only understand and define holistic success for
themselves but it is important for the institutions they are part of to cultivate it.
Concluding Thoughts

The Vice-Provost Initiative for Pre-College Scholars is a profound program, unique for
the work that it does, and the populations focused on. As a first-generation, low-income, Black
woman and alumna of the program, this research was very important and personal to me. My
ability to identify with the content of this research and the selected population, I assumed certain
outcomes would stand and they did. Mentorship was a reoccurring theme that accentuated the
value of genuine relationships and support amongst underrepresented students and their
communities. Mentors served as guides for the students, providing unconditional support and
relentless motivation to push the otherwise unknowing students toward greatness. Through these
relationships, coupled with the many lessons learned throughout the Summer programs,
STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 68
specifically the Education 98 course, students are introduced to the idea of success containing
many layers, all of which are achievable. Additionally, the ability to develop allies and
partnerships in cohort members served as a constant push toward success as well. Students found
solace in relating to a group of people they could learn from and grow with while all having
spearheads (director, assistant director, teaching assistants, professors, and mentors) to look to as
inspiration and goals, proof that they too could rise above their circumstances. Through all of
these factors and their intersectionality, the understanding of success as an ever-changing,
personal phenomena propelled the women forward to attain success at their own costs. The
results found through this research validate the need for more programs like VIPS and more
support, in general, for Black women pursuing postsecondary education.

STARTED FROM THE BOTTOM 69
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Asset Metadata

Creator Thomas, Ameinah Diauna (author)

Core Title Started from the bottom, now you’re where?: A close look at the development of holistic success within the trajectories of the VIP Scholars program’s Black alumnae

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Master of Education

Degree Program Educational Counseling

Publication Date 05/10/2019

Defense Date 03/22/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag access,Barriers,Black,challenges,college,completion,Development,Education,experience,Graduation,higher,holistic,matriculation,mentors,mentorship,OAI-PMH Harvest,outreach,retention,socioeconomic,Success,trajectory,Women

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Language English

Advisor Cole, Darnell (committee chair), Banuelos, Sheila (committee member), Tunstall, Jonli (committee member), Venegas, Kristan (committee member)

Creator Email ameinah.tho@gmail.com,ameinaht@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-156843

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract The purpose of this study is to understand the experiences of Black female alumnae in a college access and retention program in Southern California. The main research question for this study is: How has the holistic success of Black women students been influenced by their involvement in the VIP Scholars program? Using a qualitative approach, the study utilized the Black women college student success (BWCSS) framework and relied on the results of 10 semi-structured interviews for results. These results revealed a plethora of factors that contribute to the development and therefore attainment of holistic success for Black women alumnae.