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Charter school alumni experience

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Content Running head: CHARTER SCHOOL ALUMNI EXPERIENCE 1

CHARTER SCHOOL ALUMNI EXPERIENCE

by

Jannah Garfio

_____________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2019

Copyright 2019 Jannah Garfio

CHARTER SCHOOL ALUMNI EXPERIENCE

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DEDICATION
This study is dedicated first to my students. You are the reason I get up in the morning
and want to do better each and every day. You are the world-changers. In particular, this study
is dedicated to RayKale, Jamel, Victor, Emmily, Nathaniel, Xavier, Heaven, Tavis, Rashad,
Kosh, Coryell, and Jurreion; and in memory of Ja’Michael. I love you always. To my best
friend and father, Bruce Young for always believing in me and supporting me, and who has
modeled Tikkun Olam. And to Orpheus, for daring greatly, living your truth and continuing on
this journey every day. Thank you for trusting me to lead with you from the beginning.
Working with you is the honor of a lifetime. You’re next.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The space for this study would not have been possible without the exceptional body of
work and expertise of Dr. Shaun R. Harper. Thank you for believing in the power of lived
experience, elevating research that matters and supporting my going rogue. Thank you to Dr.
Son Young Hahm for inspiring me to continue when I felt like giving up and encouraging me
pursue the practical application of this work every day. You have modeled what it means to be a
reflective leader and your commitment and support of equity initiatives means so much to me.
To my chair, Dr. Monique Datta who supported me in refusing to tell this story from a deficit
lens, let me think outside the box and stuck with me ‘til the end. To Dr. Alex Garfio — without
your support and guidance this would not have been possible. You are an incredible role model
and example of Latinx excellence. To the original Leading for Equity crew — Jarell, Nate,
Donterrio, Patrice, Colleen, John, Ben, Justin, Kyle, Antoine, Kamaljit and Cary. The
impossible is possible when you have a team like this. Near or far, we are in this together. To
the founding Leading for Racial Equity team: Orpheus Williams, Naomi Opaleye, Dr. Blanca
Ruiz-Williams, Dr. Derrick Gay, & Dr. Sharroky Hollie. You all are so brilliant, and your
knowledge and expertise has pushed and challenged me in the best of ways. To my Boxing
Babes and sister circle for cheering me on and providing endless support and encouragement
through the best and worst of times. I am because we are. To my writing partner Manoj, and to
Casey, Caron, Mary, Lorri and Tammy. Thank you for the laughs, saltiness, real tears, and
memes. My poker face has never been so strong. Love you all. Fight on!

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
Abstract 5
Chapter 1: Introduction 6
Statement of the Problem 7
Purpose of the Study 9
Significance of the Problem 10
Definitions 11
Organization of the Dissertation 12
Chapter 2: Review of the Literature 13
Transitions to College 13
Campus Climate 15
Persistence Decisions 19
Theoretical Framework 27
Summary of the Literature 29
Chapter 3: Methods 30
Participating Stakeholders 31
Data Collection and Instrumentation 32
Data Analysis 33
Credibility and Trustworthiness 34
Ethics 34
Limitations and Delimitations 35
Chapter 4: Findings 37
The Role Model: Yvette’s Story 37
Beyond the Token: Dereneka’s Story 41
Dual Consciousness: Michael’s Story 47
Walking Alone: Victor’s Story 51
Chapter 5: Summary, Discussion of Research and Recommendations 57
Summary of the Study 57
Discussion 58
Implications for Practice 63
Implications for Research 68
Conclusion 69
References 71
Appendix: Interview Protocols 80
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ABSTRACT
There are many studies conducted on the higher education experience for students of color, but
few that allow elementary and middle school educators to reflect on how they have impacted the
lives of former students of color through their college years. This study leveraged the lived
experiences of four alumni of color of a charter organization serving students in grades K-8 in an
urban center in the Southwestern United States. In order to frame the findings and analyze the
data, the theoretical frameworks of Critical Race Theory and Tinto’s theory of student departure
were used (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000; Tinto, 1993). The study drew several conclusions about
the experience of the alumni and the impact of the charter network on their persistence decisions.
Based on the findings practical implications were suggested for the charter organization to
implement to better serve its students of color.
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
According to research from both the Pew Foundation and the National Center for
Education Statistics, Black and Latinx students are persisting in and graduating college in far
fewer numbers than their White peers (Escamilla & Guerrero Trevino, 2014; Krogstad, 2015;
NCES, 2012). In the United States, obtaining a college degree is a defining factor in one’s
earning potential. In fact, it can lead to a 43% increase in earning potential over the individual’s
lifetime (Daly & Bengali, 2014; Ojeda, Castillo, Meza, & Pina-Watson, 2014). Thus, students’
persistence decisions while enrolled in college are of utmost importance.
Cultural and psychological belonging have a large effect on the persistence of Black and
Latinx students. In recent decades, researchers have begun to identify a correlation between an
individual’s sense of cultural and psychological belonging and persistence decisions made by
students of color (Escamilla & Guerrero Trevino, 2014; Ojeda et al., 2014; Winkle-Wagner,
2015). For students of color, feeling discomfort with the cultural identity of the college, and
perceived lack of support leads to lower persistence rates and thus lower college completion
(Escamilla & Guerrero Trevino, 2014; Ojeda et al., 2014; Winkle-Wagner, 2015). Inequities on
the college campus affecting persistence are most common among students of color who attend
predominantly White institutions (PWIs), where the value system of the university is aligned
with White cultural values (Aguinaga & Gloria, 2015; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). This chapter will
explore the problem of low persistence rates for students of color and the relationship between
identity, belonging and college persistence.
This dissertation focused on understanding the impact of the CBCN experience on
college persistence and degree completion for CBCN alumni. Specifically, alumni were asked to
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reflect on the actions and inactions of educators within the organization, as well as organizational
structures that either contributed to, or hindered their ability to thrive at a college or university.
This study uses a pseudonym to protect the identity of the organization and its alumni. The
organization will be referred to as the College Bound Charter Network (CBCN) throughout the
remainder of the chapters. This chapter includes a statement of the problem to be addressed, the
purpose and significance of the study, and definitions of key terms and concepts. The chapter
concludes with an overview of the organization of the dissertation.
Statement of the Problem
Colleges and universities seem to be struggling to shift away from viewing ethnic
minority students through a deficit lens (Baber, 2012; Harper, Smith, & Davis, 2018; Velasquez,
1999; Winkle-Wagner, 2015). This deficit lens can manifest as low expectations for students,
lack of access to courses, low faculty mentorship and absence of institutional support (Baber,
2012; Contreras & Contreras, 2015; Gonzales, Brammer, & Sawilowsky, 2015; Harper et al.,
2018; Howard, 2010; Jones, 2015; Velasquez, 1999; Winkle-Wagner, 2015). For Latinx
students, even attending an identified Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI) does not increase their
chances of degree completion, possibly because these colleges receive federal funding based on
enrollment rates of Latinx students, rather than completion rates, and often do not do enough to
support their Latinx population once they are enrolled (Contreras & Contreras, 2015; Jones,
2015).
CBCN, a national network of Title I charter schools serving predominantly Black and
Latinx students, contains in its mission the promise of getting students into college and to degree
completion. Yet, according to a recent report, despite nearly 90% of CBCN alumni having
enrolled in college, only about 36% are completing a four-year degree within five years of
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graduating high school. Disaggregating the data further, Black students graduate at 21% and
Latinx students at 32%. While this rate exceeds the national average for students of color, the
organization does not believe they are fulfilling promises made to students and families until this
rate is raised. The CBCN CEO once shared publicly that while 33% of CBCN alumni have
earned a bachelor’s degree or higher, and 6% have earned an associate’s degree, the other 61%
have not completed college, as a result of dropping out, being forced out, or never starting.
While this number far outperforms the national enrollment and completion rates for Black and
Latinx students as reported by the National Center for Education Statistics, it is not sufficient to
fulfill the promise the organization makes to its students (NCES, 2012). The organization has
focused largely on academic achievement since its inception. However, as the body of research
grows and changes, it is becoming clear that there are additional factors at play that are
impacting this statistic.
The idea for the CBCN began in the early ‘90s as a single site. The founders were both
White males, which influenced the original design and subsequent development of the
organization over time. Since CBCN’s founding, the curriculum focused on increasing academic
achievement for students in underserved communities. In subsequent years, the organization
began to grow as it demonstrated unparalleled academic results in low-income communities and
the demand to replicate the original model grew. According to the organization’s website, the
original mission of CBCN evolved over the years from an absolute mandate about the
educational experience that students would receive, to a more inclusive statement that expanded
to the goal of college completion and beyond. CBCN has now grown to run more than 200
schools nationwide. CBCN boasts more than 80,000 students, 96% of whom are African-
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American or Latinx, and 88% of whom qualify for free or reduced lunch, according to the
organization’s website.
CBCN’s published goal is that by 2020, they will have doubled the number of students
that are matriculating into and completing college, meaning that all CBCN alumni would be
enrolling in college and completing a bachelor’s degree, given the organization’s current
estimated college completion data. Stated another way, meeting the goal would bring college
completion rates by CBCN alumni to nearly 100%. However, current internal as well as
published data from the organization shows estimated college completion rates falling well
below this mark and over the past few years the organization’s results have stagnated. CBCN
runs on a no-excuses, college-going mentality based in the ideology that by attending college
prep high school and completing a degree, students of color will automatically have access to the
same opportunities as the founders. This ideology stemmed from the experience of one of the
founders, identifying his seminal experience in an East Coast boarding school and subsequent
Ivy League education as the keys to his access and opportunity. To this day, many CBCN high
school and college advisors push students to follow the founders’ same path.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this project was to evaluate CBCN’s influence on the college persistence
decisions and experiences of CBCN alumni, in order to identify ways in which CBCN can better
support its alumni in alignment with the organization’s goals of seeing students through to
college completion. Far too often in studies of minoritized populations, the group being studied
is viewed through a deficit lens. This study was an attempt to capture the voices of the students
whose future is most directly impacted by the organization.
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The question that guided the development of the study was how does CBCN prepare its
students to successfully navigate into and through college? In order to gather perspectives from
alumni and create a comprehensive picture, the following research questions were used:
1. What are the experiences of CBCN alumni navigating into and through college?
2. What factors contribute to the persistence and degree completion of CBCN alumni?
3. How has CBCN contributed to the persistence and degree completion of CBCN
alumni?
Significance of the Problem
CBCN is a national network of public, Title I charter schools serving grades preK-12 in
underserved communities across multiple regions in the United States, and was the site for this
study. “CBCN” is a pseudonym used in place of the name of the organization to protect its
identity, and those of its alumni. There are regions in the Western, Southwestern, Southern,
Midwest and Eastern parts of the United States. CBCN regions all operate under the same
mission statement and towards the same organizational goals, however there are nuances to the
context of each region and the populations of students depending on location. This study looked
at a single region in the Western United States.
It was important to evaluate the organization’s performance in relationship to its
performance goal of increasing the number of students of color persisting in college for a variety
of reasons. Understanding the problem of CBCN college persistence rates could potentially have
a huge impact on the national college completion rates for Black and Latinx students, thus
impacting the cycle of poverty that continues to persist in many predominantly Black and Latinx
communities (NCES, 2012; Ojeda et al., 2014). According to Daly and Bengali (2014), students
paying an average college tuition of $20,000 a year are able to pay of their college degree by age
CHARTER SCHOOL ALUMNI EXPERIENCE

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40, and increase their lifetime earnings by nearly a million dollars. If the problem of college
persistence for CBCN alumni is not solved, then cycles of poverty will continue in their
communities and inequitable outcomes will continue to be the status quo (Baber, 2012; NCES
2012; Ojeda et al., 2014). Current and future CBCN alumni, families and communities will be
the direct beneficiaries of the research done within CBCN. This problem was important to
address as degree completion for ethnic minorities perpetuates cycles of inequity affecting future
careers, earning potential and quality of life for individuals, families and communities. With this
research, the cycle of poverty could be impacted and potentially reversed for CBCN alumni and
their families, which will in turn better the communities that they live in.
Definitions
Black: A term used to inclusively refer to people both of African-American descent, and
those from other backgrounds who self-identify as Black.
Intersectionality: The intersection of various forms of identity, including, but not limited
to race, ethnicity, age, socioeconomic status, gender, sexual identity and religion (Howard &
Navarro, 2016; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
CBCN: A network of public, Title I charter schools in the United States, serving
predominantly students of color.
Latinx: A gender-neutral term used to refer inclusively to those of Latin-American origin,
in place of Latino/a.
Minoritized: A term used to refer to people whose racial, ethnic, or religious identity has
led them to experience political, financial or social marginalization or oppression without regard
to the size of group. For this study, the term minoritized refers primarily to Black or Latinx
students and their communities.
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Persistence: The continued enrollment and attendance at a college or university towards
degree completion (Braxton, Hirschy, & McClendon, 2004; Tinto, 1993).
PWI: An acronym used throughout this study to refer to predominantly White institutions
(Aguinaga & Gloria, 2015; Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Students of Color: Students who come from racially minoritized communities (Howard,
2010).
Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation in practice is organized in five chapters. In Chapter 1, the reader is
provided with an overview of the topic as well as definitions of key terminology found in the
discussion of college persistence, as well as CBCN as an organization. Chapter 2 provides a
review of the current and most salient literature surrounding the topic of college persistence for
students of color. This discussion includes transitions to college, campus climate, factors
impacting persistence decisions, and Tinto’s theory of student departure. Chapter 3 serves to
explain the need for this study, and the methodology chosen, including the participant group of
CBCN alumni, and the rationale for using a narrative inquiry approach. In Chapter 4, the
findings from the interviews are presented in narrative form. Chapter 5 concludes the study with
a discussion of findings, proposed recommendations for the organization based on data collected,
as well as relevant literature, and overall evaluation of the findings.

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CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
The problem of practice that will be explored in this chapter is the low college
persistence rates of Black and Latinx students. Recently, researchers have begun to identify a
correlation between these low persistence rates and the identity development and cultural and
psychological belonging, or lack thereof, that students of color experience when on the college
campus (Escamilla & Guerrero Trevino, 2014; Ojeda et al., 2014; Winkle-Wagner, 2015). This
problem of low college persistence rates is important to solve, because college completion
impacts the future earnings and career outcomes for these students by as much as 43% (Daly &
Bengali, 2014; Ojeda et al., 2014). Solving this problem could potentially have a huge impact on
the national completion rates for Black and Latinx students, thus impacting the cycle of poverty
that continues to persist in many predominantly Black and Latinx communities (NCES, 2012;
Ojeda et al., 2014).
This chapter will review the literature related to college persistence for students of color.
First it will explore transitions to college and college match, followed by campus climate. Then
it will explore institutional factors that impact persistence decisions, as well as Tinto’s theory of
student departure. The chapter will conclude with a description of the theoretical framework
used for the study, Critical Race Theory, and end with a summary of the literature.
Transitions to College
College in the United States was not designed with students of color in mind. Since its
beginning in the United States, the education system has aligned itself with systems of
domination, power and privilege (Johnson, 2006; Nkomo & Al Ariss, 2014; Valencia,
Menchaca, & Donato, 2002). This idea is captured in a statement from one of Harvard’s most
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well known presidents, Charles Eliot, who stated that the community was only obligated to
provide a superior education to its most elite members (Harvard University, 1869). At the time,
those who were elite in the United States were predominantly White males, and Eliot’s statement
shows the explicitly exclusionary nature of the higher education conversation of the era. Today,
in post-Brown v. Board America, college is the named goal for the majority of the educational
reform movement, which seeks to improve educational outcomes for all students, implying
inclusivity for those previously excluded. As students of color seek to find their place in the
historically White world of U.S. colleges and universities, transitioning to an institution that has
successfully adapted to meet the needs of students of color is important to secure the intended
outcome of college completion.
For many students, academic success is often tied to the belief that they must “act White”
or hide aspects of their racial and cultural identity (Howard, 2010; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). This
experience of leaving a part of one’s identity behind in order to assimilate to the academy can be
traumatic in and of itself and directly impacts the learning outcomes in the classroom and thus
future persistence decisions in college (Emdin, 2016; Howard, 2010; Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Reinforcement of this notion, whether intentional or not, can contribute to the underachievement
of students of color (Howard, 2010). In a three-year study at a public high school in Oakland,
California, Duncan-Andrade found that suppression of student identity was directly related to the
students’ beliefs about whether or not college was for them, and students who do not believe
college is for them are less likely to persist (Duncan-Andrade & Morell, 2008). Additionally, he
found that by creating space for the students to discuss the realities of life in urban Oakland with
a critical lens, students were more prepared to navigate the academic landscape that lay ahead in
college (Duncan-Andrade & Morell, 2008). This research is further corroborated by studies of
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college students which found that when students of color were supported by knowledgeable staff
during times of psychological stress or feeling like they did not belong, there was a direct
correlation with future academic success and persistence (Contreras & Contreras, 2015;
DeFreitas & Bravo, 2012; Gonzales et al., 2015; Moore, 2013). The cited examples show that
opportunities for students of color to embrace and examine their identity are directly correlated
with their future college persistence decisions.
Institutional Fit
In recent years, the idea of institutional fit has become increasingly popular in
educational research. The idea of institutional fit speaks to a degree of match, when the student’s
needs are met by a university on a variety of levels (Morris, Beck, & Mattis, 2007). Institutional
fit is a factor considered to play a key role in predicting the future retention and completion of
students (Cragg, 2009; Morris et al., 2007). When students are not disaggregated by race, key
indicators of institutional fit are holding similar worldviews to the professors and peers on
campus, as well as academic and affordability matches (Cragg, 2009; Morris et al., 2007).
Although, it should be noted that studies are now finding that financial match does not predict
college completion (Cragg, 2009). While these factors are no doubt important, students of color
must consider additional factors when considering institutional fit.
Campus Climate
The first year sets the tone for the rest of a student’s college career, yet even as late as a
student’s fourth year, continued negative experiences of the campus racial climate can lead to
student attrition (Baber, 2012; Bennett & Okinaka, 1990). It comes as no surprise that inequities
are most prevalent among students of color who attend predominantly White institutions (PWIs),
where the value system of the university is aligned with White cultural values (Aguinaga &
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Gloria, 2015; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). As part of the education system of the United States,
colleges and universities duplicate the same racial hierarchies that permeate American society,
and thus students of color enter into a space where value is already assigned to their identity,
frequently through a deficit lens (Baber, 2012; Velasquez, 1999; Winkle-Wagner, 2015).
According to Winkle-Wagner (2015), institutions do little in order to understand differences
within like-groups of students of color, ignoring factors such as gender, sexual orientation, class
and immigration status and their intersectionality with racial and ethnic identity. Bensimon
(2005) refers to the perpetuation of these norms as often being carried out by individuals who
carry a deficit cognitive frame; while they appear to value diversity, they lack the equity mindset
to carry out diversity initiatives successfully and may view students as lacking, rather than the
institution.
The Campus Experience
Upon arriving on the college campus, students of color are often met with
overwhelmingly unfriendly and isolating experiences. Researchers have confirmed that students
of color find universities, in particular research universities, to have a hostile racial climate, and
to be unwelcoming to students from minoritized backgrounds (Baber, 2012; Harper & Hurtado,
2007; Winkle-Wagner, 2015). When students of color begin at a PWI, they are likely to
experience identity-based rejection, prejudice and stereotyping and be forced to into a
community with a racial and ethnic makeup that is significantly different from their K-12
experience (Lin, 2011; Murphy & Zirkel, 2015; Nuñez, 2011). In one study, students reported
experiencing micro-aggressions from both staff and peers that included nonverbal gestures, and
degrading remarks about their home culture, how they spoke and appearance (Solórzano, 1998).
Research now goes even further to show that students of color predominantly experience the
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educational system as psychologically traumatic and racially hostile (Ghavami, Fingerhut,
Peplau, Grant, & Wittig, 2011; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Valencia et al., 2002). In a study of
microaggressions students of color reported experiencing exclusion from study groups by peers,
students avoiding sitting near them in classrooms, and racial slurs being yelled at them out of
windows (Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). These feelings of alienation and social
rejection are significant predictors of persistence for many students of color and can lead to
outcomes such as change in major, transferring schools or dropping out (Bennett & Okinaka,
1990; Murphy & Zirkel, 2015).
Students of color also play a unique role at many PWIs. Some researchers have
identified the presence of diversity of convenience in their research, which refers to the
superficial celebration and inclusion of underrepresented groups through livening class dialogue
through alternative perspectives, bringing in ethnic foods and festivals, while simultaneously
failing to support the cultural identities of students of color in a real and meaningful way (Yosso
et al., 2009). In short, students of color are tasked with carrying the additional burden of
educating and enriching the college experience of White students (Yosso et al., 2009). The
ability to understand, adapt culturally, and navigate White spaces, while maintaining secure self-
concept is key to achieving positive academic outcomes (Baber, 2012; Ghavami et al., 2011).
Experience of Belonging
Students of color attending higher education institutions may also struggle to combat the
perception that their admission was solely due to affirmative action rather than academic merit,
and may experience being judged by peers and faculty according to these perceptions (Harper &
Griffin, 2011; Solórzano & Villalpando, 1998). In a study of first-generation college students,
Moore (2013) found that teacher and peer anticipations of failure added to the stress of already
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feeling a lack of belonging due to minority status on campus. Stanton-Salazar (1997) explains
this in his analytic framework when articulating that “learning to negotiate the dominant culture
of power within the typical school environment is usually a fiercely alienating and symbolically
violent experience, particularly when one goes at it alone — as is so often the case” (p. 34).
Faculty, including faculty of color, often act in accordance with negative stereotypes and thus
become barriers to students’ future success (Gonzales et al., 2015; Howard, 2010). Additionally,
the recruitment and selection processes are often centered on discernments of the student of
color’s perceived ability to seamlessly fit in with the dominant cultural values of the university
(Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Researchers agreed that the psychological effect of these experiences
were directly correlated to lowered persistence intention by students of color (Baber, 2012;
Escamilla & Guerrero Trevino, 2014; Moore, 2013; Solórzano & Villalpando, 1998). Some
researchers noted that even as late as their fourth year, isolated students would leave the
university when feelings of lack of belonging became exceedingly burdensome (Bennett &
Okinaka, 1990). In a study of 457 undergraduate students of varying racial backgrounds,
Bennett and Okinaka (1990) established that college adjustment, satisfaction and social
alienation related to their racial identity were disproportionately significant predictors of college
persistence for Black students when compared to students of other racial and ethnic backgrounds.
In a study of 452 students, Murphy and Zirkel (2015) discovered that during the first
semester, self-reported feelings of belonging could be used to accurately predict future academic
success among students of color. Similarly, Lin (2011) also noted that for undergraduate
students of color, the psychological dimensions of their self-beliefs about their own race and
ethnicity were the strongest predictor of academic persistence. Even when analyzed by sub-
group according to race, the results of research studies were similar. A 2013 study of first-
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generation undergraduates showed that Black students who highly identified with their ethnicity
and were sensitive to negative interactions around race, found it harder to identify with the
predominantly White culture of the institution they were attending and to persist to graduation
(Moore, 2013).
Persistence Decisions
Far more students leave college prior to degree completion than those who stay (Tinto,
1993). While research indicates that race matters in educational experience and persistence
decisions, practice that contributes to the persistence success of students of color are still lacking
in most colleges and universities (Bennett & Okinaka, 1990; Bensimon, 2005; Howard &
Navarro, 2016). Factors that contribute to the low persistence rates for students of color will be
examined in this section.
Tinto’s Theory of Student Departure
Tinto’s (1993) theory of student departure is perhaps the most renowned empirical model
of students’ persistence decisions. Tinto (1993) addresses key factors that are barriers for social
and academic integration into college, such as loneliness and difficulty adjusting, inability to
integrate new experiences and knowledge, and finally lagging human, social, cultural and
academic capital. Lower integration leads to students’ commitment to goals such as degree
attainment to decrease (Tinto, 1993).
Tinto describes these factors in a manner that places deficit on the individual, rather than
the institution, and assumes assimilation into the dominant culture (Harper et al., 2018;
Velasquez, 1999). Tinto’s research does not emphasize factors such as race, gender, class or
students’ cultural experiences (Tierney, 1992; Tierney & Hagedorn, 2002). Thus, while his
research does illuminate the many areas that students experience difficulty in, which thereby
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affect their persistence decisions, it does not fully explain the experience of students from
minoritized groups. However, one particularly salient piece of evidence that Tinto uncovered
was that students may cite financial reasons as a cause for leaving college as a polite scapegoat
for the deeper issues at play (Tinto, 1993). Tinto’s theory about deeper issues being at play is
backed by research specific to the experiences of students of color on the college campus (Baber,
2012; Jones, 2015; Nuñez, 2011; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Winkle-Wagner, 2015).
Students of color often find their culture and racial identity missing from both the
syllabus and classroom discussion (Howard, 2010; Quaye & Harper, 2014). Professors receive
little to no direction when it comes to writing a syllabus, or facilitating a course that is racially
sensitive and inclusive (Quaye & Harper, 2014). On the other hand, researchers have found that
programs can provide family-like connections on campus, and culturally specific coursework
like Chicano Studies classes further support a sense of belonging for students at White normative
colleges and universities (Escamilla & Guerrero Trevino, 2014; Nuñez, 2011).
Financial barriers are one of the most commonly cited reasons for why students do not
persist in college (Tinto, 1993). The cost of attending a college or university can feel prohibitive
to students from minoritized groups, and may affect institutional commitment (Braxton et al.,
2004; Tinto, 1993). In fact, some researchers have found that students may not perceive the
value of the degree as greater than the immediate cost for attending (Braxton et al., 2004; Tinto,
1993). Despite this fear, research does not show a statistically significant effect on financial aid,
or lack thereof, as a predictor for persistence decisions (Braxton et al., 2004; Pascarella &
Terenzini, 1980).
Cultural identity, belonging and persistence. For students of color, feeling discomfort
with the cultural identity of the college, and perceived lack of support, leads to lower persistence
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rates (Escamilla & Guerrero Trevino, 2014; Ojeda et al., 2014; Winkle-Wagner, 2015). The
result of this mismatch in cultural value, viewpoint and support makes college an unwelcoming
place for many students of color. On the opposite end, psychological health, related to secure
cultural identity, is linked to positive educational outcomes for students of color (Ghavami et al.,
2011). Having an affirmed and positive self-concept of one’s ethnic identity is directly
correlated with beliefs and behaviors that lead to college persistence, such as high self-esteem,
academic achievement and feeling empowered (Moore, 2013; Murphy & Zirkel, 2015). In
multiple longitudinal studies of middle school and college students by Murphy and Zirkel
(2015), the experience of school was altered when students were part of a group defined by
stereotype threat. Additionally, self-reported sense of belonging was a direct predictor of
academic outcomes for students of color (Murphy & Zirkel, 2015). In a study of Latino students,
those who were most successful in college were able to both acculturate to White norms and
enculturate with their heritage culture, or, in other words, were bicultural and had a well-
developed ethnic self-concept (Ojeda et al., 2014; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Velasquez, 1999).
Researchers also found that psychological health, related to secure identity, is linked to positive
educational outcomes for students of color (Baber, 2012; Ghavami et al., 2011; Lin, 2011).
When students experienced cultural distress, they were less likely to persist, particularly if they
were in their first year of college (Aguinaga & Gloria, 2015; Velasquez, 1999).
In a study of 457 college undergraduates, Bennett and Okinaka (1990) found that for
students of color, membership in an organization related to their racial/ethnic identity predicted
their level of college satisfaction, which increased the likelihood that the student would persist
year to year. Harper (2009) solidifies this claim with his counternarrative on successful Black
male collegiate success, deduced from a study of 219 Black male undergraduates across 42
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institutions. In his study, students named leveraging groups such as the Black Student Union,
Black fraternities or the NAACP chapter to disrupt the racial stereotypes that existed about them
on campus, and build a coalition of Black male achievers who could support each other’s
academic success and sense of collective belonging (Harper, 2009).
Colleges and universities are often ill-equipped to support ethnic minorities in developing
a sense of belonging on campus. At predominantly White institutions, enrollment of Black
students is increasing, and yet completion rates are dropping (Baber, 2012). Many institutions,
in particular Hispanic-Serving Institutions, who have at least 25% of their student population
self-identified Hispanic, do not have clear plans in place to address the low completion rates of
their Latinx students (Contreras, Malcolm, & Bensimon, 2008). Do the institutions themselves
play a role in the outcomes of their students of color?
Institutions seem to be having difficulty making the shift from viewing students of color
through a deficit lens to viewing them in a light that reflects their strengths (Baber, 2012;
Bensimon, 2005; Velasquez, 1999; Winkle-Wagner, 2015). Perhaps this is due to the fact that
institutions tend to focus more on individual-level factors rather than looking at larger systemic
issues within the college (Winkle-Wagner, 2015). It may also be due to the fact that most
colleges are still predominantly culturally White, and thus do not have a critical mass of students
of color to ensure a high level of cultural support (Escamilla & Guerrero Trevino, 2014;
Velasquez, 1999). This lack of preparedness or investment by the institution is affecting the
completion rates of students of color.
Institutions that were found to have a positive impact on students of color had intentional
policies and programs in place to support student success and took responsibility for the
outcomes of their students of color (Braxton et al., 2004; Ojeda et al., 2014; Quaye & Harper,
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2014). These included emphasizing positive faculty/student interactions, fostering community
between students of color, and educating and supporting staff on campus to be equipped to help
students effectively navigate the campus (Braxton et al., 2004; Ojeda et al., 2014; Quaye &
Harper, 2014). In interviews with 19 Latinx students, those who had previously cited feeling
singled out on campus, and not wanting to participate in other classes such as math and science,
reported stepping into a different world when taking a Chicano Studies course (Nuñez, 2011). In
the Chicano Studies program they were given a place to connect, build community, and belong,
while learning from faculty who looked like them (Nuñez, 2011).
Institutional impact on Latinx students. For Latinx students, even attending an
identified Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI) did not increase their chances of degree
completion, possibly because these colleges receive federal funding based on enrollment rates of
Latinx students, rather than completion rates, and often do not do enough to support their Latinx
population once they are enrolled (Contreras & Contreras, 2015; Jones, 2015). Escamilla and
Guerrero Trevino (2014) found that when Latinx students could leverage cultural support within
their own ethnic culture as a means of persisting to degree completion (regardless of if they were
at an HSI or not), this support was a strong indicator of success. If racial and ethnic identity can
be used as assets in trying to achieve degree completion, these studies raise the question — are
colleges and universities using this knowledge to support their students?
In looking at first-generation Latinx students, Nuñez (2011) observed that even though
students felt out of place when they started on campus, Chicano Studies classes allowed them a
space to identify and process experiences with stereotyping, and racism, as well as providing
time to connect with faculty of similar backgrounds and affirm their Latinx identity. DeFreitas
and Bravo (2012) had similar findings about faculty interaction and its positive impact on
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minoritized students’ sense of belonging and intent to persist. They found that involvement and
interaction with faculty not only increased student achievement and levels of self-efficacy; it also
directly impacted students’ feeling they could be successful and belong in an academic
environment (DeFreitas & Bravo, 2012). A 2014 study of Latinx students at selective colleges
further confirmed this by discerning that in order for Latinx students to develop a positive
academic self-concept and increase their likelihood of persistence, they needed substantial
amounts of positive interactions with faculty both inside and outside the classroom (Kim,
Rennick, & Franco, 2014). Both studies found that in order for this to be successful, universities
needed to support and train faculty as well as raise faculty awareness of challenges Latinx
students face (DeFreitas & Bravo, 2012; Kim et al., 2014). Availability of on-campus support
for Latinx students plays a crucial role in helping students persist to degree completion.
Researchers Aguinaga and Gloria (2015) brought to attention a unique perspective in
their study of 128 Latinx students. They determined that staff at the university should be
cautious when making assumptions about students’ Latinx identity. Students who appear to have
a White normative identity, or seem to have fully assimilated, may in fact just have additional
skills in navigating the context of their institution as a means to manage their goal of college
completion (Aguinaga & Gloria, 2015).
Institutional impact on Black students. The enrollment of Black students at PWIs has
dramatically increased in the last half-century, nearing 90% of all Black students enrolled in
higher education (Baber, 2012). Due to the White cultural norms of the United States of
America, identity development is closely linked to White stereotypes, and thus manifestations of
racism (Baber, 2012; Harper et al., 2018). For Black students, this plays out just as clearly on
the college campus and affects their persistence and success (Baber, 2012; Harper et al., 2018).
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In a study of 15 self-identified first-year undergraduate Black students, Baber (2012)
found that as students began to discover the intersectionality of their multiple identities, they
were prone to experiencing higher levels of stress than their White peers, and were more likely to
attempt to return home during the first year at college. In a 2011 study, 39 out of 42 Black male
participants at a PWI reported that classmates told them that they were only admitted due to
affirmative action despite their extensive academic qualifications (Harper & Griffin, 2011).
These studies illustrate that experiences contribute to lower persistence.
Factors that were critical for success of Black students included having a critical mass of
Black students if enrolled at a PWI, the presence of intentional retention programs for students of
color, and coping skills to navigate and be resilient in a multitude of contexts and situations
(Baber, 2012; Braxton et al., 2004).
First-Generation Students of Color
For students that are the first in their family to attend college or university, a unique set of
factors can contribute to their ability to persist through to a degree. Studies on first generation
students are often generalized together, but it should be noted that factors such as other
minoritized identities that intersect with a student’s first-generation status can compound factors
that lead to student departure from college (Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak, & Terenzini, 2004;
Tinto, 1993). First-generation students are often likely to enroll in college as part time students
due to real and perceived financial strain on their family, which can impact the time available to
engage in studies and develop social relationships on campus (Pascarella et al., 2004; Ward,
Siegel, & Davenport, 2012). Lack of institutional capital can also contribute to difficulty
understanding the demands of professors, expectations for coursework, and how to navigate a
class syllabus (Pascarella et al., 2004). First-generation students are also more likely than their
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peers to feel isolated on campus, which can exacerbate a feeling of lack of belonging within the
institution (Baber, 2012; Nuñez, 2011; Tinto, 1993).
A research study of 143 Latinx undergraduates showed that the impact of psychological
dissonance and lack of belonging was compounded for first-generation students, but lessened as
students identified as 2nd–5th generation (Aguinaga & Gloria, 2015). These studies of first-
generation students show that they experienced the strongest impact from psychological
dissonance related to racial identity (Aguinaga & Gloria, 2015; Lin, 2011; Moore, 2013).
Birman (1994) found that adapting to the context of college was not the most overwhelming task
for students of color; rather, it was the experience of marginalization as a result of their racial
and ethnic identity that held a negative impact on both the students’ self-concept and
psychological state.
K-12 Impact on Persistence
In order to successfully prepare students for college and beyond, CBCN needs to
understand the important roles that culture, race, language, gender, class and age contribute to
students’ identity development during their time in K-12, and how these facets of identity impact
persistence (Howard, 2010; Tierney, 1992). Having a foundational understanding of factors that
impact persistence for students of color will support CBCN in achieving the goal of seeing
CBCN alumni into college and through to college completion (Tinto, 1993).
Several retrospective studies have determined that oppressive practices and
microaggressions in the K-12 environment have a lingering impact on students of color.
Microaggressions refer to the intentional or unintentional comments or behaviors directed at a
member of a marginalized population that reinforce notions of White Supremacy (Kohli &
Solórzano, 2012; Ladson-Billings, 1994). Examples of this might be touching a person of
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color’s hair without permission, over-referring to the physicality of persons of color, critiquing
language, or making assumptions about merit (Nkomo & Al Ariss, 2014; Solórzano, 1998).
Research has illuminated that even instances of the repeated mispronunciation of a student’s
name can lead to them feeling their culture is devalued and lead to future feelings of not
belonging in academia (Kohli & Solórzano, 2012). Understanding that most of K-12 education
privileges the values and experiences of a White normative culture, scholars have determined
that in order educate a diverse population of learners, the curriculum and teaching practices in
schools in the United States need to be critically examined (Freire, 1970; Howard, 2010; Kohli &
Solórzano, 2012; Ladson-Billings, 1994).
Theoretical Framework
Critical Race Theory (CRT) is a tool that can be used to deconstruct the systemic
structures of power, privilege and oppression in our society (Ladson-Billings, 1999). Beginning
in the legal studies, CRT recognizes race and racism as a social force that operates within the
United States (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000). CRT has since been expanded to include the world
of education. Looking at education from a CRT perspective includes an emblematic shift from
centering the student as an individual, and broadening one’s lens to include the system as a
whole, in particular as a system that impacts student development (Hernandez, 2016). There are
five tenets of CRT as it relates to education (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000; Hernandez, 2016;
Howard & Navarro, 2016; Ladson-Billings, 1999; Solórzano, 1998; Solórzano & Yosso, 2001;
Yosso et al., 2009):
1. Centrality of race and racism. CRT presumes that race and racism are permanent
features in the systems and structures of the United States. It also means that due to
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the centrality of race/racism, there is intersectionality with all other forms of
oppression, such as sexism, classism, etc.
2. Challenging the dominant ideology. CRT takes an active stance against color-
blindness, meritocracy, and other equal opportunity measures, as those are seen to
mask the interests, power dynamics and protection of privilege of the dominant
group.
3. Commitment to social justice. CRT actively works to eliminate and eradicate racism,
while simultaneously working to empower marginalized groups.
4. Centrality of experiential knowledge. CRT deems the knowledge held by people
from marginalized groups as legitimate and valuable. CRT uses counternarratives to
capture the lived experiences of people of color as testimonials of the current reality
and leverages them to understand and analyze experiences of race and racism.
5. Interdisciplinary perspective. CRT is not limited to education, or legal studies alone,
but rather can extend across a variety of concentrations.
For this study, CRT was used to unpack the factors affecting CBCN alumni, without
using a deficit framework to analyze their academic outcomes (Bensimon, 2005; Harper et al.,
2018; Solórzano, 1998; Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). Counternarratives can be used in CRT to
relay the stories and experiences of students of color directly, as an alternative to research that
centers the narrative of the dominant group (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000). These narratives
provided a distinct perspective that can be used to further examine the impact of CBCN on its
alumni.
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Summary of the Literature
Chapter 2 reviewed the literature surrounding the problem of low college persistence
rates of Black and Latinx students. Factors examined included transitions to college, college
match and campus climate. Tinto’s theory of studentdeparture and Critical Race Theory were
then applied to guide a deeper examination of institutional contributors and significant predictors
of persistence such as experience of belonging on campus. Next, factors specific to the Black
and Latinx communities were examined, as well as the K-12 impact on future persistence
decisions. Lastly, Critical Race Theory was explicitly named as the Theoretical Framework to
be used to guide the study.

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CHAPTER 3
METHODS
The purpose of this project was to examine the influences that interfere with the college
persistence of CBCN alumni. The goal was to identify ways in which CBCN can better support
its alumni’s persistence and college completion. For this project the narrative inquiry approach
was chosen as the research methodology. The narrative inquiry approach is grounded in the
social sciences and focuses on deeply examining the lived experiences of small groups of
individuals (Creswell, 2014). During the study, the researcher collected detailed records in order
to create a narrative of the participants’ experiences, while maintaining a critical focus on
understanding the meaning behind those experiences (Creswell, 2014). Narrative inquiry stems
from the work of John Dewey, who first posited that education is a result, not just of direct
instruction in the classroom, but also including the learners’ social experiences and interactions
with others (Dewey, 1938). In his view, every experience influences an individual’s preparation
for future experiences (Dewey, 1938).
The study sought to create a narrative of the experiences of CBCN alumni navigating
college and examined the factors that impacted persistence decisions of CBCN alumni, while
seeking to understand how CBCN as a K-12 organization contributed to the persistence decisions
of its former students. While a complete study would focus on all stakeholders, for practical
purposes the stakeholder to be focused on in this analysis was CBCN alumni from a single
region. The following research questions were used to guide the study.
1. What are the experiences of CBCN alumni navigating into and through college?
2. What factors contribute to the persistence and degree completion of CBCN Alumni?
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3. How has CBCN contributed to the persistence and degree completion of CBCN
Alumni?
Participating Stakeholders
The stakeholder population of focus for this study was CBCN alumni from a single
region that has a significant population of both Black and Latinx identifying students. The
alumni selected did not need to be currently enrolled in college, but needed to have been enrolled
at a 2- or 4-year institution at some point and persisted for at least one year. By defining the
population sample this way, alumni were able to speak to the experience at the college or
university and were able to answer the research questions from personal experience.
Interview Sampling Criteria and Rationale
Criterion 1. Is a CBCN alumnus and completed at least three years at a CBCN school in
the selected region. Three years of attending CBCN allowed the participant to speak to a
significant amount of time at the organization as well as the opportunity to interact with the
CBCN College Support Team.
Criterion 2. Identifies as either Black or Latinx. This study sought to better understand
the perspectives of the two largest student groups that the organization serves.
Criterion 3. Has been enrolled at and attended a 2- or 4-year college for at least one
semester or equivalent. Having enrolled and attended college allowed the participant to speak to
their experiences of choosing to persist, or what obstacles prevented them from doing so.
Interview Sampling Strategy and Rationale
The sampling strategy used for this study was purposeful sampling in order to gather a
group of participants that could speak directly to the research questions. Four participants were
sought from the selected region. The researcher worked with CBCN College Support Team staff
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to identify the participants. Organization staff helped the researcher confirm the three criteria
mentioned above before additional contact was made. Participants were contacted via email and
phone by the researcher and invited to participate in a follow-up interview. Two participants
self-identified as Black, and two participants self-identified as Latinx. Every effort was made to
equalize other variables such as gender identity and CBCN school attended. This number was
small enough that it allowed for in-depth interviews and narrative storytelling to take place in the
data analysis process.
Data Collection and Instrumentation
This section will describe the qualitative data collection methods chosen for the study of
the CBCN alumni experience as it related to their persistence decisions in college. In the
subsequent section is a description of the interview protocol that was used for the study in order
to answer the research questions listed above. Narrative inquiry is a unique methodology, in that
it includes the participants in the process of making meaning of past experience (Creswell,
2014). While data collection for narrative inquiry predominantly relies on interviews, document
analysis or observations can also be used to deepen the contextual understanding of the
individual’s perception and experience (Creswell, 2014).
Interviews
Interview protocol. This study used a semi-structured interview method in order to gain
deeper understanding of how the organization of CBCN impacted alumni’s persistence decisions
when in college. The questions used were open-ended questions, designed to elicit the specific
description of experiences and interactions both during participants’ time at college, and during
their time at CBCN as it related to their persistence decisions in college (see Appendix). In this
case, interviewing participants was necessary, as the study required them to reflect on past
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experiences leading up to their current state, which could not be observed (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
Interview procedures. The study featured a series of three 60–90 minute semi-
structured interviews with each alumnus. The progression of interviews focused on first,
gathering a biography of the alumnus, followed by the details of their experience at the charter
organization and college experiences (Seidman, 2013). In the last interview, the alumnus
reflected on the meaning of their experience (Seidman, 2013). Interviews were conducted in
person if possible, with an option to use a digital platform if scheduling constraints prohibited in
person. According to the consent documents provided to each participant, interviews were audio
recorded if the participant agreed. Summaries of the interview findings were provided to each
participant after the interview, in case clarification on responses was needed. Access to survey
participants was granted via the CBCN regional office. Peer checking, including by alumni of
color from other organizations, was used to discuss emerging findings in the data analysis
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Data Analysis
Creswell (2014) recommends that researchers collect qualitative data and begin to
analyze at the same time. The researcher did this by making notes about initial thoughts and
findings as soon as interviews concluded and writing notes about the interview process while the
experience was still fresh. The researcher relied on manual methods to both transcribe and code
interviews with axial coding methods in Microsoft Excel (Corbin & Strauss, 2007). The
researcher used Critical Race Theory as a lens to help identify emerging threads as well as the
conceptual framework. Then, the researcher organized interview responses that aligned to the
research questions using empirical and a priori codes and the data transcriptions were reviewed
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again looking for additional examples and counter-examples. Given the small size of the
population, the researcher also employed member checking when identifying examples
(Creswell, 2014). For document analysis the researcher looked for evidence related to the
research questions and conceptual framework (Patton, 2002).
Once coding was complete, the researcher provided a description of the findings, through
a narrative of each alumnus’s experience, in Chapter 4. The outcomes of the data analysis were
discussed and leveraged in Chapter 5 to provide insights in the field and recommendations for
future practice and research.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
In order to increase credibility in this study, multiple data collection methods were used
to ensure that the trends in the data captured matched the reality of the situation (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Credibility also increases when data is able to be validated across multiple
methods (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). During data analysis, peer review of both question types
and data trends was used, especially in cases where the participant response did not match the
typical response of the group, in order to look for researcher bias (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Another factor that increased the credibility and trustworthiness of the study was the integrity
and ethical alignment of the researcher (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In this study, the researcher
adhered to all ethical guidelines in interactions and data gathering practices with participants and
worked to gain the trust of participants in the study.
Ethics
When a researcher seeks to design a study, ethical concerns should drive that design
(Maxwell, 2013). This study was a narrative inquiry study involving the document analysis of a
survey of CBCN alumni and the collection of in-depth questioning via one-on-one interviews.
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Ethical considerations were made with regard to the study’s design and implementation, in
particular special attention was paid to power dynamics, gatekeepers, as well as meeting IRB
approval metrics (Creswell, 2014).
The researcher is an employee of the organization, but does not work, nor has worked in
the past, with any members of the stakeholder group. Due to the nature of this study, measures
to protect privacy of stakeholders were used and pseudonyms assigned. Use of a pseudonym
was also offered to the organization and used for this study. Disclosures on the purpose of the
study were provided prior to the interviews. The participants were given the option to withdraw
from the study at any time, as well as provided with contact information for the researcher.
Limitations and Delimitations
A known limitation of the study was that the researcher is also an employee of the
organization. All efforts were made to remove bias and assumptions about how participants
might answer the interview questions. During the interview process there was no sharing of
researcher opinions or beliefs about the organization that could influence the interview
responses. The researcher self-identifies as a White, Jewish female. Since all participants self-
identified as men or women of color, the presenting identity of the researcher may have
influenced the responses of the participants. Another limitation of the study was the size of the
sample population. In the sample for this study, all of the participants identified as cis-gender,
heterosexual and Christian. It is possible that alumni that self-identify as transgender, Muslim,
gay or any other marginalized identity not captured here may have had additional experiences
related to those identities. While the participant views may be an accurate representation of the
CBCN alumni experience, there are over 10,000 alumni, and though the researcher would like to
capture the experience of every alumnus, it was not possible in the time-frame of this particular
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study. There is a need for future studies to focus on other specific regions to create network-
wide recommendations, as the results of this study were not generalizable.

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CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS
Chapter 4 provides the findings from the in-depth interviews of four CBCN alumni from
the participating region. Each section in the chapter is focused on elevating the lived experience
of each participant and documenting stories not often captured in the academe. Each alumnus’s
story is presented as a separate narrative and bears a pseudonym. During the interviews, the
participants also provided significant detail on the culture and community of the neighborhood
they grew up in, however this information was excluded from Chapter 4 as it would have
compromised the anonymity of the participants. The participating alumni’s reflections and
meaning making of their experiences as students of color navigating college, as alumni of
CBCN, and as young adults grappling with the intersectionality of their identity led to rich
insights into the CBCN alumni experience as it relates to the research questions for this study. A
discussion and summary of key findings from the data is found in Chapter 5.
The Role Model: Yvette’s Story
Yvette is a first-generation college student currently studying at a small, predominantly
White women’s liberal arts college on the East Coast. At the time of the interviews she was 19
years old. She identifies as a Latinx female. Yvette is a cautious speaker and seems to carefully
consider her words each time before she speaks. During the interview Yvette declined to
elaborate on any negative experience and appeared intent on portraying the brightness of her
story and presenting as polished and professional.
Yvette grew up in a predominantly Latinx neighborhood in the city, in a culturally
Catholic, Mexican household with her younger sister, father and mother. In her neighborhood
growing up, Yvette remembered everyone as identifying the same way. Yvette shared,
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In Latinx culture it’s really based on religion. Coming from my family everyone is
focused on doing your confirmation, first communion . . . that was heavily present in my
life. I was aware that there were other identities that existed, but I never really knew
anyone who identified very differently than me until college.
When her little sister enrolled in a local CBCN elementary school, Yvette’s mother
discovered the CBCN network, and in sixth grade enrolled Yvette in the corresponding middle
school a short drive away, that she attended through eighth grade: “My mom put her faith in the
school leader. It was blind faith. But my mom has always wanted a better education than what
was provided in my neighborhood at least.” CBCN was where Yvette first encountered the
college-going mantra, and where she said that it became ingrained in her that she was going to be
going to college, shifting the generational trajectory from her parents, one who had completed
high school, and the other who had dropped out. Her mother loved how much CBCN ingrained
in students that they were going to college. “CBCN helped me realize this [college] is
happening,” she said. The CBCN school attended by Yvette won many awards in the
community, including a National Blue Ribbon Award.
Yvette was a star student in middle school, going on to attend an elite West Coast
boarding school on scholarship. The transition from her Latinx neighborhood to boarding school
was a challenging one and Yvette felt unsupported by the school. At CBCN everyone had
looked like her, and she did not think of her identity as a student of color as important. Yvette
declined to elaborate more on how this realization of how others saw her played out at the high
school. “I think to some extent [CBCN] did try to prep [me] for the boarding school experience,
like the end of year trips helped me become more independent,” she said, in lieu of an
explanation. However, despite the challenges of the boarding school, the college support team
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from CBCN stayed connected with her and provided additional resources and helped her family
navigate the college process, such as filling out the financial aid paperwork. When she is home,
she still attends meetings at the CBCN office and keeps in touch with her CBCN counselor
regularly. She has nothing but gratitude for the CBCN experience and the expectation they set
for her to attend college. When asked explicitly how CBCN could have better prepared her, she
once again declined to answer or provide adjusting feedback for the organization.
The college Yvette attends hosts just under 2,500 female undergraduates and the college
president at the time of the interview is a woman of color. Nearly half of the current freshman
class identify as students of color and just under 20% are first-generation according the
organization’s website. Though at first she wanted to go elsewhere, Yvette became attracted to
this college by the free application, financial aid, and the push from college counselors at her
boarding school to continue on to a women’s college. Yvette knew she wanted to return to the
city she grew up in long-term to be close to her mother, sister and thirteen cousins, so a move to
the East Coast piqued her interest, and a trip with her high school to visit the women’s college
sealed the deal. The college gave her a full scholarship and she knew other students both from
her high school and CBCN that would be in attendance.
Yvette’s day typically begins at 8:30 in the morning with two classes. She hosts a show
on the local campus radio station once a week, and her afternoons are spent studying and
attending meetings of the various student organizations she belongs to, such as a student group
that engages women in current political issues from deportation to the #metoo movement. She
also writes for the student paper, where she used to be an editor, but had to step down due to the
workload. She has been cognizant of not taking on too much while at college and prioritizes
attending her classes and taking time to understand the concepts being taught. She says she is
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able to make the most of her time, because she does not have to work, due to the financial aid
package she received. She says she wants to use this time “to invest in myself and my education
in and out of the classroom and prepare myself for the rest of my life.”
Yvette described her interactions with peers on the college campus as much more
politicized and serious than in high school or at CBCN. “In public spaces, it’s important to
watch what you say,” she said. She attributes the positive and enriching peer relationships she
has developed to the history and culture of the women’s college that is perpetuated by current
students who take their identity as scholars of the college seriously and often refer to famous
alums. While there is a large student organization for Latinx students on campus, Yvette is no
longer a member. “I went to meetings my first year, but I didn’t really find the community I was
looking for within that group and had to find it elsewhere,” she shared.
Yvette knows of and utilizes others supports provided by the campus such as an advisor
for students of Latinx descent, and networking and panel events for first-generation students.
There is also a program for students from underprivileged neighborhoods that might need
additional support and writing classes with intensive support for freshmen. Class sizes are small,
and all of her professors know her by name and Yvette feels that each cares about her. At
college she has felt encouraged by professors to learn new things, explore her passions and take
risks. The college, she reports, is the most supportive educational environment she has
experienced.
At the end of the interview, Yvette was asked to reflect on the journey to where she is
today. Yvette says,
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It’s definitely been a group effort to get me where I am. My mom especially has made a
lot of sacrifices for me to be here, like picking up extra shifts. It means a lot to see all of
her hard work pay off.
With everything Yvette does and the successes she has had, she keeps her family in mind. She is
the first, not just in her immediate family but of her thirteen cousins, to attend college and she
feels certain she will complete her undergraduate degree. She feels that she needs to be the role
model, not just for her family, but her community as well.
Beyond the Token: Dereneka’s Story
Dereneka is a 20-year old, first-generation college student currently studying at a small
predominantly White, liberal arts college in the Midwest. She self-identifies as a Black,
heterosexual, Christian woman. She grew up with her older sister, who did not attend CBCN,
and her mother. Dereneka attended a CBCN school from fifth–eighth grade, before going on to
attend a local, elite, independent high school on scholarship.
Dereneka’s heavily Baptist upbringing was a foundational component of her identity
development. Her family attended a conservative church every Sunday, and to this day she
remains connected to her church community. She attends whenever she is back home, and stays
connected to the community through Facebook, where she can occasionally watch services live.
Dereneka’s mom was the sole provider for her and her older sister, and they struggled
financially. Her mom had been in the military and attended some community college, but never
completed her degree. Yet within her family, college was set as the expectation from when she
was a young girl. Her mother spoke about it constantly and expressed a desire to go back to
school to finish her own bachelor’s degree one day. Dereneka’s older sister, who did not attend
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CBCN, was the first in the family to go to a university, completing her bachelor’s degree two
years ago. Dereneka’s mom put her sister through college.
The CBCN middle school that Dereneka attended was predominantly Black, but also had
a significant population of Latinx students. It was opened over ten years ago in an area of the
city known for low-performing schools. The school assigned hours of homework each night,
which Dereneka felt prepared her for the academic lifts of high school and college. She credits
CBCN with preparing her to present herself in a professional manner — how to shake someone’s
hand, introduce herself, and communicate her interest. However, she said the school was
incredibly strict. In fifth grade, the uniform policy was extreme. Shirts had to always be tucked
in, belts had to be black and shoes as well. In subsequent years, she said she was required to
wear a tie and a blazer.
“We never had conversations [at CBCN] about navigating White spaces, because
everyone looked the same,” Dereneka remembered. She wished that there had been
conversations about what it would be like to be a minority in an all-White classroom, and how to
present yourself: “You need to be poised, polite, not lashing out when you feel disrespected.”
She felt that had she learned those skills in eighth grade, her first year in high school would have
been different. At CBCN race was never talked about, and she wished that the school had helped
her prepare to handle microaggressions. She remembered the history teacher who gave them a
text book full of Christopher Columbus, and stories of White presidents. While Dereneka
noticed that everyone was White in the textbook, she did not have the knowledge of Black
history to contextualize what she was reading and said she was not equipped with the
terminology to explain how this impacted her: “It was written by White people for you to read.
You weren’t in the story.”
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She also worried that the quality of education at her school differed from the CBCN
schools across the city. Her site experienced a heavy turnover of both teachers and leadership.
She recalled that in fifth grade, the teachers were high quality, but in sixth grade the teachers did
not care about the students and she perceived that the school was just trying to get a warm body
in the room. Dereneka recalled that this was felt by her whole class and students started to joke
around and not take their school work seriously. “We didn’t have anyone to motivate us, or push
us, or keep us accountable,” she remembered. Teachers left during the school year, students
were ditching class and the school felt unstable. Fortunately, by the time she was in eighth
grade, the school stabilized, and the teachers once again felt committed to students. She also had
a Black English teacher who incorporated books centering the Black experience. “We always
attended class,” she said. “We didn’t want to leave a bad reputation at CBCN, we wanted them
to be proud of us.”
At high school, Dereneka struggled at first socially. The academics were easy, but being
thrown into a predominantly White environment was shocking. Dereneka turned often to her
mom and her high school counselor for support, because there was no other peer in her class that
she felt an instant connection with. The high school boasted a tuition of over $36,000 a year, and
Dereneka received nearly a full scholarship. It took her a full year to adjust to the affluent,
White culture of the school. Dereneka recalled,
The freshman year was the hardest — being surrounded by so many White people and
the course load. [CBCN] prepared me for the amount of homework. However, the
students on campus made my experience difficult. I didn’t have anyone to connect with
on my grade. I talked to my mom a lot about it and my counselor. By sophomore year I
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made friends and did sports. It took me a full year to get used to it. It was not an easy
transition.
However, Dereneka credits the experience as preparing her for the transition to college.
Being surrounded by people who were not like her forced her to get to know who she was and,
by the time she left for her college in the Midwest, she had built herself a strong support system
and felt like she knew what she was getting herself into. Dereneka excelled academically in high
school and earned a Posse Scholarship, which covers her entire undergraduate tuition. Due to
the Posse scholarship process, the program was heavily involved in placing Dereneka at a
college, which is how she ended up going to the Midwest with the seven other students from
across the country who matched at the same school.
At college, Dereneka reports relying heavily on her peers for emotional support. She
meets weekly with the other Posse scholarship recipients to troubleshoot issues from building
relationships on campus, dealing with homesickness, and navigating prejudice. Dereneka shared
about her Posse program,
We have 10 students including me and we have a mentor — she don’t really guide our
meetings anymore. Now that we’ve known each other for two years, we want our
meetings to be light and not as deep as they used to be. We have a discussion. It’s just
checking in: are things tough right now? The meetings are to support each other. We
have a group text, like if you need medicine, we got you. Being 2,000 miles away from
home we have like-minded individuals going through the same thing. Like the weather
got to negative fourteen. We really want to go home, but we can’t because flights are too
expensive. We use our meetings to lean on each other, we go to our Posse mentor’s
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house and make dinner to remind us of home. We are our home away from home in a
sense. We’re all we have here.
Dereneka’s day starts at eight with a trip to the campus gym. Then it is off to classes,
followed by three hours of work at one of her two on-campus jobs. She works both as a resident
advisor and in the campus office that manages student programs. All her meals are eaten on
campus, and because of her position as a resident advisor, she has free housing in the dorms.
College, Dereneka notes, broadened her horizons vastly. Here, she boasts a diverse
group of friends. “Not just racially,” she says, “but by sexual orientation and grade . . . I’m
always trying to meet new people.” She knew that, based on her high school experience, she
would need to connect with people on more than just racial identity, and had to learn different
ways of connecting with them, such as interests in television shows, or music. Connecting with
Midwesterners also proved a challenge, as her peers did not understand the context of the city
she was from: “I connect here with people based on anything besides [the city] and race.”
Dereneka laughed.
Being a student of color on the small campus of less than 1,500 students brings with it a
spotlight. “[It means being] a person who is constantly under attack,” said Dereneka. “Some
students are like, ‘why do we have to change our needs for you?’” The campus has shifted,
according to its website, from being over 85% White in 2008, to just under 70% White in 2019.
The Black population has hovered around 5% over the last ten years. Dereneka reported that of
her class of around 460 students, under 50 are people of color. Dereneka shared,
The majority of students are accepting. However, there are some that say ‘I don’t want to
touch you or sit next to you,’ and I know that they are classifying me based on my
identity as a Black woman. But I came here to get my education, and I can prove my
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worth by completing my education. But sometimes I call my mom to vent about the
experiences I am having on this campus.
As a result, students of color band together often, hosting mixers and discussions on how
to bring the student of color experience to administrators on campus. Dereneka belongs both to a
Black student organization as well as a Latinx organization: “I try to go to the meetings and do
activities to show that we are allies. I’ve met some really cool people in trying to understand
others’ perspectives as well.” However, Dereneka recalls the creation of a club around what it
means to be White, and only White students were allowed to attend meetings, while the meetings
for clubs centering students of color remained open to anyone who wanted to attend and learn.
“They felt like students of color were attacking White students, but I want to hear your
perspective,” Dereneka said, frustration rising in her voice.
Freshman year, Dereneka was required to write a paper on one aspect of her identity in a
freshman seminar class. She was the only Black person in the class and the only student of
color. Unable to untangle her Blackness from her identity as female, she pushed back, but the
professor insisted. She refused to separate them and earned a lower grade as a result. “I didn’t
know how to defend myself, so I let it go,” Dereneka recalled. “Looking back, I wish I had
spoken up, or gone to a higher authority.” She also found that as the only Black person in many
of her classes, she is often turned to when anything related to race comes up: “They look to me
for the Black perspective and I shouldn’t have to be the spokesperson for all Black people.” She
reported having to change her manner of speaking and writing whenever she has had White
professors. She says she feels exhausted from code-switching the past six years, but that she is
used to it now and sees it as connected to her being able to maintain good grades. The real
pressure comes from feeling the need to represent not just herself, but her whole community all
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the time: “I think how my life would have been different if I went to an HBCU. College would
have been lit every day, but it wouldn’t have prepared me for the real world.” Dereneka’s
understanding of corporate America is that it values proximity to Whiteness above all else. As a
result, Dereneka plans to go into law: “I want to fight for justice and stand up for people that are
marginalized and whose voices aren’t being heard. Being at a PWI I feel my voice is not being
heard.” She plans to return to her home city to take with her the professional network she has
built and pour knowledge into the community that made her who she is. “I’m ready,” she says,
“I’m determined.”
Dual Consciousness: Michael’s Story
Michael self-identifies as Black, then African-American, but hesitated with giving
himself a moniker. Michael stated,
I don’t know how African I am, or if I’m separated from African culture. A lot of people
I know, know their actual identity — like they’re Polish or German. But all I can say is,
I’m Black, but that’s not an actual identity.
Michael grew up in a religious household in a predominantly Black part of the city with an older
brother and both parents, but was primarily raised by his grandmother, due to his parents’ work
schedule. His grandmother prioritized his and his brother’s academic success, made sure that
they worked hard and put school first. He remembers his family as supporting him and his
brother in things that they could not do themselves, or did not know how to do, such as learning
to swim, and spelling.
Michael shared that growing up, he experienced a lot of confusion around his identity as
a Black male and struggled in school. He was often in trouble at school and felt that
expectations both at school and at home were lower for him than for his brother. After attending
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CBCN for middle school, Michael went on to a local Catholic high school and participated in
sports, but struggled socially and academically. He felt that his skin color dictated what category
he fit into, while how he was raised, and the academic environment he grew up in, made him feel
like he belonged somewhere else. “I feel like the schooling I had and subscribing to White
culture was protective in some way,” he recalled.
At CBCN, he said that the only identity that was reinforced was academic: “There was no
such thing as identity as far as school was concerned. It wasn’t you’re Black or Latino, you’re
all [CBCN students] . . . that was the only identity they pushed and enforced.” He wished that
other aspects of his identity would have been addressed. He shared,
Everything in school was White dominant history. There was Black History Month,
where we talked about slavery and the Civil War, which was my least favorite subject . . .
I didn’t want to be reminded of it every year in February. The school didn’t promote
anything around culture or identity that was positive about Black culture.
He remembers that his racial identity was developed from home, television and friends in the
neighborhood. As he grew older, his friends from the community began to fall into the
stereotypes of Black males he saw portrayed on television. He began to experience frequent
encounters with law enforcement, and during his senior year of college was told he had no shot
at his dream school — an East Coast, elite university — due to his academic performance and
history of discipline issues. “I feel like had I learned more about Black culture I would have
been more prepared,” he said sadly.
Michael’s father insisted on him attending a Historically Black College or University
(HBCU). His father wanted him to reconnect with his Black identity and convinced him he
would fit in, but Michael knew within a couple of days after arriving on campus that it was not
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going to work. “Even though I was amongst my own people, I felt like I didn’t fit in,” he said.
He wanted to make his father proud and happy. “I failed pretty miserably,” he laughed wryly.
One experience in his first week with peers stands out to him to this day. Michael went
to play a game of pick up basketball with guys from his dorm after classes. Within a few
minutes they began to make fun of him for the way he spoke, and the shoes he wore. Michael
did not own a pair of the name-brand basketball shoes that they all owned and was wearing a
brand that his peers identified as being associated with being White. The ridicule and not being
perceived as Black enough to fit in left Michael an emotional wreck and he was not sure who to
turn to for support. At his high school and at CBCN, speaking in ways associated with White
culture had been highly valued and celebrated, but at the HBCU there was a different set of rules.
Michael did not make connections with peers or professors and dropped out a few weeks later to
attend community college closer to home while working full time. He continued bouncing
around to community colleges that were close to his place of employment while he completed
his associate’s degree. Ultimately, he transferred to a local private university and earned his
bachelor’s degree. The university offered shorter, eight-week semesters and night classes that fit
Michael’s schedule. College felt more like a job to him, than his experience of school at CBCN,
and when graduation came Michael sold his tickets to someone else and did not attend.
During his time at the university, Michael would wake up before 6:00 am to go work a
full-time job in the heart of the city. After putting in eight hours, he would then rush home on
public transportation to get his car and drive over an hour from his home in the center of the city
to the campus. He was often late to class, but the program was intended for full-time working
transfers, and the professors were understanding. After class got out at ten, it would be time to
head home, eat dinner and do homework before starting again. Michael made few friends in
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college. “The type of program it was — I don’t think people were really there to make friends,”
he said. He found the schoolwork easy and got along with most of his professors and maintained
relationships with them.
However, as he recounted his last few semesters of college, one interaction stood out to
him. A Black female professor in a leadership class, assigned a paper on identity. “I could tell
she didn’t agree with a lot of the things I wrote in the paper,” Michael said, as he began to speak
more forcefully. She questioned his opinions and his predominantly White classmates did as
well: “There was always an internal debate in my head of whether I should speak up and
disagree with their assumptions, or stay quiet and let them think what they wanted.” It was his
only “B” at the university. As he progressed along, he questioned his identity less and reported
feeling more comfortable with who he was, and not needing to fit into one specific identity: “At
first, I felt typecast as a stereotypical Black man, and there were instances of prejudice, but I
refused to use it as an excuse or a crutch. I just chose to work harder.” Ultimately, he realized
that the only identity he needed was the one he created for himself.
Michael sees his degree as a huge accomplishment, because of the decisions he made,
and the path he says he chose. He shared that he feels a sense of responsibility to his
community, a need to set an example for future generations, given the large number of Black
males that he says he has seen not survive past their 20s, or end up in jail: “Not being a statistic
in that sense . . . being an example for other young kids — that you can be a student of color in
college — that means a lot to me as well.” He says that he did not feel like his family members
expected him to go to college, let alone complete a bachelor’s degree. He articulated,
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I think completing my degree was a shock to my family. I think that based on my
behavior, my lack of interest in education when I was younger, they didn’t expect me to
get as far as I did, but I think they’re very proud.
Michael plans to apply to graduate school in the city he is from.
Walking Alone: Victor’s Story
Victor is a first-generation college alumnus, who self-identifies as male, heterosexual and
Christian. When sitting down to interview Victor, I assumed that he would identify as Latino or
Latinx, similar to many other alumni of his same year. Victor’s response was surprising:
That’s a heavy question. Racially, I would probably say I am half White, half Native
American. On my dad’s side, they are very White-looking, Hispanic and my mom is
from Guatemala and is indigenous. All of my life I have been Hispanic or Latino. This
is new for me.
Victor then went on to say that he feels a connection with the ethnic identity of Latino. I was
curious as he told this story, how this shift in self-identity would develop.
Victor was raised in a predominantly Latinx neighborhood, his parents divorcing when he
was just seven years old, and his little brother was two. In his words, it was not the best
neighborhood. There was a lot of gang and police activity, and Victor’s apartment overlooked
two bars and an empty parking lot that attracted gang members at night. In order to keep Victor
safe, his mother kept him and his brother secluded within the walls of the apartment, and he was
not allowed to participate in the local community as a result of his mother’s fears. The family
did not have a car, so transportation was always a struggle. Victor’s mother worked cleaning
homes, and occasionally found work in local warehouses and money was tight. At times there
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was not enough money for basics like food or clothing and trips or excursions were out of the
question.
Victor’s father completed high school, but his mother had only attended school through
the sixth grade in Guatemala. Victor was on his own when it came to figuring out his
educational journey. He attended CBCN from fifth to eighth grade and then went on to attend a
private, predominantly White high school. Starting in fifth grade, Victor took public
transportation alone to get himself to and from his schools. He says he wished, in retrospect, that
the middle school had staff, teachers and administrators that looked like the students in the
community. Victor suggested,
When you are a student, you associate adults with people that have power and knowledge
and when you look at adults in school, that is who you associate with power, knowledge
and capability and it would be powerful to see people who look like you as those things.
During middle school, he felt that teachers sugar-coated the experiences of students of color and
did not prepare him to navigate the world beyond CBCN and avoided honest conversations about
the road ahead. Victor stated,
If you work hard, and [are kind] and check all these boxes you are going to make it, but
that’s not true. Let them know the world will not be at their fingertips, but there are
resources available, so they won’t be in utter shock when they have been valedictorian,
but then get to college and are struggling.
Mental health also presented a challenge. “In communities of color, mental health has a
stigma,” said Victor. At CBCN, he wished that he had someone to vent to. He knew he needed
advice from someone with an outside perspective and knowledge, such as a psychologist or
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therapist, but his peers were his only source of mental health support. “Your peers aren’t the
best to give you advice at that age,” Victor laughed.
In high school, Victor struggled socially and academically. Family and mental health
struggles caused him to neglect his schoolwork. He underperformed his potential greatly, and
only was accepted to one four-year institution, because he believed someone with connections to
the college called to advocate for his acceptance, despite his low grades. The college was about
an hour away from Victor’s home, so he would not have to pay the extra expense of living in the
dorms or having a campus meal plan.
Victor took the bus each day to campus, arriving just as his first class was beginning at
eight. After class, it would be off to the library to catch up on sleep and homework and eat food
if he had been able to afford it. He would stay on campus, finishing up his last class at four-
thirty, then heading back to the library to study until it was time to catch the last bus home. At
home he would do another three or four hours of homework before heading to bed. Due to this
schedule, it was difficult for Victor to build meaningful relationships on campus. He knew he
needed to have friends to rely on as resources if something came up in the classroom, but he
defined the friendships as superficial. Victor took mostly science classes, and even though 25%
of the university identified as Latino, the science classes were predominantly White. Due to his
experience at a predominantly White high school, Victor felt like he knew how to navigate the
environment. “It wasn’t as difficult [for me] as I imagine it was for some people,” he recalled.
Relationships with professors brought their own set of unique rewards and challenges.
Victor presents as extremely sincere and hard-working, and he said that professors like his
personality a lot. He asked lots of questions and started each semester strong; working ahead as
much as he could. However, as each semester went on, Victor would begin to burn out from
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balancing the stress of college, mental health, finances, and transportation. Sometimes he would
not have enough money for food, or the bus fare. Not eating left him feeling frustrated, and bus
delays would make him late to class. Lack of money also impacted Victor’s ability to connect
socially with peers, as going out with friends or dating was not an option. Victor went through
college without buying a single textbook, and as coursework progressed he would struggle if the
book was not available in the library as he could not learn the content fully. He would ask
professors for their PowerPoint decks and notes, but felt relationships with professors becoming
tainted as he would begin to struggle academically. Victor did not disclose to professors the
journey he was on. Students who he had thought were smart, he realized later, were better
equipped than he at navigating the system of college and knew how to ask for extensions, how to
access office hours, and how to take out loans. Victor was not confident in his ability to manage
these things, and his mother did not have the social capital to support him. Eventually, he took a
break from his studies to work, save money, and try and get himself back on track.
Victor recalled that one day he had to sit down with himself and have an honest
conversation about what he wanted his future to look like. He realized that college was powerful
and without figuring out a plan to complete, he would not be able to achieve the dreams and
goals that he wanted to accomplish. Finishing college left Victor with conflicting emotions.
There were days where he felt it was a great accomplishment, and other days where he felt it was
some kind of farce. Victor shared,
I [would realize] that it’s like a piece of paper that is validating who I am, and I don’t
think that going to college has made me who I am today, or defines how smart I am . . . I
felt like I was just going through the motions.
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Yet, when asked what his college completion symbolized to others, Victor saw the experience in
a completely different light. He named the impact and symbolism of his accomplishment for his
younger brother and other people in his predominantly Latinx neighborhood: “It represents that
people from non-traditional communities can make it to and through college. After [my degree],
I felt like it can be difficult for people of color, but it is possible, and it can be achieved.”
Victor credits the growth in his identity development, not to the college he attended, but
to his own intellectual pursuits: “I was interested in figuring out my own background, where my
mother and father came from and figuring out the history of my people. I became more secure in
who I knew that I was.” In reflecting on his time at CBCN, Victor’s suggestions centered on
helping students to develop their sense of identity and self, in order to be able to better navigate
the challenges ahead, which he felt he had to figure out alone. In order to better assist students,
he said he wanted to make sure that staff were culturally competent in the communities of the
students they teach: “It’s not just celebrating Black History Month, but really making it a part of
history [class] or making sure more stuff we read is by Hispanic authors.” He also suggested
creating opportunities for clubs after school that would help students immerse themselves in their
specific culture and learn about cultures different from their own.
Something that particularly struck Victor about the culture of CBCN was the relentless
promotion of marketing college as the be all, end all and focusing on sharing only stories of
those perfect CBCN students, with the story always ending at the moment they walked across the
stage and received their college diploma. This was problematic for him for two reasons. The
first was that he understood deeply that college was not for everyone. There were students he
knew who needed to find their path as an entrepreneur, electrician or chef, yet he felt that those
dreams were not valued by the organization. He also struggled with the idea that getting the
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diploma was the moment. “When you walk across the stage at the end, life is just starting,” he
said.

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CHAPTER 5
SUMMARY, DISCUSSION OF RESEARCH AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This study sought to capture the lived experience of four CBCN alumni. The study’s
purpose was to provide key stakeholders with insight into the factors that determine CBCN
alumni’s success on the path to college completion and ways in which CBCN plays a role in
their achievement. Additionally, the study sought to provide a personalized look into the lived
experiences of CBCN alumni and capture their insights about their reality as current or former
students of color in college. Finally, the study sought to provide a perspective on college
persistence, which did not place sole responsibility for success on the student themselves, or the
college, but rather linked back to earlier defining moments in their education journey.
Chapter 5 begins with a summary of the research conducted, followed by a discussion of
the findings from the interviews. Next, key data points from the study are discussed and
implications for practice and future research are offered. The chapter ends with conclusions
from the researcher.
Summary of the Study
The purpose of this study was to evaluate CBCN’s influence on the college persistence
decisions and experience of CBCN alumni in order to better set alumni up for success when
pursuing the completion of a bachelor’s degree. In order to determine implications for practice,
the study sought to answer the following research questions:
1. What are the experiences of CBCN alumni navigating into and through college?
2. What factors contribute to the persistence and degree completions of CBCN alumni?
3. How has CBCN contributed to the persistence and degree completion of CBCN
alumni?
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This study was performed as a narrative inquiry study. The researcher conducted a series
of interviews with four alumni from the CBCN network from a single region in the Southwestern
United States. Interviews were conducted in person and via Google Hangouts and recorded by
the researcher. Additionally, peer checking was used to triangulate findings by the researcher.
Due to the small sample size of the stakeholder group, generalizations to the entire national
organization cannot be made, as the interviews captured only some of the many perspectives and
experiences of CBCN alumni. Commonalities from the stories and noteworthy experiences are
explored below in the discussion of findings.
Discussion
Experiences of CBCN Alumni
The experiences of the CBCN alumni navigating into and through college had many
similarities. All four CBCN alumni interviewed were also first-generation college students. All
ended up pursuing or completing their bachelor’s degrees at private institutions with student
bodies of less than 5,000 undergraduates, and all four matriculated from private high schools.
Since there is no CBCN high school option available in the region studied, students from that
city are often encouraged to continue their education after CBCN at private high schools,
boarding schools, or local charter high schools, which have smaller student bodies, more similar
to the CBCN environment, and higher college matriculation rates. This pursuance of boarding
schools in particular is of note given the history of boarding schools in the United States as a tool
to assimilate and enculturate students of color, beginning with the indigenous populations
(Atkins, 1887; Grant, 1996; Lomawaima, 1993). This colonial-based model of schooling is
rooted in White supremacy, and the effects can lead to dissociation and traumatic separation
from one’s home culture in order to survive academically, socially, and sometimes literally
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59
(Lomawaima, 1993; McCarty, 2002). However, when it came to high school experience, the
alumni experienced marked differences. Both Dereneka and Yvette excelled academically in
boarding school and were able to eventually successfully navigate the elite White-dominant high
school world. Due to the financial aid packages received by both women, they have been able to
engage as full-time students on their college campuses, which appears to have contributed to
their academic success and sense of belonging at their respective institutions. For Victor and
Michael, struggles in high school related to their sense of self and experience of belonging
continued in college and both withdrew from their original institutions at some point in their
college journey. Both male participants took longer than four years to complete their bachelor’s
degrees. Dereneka and Yvette are still currently enrolled in their undergraduate institutions, but
on track to complete their degrees within four years.
Factors Contributing to Persistence and Degree Completion
The CBCN alumni attributed their success and difficulties persisting in or completing
college to a variety of factors. Issues of race and class were prevalent in all four alumni’s stories.
According to 2017 alumni survey data from CBCN, 40% of all responding CBCN alumni
reported worrying that they were being negatively judged on their college campus based on their
racial identity or socio-economic status. For all four alumni in this study, their socioeconomic
status dictated many of their decisions from where they enrolled, to their ability to involve
themselves in campus life. Due to Michael and Victor’s need to maintain full-time jobs off
campus for all or part of their time in college, their involvement in campus life and activities was
minimal.
Each alumnus expressed a similar thread of thought when it came to their analysis of how
CBCN contributed to their success and failures on the road to college completion. Critical Race
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60
Theory encourages the critique of color-blind ideologies and meritocracy, which were both
expressed as values within CBCN (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000; Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado, &
Crenshaw, 1993). Three of the alumni interviewed expressed that identity as a high-performing
student was valued, as was teaching history from a White-dominant lens. They shared that
learning about the positive attributes and strengths of Black and Latinx culture while in middle
school would have served them better in developing their own sense of racial identity and to
contextualize their own experiences and learnings as they left CBCN and entered more White-
dominant spaces. Dereneka, Yvette and Victor all indicated that they needed additional skills to
navigate their predominantly White high schools and Michael felt that he might have struggled
less in high school and at his first college had his Black identity development been supported
from a younger age. According to Museus, Yee, and Lambe (2011), educators are responsible
for creating school environments which explicitly name the role of race and teaching students the
role race may play as they go to college and start their adult lives.
The participants all also named moments where they were the only person of color, or the
only Black or Latinx person, in the space and felt as if their voice carried the responsibility of
representing their entire racial group and/or home community. For both Michael and Dereneka,
two of these moments resulted in the lowest grade in their higher education careers. Researchers
of higher education have noted that being looked to for the “Black perspective,” or being seen as
the only one, are often felt as intense experiences of invalidation, and microaggression (Delgado
& Stefancic, 2000; Patton, 2016). These experiences can lead to isolation, disassociation with
one’s own racial group, and even departure from the institution, which both Michael and Victor
explicitly noted as experiencing at times during their college years, and Dereneka named in her
transition to high school (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000; Tinto, 1993). Yvette also implied a similar
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61
struggle during her transition to high school, but did not confirm with specific evidence. As
Victor noted, honest and real conversations about race, racism and navigating White spaces are
needed from CBCN educators if CBCN alumni are to truly meet their full potential within the
current educational context. All four students reported having to rely heavily on their own
familial, aspirational and navigational capital to persist and thrive on their journeys (Yosso,
2005).
Michael’s journey in particular is worth highlighting as he reported grappling with his
identity as a Black man to this day, and though he found his stride academically in college, he
underperformed in middle school and high school. According to a 2017 alumni survey from
CBCN, 78% of alumni reported their racial and ethnic identity was an important part of who they
were. Yet, Michael struggled to figure out where he fit within his racial group. Further
organization data confirmed that Black males are the lowest performing group academically in
both elementary and middle school within the organization, and least likely to complete a college
degree. It made me wonder if Michael was getting the supports he needed in his early
educational career to be secure in who he was, and realize that all of his identities could co-exist
and drive his excellence sooner in his journey. It also surprised me as a researcher that both
Dereneka and Michael devalued the HBCU experience, for different reasons. Michael, because
he struggled to embrace his Black identity and navigate a pro-Black environment after his
predominantly White high school and color-blind CBCN education. Dereneka, because she felt
that being in an all-Black institution would not prepare her for the “real world.” HBCUs are
often cited as having an extremely positive effect on the leadership, academic achievement and
identity development for Black students (Jones, 2010). It made me wonder, if CBCN had done a
better job of elevating stories of Black achievement and success beyond stories of the Civil War
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62
and Martin Luther King Jr., whether the Black alumni interviewed would have felt differently.
According to Patton (2016), by the time students are pursuing degrees at colleges and
universities, they are indoctrinated in White supremacy and have little understanding or fluency
in unpacking issues of race and racism, including internalized racism.
The Role of CBCN
Although as a whole the research from this study is not generalizable, due to the small
sample size, the researcher drew the following conclusions from the narratives presented by the
CBCN alumni that participated and the document analysis related to the research questions.
The journey of CBCN alumni in persisting in college is complex and further examination
of regional influences, CBCN organizational practices, cultural dynamics and historical
narratives is necessary to provide an analysis at a deeply meaningful level. Simply looking at the
four narratives presented here may provide an inaccurate and certainly incomplete understanding
of the CBCN alumni experience.
For students of color, the world is rife with messages portraying their home culture
through a language of stereotype and using a deficit lens. All of the alumni interviewed felt a
sense of obligation and responsibility to represent their race as is was identified by others in
order to combat stereotypes and open doors for the family and community members who came
behind them. None of the alumni interviewed were able to name explicit ways that CBCN
prepared them for these moments.
The path to college completion was significantly less linear for male participants. The
male participants interviewed were both awarded less financial aid than their female
counterparts, took time away from their schooling to work full- or part-time jobs off-campus, and
withdrew from their institution of study at least once. Both male students commuted to school
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for the majority of their higher education schooling. On the other hand, both female participants
attended one institution and were able to live, study and work on campus full-time due to their
financial aid packages.
Teachers and professors should be prepared to address the complexities of race, racism
and identity with their students. The middle school English teacher who was able to do so,
provided Dereneka with lasting positive associations with her Black identity. Whereas, failure to
address the complexities adequately by Dereneka and Michael’s college professors; and absence
of addressing from teachers and professors of all four alumni, had detrimental effects on the
alumni’s academic achievement and overall well-being.
Implications for Practice
This study sought to answer the question of how CBCN can prepare its students to
successfully navigate into and through college. Before making suggestions for how the
organization can change, the current state of the organization should be considered. In order to
truly make a shift within the CBCN organization, the organization should be prepared to
examine the root causes of the beliefs, values, attitudes and practices of the educators and staff
who are primary decision-makers within the organization (Bauman, 2002). Without the
willingness to examine its current state of preparedness, the organization will not be able to make
shifts in practice to lead to more equitable outcomes (Bensimon, 2005).
Professional Development
According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2012), even though there are
now teacher education programs that are specializing in preparing teachers for urban education
environments, there has not been any significant change in academic outcomes for students of
color when disaggregated by subgroup. In order to better serve CBCN alumni, it is suggested
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that the organization provide explicit professional development for novice and lead teachers in
developing critical racial awareness, first in themselves, and then facilitating conversation on
race with students (Emdin 2016; Howard, 2010; Kohli & Solórzano, 2012). It is necessary that
this reflection will have to happen concurrently with other demands of the organization, for two
reasons. Firstly, because reflection is by nature an ongoing process, and mistakes and missteps
are going to occur, as they do when acquiring any new skill. Secondly, because the organization
cannot cease to execute while teachers and staff engage in development. Thus, managing staff
must be prepared for the length of time and arc of learning, taking action, reflecting, and
modifying that will need to occur as teachers engage in the process. The ownership of engaging
in the work of building critical race consciousness falls not just on White educators, but
educators of color as well (Duncan-Andrade & Morell, 2008; Howard, 2010).
It is important to note that there is a subset to this professional development that focuses
specifically on interactions with students and families. Implicit biases and lack of cultural
knowledge can lead to interactions with students and families based in stereotyping and
prejudice (Emdin, 2016; Hollie, 2012; Howard, 2010). Teachers and staff should thus be
developed and receive regular practice and feedback on their ability to recognize, validate and
affirm behaviors and language coming from the student’s or family’s home culture in order to
successfully teach the student how to navigate and achieve success in the White normative
culture of academia (Emdin, 2016; Hollie, 2012). Implementing teacher development based on
validating cultural capital and practices would mean that individual CBCN sites would need to
closely examine the systems and structures used for classroom management, literacy instruction
and the way in which academic language is taught.
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Explicit Instruction on Race and Identity
CBCN teachers are then recommended to provide explicit instruction to students on their
own cultural backgrounds and those of other community members, particularly in the social
sciences. Students should be given the opportunity to evaluate their learning, demonstrate
knowledge through applied tasks, and use the knowledge in a way that can be directly applied to
their daily lives, such as leveraging cultural competencies and community wealth and resources
to navigate White dominant spaces (Duncan-Andrade & Morell, 2008; Kohli & Solórzano, 2012;
Yosso, 2005). Topics for strands of instruction should include a focus on self and discovering
one’s own identity, developing tools for self-advocacy in the face of oppression, navigating
cultural differences and cross-cultural competencies, and prioritizing self-care and mental
wellness in order to address additional stressors experienced by students of color. CBCN should
actively work to interrupt the false narrative that there is a conflict of interest between teaching
academic content and supporting the development of critical race consciousness in students.
This approach further reinforces deficit thinking about communities of color that CBCN serves,
and will continue to produce stagnant outcomes for students (Duncan-Andrade & Morell, 2008;
Gorski, 2008).
In order to create a clear time and space in the school day, it is recommended that CBCN
re-envision the social studies block to be an ethnic studies block that focuses on teaching the
history of the world from a decolonized lens. This would mean that the Eurocentric model of
history would be explicitly contextualized and a revised history that was inclusive of the
historical legacy of all communities would be taught, so that students could focus on ways to
find empowerment in their story and develop a positive academic identity (Cuauhtin, Zavala,
Sleeter, & Au, 2019). Thus, students would be able to begin to reclaim a sense of power related
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66
to their racial and cultural identity, rather than simply internalizing a narrative of oppression, as
Michael referenced in his interviews. Research commissioned by the National Education
Association shows that the implementation of ethnic studies programs is correlated with higher
academic engagement from students, greater achievement on tests, increased graduation rates
and increased rates of reporting feeling a greater sense of self-efficacy and empowerment
(Cuauhtin et al., 2019).
College and Career Readiness
CBCN students know that attending college is an important goal, but are not able to
articulate why it is important. The expectation is set as a blanket for all students, which is
problematic as some students cannot attend a four-year college, or dream of other paths for their
lives. This also leaves students who want to pursue careers that will require preparation other
than a four-year college outside the margins of what is perceived acceptable by the organization.
It also marginalizes students with severe and profound special education needs who may not be
able to access the four-year college environment. Thus, CBCN needs to revise the expectation
that all students complete a college degree to a more holistic expectation that includes the
possibility of alternate means to completing one’s formal education. This reframing should
include the expectation of college if the student is seeking a career that would be supported by
the completion of a higher education degree. For other students, the expectation should be
framed as a life-long learning experience where students have the option to pursue certificate
programs or other forms of study that will support their path. CBCN alumni should leave the
organization understanding that it is important to plan for the future, and how to adjust and
manage change when obstacles arise.
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67
Comprehensive Report Cards
CBCN’s current student grading and evaluation models result in report cards that focus
on academic achievement. CBCN should consider adopting a competency-based evaluation
model that includes both the skills and competencies needed for academic success in college, but
also includes skills and competencies needed for success in the workplace. Other charter
organizations and independent schools have begun to move toward this model. This shift would
ensure that teachers are preparing students to perform actions similar to those required in a
college environment or workplace as part of meeting class expectations. Examples of this could
be sending an email to ask to meet with a teacher for academic assistance, or practicing a phone
call to follow up on a networking opportunity. The type of feedback provided around these tasks
would help prepare students for additional moments that could prove to be obstacles when trying
to navigate the world beyond CBCN.
Some of these competencies fall more naturally into the high school arena, and would be
most easily implemented in regions where there are high schools already in place. It should be
noted that this type of adjustment would require the buy-in of many stakeholder groups as well
as a full-scale revamp of the academic scope and sequence to include these topics. By adding
these competencies, CBCN will be able to better support tthe future academic and career success
of its alumni.
CBCN High School
The final recommendation is that the CBCN region studied consider opening a high
school grounded in the recommendations mentioned previously. Opening a high school would
help to distribute the responsibility of preparing CBCN alumni to navigate college and career
from the local CBCN college advising team to a larger team of educators. It would also allow
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68
for the recruitment and creation of a staff that is invested in and values the communities served.
A CBCN high school would provide an option for students for whom predominantly White high
schools currently partnered with are not a match. It would also provide a chance for continued
education on race and identity, as well as ethnic studies instruction, while students are at an age
where they are deeply involved in the work of figuring out who they are and what their identity
means to them and their future path.
Implications for Research
Though this study has implications for the organization, it also comes with many
limitations due to the size and scope possible with a single researcher. Accordingly, only the
perspectives of four alumni were captured in depth, while perspectives of the thousands of other
alumni were only portrayed in aggregate via public survey data. Additionally, given the small
sample, and the responses of those who participated, the perspectives of alumni who did not
persist were not included. It is also important to identify that the sample is by definition biased,
as the interviews were shaped by the personality and identity of the researcher. This study also
documents perspectives from a single urban area served by CBCN, and thus does not contain
sufficient data from all regions of the country.
Further research is required to understand the CBCN alumni perspective for alumni who
departed completely from college, or never began, and the impact CBCN had on those decisions.
This research could be completed internally with support from the CBCN college support team.
Additional research is also warranted to look at K-12 educator effectiveness using an equity lens,
and applying the frameworks of Critical Race Theory or Critical Pedagogy (Bensimon, 2005;
Duncan-Andrade & Morell, 2008; Hernandez, 2016; Ladson-Billings, 1999). This research
could support in identifying the skills and characteristics of teachers that have proven success
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69
with supporting students of color through to college completion and who have retained a strong
sense of identity. Duncan-Andrade and Morell (2008) state,
The only way young people can become informed and empowered . . . is if they are self-
actualized and if they have begun the process of healing and loving themselves. Of
course, these transformations can be concurrent, but it is unconscionable to deal with one
without the other. (p. 190)
Conclusion
As a researcher, my hope is that this study raises questions and empowers the reader to
continue questioning and seeking truth and driving towards equity until all children that CBCN
serves experience the self-actualization necessary to thrive in college and beyond. According to
a recent study from the Brookings Institution, it is still true that holding a college degree allows
you to earn more, have greater job security and health benefits, and increases the likelihood of
intergenerational socioeconomic mobility (Haskins, Isaacs, & Sawhill, 2018). If CBCN wants to
make lasting change for its alumni to ensure that they are able to find rewarding careers, stable
income sources, and have the autonomy to access the opportunities they deserve, the
organization must continue to self-examine and be willing to make changes required to deliver
all of its alumni an equitable chance at future success.
This study sought to answer the question of how CBCN contributed to the persistence
and degree completion of CBCN alumni, while exploring alumni experience and outside factors.
The research conducted using the narrative inquiry process showed that CBCN positively
contributed to the persistence and degree completion of its alumni, by preparing them for the
rigor and academic workload of college, and by instilling a college-going mentality in its
students. CBCN negatively contributed to the persistence and degree completion of its alumni
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70
via the absence of explicit discussions on race and navigating White spaces, while students were
enrolled at CBCN. Alumni also articulated an absence of culturally-relevant academic
assignments, curriculum and extra-curricular activities.
The organization can seek to better support the persistence and degree completion of its
alumni by implementing professional development and training for its staff at both the regional
and school level, so that CBCN staff are equipped with the knowledge and skills to engage
students in conversations on race and provide a more equitable educational experience for all
CBCN students. Research can support CBCN through the conducting of subsequent studies,
focus groups and alumni survey administration to understand more deeply the variance in the
CBCN alumni experience, including the experience of those who depart from college completely
or fail to enroll. By taking steps to address the gaps in support illuminated by the study, CBCN
is projected to see a positive increase in the number of CBCN alumni persisting in and
graduating from college.

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APPENDIX
INTERVIEW PROTOCOLS
Introduction
Thank you for agreeing to participate in this study on the CBCN alumni experience.

You have been selected to participate based on your experiences, which I look forward to
learning more about. I appreciate your time and willingness to be involved in the study.

Purpose

The purpose of the study is to learn more about the experiences of CBCN alumni. Special
attention is given to how such individuals understood their first-generation status, gender,
race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and other aspects of their identity while attending CBCN
charter schools and at their college or university. The study is being conducted for a dissertation
in partial fulfillment for the requirements of the Ed.D. in Organizational Change and Leadership
at the University of Southern California. Please feel free to share your experiences as you feel
comfortable.

Guidelines

Based on the informed consent document, the interviews will be audio recorded and all
information will be confidential. Please let me know if there is a specific pseudonym that you
would like used. Also, it is suggested that you try to avoid, to the best of your ability,
mentioning other individuals by their name. Instead, please consider using pseudonyms or
simply saying for example, “my friend,” or “my fifth grade teacher.” During the interview
process, please let me know if you would like to take breaks, halt the interview, or refrain from
answering any questions. You are able to add or clarify any experiences throughout the
interview process. After the final interview, you will be presented with my synthesis of all of
your interview responses, which you may review to provide further clarification.

Note: The three interview series is semi-structured. While the following questions will be used,
they are seen as probes. Questions will be adjusted or additional follow-up questions will be
asked depending on how each participant discusses their experiences and thoughts.

Interview 1

1. How would you describe your racial identity?
2. How would you describe your gender identity?
3. How would you describe your other identities (i.e., socioeconomic status, sexual orientation,
religion, etc.)
4. Please provide me with some information about how you understood these identities prior to
coming to college/university.
5. Please provide me with some information about your upbringing and family.
CHARTER SCHOOL ALUMNI EXPERIENCE

81
6. What is the educational background of your family members (specifically parents and/or
guardians)?
7. Why did you decide to attend ____ (name) college/university?
8. Please describe the path you took to attend college/university.
9. What does it mean to you to are/have attended college/university?
10. What does it mean to your family that you are/have attended college/university?

Interview 2

1. Please provide a typical day in your life as a student at your college/university.
2. How would you describe your relationships in the college context? (Who made up your
group of friends in college/university?)
3. How would you describe your interaction/relationship with peers in college/university?
4. How would you describe your interaction/relationship with professors and administrators
while in college/university?
5. What was your experience like as a student of color at your college/university?
6. What was your experience like as a ____ (insert other social dimension) at your
college/university?
7. Can you please provide me with some information about how you understood these identities
while you attended college/university?
8. What did it mean to be student of color in college/university?
9. How has your college experience impacted you and your aspirations, if at all?

Interview 3

1. What experiences or thoughts would you like to discuss related to being a student of
color/___ alumni in college that you do not believe we explored in our other conversations?
2. Do you believe that your college experience has impacted your understanding of your social
identities?
3. How did your intersecting identities shape your experience as a student of color in college?
4. What resources or services would you suggest being implemented at ____ charter school to
positively assist students’ identity development and/or college experience, if any?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract There are many studies conducted on the higher education experience for students of color, but few that allow elementary and middle school educators to reflect on how they have impacted the lives of former students of color through their college years. This study leveraged the lived experiences of four alumni of color of a charter organization serving students in grades K-8 in an urban center in the Southwestern United States. In order to frame the findings and analyze the data, the theoretical frameworks of Critical Race Theory and Tinto’s theory of student departure were used (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000

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Growing leaders in charter schools

Asset Metadata

Creator Garfio, Jannah (author)

Core Title Charter school alumni experience

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Publication Date 07/18/2019

Defense Date 05/28/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black,charter elementary,charter middle,charter school,charter school alumni,college persistence,critical race theory,Latinx,OAI-PMH Harvest,Race,racial identity,sense of belonging,students of color

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Datta, Monique (committee chair), Hahm, Son Young (committee member), Harper, Shaun R. (committee member)

Creator Email jannah.garfio@gmail.com,jgarfio@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-184435

Unique identifier UC11660753

Identifier etd-GarfioJann-7557.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-184435 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-GarfioJann-7557.pdf

Dmrecord 184435

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Garfio, Jannah

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA