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Families first: supporting first-generation college students’ families
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Families first: supporting first-generation college students’ families
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Content
Running head: FAMILIES FIRST 1
Families First: Supporting First-Generation College Students’ Families
Darcie Dominianni
Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs
Master of Education
University of Southern California
August 2019
FAMILIES FIRST 2
Table of Contents
First-Generation College Students .................................................................................................. 6
Never Attended College .............................................................................................................. 6
Never Completed College ........................................................................................................... 7
International Status ..................................................................................................................... 8
No Definition .............................................................................................................................. 9
Working Definition ................................................................................................................... 10
Barriers and Challenges to First-Generation Student Success ...................................................... 11
Academic Preparation ............................................................................................................... 12
Academic measures and self-knowledge. ............................................................................. 13
College expectations. ............................................................................................................ 13
Financial Factors ....................................................................................................................... 15
Access to funds. .................................................................................................................... 15
Financial literacy. .................................................................................................................. 16
Borrowing practices. ............................................................................................................. 17
Socioemotional and Cultural Factors ........................................................................................ 17
Imposter syndrome and sense of belonging. ......................................................................... 18
Family roles. ......................................................................................................................... 19
First-Generation Student Successes .............................................................................................. 20
Resourcefulness and Relationships ........................................................................................... 21
Resilience and Grit .................................................................................................................... 22
Reflexivity................................................................................................................................. 22
First-Generation Families ............................................................................................................. 23
Familial Support and K-12........................................................................................................ 26
Familial Support and College ................................................................................................... 27
Discussion and Implications ......................................................................................................... 29
Implications for Future Research .............................................................................................. 30
Definitions............................................................................................................................. 30
Frameworks........................................................................................................................... 31
Families as participants. ........................................................................................................ 32
Diverse samples. ................................................................................................................... 33
Recommendations for Student Affairs Practice ........................................................................ 34
FAMILIES FIRST 3
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................... 35
References ..................................................................................................................................... 36
FAMILIES FIRST 4
Families First: Supporting First-Generation College Students’ Families
Families are critical to the educational success of first-generation college students (Ceja,
2006; Mitchall & Jaeger, 2018; Wang, 2014). This population can be broadly defined as a
student who was not raised by any individual with a four-year postsecondary degree. Although
first-generation students comprise a growing percentage of college enrollees, they also
consistently demonstrate lower completion rates than their continuing-generation peers (Whitley,
2017; DeAngelo, Franke, Hurtado, Pryor, & Tran, 2011; Higher Education Research Institute,
2011). Family members play a variety of roles as their students make decisions about college,
from building a college-going culture (Kiyama, 2011; Wang, 2014; Ceja, 2006) to motivating
students to complete their degree (Mitchall & Jaeger, 2018; Azmitia, Sumabat-Estrada, Cheong,
& Covarrubias, 2018). For first-generation students, whose families may never have applied to
college, limited familial informational support regarding academic, financial, and socio-
emotional factors can make accessing and transitioning into higher education difficult (Atherton,
2014; Means & Pyne, 2017; Blackwell & Pinder, 2014; Wang, 2014; Covarrubias & Fryberg,
2015; London, 1989). Despite these limitations, characteristics of first-generation students, such
as grit, resourcefulness, and reflexivity, are often assets on the road to and through college
(Azmitia, Sumabat-Estrada, Cheong, & Covarrubias, 2018; Garrison & Gardner, 2012; O'Neal,
et al., 2016). These students’ families often increase the likelihood of their students’ college
success by offering socio-emotional support and drawing on their communities for informational
support (Kiyama, 2011; Wang, 2014). Limited research focusing on family perspectives
represents a missed opportunity to better support these students’ access to and experience while
enrolled in college.
Several studies have specifically cited the impact of familial college knowledge and
social capital on the experiences of first-generation college students (Atherton, 2014; Means &
FAMILIES FIRST 5
Pyne, 2017). However, such research typically relies exclusively on student’s perspectives rather
than also considering the perspectives of their families. Several studies (Gofen, 2009; Wang,
2014; Vargas, 2004) point to the need for research to examine first-generation students’ college
experience from the perspective of family members. Studying this topic in more detail can
increase the development and success of initiatives that incorporate existing familial college
knowledge or resources to better support first-generation college students in accessing,
transitioning to, and completing college.
Therefore, the purpose of this article is to review existing higher education literature on
first-generation college students and to identify knowledge gaps in which future research could
increase its focus on the roles of first-generation families in the lives of their students. For
operational purposes, a first-generation college student is broadly defined as a student who was
not raised by any individual with a bachelor’s or higher postsecondary degree from a United
States institution. This definition is intended to recognize that not all students are raised by their
parents, and thereby intended to be more inclusive of differing familial arrangements while also
not discounting the younger siblings of college graduates. In addition, this article explores the
ways in which families support their first-generation students to and through college. First, I
review and interrogate the multiple definitions of the first-generation population derived from the
literature. Next, I discuss commonly cited factors that represent challenges for first-generation
students, and those that represent successes. Then, I describe the people who make up first-
generation families, and offer some perspective regarding how they have been and can be
incorporated into future research to uncover a more holistic picture of the first-generation student
experience and to better support this population. Lastly, I offer several implications for how
FAMILIES FIRST 6
studying this topic in more detail can increase initiatives that incorporate existing familial
resources to better support first-generation students.
First-Generation College Students
Defining the term first-generation college student proves challenging and existing studies
use several different versions, making it difficult to track the population reliably. Researchers use
many definitions, but the most common tend to be based on whether a student’s parents have
either 1) never attended college (Demetriou, Meece, Eaker-Rich, & Powell, 2017; Inkelas,
Daver, Vogt, & Leonard, 2007; Padgett, Johnson, & Pascarella, 2012), 2) never completed any
college degree (Atherton, 2014; Furquim, Glasener, Oster, & McCall, 2017; Martinez, Sher,
Krull, & Wood, 2009), or 3) never completed a four-year postsecondary degree (Collier &
Morgan, 2007; Engle & Tinto, 2008; Stephens, Fryberg, Markus, Johnson, & Covarrubias,
2012). Colleges and universities also use these varied definitions. A 2018 landscape analysis of
four-year postsecondary institutions conducted by the NASPA Center for First-Generation
Student Success found that 56% of institutions that defined the population used the “neither
parent or guardian earned a four-year college degree” definition (Whitley, Benson, & Wesaw,
2018). Additionally, numerous studies (Means & Pyne, 2017; Trevino & DeFreitas, 2014), and
27% of institutions in the NASPA study offered no definition for the population, relying instead
on self-identification to track and support the group (Whitley, Benson, & Wesaw, 2018). Each of
these definitions, and the reliance on self-identification excludes a portion of the population who
identify with the successes and challenges of first-generation students.
Never Attended College
Definitions that use the phrase “never attended college” may leave out students whose
parent or guardian took a few classes but never completed a degree. Padgett, Johnson, and
FAMILIES FIRST 7
Pascarella (2012) compare first-year outcomes and the effect of interventions on first-generation
students with students whose parents have varied levels of higher degrees. Padgett and associates
(2012) do not count students whose parents have “some college” in their definition of first-
generation, meaning someone whose parent attended even one college course would be left out
of their study. A college relying on this definition might see outreach, admissions, and transition
as the most important areas to provide resources for first-generation individuals, as they would
not be able to benefit from their parents’ experiential knowledge of these events. This definition
may also ignore the application support needs of students whose family member(s) took classes
at or earned associate’s degrees from a community college with open admissions. While both
Padgett et al. (2012) and Inkelas, Daver, Vogt, and Leonard (2007) note that supporting students
early on may increase retention rates, little attention is paid to how colleges can support first-
generation students after this transition period.
Never Completed College
Institutions and studies that define first-generation status by whether parent or guardians
have never completed a college or four-year postsecondary degree may also exclude some
students who would benefit from broader definitions. For example, a student whose family
member earned their associate’s degree would be excluded by the former, which specifies that a
parent or guardian never completed a college degree. Excluding students whose families have an
associate’s degree may prevent these students from accessing the resources necessary to apply to,
attend, and graduate from four-year postsecondary institutions. Martinez, Sher, Krull, and Wood
(2009) use this definition in their study on factors affecting first-generation attrition, finding that
students whose parents did not have a “college” degree tended to have lower ACT scores,
slightly better high school class ranks, more financial aid, less parental financial contributions,
FAMILIES FIRST 8
and were more likely to work while enrolled in college than their peers. Since Martinez and
associates (2009) left the meaning of “college degree” up to participants, their analysis is unable
to disaggregate findings between students whose family members have an associate’s degree and
those who have a bachelor’s degree, instead generalizing their findings to both groups. Had
Martinez et al. (2009) used the latter definition, wherein a parent or guardian has never
completed a four-year postsecondary degree, they would have been able to disaggregate the
findings and analyze any potential differences in outcome between students whose family
member(s) have a four-year degree and those with an associate’s. The four-year degree
delineation is one of the most commonly used and most inclusive, however, it excludes a
population of students whose parent or guardian earned a four-year postsecondary degree outside
of the United States and may not understand the unique processes involved in the nation’s
system of higher education.
International Status
As international enrollments continue to increase across global postsecondary education,
domestic institutions have defined first-generation in a way that accounts for students who are
the first in their family attending college in the United States. Fifteen percent of the universities
surveyed by NASPA, for instance, determined first-generation status by whether “neither parent
earned a four-year college degree from an institution in the U.S.” (Whitley, Benson, & Wesaw,
2018). This delineation acknowledges international students whose family member(s) obtained
postsecondary degrees outside of the United States, and recognizes how these students may
experience similar difficulties to U.S. students whose parents never completed a four-year
postsecondary degree. Families of international students may not be able to provide the
contextual college knowledge and social capital necessary to succeed in applying to and
FAMILIES FIRST 9
completing higher education in the United States (Atherton, 2014). These students may also be
unfamiliar with the term first-generation, making it difficult to ensure they receive support.
No Definition
Given first-generation students’ limited access to experiential knowledge of United States
higher education, institutions that do not offer any definition or expect students to self-identify
may also exclude those who have never heard or do not understand the term. Many studies do
not offer explicit definitions for the term first-generation students, instead qualifying the phrase
by linking their studies to other aspects of identity such as race (Trevino & DeFreitas, 2014) and
class (Means & Pyne, 2017). This lack of definition and linkage to other categories of difference
includes only those who are doubly disadvantaged – both by their race or class and by the fact
that they are the first in their family to complete a four-year degree. Individuals who are the first
in their household to pursue or attain a degree are diverse, and defining first-generation status in
a way that restricts the population to a certain race or class ignores the within group diversity.
Co-defining first-generation status ignores the numerous factors that may affect this facet of
identity. For example, international students are often also the first in their families to pursue
four-year postsecondary education. Since international students studying in the United States are
required to prove their ability to pay for their degree (US Department of Homeland Security,
n.d.), many would be left out by a definition that hinges on low-income background.
International students who are the first in their family to attend college may also be left out if the
definition is linked to underrepresented racial or ethnic backgrounds. Only two of the top 10
origin countries for international students in the United States are in Latin America (Zong &
Batalova, 2016), and several studies link Latino/a/x identity to first-generation status. Individuals
from the other top countries of origin who are the first in their families to pursue higher
FAMILIES FIRST 10
education are left out when first-generation studies and programs are restricted to those who also
identify as Latino/a/x, limiting their access to resources designed to help students who are the
first in their families to attend college. Linking first-generation status to other aspects of identity
may prevent students from accessing the resources they need to attend and succeed in college.
Working Definition
Building upon the existing, but divergent literature, I define first-generation college
students broadly as any student who was not raised by any individual with a four-year
postsecondary degree from an institution within the United States. Using this broad definition is
important as it captures a wide range of individuals and allows for exploration of the impact of
other categories of difference (e.g. race, class, national origin) on first-generation college
students. This allows researchers to study within group differences among first-generation
students without generalizing the experience of any one subset to an entire population, and
allows practitioners to provide resources targeted at the problems faced by first-generation
students as a group, rather than resources targeting subgroups. Existing efforts to support first-
generation college students, such as federal TRIO programs, tend to support only first-generation
students who are also low-income, or from an under-represented minority group. While it is true
that these students need support, many first-generation students do not fall into these other
categories of difference but may still require support throughout the college admissions process
and in completing college.
In contrast to first-generation students, continuing-generation college students
(sometimes referred to as second- or third-generation students) have some exposure to college
(Pike & Kuh, 2005). Though the definition varies with the different first-generation definitions,
continuing-generation students typically have at least one parent who has some exposure to
FAMILIES FIRST 11
postsecondary education (Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005). This population benefits from the first-hand
college knowledge, or informational capital, of their college-educated family member(s),
outperforming their first-generation peers on several measures of academic success (Atherton,
2014; Martinez, Sher, Krull, & Wood, 2009). First-generation college students experience
college in very different ways from continuing-generation students, with different sets of
challenges and successes.
Barriers and Challenges to First-Generation Student Success
First-generation students face lower rates of persistence, retention, and completion. A
2008 study by the Pell Institute examined the interplay of low-income and first-generation status
across institution types. The study found that persistence rates from years one to two were lower
for individuals who were low-income or first-generation than for those who were not (Engle &
Tinto, 2008). Students who were both low-income and first-generation had even lower
persistence rates (Engle & Tinto, 2008). In a longitudinal study of semester-to-semester
nonenrollment rates between first-generation and continuing-generation students at a large,
predominately white, four-year, public postsecondary institution, Martinez, Sher, Krull, and
Wood (2009) found that while attrition rates were high across the institution’s populations, first-
generation students consistently had higher rates of nonenrollment each semester. Unsurprisingly
then, college completion rates among first-generation college students were also much lower
than their peers. A 2011 report from the Higher Education Research Institute (HERI) found that
both four- and six-year graduation rates were around 14% lower for first-generation students
than their continuing-generation peers (DeAngelo, Franke, Hurtado, Pryor, & Tran, 2011). A
number of factors influence first-generation students’ ability to complete their degrees.
FAMILIES FIRST 12
Research on first-generation students typically uses social capital theory, which can lead
to a deficit perspective and focuses on the barriers these students face in relation to college
access and success. The concept of social capital encompasses the knowledge, resources, and
relationships that enable an individual to access opportunities (Coleman, 1988; Bourdieu &
Passeron, 1977; Bourdieu, 1973; Bourdieu, 1986; Bourdieu, 1977). It is both productive and
context-specific, meaning although social capital can provide means to improve one’s condition,
its effects are relative to certain situations or settings (Coleman, 1988). Social capital is
dependent upon the exchanges that occur between individuals and the groups with which they
interact (Bourdieu, 1977; Coleman, 1988). The types and levels of social capital available to an
individual affect the ways in which they navigate society. Since middle- and upper-class values
tend to dominate the larger society and educational systems, these systems tend to validate the
social capital of these groups (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; Holley & Gardner, 2012). First-
generation students, who often come from low-income backgrounds and whose parents do not
have experiential knowledge of college, tend to be perceived as lacking the social capital
necessary to succeed in college. Three main challenges to first-generation student success
emerge from this body of literature: academic preparation (Atherton, 2014; Collier & Morgan,
2007; Unverferth, Talbert-Johnson, & Bogard, 2012), financial knowledge and support (Holley
& Gardner, 2012; Unverferth, Talbert-Johnson, & Bogard, 2012; Stephens, Fryberg, Markus,
Johnson, & Covarrubias, 2012), and socioemotional or cultural factors (Means & Pyne, 2017;
Holley & Gardner, 2012; Stephens, Fryberg, Markus, Johnson, & Covarrubias, 2012).
Academic Preparation
Many first-generation college students face difficulties related to academics. This
population may struggle with the dissonance between their perceptions and realities of their
FAMILIES FIRST 13
academic performance (Atherton, 2014). First-generation students also tend to have expectations
of college that do not align with faculty expectations (Collier & Morgan, 2007; Unverferth,
Talbert-Johnson, & Bogard, 2012; Davis, 2010), and tend to experience difficulties interacting
with faculty members in productive ways (Padgett, Johnson, & Pascarella, 2012). These
academic factors affect first-generation students’ experiences in college, and may contribute to
the lower retention and completion rates common for this population. First-generation students
also face a number of financial and socioemotional barriers as they pursue their degree, which
overlap and intersect with these academic challenges.
Academic measures and self-knowledge. Atherton (2014) used quantitative analysis to
test two hypotheses relating to academics – that first-generation students were less academically
prepared than their continuing-generation peers according to “objective academic measures” and
to “subjective self-ratings” (p. 825). Atherton’s study confirmed the first hypothesis, showing
that first-generation students were less likely to score above the median on the SAT, and 20%
less likely to report a high school GPA of B+ or higher than that students whose parents had both
graduated from college (Atherton, 2014). The study also found that despite the lower scores on
objective academic preparation measures, first-generation students rated themselves as highly
prepared as their continuing-generation peers on subjective measures. Atherton suggests the
difference between self-knowledge and objective measures may relate to a social capital gap
preventing first-generation students from conceptually connecting lower grades and test scores
with academic outcomes (Atherton, 2014).
College expectations. This lower academic preparation can lead to different expectations
of first-generation student performance by faculty and by the students themselves. Collier and
Morgan (2007) determined three main areas where students’ and faculty members’ expectations
FAMILIES FIRST 14
differed – level of prioritizing coursework, clarity of assignments, and communication – and
compared those of continuing- and first-generation students. They found that while most college
students felt faculty had too high an expectation in terms of workload, first-generation students
particularly struggled with time management and prioritizing coursework. The first-generation
students in their study also expected professors to be very explicit in detailing their expectations
and expected professors to use less jargon (Collier & Morgan, 2007). Some studies also suggest
that first-generation students are likely to attend less rigorous secondary schools, which may
influence their expectations of college rigor (Inkelas, Daver, Vogt, & Leonard, 2007; Unverferth,
Talbert-Johnson, & Bogard, 2012). This difference in expectations intensifies student difficulties,
as studies show first-generation students often enter college without the study and time
management skills necessary to succeed (Davis, 2010; Unverferth, Talbert-Johnson, & Bogard,
2012).
First-generation students may also be less equipped than their continuing-generation
peers to gain from interactions with faculty members (Padgett, Johnson, & Pascarella, 2012). A
2012 study of 2,609 first-year students at 19 universities across the United States looked at the
impact of a number of variables on four areas of cognitive development: need for cognition,
positive attitude toward literacy, critical thinking, and moral reasoning. For continuing-
generation students with varying levels of parental education, “good teaching interactions with
faculty” had a more positive effect on development in the area of need for cognition, or desire to
learn, than it did on first-generation students (Padgett, Johnson, & Pascarella, 2012). However,
Padgett and associates (2012) found that first-generation students were more likely to gain
cognitive development from “interactions with peers” than continuing-generation students. In
FAMILIES FIRST 15
addition to academic pressures, existing research suggests that first-generation students may be
disadvantaged by financial factors.
Financial Factors
Financial factors affect first-generation students’ decisions about college. These factors
include limited access to funds for college (Kabaci & Cude, 2015; Mimura, Koonce, Plunkett, &
Pleskus, 2015), limited financial literacy (Eitel & Martin, 2009; Kabaci & Cude, 2015; Mimura,
Koonce, Plunkett, & Pleskus, 2015), and reliance on debt and loans (Lee & Mueller, 2014).
These problems are exacerbated by the rapidly increasing sticker price of attending college.
Median full-time tuition and fees for the 2012-2013 academic year were $8,672 at public four-
year colleges and $30,200 at nonprofit, private four-year institutions (Baum & Ma, 2012). By the
2017-2018 school year, these numbers jumped to a median of $10,270 at public colleges and
$35,260 at nonprofit, private colleges (Ma, Baum, Pender, & Welch, 2017). This led to
increasingly high national levels of student borrowing, which particularly affects first-generation
students, who are less likely to rely on family and savings to pay for postsecondary education
(Martinez, Sher, Krull, & Wood, 2009).
Access to funds. Though first-generation college students are a diverse population with
numerous subgroups, many come from low-income backgrounds, and their families may simply
not have the financial resources to save for college (Kabaci & Cude, 2015). According to the
Postsecondary National Policy Institute (2018), the median income reported by first-generation
college freshmen was $37,565, which is less than the $45,200 national threshold for low-income
status (Kochhar, 2018). The average projected sticker price for a four-year degree from a public
institution for current high school students is $143,000 (Fidelity Investments, 2017). In order to
cover just 70% of projected college costs over 18 years, families would need to be saving $460
FAMILIES FIRST 16
each month, which is higher than many first-generation families can afford (Fidelity Investments,
2018). First-generation families may also be unaware of and unprepared for non-tuition college
attendance costs, such as meal plans and travel or housing during breaks (Mimura, Koonce,
Plunkett, & Pleskus, 2015; Perna, 2006). First-generation college students are more likely to
work full- or part-time before enrolling in and while completing their degree (Eitel & Martin,
2009; Martinez, Sher, Krull, & Wood, 2009). Limited access to funds for college has a lasting
impact: Fifty-four percent of first-generation students left college because they could not afford
to finish (Redford & Mulvaney-Hoyer, 2017).
Financial literacy. Financial literacy is the ability to manage one’s money (Remund,
2010). Financial literacy levels vary among student populations, and first-generation students
consistently score lower on measures of it than their continuing-generation peers (Eitel & Martin,
2009; Lee & Mueller, 2014). These variations are largely due to sources of financial literacy
information. Since there is no national standard for financial education, K-12 school systems and
institutions of higher education assume families teach this information, and do not take on the
responsibility of financially educating their students (Lee & Mueller, 2014; Kezar & Yang,
2010). Since first-generation families do not have first-hand experience with the financial
information and decisions related to getting a college education, it is difficult for them to teach
this skill to their children. Individuals who gained financial information from parents had better
financial knowledge and practices than those who did not, which is likely exacerbated by the
lack of a standardized curriculum (Mimura, Koonce, Plunkett, & Pleskus, 2015). Inadequate
financial literacy may lead to a failure to apply for financial aid, greater likelihood of engaging in
risky financial practices, and a sense of regret regarding some financial decisions, such as
FAMILIES FIRST 17
overreliance on loans (Kezar & Yang, 2010; Mimura, Koonce, Plunkett, & Pleskus, 2015; Perna,
2006).
Borrowing practices. Before a student can even attend their first class, they have to
figure out how to pay for their increasingly expensive degree. At higher rates than their
continuing-generation peers, first-generation students turn to loans, but lack a deeper
understanding of responsible borrowing practices (Kabaci & Cude, 2015; Furquim, Glasener,
Oster, & McCall, 2017; Lee & Mueller, 2014). Since first-generation students’ parents are
unable to provide them with first-hand knowledge on how to fund their education, first-
generation students are more likely to believe they can only afford college by incurring large
amounts of debt (Lee & Mueller, 2014). With limited understanding of student loan practices,
first-generation students are more likely to turn to credit cards, often with much higher interest
rates, to pay for college (Avery & Turner, 2012; Mimura, Koonce, Plunkett, & Pleskus, 2015).
Misunderstanding of student borrowing practices may lead first-generation students to believe
they cannot afford to enroll or continue their degree, limiting access and equity for this
population. First-generation students who receive limited funding and financial knowledge from
their families may make uninformed or under-informed decisions about paying for college that
may lead to not starting or completing their college degree.
Socioemotional and Cultural Factors
A variety of emotional and cultural factors effect first-generation students as they begin
to pursue higher education. Increasingly, first-generation students are coming forward about their
experiences with imposter syndrome, with popular news sources frequently running articles
about the topic. Imposter syndrome affects first-generation students’ sense of belonging, which
impacts their adjustment to life on college campuses. This population may also struggle with the
FAMILIES FIRST 18
phenomenon of family achievement guilt, and in navigating changing roles in their family.
Demographic and cultural backgrounds also effect the ways first-generation students experience
these factors and the levels and types of support they receive from their families (Holley &
Gardner, 2012; Unverferth, Talbert-Johnson, & Bogard, 2012; Stephens, Fryberg, Markus,
Johnson, & Covarrubias, 2012). In Holley and Gardner’s (2012) study of first-generation
doctoral students, the authors found that familial support for educational pursuit varies based on
several demographic factors, including a student’s gender, race, and economic background.
Imposter syndrome and sense of belonging. First-generation students experience higher
incidence of imposter syndrome, which leaves the student feeling disconnected from the college
environment, or feeling as though they do not deserve their spot on campus (Stebleton & Soria,
2012; Whitehead & Wright, 2017). Imposter syndrome negatively impacts a students’ sense of
belonging, or the idea that a student feels supported on, connected to, and valued by others on
their campus (Strayhorn, 2012; Means & Pyne, 2017). Since sense of belonging is crucial to
student success, imposter syndrome creates a barrier to college completion (Walton & Cohen,
2011; Stephens, Fryberg, Markus, Johnson, & Covarrubias, 2012; Walton & Cohen, 2007). First-
generation students are often from low-income, underrepresented minority backgrounds, which
may make it more difficult for them to acclimate to the often middle class ideals and
predominately white student body of some institutions they attend (Holley & Gardner, 2012).
However, some research suggests first-generation status is the only significant demographic
predictor of imposter syndrome (Whitehead & Wright, 2017). First-generation students
overcome imposter syndrome in a variety of ways, including by building relationships with and
developing a network of faculty, staff, and other students on their campus (Stebleton & Soria,
FAMILIES FIRST 19
2012). This population may also bring families into campus celebrations to cement their sense of
belonging (Stebleton & Soria, 2012).
In addition to imposter syndrome, Stephens, Fryberg, Markus, Johnson, and Covarrubias
(2012) suggest that first-generation college students who are also low-income may find it
difficult to develop a sense of belonging in the American collegiate system due to a cultural
mismatch. This refers to the dissonance a student experiences when their values and norms do
not align with the institution’s, affecting how the student perceives and acts at the institution
(Stephens, Fryberg, Markus, Johnson, & Covarrubias, 2012). Since the higher education
institutional culture tends to reflect the larger, pervasive middle-class American norm of
independence, first-generation students, many of whom also come from low-income families and
do not come into contact with these middle class norms until college, may feel uncertain about
how to act and question whether they belong (Stephens, Fryberg, Markus, Johnson, &
Covarrubias, 2012, p. 1180). First-generation students from middle- or upper-class families are
less likely to experience this phenomenon, as the institutional values are more likely to coincide
with their familial norms.
Family roles. First-generation students are more likely than continuing-generation
students to experience the phenomenon of family achievement guilt, meaning a sense of remorse
for having more opportunities than their relatives (Covarrubias & Fryberg, 2015; London, 1989).
This sense of guilt is more prevalent in students from low-income and minoritized ethnic
backgrounds, who may need to leave their families in adverse situations to pursue higher
education (Covarrubias & Fryberg, 2015). This may make it difficult for students from these
populations to decide to go to college. Even those students not experiencing family achievement
guilt may face difficulties adjusting their roles and relationships within their families to pursue a
FAMILIES FIRST 20
college education (Holley & Gardner, 2012; Espinoza, 2010). Families of first-generation
students, especially those from low-income, immigrant, or minority backgrounds, may expect
students to continue their roles at home while in college (Espinoza, 2010; Stieha, 2009;
Longwell-Grice, Adsitt, Mullins, & Serrata, 2016). First-generation students living with family
members may be unable to make decisions on their own, feeling a sense of responsibility to the
family they live with (Stieha, 2009). To counteract the difficulties associated with family
achievement guilt and navigating changing family roles, these students employ varied strategies
from incorporating their families into their college experience to keeping their home and school
lives completely separate (Espinoza, 2010; O'Neal, et al., 2016). Despite the many challenges
first-generation students face, this population also brings a unique set of successes to their
education.
First-Generation Student Successes
While many studies discuss the first-generation student experience from a deficit
perspective, some research discusses the assets this population brings to higher education. To
ensure students are represented in the literature and to build on the work this population is
already doing, further asset-based research should explore the successes and positive
characteristics specific to first-generation college students. Much of the asset-based first-
generation literature comes from within the last several years, showing a trend of moving away
from the previously popular deficit-based approaches. Existing research on first-generation
student successes tends to rely on the idea of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1973; Bourdieu, 1986;
Bourdieu, 1977) or community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005). A 2012 qualitative study of three
first-generation students in Utah notes 13 assets that make up four themes: proactivity, goal-
directed, optimism, and reflexivity (Garrison & Gardner, 2012). In addition, a 2016 mixed-
FAMILIES FIRST 21
methods study exploring stressors of Latina/o college students found that many individuals
coped using grit, or courage and resolve (O'Neal, et al., 2016). Overall, three main themes of
first-generation success emerge in the limited asset-based literature: resourcefulness and
relationships, resilience and grit, and reflexivity.
Resourcefulness and Relationships
First-generation students are often known for their resourcefulness, seeking help both on-
and off-campus to meet the challenges of higher education (Garrison & Gardner, 2012). To
confront challenges in developing a sense of belonging on their campus, first-generation students
often sought-out resources through collaborative federally-funded programs, student
government, and ethnic student organizations (Azmitia, Sumabat-Estrada, Cheong, &
Covarrubias, 2018). Strong relationships are vital for first-generation student success, as this
population tends to rely on people and networks as resources (Longwell-Grice, Adsitt, Mullins,
& Serrata, 2016; Rios-Aguilar & Kiyama, 2012). These students also tend to participate in off-
campus volunteer groups, particularly those that allow students to give back to their community
and serve as a resource to younger students, making mastering college and its resources essential
to serve their broader community (Azmitia, Sumabat-Estrada, Cheong, & Covarrubias, 2018;
Collier & Morgan, 2007). While several studies suggest first-generation students are resourceful,
a study of first-generation and continuing-generation students in Canada and South Africa
suggests resourcefulness may vary more by cultural background than first-generation student
status (Reed, Maodzwa-Taruvin, Ndofirepi, & Moosa, 2018). Community cultural wealth and
funds of knowledge theory (explained in more detail below) can further explain the
resourcefulness and relationships of first-generation students, but further research is needed
(Yosso, 2005; Rios-Aguilar & Kiyama, 2012; Kiyama, 2011).
FAMILIES FIRST 22
Resilience and Grit
First-generation students are also known for their resilience, or continued push to
transcend challenges to complete college (Azmitia, Sumabat-Estrada, Cheong, & Covarrubias,
2018). High levels of resilience may be due to the way that first-generation students, especially
those from Latino/a/x backgrounds, tend to see college as a way to improve the lives of not just
themselves, but their families and friends (O'Neal, et al., 2016). These students are more likely to
graduate when they articulate how their educational goals relate to relationship goals, such as
helping their communities or mentoring younger siblings (Azmitia, Sumabat-Estrada, Cheong, &
Covarrubias, 2018). Many first-generation students come from minoritized racial or ethnic
backgrounds, and may also aim to resist stereotypes (Azmitia, Sumabat-Estrada, Cheong, &
Covarrubias, 2018; O'Neal, et al., 2016). These students may further demonstrate their resilience
by continuing to advocate for themselves despite experiencing racial battle fatigue, or the added
stress of when continued advocacy fails to resolve a discriminatory practice (Azmitia, Sumabat-
Estrada, Cheong, & Covarrubias, 2018). Further research on grit and resilience is needed to
understand how first-generation students possess and use these characteristics to persist in
college.
Reflexivity
First-generation students also tend to benefit from a sense of self-awareness, visible in
research through traits of compassion, insight, gratitude, and balance (Garrison & Gardner,
2012). In a qualitative study of one first-year, first-generation student at an urban university, the
student repeatedly noted the importance of multiple factors affecting the ways in which she
navigates her college experience: feelings of guilt, perceptions of a typical college experience,
and familial relationships (Stieha, 2009). Gloria and Castellanos (2012) note the reflexivity of
FAMILIES FIRST 23
first-generation students in their study of first-generation Latina students at four-year research
institutions in the ways students recognize the uniqueness of their college experience and balance
family relationships with higher education expectations. A number of studies show the ways in
which first-generation students exhibit gratitude, a subset of reflexivity as described by Garrison
and Gardner (2012), from gratitude for opportunities (Holley & Gardner, 2012), to gratitude to
families for support (Stieha, 2009; Gloria & Castellanos, 2012; Espinoza, 2010). This theme of
familial support persists across first-generation literature.
First-Generation Families
First-generation college students come from diverse backgrounds and may define family
in different ways. Many definitions of first-generation college students explicitly use the term
“parents” (Atherton, 2014; Collier & Morgan, 2007; Demetriou, Meece, Eaker-Rich, & Powell,
2017; Engle & Tinto, 2008; Furquim, Glasener, Oster, & McCall, 2017; Inkelas, Daver, Vogt, &
Leonard, 2007; Martinez, Sher, Krull, & Wood, 2009; Padgett, Johnson, & Pascarella, 2012).
The definition used by the United States government is one such example. In the Federal TRIO
Programs section of the amended Higher Education Act of 1965, a first-generation college
student is defined as “an individual both of whose parents did not complete a baccalaureate
degree” (20 U.S. Code § 1070a–11). While the government’s definition demonstrates an effort to
include individuals who are only supported by one parent, by adding “or in the case of any
individual … whose only [supporting] parent did not complete a baccalaureate degree” (20 U.S.
Code § 1070a–11), these definitions leave out individuals who have no parental support or
contact. Outside of the family members mentioned in any definition, first-generation students’
families may include a number of other individuals, such as guardians, siblings, cousins, or
children. Defining families broadly, and including guardians ensures students make use of
FAMILIES FIRST 24
resources designed for the family members and other individuals who make up the support
systems of first-generation students.
Literature on first-generation students often notes that families play a role in a student’s
choice of and adjustment to college (Ceja, 2006; Covarrubias & Fryberg, 2015; Espinoza, 2010).
We know that these students use varied strategies to navigate their changing familial roles during
college, and families often remind students of the importance of focusing on family during
college (Espinoza, 2010; Wang, 2014). Though first-generation students’ parents have not
attended college, many still serve as a resource to these students during the college process in
both informational and supportive roles (Ceja, 2006; Holley & Gardner, 2012). Espinoza (2010)
found two main ways Latina students, most of whom were first-generation college students,
struck a balance between their familial obligations and college responsibilities. One group,
termed the separators, chose to keep the two worlds as separate as possible, often prioritizing
family responsibilities, even when these conflicted with school duties (Espinoza, 2010). In
contrast, the integrators blended their responsibilities by explaining the demands of graduate
school to their families (Espinoza, 2010). By keeping their families informed of their studies, this
group was able to make time for family without sacrificing academic responsibilities (Espinoza,
2010). This allows students to enlist family support, which is critical to the experience and
success of many first-generation college students (Espinoza, 2010; Holley & Gardner, 2012).
First-generation students often have strong ties to family (Espinoza, 2010; Covarrubias &
Fryberg, 2015; Wang, 2014; Ceja, 2006), but there is limited work on how institutions and
researchers can engage families to support first-generation students. To help understand the
support that families bring to their students’ college experience, future research may turn to
Yosso’s (2005) concept of community cultural wealth and funds of knowledge theory, built upon
FAMILIES FIRST 25
social capital theories to counter their deficit perspective and help understand the types of capital
underrepresented and minoritized groups bring to their interactions in society. Community
cultural wealth comprises six types of capital: social, aspirational, linguistic, familial,
navigational, and resistant (Yosso, 2005). Yosso’s social capital refers simply to the “networks
of people and community resources” which can “provide instrumental and emotional support” as
individuals navigate society (Yosso, 2005, p. 105). Aspirational capital is the resilience one
shows in the face of actual or potential barriers, while navigational capital encompasses both an
individual’s ability to move through spaces that were not built for them and the networks that
help them do so, and linguistic capital refers to the skills gained by communicating in multiple
languages or styles (Yosso, 2005). Family capital emphasizes the importance of cultural
knowledge transmitted through the broadly defined concept of family and commitment to
communities and encompasses several theories built from studying specific minoritized groups,
including funds of knowledge (Yosso, 2005). To delve deeper into family capital, future
researchers may wish to utilize funds of knowledge theory.
Funds of knowledge comes from the background of capital theories, and was built around
the experiences of Mexican-American students in the border states of the United States (Moll,
Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992; Vélez-Ibáñez & Greenberg, 2005). It encompasses the “bodies
of knowledge and skills” necessary to survive and thrive in society (Moll, Amanti, Neff, &
Gonzalez, 1992, p. 133). These functions are built from the cultural, behavioral, political,
economic, and other historical factors that affect the group or groups to which the individual or
family belong (Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992; Vélez-Ibáñez & Greenberg, 2005). Funds
of knowledge develop through socialization, informal activities such as reading and household
tasks, and formal education (Bensimon, 2007; Kiyama, 2011). Funds of knowledge are visible as
FAMILIES FIRST 26
families use their rituals and networks to access resources that may not have been directly
accessible through the immediate family group (Kiyama, 2011; Vélez-Ibáñez & Greenberg,
2005). Though funds of knowledge theory has been widely used in the kindergarten through
twelfth grade literature, there are limited examples of its use in higher education.
Familial Support and K-12
Pre-college institutions (i.e., K-12 schools) have provided structure for familial support
for students since the creation of early forms of today’s parent-teacher associations in the late
1800s (Hiatt-Michael, 2008). Several factors affect individual and institutional level family
participation in pre-college schools, including cultural beliefs, social structure, economic
influences, and political pressures (Hiatt-Michael, 2008). Family involvement in schooling
increased with the social, political, and legal battles for educational equity in the second half of
the twentieth century (Hiatt-Michael, 2008). The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the 1966 Equality
of Educational Opportunity Report (known as EEOP or the Coleman Study) helped connect
educational achievement with the role of the family (Hiatt-Michael, 2008; Coleman, 1966). The
Coleman Study found that students from higher socioeconomic classes had higher grades and
graduation rates in both high school and college, and that a schools’ funding levels and physical
amenities had limited impact on a students’ educational success (Hiatt-Michael, 2008; Coleman,
1966; Dickinson, 2016).
Using a funds of knowledge approach to explore family involvement in the process of
learning, Moll, Amanti, Neff, and Gonzalez (1992) sent teachers of Mexican-American students
on home visits to determine how learning took place in their students’ homes. Their study aimed
to help educators transform pedagogies to make learning more relevant to students’ home lives
by exploring how families use funds of knowledge. The study found that learning in the homes
FAMILIES FIRST 27
was learner-driven and built on the family’s existing networks and relationships (Moll, Amanti,
Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992). Their study also highlighted the nature of classroom education as
siloed from the rest of a student’s life experiences, arguing that teachers and institutional agents
need to build relationships with students’ families (Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992).
Though this work was done in the specific context of Mexican-American elementary through
secondary education students, the context of a learning environment siloed from the familial
experience may extend its relevance to the broader first-generation college student population,
though further research is needed.
Familial Support and College
While research on familial support for first-generation students in college is limited,
some research exists on familial pre-college messaging and familial support during the
admissions and transition process. A subset of the funds of knowledge literature extends the
work to the college experience. Bensimon (2007) brings higher education into the body with a
study of how student affairs practitioners own funds of knowledge affect their work. Rios-
Aguilar and Kiyama (2012) and Kiyama (2011) build upon this work to extend the literature to
Latina and Mexican American college students. Examining empirical data, Rios-Aguilar and
Kiyama (2012) argue for the exploration of funds of knowledge variation between households,
and of how funds of knowledge affects college choice and career aspirations, citing the varied
educational and demographic backgrounds of the Latina students’ families and the way families
impose the narrow societal view of which careers are considered successful on their children in
messages about college and career choice. Kiyama (2011) used a funds of knowledge
framework, household observations, and parent interviews to study the ways in which Mexican-
American families build a college-going culture. Though the interviews were conducted with
FAMILIES FIRST 28
families of kindergarten through high-school aged children, they focused on the messages and
support families extend to students about college before the students apply. Many of the families
in this study used their social networks to learn and inform each other about school happenings,
and at least one participant described how this type of support could extend to college, as
families got to know individuals at the students’ college. Families also used their social networks
to learn about aspects of college that often elude first-generation families, such as specific
admissions requirements and the hidden costs of books and lab fees (Kiyama, 2011). Kiyama’s
(2011) work supports engaging families in college outreach programs, and urges practitioners to
incorporate students and their families’ pre-existing college knowledge in their support for the
student, though many of the parent participants in the study had limited experiences with college.
Outside of funds of knowledge literature, Wang (2014) studies the memorable messages
first-generation college students receive about college while growing up. This study consisted of
interviews with 30 first-generation college students at a large public research university. The
participants’ families tended to encourage their student to remain engaged with the family during
college (Wang, 2014). These families also urged their students not to worry about them, and to
instead focus on their studies, even as the students expressed a need to support their families.
Many of the students also received messages that going to college is key to supporting the
family, as doing so allows students to help younger relatives and future children (Wang, 2014).
Wang’s study examined familial messages through the lens of the student, but calls on future
research to explore the phenomenon through the lens of the family member(s) (Wang, 2014).
Though limited research on familial support for first-generation college students in particular
exists, studies like Wang’s highlight the need for further study in this area, but only look at the
precollege experience and the roles of family during college. Studies in the college transition and
FAMILIES FIRST 29
completion literature may illustrate the need for further research on how first-generation
students’ families support them as they move into and through college.
College students may face social challenges such as depression and loneliness when
transitioning into the new environment. A quantitative 2006 study measured the impact of
familial support on these outcomes, and found that students with high levels of parental support
were significantly less depressed and experienced lower levels of loneliness (Mounts, Valentiner,
Anderson, & Boswell, 2006). The study found that this significant relationship persisted across
socioeconomic status and gender. Further, the study compared trends across two racial groups,
African-Americans and Whites, and found that for African-American students, lower levels of
parental support were linked with higher incidences of anxiety, but the same was not true for
White students (Mounts, Valentiner, Anderson, & Boswell, 2006). This suggests that parental
support during the transition to college is significant for all students’ socioemotional states, but is
perhaps more significant of an influence for minoritized groups. Further research is needed to
determine how familial support affects first-generation students’ transition to college.
Discussion and Implications
Families play a critical role in supporting first-generation college students, but existing
literature does not sufficiently examine the types of support these families offer their students.
Research has shown this population is primarily defined by their family members’ experiences
and that this group experiences their first-generation identity in myriad ways. Additionally, the
extant literature on first-generation students has overwhelmingly focused on a number of barriers
to success, from limited academic preparation and finances to more socioemotional and
culturally-specific challenges like the imposter syndrome (Whitehead & Wright, 2017; Furquim,
Glasener, Oster, & McCall, 2017; Atherton, 2014). While several studies have suggested that
FAMILIES FIRST 30
familial support may affect how these students experience these challenges (Kiyama, 2011;
Wang, 2014), limited research looks at the specific ways in which first-generation familial
support impacts the college experience, particularly in the areas of retention and completion.
Furthermore, limited information is available on the work of practitioners in supporting first-
generation families, despite research showing such support could meaningfully benefit students.
Additional research is necessary to determine how to best leverage families to support first-
generation students.
Implications for Future Research
As I have argued throughout this article, existing research on first-generation families has
a number of shortcomings. For example, current studies tend to use a deficit-based framework
rather than an asset-based lens that focuses on the positive factors first-generation college
students bring to their education. Additionally, the paucity of research on how first-generation
families affect their students’ experience in college that does exist is gleaned from interviewing
students rather than talking to the family members themselves. Furthermore, the body of work on
first-generation students uses several different definitions and often focuses only on one subset
of the population (e.g., first-generation students who are also low-income), making it difficult to
use the research to help broader first-generation student populations. Therefore, researchers can
better study first-generation families by 1) clearly and consistently defining the population, 2)
using asset-based frameworks, 3) conducting research with family members as participants, and
4) conducting research with larger and more diverse participant pools.
Definitions. Future studies should use broad definitions for first-generation students to
capture the diversity of the populations’ experiences and look at within group differences. Much
of the existing first-generation literature, particularly the first-generation family literature,
FAMILIES FIRST 31
focuses on Latina/o/x and low-income populations. First-generation students come from diverse
backgrounds, and more research is needed on first-generation students and their families across
socioeconomic, ethnic, and racial backgrounds. There is some first-generation literature about
first-generation Black or African-American students. For example, Blackwell and Pinder (2014)
explored the motivating factors of attending college for former first-generation African-
American students who attended and graduated from college right after high school, interviewing
the participants many years after they graduated from college and comparing them to similarly
situated third-generation African-American college graduates and found family trips to libraries
and colleges were strong external motivating factors for this group. However, factors that are
specific to African-American students may be overlooked in studies of first-generation students
that co-define the group with low-income or other ethnic/racial minority group membership, as
much of the literature does. Though less likely to be doubly disadvantaged due to membership in
a dominant racial/ethnic group, Stieha (2009) notes that the drop out risk and challenges to
completion of White first-generation students may be ignored in persistence data that shows
higher persistence rates for White students than a first-generation White student might
experience. Future studies may consider the broad working definition used in this article to
ensure the inclusion of all students who might identify with the term first-generation. It is crucial
to ensure all students and their families are represented in the first-generation literature by
conducting research with diverse groups of first-generation students to learn the commonalities
and differences in the population’s college experiences.
Frameworks. Much of the first-generation literature focuses on the challenges this
population faces, viewing the students from a deficit perspective. While some studies discuss the
successes these students experience, more work is needed to examine the assets this population
FAMILIES FIRST 32
brings to college. Rios-Aguilar and Kiyama (2012) encourage researchers to expand the body of
funds of knowledge research to include other groups for whom the literature is overwhelmingly
deficit-based, including low-income families and ethnic minority groups, of which many first-
generation students are also a part. Given the deficit perspective frequent in the first-generation
literature, researchers may wish to use a funds of knowledge lens in future studies to capture a
fuller picture of the population. As suggested for other populations, such as Mexican American
students in Kiyama (2011), funds of knowledge could be particularly useful in exploring the
ways in which first-generation families use their networks to support their students.
Families as participants. Future studies should engage family members in the process of
research to explore the ways these individuals support their students. London (1989) urges
researchers that family is key to understanding what makes first-generation students matriculate.
Many studies hint at the impact of first-generation families on various aspects of first-generation
students’ college experiences (Gofen, 2009; Wang, 2014; Vargas, 2004), but much of this work
is done from the perspective of the student. Wang (2014) suggests that further study is needed
from the perspective of first-generation family members to develop a holistic picture of how
families affect students’ thinking about college. Blackwell and Pinder (2014), in their study of
the factors that motivate first-generation students to pursue college, suggest the importance of
involving siblings in the research to develop a more holistic picture of first-generation families
and confirm student stories. Though done in Israel, a significantly different societal context than
much of the United States based research on first-generation students, Gofen’s (2009) study
suggests that more research needs to be done to explore the parental involvement outside of the
school setting. Future work that involves speaking with family members in contexts relevant to
FAMILIES FIRST 33
their normal lives or that includes household observations may help fill a gap and increase our
understanding of what first-generation students are learning about college outside of school.
Diverse samples. In addition to participants of diverse socio-economic, racial, and ethnic
groups, studies should explore the varied realities of first-generation students who come from
diverse and non-traditional households, such as those who grew up in households with non-
parental individuals and those who are of different national origins and speak languages other
than English. First-generation students may come from adopted or foster family backgrounds.
These students will experience their first-generation identity in different ways than their peers
who grew up with biological parents. Other first-generation individuals may have been raised by
non-parent individuals, such as by grandparents, aunts and uncles, or older siblings. It is crucial
that definitions of first-generation students be made broad enough to include these individuals
and for researchers to explore the ways the numerous subsets of this diverse group navigate the
facets of their identities. Additionally, students who come from families that do not speak
English may experience other challenges and successes on the path to college as they traverse the
additional role of family translator, and students of bi- or multi-lingual backgrounds may
experience a different set of circumstances (Kwon, 2014). Some definitions of first-generation
students include individuals whose parents hold bachelor’s degrees from outside of the United
States, who are the first in their family to go through the process of applying to and completing
higher education in the United States (Whitley, Benson, & Wesaw, 2018). Researchers and
practitioners alike need to keep the diversity of the first-generation identity in mind when
designing studies and programs to support students and their families.
FAMILIES FIRST 34
Recommendations for Student Affairs Practice
Practitioners should get to know the familial backgrounds of their students and offer
support for families to better align institutional and home efforts to support students. Focusing on
the college choice process of first-generation Latina students, Ceja (2006) urges institutions to
work with families to increase familial involvement in the process through programmatic efforts.
Stieha (2009), a scholar-practitioner, explores the factors effecting persistence for one of the
White, female, first-generation students she serves and finds family has a major impact on the
student’s decision making and persistence during college, suggesting institutions seeking to
improve first-generation persistence must first understand the family dynamic of their students.
Bringing first-generation families to college campuses may also increase the families’ impact in
motivating their students to pursue a college education (Blackwell & Pinder, 2014). While most
of the literature on familial support focuses on pre-college familial engagement, practitioners can
begin the work of extending these efforts to families while their students are in college.
Practitioners can also help first-generation students better understand and navigate their
changing familial roles by sharing accessible research articles, like Espinoza’s (2010) The Good
Daughter Dilemma, with their students. Espinoza’s (2010) work, as mentioned above, finds that
participants tended to balance their familial and student roles by keeping them completely
separate or by explaining their school responsibilities to their families, thereby integrating their
two worlds. Sharing works like Espinoza’s with first-generation students can help them articulate
their experiences, seek help, increase their sense of belonging on campus, and counter the deficit
narratives of the imposter syndrome. While more research is needed to confirm the ways in
which practitioners can engage first-generation families to support students, it is clear that
students rely on their families for support during college.
FAMILIES FIRST 35
Conclusion
Supporting first-generation students requires supporting their families. Research
incorporating the perspectives of diverse first-generation students and their families provides a
basis for understanding the population’s experiences in a holistic way. Much of higher education
involves focusing on the holistic development of the whole student. It is impossible to help
develop students in this way without first knowing their experiences outside of the college
sphere. Engaging not only students, but families in this research allows us to develop
programmatic and systematic interventions to support first-generation students by supporting
their families. Incorporating diverse families into the research can help ensure that these
interventions are done in ways that are culturally and individually relevant to first-generation
students and families.
FAMILIES FIRST 36
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Abstract (if available)
Abstract
Families are critical to the educational success of first-generation college students. This article examines the multiple definitions of this population, and the barriers and successes this group experiences in the postsecondary context. For first-generation students, whose families may never have applied to college, limited family information capital may make accessing and transitioning into higher education difficult. However, these families often offer other types of support, such as building a college-going culture and using their networks, or funds of knowledge, to access relevant knowledge. This article identifies first-generation families and the ways in which they support their students to and through college, concluding with recommendations for practitioners and researchers interested in supporting first-generation students through their families.
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Dominianni, Darcie
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Core Title
Families first: supporting first-generation college students’ families
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Rossier School of Education
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Master of Education
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Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs
Publication Date
07/31/2021
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04/18/2019
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defining first-generation,familial support,familial support in college,first-gen,first-generation,first-generation college student,first-generation definition,funds of knowledge,OAI-PMH Harvest
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