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¿Dónde están todos los hombres latinos? A qualitative exploration of barriers to and enablers of participation in study abroad for first-generation Latino male college students
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¿Dónde están todos los hombres latinos? A qualitative exploration of barriers to and enablers of participation in study abroad for first-generation Latino male college students
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Running Head: ¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 1
¿Dónde están todos los hombres latinos?
A qualitative exploration of barriers to and enablers of participation in study abroad
for first-generation Latino male college students
A Thesis
in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Education
(Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs)
University of Southern California
by
Daniel Anthony Garcia
August 2019
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 2
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………… Page 4
Chapter 2: Literature Review……………………………………………… Page 11
Table 1. Anti-Deficit Achievement Framework…………………… Page 14
Chapter 3: Research Design………………………………………………. Page 25
Table 2. Participant University Enrollment………………………… Page 27
Chapter 4: Findings………………………………………………………… Page 34
Table 3. Household Incomes of Participants’ Families……………… Page 37
Table 4: Length of Participants’ Programs…………………………. Page 39
Table 5: Participants’ Majors………………………………………… Page 44
Chapter 5: Discussion, Recommendations, and Conclusion………………… Page 50
Table 6: Driving Distance (Hours) Between
Participant’s Hometown & University………………………………. Page 55
Appendix A: Anti-deficit Achievement Framework………………………… Page 73
Appendix B: Interview Protocol……………………………………………… Page 74
Appendix C: Participant Intake Form………………………………………. Page 77
Appendix D: Consent Form………………………………………….………. Page 78
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 3
Definition of Terms
For the purposes of this research project, I define study abroad as an educational
experience in a foreign country from which students earn credit at their home university.
Studying abroad can take on a variety of forms including short-term or semester-long programs,
service-based or academic-based programs, and language-intensive or internship programs. I
qualify all of these experiences as study abroad experiences and included participants in these
types of programs in my population sample.
Latinx refers to anyone that identifies with roots in Latin America. When I refer to
“Latino”, I am referring to specifically men within the Latinx community. For example, when I
mention, “Latino men may be influenced by their peers,” I am specifically referring to men who
identify with their Latinx roots.
I define a “first-generation” student as someone who attends college in the United States
(US) and whose parents did not attend college in the US. First-generation students may have
older siblings who attended college in the US, however their parents did not. Therefore, when I
mention, “first-generation Latino men may be drawn to short-term programs with professional
development opportunities,” I am specifically referring to men who identify with their Latinx
roots and whose parents did not attend college in the US.
In order to degender words that are traditionally spelled in a way that centers around
masculinity (Romero, 2018), I use the letter x in place of other letters. For example, as opposed
to the traditional spelling of “women” with the letter e, this paper will refer to this sex as womxn.
In this way, I avoid categorizing womxn as a subcategory of men, which would implicitly
classify womxn as inferior because the prefix “sub” means under or beneath (Online Etymology
Dictionary, 2018).
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 4
Chapter 1: Introduction
Universities have acknowledged the importance of internationalization in our
increasingly inter-connected world and now recognize the importance of engendering global
citizenship in their students (Guerrero, 2016). Universities have also acknowledged the
importance of fostering a community that centers around high-impact practices (HIPs) (Kuh &
Schneider, 2008). One example of a high-impact practice in which students take courses at a
foreign university and/or intern in a foreign country and receive credit at their home institution is
study abroad (Kuh, O’Donnell & Schneider, 2017). In addition to its recognition as a HIP, study
abroad is also a method of engendering global citizens as it inherently exposes students to
foreign nations and cultures. Therefore, increasing access to study abroad can be a strategy for
universities to both engender global citizenship and foster a community that centers around high-
impact practices. When increasing access, institutions must consider those that have been
hxstorically underrepresented.
Latinx people are the fastest growing population in the U.S. (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011).
Furthermore, the increase in Latinx representation in the U.S. has been paralleled by an increase
in representation of first-generation Latinx students in postsecondary education (National Center
for Education Statistics, 2018). However, the increases in both national population and
postsecondary education do not equal the representation of first-generation Latinx people in
study abroad (Institute of International Education, 2017). In fact, the representation of first-
generation Latinx people in study abroad is significantly less than their representation in both
national population and postsecondary education (Institute of International Education, 2017;
National Center for Education Statistics, 2018; U.S. Census Bureau, 2011).
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 5
The lack of representation of first-generation Latinx students within the study abroad
cohort limits their acquisition of the potential benefits of this high impact practice (i.e. campus
internationalization, global citizenship, and fostering a community around high impact
practices). There is ample literature on the gender disparity in study abroad as well as on the
Latino man’s experience throughout the education pipeline. However, there is minimal literature
on the Latino man’s experience within study abroad. This research contributes to the existing
literature on Latino men in study abroad by considering the experiences of first-generation
Latino men. Considering their benefits, institutions should foster a learning environment that
centers around HIPs, including study abroad. With regard to study abroad specifically, it is
paramount that institutions increase access and participation generally and for racially
minoritized students in particular including first-generation Latino men.
Statement of the Problem
Gender and ethnic disparities in the national study abroad cohort.
Overall, study abroad participation has increased since the year 2000 (Institute of
International Education, 2017; Stroud, 2010; Anderson et al., 2015; Doyle, Brewer, Gozik,
Savicki, & Shively, 2012). More recently, according to the Institute of International Education’s
2017 Open Doors Report on U.S. Study Abroad (2017), 325,339 students studied abroad in
2015/16 which indicates nearly a 125% increase since 2008/09. From these statistics, an overall
increase in participation can be confirmed.
Although racial and ethnic minority students have been traditionally underrepresented,
they have gradually comprised a larger percentage of each cohort since 2004 (Institute of
International Education, 2017; Luo & Jamieson-Drake, 2015). The Open Doors Report (2017)
reveals that “Hispanic or Latino(a)” students comprised 9.7% of the 2015/16 national cohort:
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 6
Although this is representative of a slow and steady increase, that percentage is not congruent
with the national student body. To elaborate, about 20% of the national student population is
Latinx (National Center for Education Statistics, 2018):
…but only 9.7% of the study abroad cohort is (Institute of International Education, 2017). In
contrast, 58% of the national student population is White (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2017) but 71.6% of the study abroad cohort is (Institute of International Education,
2017). Essentially, while there are less Latinx students than White students enrolled in college,
there are significantly less Latinx students than White students studying abroad.
While the representation of Latinx students in study abroad has steadily increased since
2004/05 (Institute of International Education, 2017), the representation of men has remained
stagnant: 34.5% (of the total participation) in 2004/05, 35.6% in 2010/11, and then 33.5% in
2015/16 (Institute of International Education, 2017):
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 7
When we compare the composition of the study abroad cohort with the national student
population, the disparity becomes apparent. Womxn enroll in four-year postsecondary
institutions at a rate of 1.3:1 compared with their male peers (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2016):
However, womxn study abroad at a rate of 2:1 compared with their male peers (Institute of
International Education, 2017). Essentially, while there are slightly less men than womxn
enrolled in college, there are significantly less men than womxn studying abroad. Thus, while
Latinx students are slowly starting to take advantage of the High Impact Practice, men are not.
Significance of the Study
Researching first-generation Latino men in study abroad.
Gender disparities within study abroad have been a substantive topic in the literature
(Stroud, 2010; Doyle et al., 2012; Luo et al., 2015; Salisbury, Paulsen, & Pascarella, 2010;
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 8
Tompkins, Cook, Miller, & LePau, 2017; Twombly, Salisbury, Tumanut, & Klute, 2012; Thirolf
et al., 2014; Hurst, 2018; Lucas, 2009). Separately, research focusing on the Latino male student
experience throughout education exists (Clark, M. A., Ponjuan, L., Orrock, J., Wilson, T., &
Flores, G., 2013; Crisp, Taggart, & Nora, 2015; Harper, Harper, & Newman, n.d.; Kuh et al.,
2017; Saenz, V. B. & Ponjuan, L.,2009) but is minimal (Harper, S. R., Bernhanu, J., Davis, C. H.
F., & McGuire, K. M. 2014). However, research specifically focusing on the support of male
Latino students in study abroad is minimal (Gutierrez, D., 2009) and research on first-generation
Latino men in study abroad remains virtually non-existent. For example, existing research has
shown that men study abroad at half the rate of womxn (Institute of International Education,
2017) and that Hispanic students have remained under 10% of study abroad cohorts (Institute of
International Education, 2017). Yet, what remains to be known are 1) the proportion Hispanic
students participating in study abroad that are Latino men, and 2) factors contributing to first-
generation Latino men’s participation in study abroad.
To address the aforementioned gap, my proposed study seeks to make a scholarly
contribution to complicate existing understandings of student participation in high impact
practices. Specifically, my proposed study will focus on first-generation male Latino student
access to and participation in study abroad as a high impact practice. Additionally, my proposed
study will advance conceptual understandings of study abroad participation by simultaneously
examining issues of gender and race within the Latinx category rather than approaching the two
phenomena separately. And, by intentionally focusing on first-generation Latino men who have
participated in study abroad – rather than limiting my focus to those who have not participated –
my proposed study will identify important factors contributing to the participation of minoritized
and marginalized students in this High Impact Practice. The findings from my study further
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 9
contribute to new practical interventions for improving first-generation Latino men’s
participation in study abroad, which should be considered by student affairs professionals and
study abroad program personnel.
Purpose of the Study
Existing research clearing indicates the educational and career benefits that study abroad
provides students remain largely inaccessible to first-generation Latino men. In an attempt to
address this issue, my study uncovers factors of participation in study abroad among first-
generation Latino men. While my study serves to illuminate contributing variables and obstacles
faced by these students, it ultimately intends to discover methods that they are employing to
overcome said obstacles. My study was primarily guided by the following research questions:
1. What factors do first-generation Latino men believe influence their participation in study
abroad?
2. What factors do first-generation Latino men believe inhibit their participation in study
abroad?
a. In what ways have first-generation Latino men overcome obstacles to their
participation in study abroad?
Structure of Thesis
The structure of this thesis parallels the timeline of my research. Since I began my
reading and annotating existing literature, I begin with a review of the literature in the following
chapter (Chapter 2). Following my review of the literature, I discuss how I conducted the
research (Chapter 3). In this chapter on my research design, I explain how I collected data and
my reasoning for doing so. Chapter 4 includes the findings from my research and relates those
findings back to the literature reviewed whenever appropriate. Ultimately, I end with practical
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 10
recommendations that higher education administrators can adopt on their campuses in order to
augment the participation of first-generation Latino men in their study abroad programs. In
addition to these practical recommendations, I also express areas for future research related to
my topic in my concluding chapter (Chapter 5).
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 11
Chapter 2: Literature Review
Research revolving around diversity in study abroad has been abundant but limited
primarily to the gender disparity in the field. Within the literature around diversity, there exists
some research on first-generation students in study abroad. Separately, there exists extant
deficit-based research on the Latino male student experience throughout the education pipeline.
However, there has been less anti-deficit-based research on the Latino male student experience in
higher education. Nowhere in the literature has there been research conducted solely on first-
generation Latino male students in study abroad. As a result of this gap, I reviewed separate
bodies of literature on diversity in study abroad and the experience of Latino men throughout the
education pipeline. I garnered interrelated themes across the two bodies of literature and placed
them into two categories: Challenges and Barriers to Participation and Enablers of Participation.
I purposefully chose these two categories because they complement my research questions which
ask what students believe influence and inhibit their participation in study abroad.
After introducing High Impact Practices in more depth and the benefits that first-
generation Latino men are forgoing by not participating in study abroad, this section moves onto
the theoretical foundation for the study. Once I explain how I operationalize the Anti-Deficit
Achievement Framework, I begin reviewing the challenges and barriers to participation in study
abroad that first-generation Latino men may face. At its conclusion, this chapter reviews factors
that may enable the participation of this population in study abroad.
The Benefits of High Impact Practices
High impact practices are institutional programs that have been proven to augment
engagement levels and outcomes for students, especially for communities that have been
hxstorically underrepresented in postsecondary education (Kuh et al., 2017; Finley & McNair,
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 12
2013). Specifically, these outcomes foster “deep approaches” to learning as students who
participate are “integrating ideas and diverse perspectives, discussing ideas with faculty and
peers outside of class, analyzing and synthesizing ideas, applying theories, judging the value of
information as well as one’s own views, and trying to understand others’ perspectives”
(Brownell & Swaner, 2009, pp. 1). Despite the many benefits, participation in HIPs remains
inequitable, as first generation, transfer, and Latinx students are the least likely to participate;
“National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE) data show that significantly fewer first-
generation Latino students take part” (Kuh et al., 2017, pp. 12). This indicates that these
populations are forgoing the several benefits to these practices. These benefits include increases
in critical thinking, writing competency, quantitative reasoning, applied learning, and
understanding and appreciation of human differences (Kuh et al., 2017). In fact, the NSSE states
that study abroad fosters the “cognitive complexity” and “intellectual engagement” needed to
thrive in today’s increasingly interconnected world (Martinez, Ranjeet, & Marx, 2010). The
outcomes of participation in HIPs are too robust to ignore. Further pronouncing the need to
equalize access to HIPs, including study abroad, is the research that has suggested that
underserved students’ gains from HIPs, including Latinx students, may be greater than
traditionally advantaged students (Finley & McNair, 2013; Kuh, 2008).
HIPs may also combat challenges that Latino male students are facing. For example,
literature has indicated that Latino men have higher attrition rates compared with their peers
(Harper et al., 2014; Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009). HIPs have been proven to counteract this issue by
increasing the persistence and retention of underserved students (Kuh, 2008). The NSSE reports
that study abroad alumni are “engaged more frequently in educationally purposeful activities
upon returning to their home campus,” which is positively correlated with persistence and
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 13
retention. (Martinez et al., 2010). Therefore, one way to combat the researched challenges that
Latino men face could be to increase their participation in HIPs, including study abroad.
Theoretical Framework
My research is guided by Dr. Shaun Harper’s (n.d.) Anti-Deficit Achievement
Framework. I begin this section with an explanation of the anti-deficit achievement framework
and continue to explain how I operationalize it in my study.
Anti-Deficit achievement framework.
Oftentimes, research on students of color is framed with regards to the students' deficits.
In other words, many researchers focus on factors that limit students of color rather than what
stimulates and sustains their success. For example, in their chapter on engaging men of color,
Harper et al. (2014) note that engagement literature on men of color has been approached from a
deficit-based perspective – considering the limiting factors to their achievement as opposed to
factors that enable their success:
conversations at national conferences and elsewhere tend to be centered around the
following questions: why are there so few men of color in college, why do they perform
so poorly in their academics, why do they drop out in such high numbers, and why are
they so disengaged inside and outside of college classrooms? (pp. 57)
However, the anti-deficit achievement framework looks at the success of students of color
from a different angle, particularly one that explores the enablers of their success as opposed to
what disables their success (Harper, Harper, & Newman, n.d.). In Harper's (n.d.) research, the
analytical framework, which was adapted from the National Black Male College Achievement
Study (NBMCAS) and customized for students of color in STEM, was used to investigate how
students of color achieve success in STEM fields (see Table 1).
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 14
Table 1. Anti-Deficit Achievement Framework (Harper et al., n.d.)
Harper (n.d.) developed this analytical framework based on the data collected from the
NBMCAS. The purpose of the framework was to customize the NBMCAS for students of color
in STEM fields in order to explore enablers of their achievement. The framework is essentially a
question guide for anti-deficit interviewing. The questions investigate three points in the
education pipeline of Black and Latino male students: pre-college socialization and readiness,
college achievement, and post-college persistence in STEM (Harper et al., n.d.). Essentially, the
questions focus on how the student got to college, how he achieved success in college, and how
he succeeded after college. Along these chronological points, the interviews also explore
dimensions of the Black and Latino male student’s experience including: familial factors, K–12
school forces, out-of-school college preparatory experiences, classroom interactions, out-of-class
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 15
engagement, experiential and external opportunities, industry careers, graduate school
enrollment, and research careers (Harper et al., n.d.).
Operationalizing the Framework.
I borrow from Harper's analytical framework as I investigate how first-generation
Latino men successfully participate in study abroad. My intent is to learn from the achievement
of first-generation Latino men who have participated in order to replicate their approaches and
augment the participation of other first-generation Latino men in the future. Based on the anti-
deficit achievement framework, my interviews will emphasize the following:
pre-departure experiences;
the role of peers and family in the formation of study abroad aspirations; and
interventions that enabled their participation in study abroad;
Just as Harper et al. (n.d.) divides the education pipeline along three chronological points,
I divide the study abroad pipeline for Latino men along three points in time: 1) pre-departure
experiences, 2) experiences abroad, and 3) post-program experiences. Since I focus specifically
on what influences and inhibits first-generation Latino men to study abroad, all of my research
explores the first period of that timeline: pre-departure experiences. In my investigation of pre-
departure experiences, I consider possible correlations between first-generation Latino men’s
study abroad participation and household family income, encouraging figures, major choice,
familismo, and any interventions that made possible their participation in study abroad.
As opposed to taking a deficit-based approach, which would narrowly investigate the
obstacles to the participants’ participation in study abroad, my research intends to understand
how the participants were exposed to study abroad, what compelled their participation, and how
they achieved success throughout the application process. Rather than asking my participants for
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 16
reasons why they think first-generation Latino men may not be studying abroad, I will ask them
what experiences enabled them to study abroad. In this way, I emphasize what enables first-
generation Latino men to participate and not what disables them from participating.
The following two sections of this Literature Review synthesize the separate bodies of
literature that I reviewed: diversity in study abroad and the experience of Latino men throughout
the education pipeline. Through the bodies of literature, I identified challenges and barriers that
first-generation Latino men may face when considering studying abroad as well as enablers to
their participation. The first section reviews the challenges and barriers to participation,
including economic factors, major choice, and familismo. The latter of the two sections reviews
possible enablers to participation, including short-term programs, peer influence, and the
distance between the student’s hometown and university.
Challenges and Barriers to Participation
In this section of the Literature Review, I synthesize obstacles that first-generation Latino
men may face when considering studying abroad. First-generation Latino men that come from
low socioeconomic statuses may hesitate to study abroad due to economic factors. Additionally,
those students who choose majors that have hxstorically been underrepresented in study abroad
may never be encouraged to participate. The strong sense of loyalty that Latinx students may
feel to their families (familismo) may prevent first-generation Latino men from participating.
Moreover, overseas travel may not be part of what the family views as educational, thus
rendering study abroad as frivolous. These challenges and barriers are further explained below.
Economic Factor.
Studies have found that the socioeconomic backgrounds that students come from affect
their study abroad intent and participation. Salisbury et al., (2009) found that students who come
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 17
from higher socioeconomic backgrounds are more likely to intend to study abroad. However,
other studies (Stroud, 2010; Luo et al., 2015) have not found a correlation between
socioeconomic backgrounds and study abroad participation. Further complicating our
understanding of the influence of economic capital are Hurst’s (2018) findings that indicate a
correlation amongst womxn but not amongst men.
In their survey of 19 liberal arts colleges, Salisbury et al. (2009) applied an integrated
student choice model to examine the effects of financial, social, and cultural capital on study
abroad intent. They found that students from low socioeconomic backgrounds were the least
likely (31%) and students from high socioeconomic backgrounds were the most likely (85%) to
intend to study abroad (Salisbury et al., 2009). The authors also found that social and cultural
capital has a strong impact on study abroad intent. Specifically, it was discovered that students
from low socioeconomic backgrounds but with high levels of social and cultural capital were
equally probable (52%) to intend to study abroad as students from high socioeconomic statuses
but with low levels of social and cultural capital. As a result, this study indicates that the effects
of accumulating low levels of social and cultural capital before college negatively impact intent
to study abroad and that a higher socioeconomic background is less of an influence if the student
has low social and cultural capital. However, this study also indicates that gaining social and
cultural capital can increase intent regardless of socioeconomic background.
Through their more comprehensive study of three study abroad cohorts, Luo et al. (2015)
found that socioeconomic status was not a significant variable in influencing study abroad intent.
However, this study was mainly conducted on a sample of relatively wealthy families. In
addition to Luo et al.’s (2015) study, Stroud (2010) found unexpected results that also
contradicted Salisbury et al.’s (2009) correlation between economic capital and study abroad
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 18
intent. Stroud found no difference in intent to study abroad whether or not the student's parents
were of high or low income (Stroud, 2010). However, nearly 500 of the 2,000 participants did
not input their parent's income on her survey nor whether they were first generation or not
(Stroud, 2010). Should those students have been from low-income backgrounds, then that
missing 25% of participants' financial backgrounds could have produced a correlation that
Stroud was unable to draw.
In her study of a sample of “elite” and “non-elite” liberal arts colleges, Hurst (2018)
explored how gender and class intersect to affect study abroad participation. “Elite” was defined
as students with high economic and cultural capital. Hurst (2018) found a connection between
class and participation in study abroad among womxn (the more "elite" the womxn the more
likely she would study abroad), however, it did not find that class was associated with study
abroad participation amongst men. In fact, participation rates varied across classes for men.
Although upper-class men were the most likely to study abroad, middle-class men's odds were
0.4 times greater than upper-middle-class men’s odds (Hurst, 2018). In fact, the upper-middle-
class men’s odds were similar to lower-middle class men’s odds (a difference of only 0.13%)
(Hurst, 2018). These varying odds may be due to small sample sizes in the class categories. In
total, the study consisted of 867 participants, 608 of whom were womxn and only 259 of whom
were men.
Considering that the results from these four recent studies varied significantly, my
research further investigates the correlation between participation in study abroad and economic
capital specifically amongst first-generation Latino men. Clark et al. (2013) found that the
intersection of a Latino man’s race/ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status influences his
enrollment and dropout rate. When a Latino man comes from a low socioeconomic background,
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 19
then the effects of familismo become pronounced as he may feel the pressure to immediately
begin financially supporting the family. Although the Clark et al. (2013) study focused on the
effect of socioeconomic status on enrollment and retention, it is possible that the effect is visible
in study abroad intention as well. If a Latino male student comes from a low socioeconomic
background, his priorities may lie in a variety of places and study abroad may get overlooked.
My research investigates the effect of the intersection of race, ethnicity, gender, and
socioeconomic status of first-generation Latino men in study abroad.
Majors that tend (not) to study abroad).
S.T.E.M. (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math) and some other vocational
majors have been hxstorically dominated by men (Simon, Wagner, & Killion, 2017). These
majors have also hxstorically participated in study abroad at much lower rates than any other
major (Stroud, 2010; Salisbury et al., 2010; Twombly et al., 2012; Hurst, 2018; Luo et al., 2015).
In her research, Stroud (2010) found a negative correlation with study abroad intent and certain
academic majors. Specifically, she found that engineering or professional areas such as
architecture, medicine, nursing, or physical or occupational therapy had negative correlations
with study abroad intent when compared with social science majors, which could be due to
unsupportive faculty and inflexible schedules (Stroud, 2010). Hurst’s (2018) research
corroborates Stroud’s (2010) findings as Hurst also found that students majoring in S.T.E.M.
fields or other vocational majors were significantly less likely to study abroad. Similar to Stroud
(2010) and Hurst (2018), Luo et al. (2015) found that natural sciences and engineering students
were the least likely (with their odds being 30% and 60% less than humanities majors,
respectively) to participate.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 20
From Stroud (2010), Hurst (2018), and Luo et al. (2015), we learn that there is a negative
correlation associated with vocational and professional areas and study abroad participation,
which is significant because Simon et al. (2017) note that those fields have been criticized for
their underrepresentation of womxn. Twombly et al. (2012) identify three reasons that may
explain this association: 1) these fields have rigid degree requirements; 2) faculty tend to be
unsupportive of study abroad; and 3) strict sequences of classes and labs illustrate a perceived
structural hindrance to study abroad. Luo et al. (2015) agree that the low participation of these
fields could be due to the inflexible nature of their academic schedules. It is plausible to argue
that since those majors are underrepresented in study abroad, and since men are the dominant
gender of those majors, that a sum of male students on campus is dedicated to these fields, which
deters them from participation. Male-dominated underrepresented fields in study abroad could be
an explanation for the gender gap in study abroad.
Interestingly, despite their low representation in study abroad, Salisbury et al. (2009)
found that students majoring in business, education, or a S.T.E.M. field showed the same amount
of interest in studying abroad as students in the humanities, fine arts, or foreign languages.
Furthermore, despite this disparity in participation amongst majors, womxn majoring in fields
that do not commonly study abroad still participate at higher rates than their male classmates
(Salisbury et al., 2010; Thirolf, 2014).
Considering these researched correlations between study abroad participation and major
amongst all students, a goal of this study is to draw connections between major choice and
participation amongst first-generation Latino men. Particularly, I am interested in which majors
my participants studied and whether or not that influenced their decision to study abroad.
Familismo.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 21
"The value of familismo is embodied by strong feelings of loyalty, responsibility, and
solidarity within the Latino family unit" (Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009, pp. 62). The social, cultural,
and familial expectation to work and contribute to the family remains evident in the young
Latino male experience (Clark et al., 2013; Crisp et al., 2015; Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009) and when
this is coupled with socio-economic pressure then young Latino men may decide to join the
workforce earlier than their Latina counterparts, thus limiting their postsecondary aspirations
(Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009). Clark et al. (2013) also found that Latino men feel the pressure of
familismo (the strong connection with immediate and extended family to support the family
financially), which forces many Latino men into the workforce rather than college. The effect of
familismo is even stronger if the Latino man comes from a low socioeconomic background
because the pressure to immediately begin financially supporting the family becomes
pronounced (Clark et al., 2013).
Familismo may play a role in a Latino man’s decision to study abroad. Since studying
abroad typically does not produce financial gains, as would a paid internship, Latino men may
seek out other opportunities instead. Especially if a Latino man comes from a low-
socioeconomic background, then the pressure he may feel to contribute financially to his family
may prevent him from even considering studying abroad.
The first-generation’s psychological barrier to participation.
For some first-generation college students, just moving away from home and starting
college can be a tall hurdle to leap. Therefore, moving beyond that can be inconceivable. Unlike
continuing-generation students who may view study abroad as normal and even intriguing, first-
generation students may perceive it as “an elusive opportunity, utterly out of reach and even
inappropriate” (Dessoff, 2006). First-generation students may value less learning a new
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 22
language and exposing themselves to different cultures because they may view their education in
“narrowly pre-professional terms” (Dessoff, 2006). As a result, in addition to the previously
mentioned challenges and barriers (economic factors, being in a discouraging major, and
familismo), asking first-generation students to pay more (possibly) and leave their families for
month(s) for something they may not perceive as valuable can be received as unreasonable. As
Rhodes, Ochoa, and Ortiz (2005) suggests, it is incumbent on study abroad administrators to
bring study abroad from outside the students’ circle of education to a central position within it so
that first-generation students see the value in it just as do other students.
Enablers to Participation
This final section of the Literature Review discusses factors that may enable first-
generation Latino men to study abroad. Research and past programs demonstrate that short-term
programs may best cater to the needs of first-generation students. The researched peer influence
that Latino men have on each other can encourage Latino men to participate. Lastly, the distance
between a student’s hometown and his university could influence his intention to study abroad.
These enabling factors are further explained below.
First-Generation Students and Short-Term Programs.
Programs designed for first-generation college students have typically been short-term
programs. For example, Donnely-Smith (2009) and Sanchez (2012) each designed study abroad
programs at their respective campuses specifically for first-generation students and both
programs lasted a few weeks. To understand why short-term programs may best fit the needs of
first-generation students, Mills, Deviney, and Ball (2010) argue that short-term programs “are
generally more affordable than longer programs [and] appeal to students who might not be able
or willing to commit to a semester or a year abroad” (pp. 2). Considering that first-generation
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 23
students may work, desire a more affordable program, and be hesitant to leave home for a long
period of time, short-term programs may be best fit for them.
Peer Influence.
Coupled with the pressure that Latino men feel from their family (familismo), Latino men
may also be influenced by their peers. Adhering to traditional norms of academic success (e.g.
getting straight “As”) can be perceived as "acting White" amongst secondary Latino male
students and can ostracize them from their peer groups so succeeding academically may not be
desirable to them (Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009). This social stigma illuminates the social and
cultural defenses to Latino male students' success. Along with their exploration of the
deficiencies in Latino male student achievement, Saenz and Ponjuan (2009) also provide a list of
student programs that are successfully serving Latino men, one of which is Lambda Upsilon
Lambda Fraternity – a service fraternity specifically for Latino men. Lambda Upsilon Lambda
is an example of peer pressure that Latino men have subscribed to that can positively influence
their educational experience. Some universities have created programs for male African-
American students that other institutions can learn from, but the article does not mention any
universities that created programs specifically for Latino men, rather it did mention programs for
all Latinx students (Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009).
Considering the influence that Latino men have on each other, peer influence may play a
role in a Latino man’s decision to study abroad. If studying abroad is associated with academic
success, and therefore “acting White” (Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009) then Latino men may avoid it.
On the other hand, if other Latino men on campus are studying abroad, then other Latino men
may be convinced to participate due to the influence that they can have on one another. In this
sense, peer influence can have a positive correlation with participation in study abroad, which is
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 24
why I categorize peer influence as an enabler as opposed to a challenge or barrier. My research
investigates the connection between peer influence and first-generation Latino men’s
participation in study abroad.
Distance of University from Hometown.
Attending college away from and not living with family have a positive correlation with
study abroad intent and participation (Hurst, 2018; Lue & Jamieson-Drake, 2015). In her study
of different liberal arts colleges that explored how gender and class intersect to affect study
abroad participation, Hurst (2018) found that students, regardless of gender, studying more than
100 miles from their hometown were five times more likely to participate in study abroad. The
author argues that this may be because “…going to college out of town connotes a certain
amount of adventurousness and openness to travel among male students” (Hurst, 2018, pp. 10).
Reaffirming Hurst’s findings, Luo et al. (2015) also found that very few students living with
family and going to school close to home intended to study abroad. In fact, their odds were 82%
less than those who did not live with their families (Luo et al., 2015). Nonetheless, the minimal
research corroborating the correlation between institutional distance and hometown is another
gap that my research project investigates.
Considering the strong effect of familismo on Latinx students, many of them go to a local
college, as opposed to a distant university, in order to remain physically close to their families
(Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009). The fact that many Latino men are attending local institutions rather
than moving away to college may be a reason for their lack of participation in study abroad. In
order to investigate the effect of distance and familismo on first-generation Latino men, I
consider the distance between my participant’s hometowns and undergraduate institutions to
draw a possible correlation.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 25
Chapter 3: The Research Design
Research Approach
My research followed a qualitative research approach. Qualitative research allowed me
to gain profound insight into a topic via more personal, in-depth research methods such as
interviews (Creswell, 2014; Saldaña & Omasta, 2018). Through qualitative research I was able
to gain deeper insight into enablers of participation in study abroad for Latino men.
My research employed a constructivist epistemology. I listened to the students' reasoning
behind why they chose to study abroad and tried to understand factors that influenced their
decisions. In doing so, I considered the hxstorical, cultural, and social contexts as influences on
why the participants acted in certain ways. Inquiry was emergent, inductive, and evolutionary as
I listened and learned from the participants, which indicates that the research followed a
constructivist worldview (Creswell, 2014; Saldaña & Omasta, 2018). By learning as I
proceeded, I actively identified themes, coded them, and analyzed them through a lens that
considered a variety of influences on the participants’ behaviors, including external contexts.
Research Methodology
My study of first-generation Latino men’s participation in study abroad uses a
phenomenological approach as I studied the nature of the lived experiences of people who have
experienced a phenomenon (Saldaña & Omasta, 2018). I looked at how first-generation male
Latino students experienced the pre-departure period of studying abroad and divulged influences
on their experiences.
I purposefully coordinated a participant-centered methodology so that my data originated
from the participants themselves. I wanted to focus on understanding the participants’
experiences. By interviewing the students, I provided them with the opportunity to explain how
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 26
they experienced the phenomenon. Rather than proceeding off my own hypotheses, a
phenomenology allowed me to discover how the participants perceived the phenomenon
themselves.
Sample, Sampling Strategy, and Site Selection
Eight undergraduate and graduate students who identified as first-generation Latino men
at private, selective, division I, research universities in Southern California were the participants
in this study. While I originally attempted to employ a purposive sampling strategy (Saldaña &
Omasta, 2018) and intentionally seek out fourth-year undergraduate first-generation Latino men
at the same university, an unresponsive gatekeeper (Angrosino, 2007) prohibited his access to
the intended sample. Therefore, through convenience sampling (Saldaña & Omasta, 2018), I
found access to eight undergraduate and graduate first-generation Latino men in two similar
universities, although seven of the eight were from the same institution. I acquired access to my
sample via cultural organizations, a Latinx center on campus, publicizing around campus, and
personal references. In addition to convenience sampling, I also found snowball sampling
(Saldaña & Omasta, 2018) to be helpful as participants began recommending other possible
participants who in turn recommended others.
All but one of the participants studied abroad during their undergraduate careers. The
three undergraduate students all attended the same university and had studied abroad there prior
to speaking with me. Four of the five graduate students were enrolled at the same university as
the undergraduates but had studied abroad during their undergraduate careers at different
undergraduate institutions. The fifth graduate student at that same university studied abroad as a
graduate student there. The one student who attended a separate but similar university was a
graduate student and had studied abroad while an undergraduate.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 27
Table 2. Participant University Enrollment
The narrow scope of this sample is the most limiting factor to this research. I understand
that the inadequate number of participants, the insufficient institutional representation, and the
use of both undergraduate and graduate students at different universities make my findings
ungeneralizable. However, I do not claim that my research is generalizable. Nonetheless, I
believe that my participants, regardless of degree and institution, faced many of the same
obstacles (i.e. familial commitments and financial concerns) that other first-generation Latino
men may face when considering studying abroad. So, although my findings cannot be
generalized, they nevertheless provide insight into the experiences of my participants as first-
generation Latino men in study abroad, which may also be experienced by other men of their
same background.
Research Methods
I conducted one in-depth interview with each participant and followed up with a
participant intake form. The initial interview gave participants the opportunity to share their
experiences leading up to their study abroad programs. The follow-up participant intake form
3
4
1
Undergraduates @ Private,
Selective, Division I,
Research University A
Graduate Students @
University A
Graduate Student @
Similar University B
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 28
allowed me to collect further information on the participants’ backgrounds and pre-departure
experiences.
Interviews.
The first step in this design was to individually interview the eight first-generation male
Latino students who had studied abroad. Since the goal of the research was to discover enabling
factors to first-generation Latino men’s participation in study abroad, I asked the participants
about factors that compelled their decision-making. While this thesis aimed to elicit
considerations, prior to studying abroad, that could have repressed participants from
participating, it was more focused on how the students overcame any repressive factors thereby
adhering to its anti-deficit theoretical foundation.
All but one interview took place in person, which allowed me to analyze responses, body
language, and formulate follow-up questions as needed. The initial interview with each
participant began unstructured (Saldaña et al., 2018) with an open-ended prompt (usually “tell
me about how you came to study abroad”). Unstructured interviews utilize an interview protocol
as a guideline rather than a strict set of questions that must be answered in sequential order
(Saldaña et al., 2018). By initially asking the participants a grand tour question (an open-ended
prompt that allows respondents to explain all aspects of their experiences, otherwise known as
giving researchers “the grand tour” of their experiences) (Spradley, 1979), I allowed my
participants to begin our interview by telling me about their path to study abroad in an unfettered
chronological matter. The unstructured beginning to our interviews also allowed the students to
divulge the most salient points along their path as they recall them without my interjecting.
Once participants answered the initial grand tour question, I followed up with an interview
protocol (see Appendix B) that consisted of mini-tour questions (prompts that allow respondents
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 29
to explain how their experiences relate to a specific topic as directed by the researcher)
(Spradley, 1979). By asking the students to initially tell their stories and subsequently following
up, rather than interrupting, I employed interviewing strategies (Seidman, 1991) that allowed me
to gain further insight into particular elements of the students’ individual experiences.
Follow-up participant intake form.
The participant intake form was distributed after the interviews had already been
conducted. A questionnaire (see Appendix C) was distributed to the participants who took part
in the interviews that primarily intended to collect data on the students’ backgrounds. As
opposed to asking students direct questions about sensitive information (i.e. household family
income) in person during the interviews, the questionnaire collected this data after the interviews
had already taken place. This design successfully evaded some of the inhibition that participants
may have otherwise felt when reporting sensitive information as they no longer had to see me
after reporting their data. Data collected from the questionnaire intended to divulge further
correlations between student’s backgrounds and study abroad participation. In addition to
background information, the questionnaire also gathered further information on other factors to
first-generation Latino men’s participation in study abroad. For example, it provided a space for
participants to name all of the student organizations that they were involved with as an
undergraduate in order to assess the level and types of student involvement as possible
correlations with study abroad participation amongst Latino men. While this question will also
be asked during the initial qualitative interview, the follow-up participant intake form allowed
for the participants to further reflect on their experiences and provide me with deeper
information or anything that he may have forgotten during the interviews. Furthermore, utilizing
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 30
both interviews and the survey augments the trustworthiness of my research via methods
triangulation (Flick, 2007).
Ethics
This study adhered to general standards for ethics in research including: 1) informed
consent, 2) no deception of participants, 3) anonymity, 4) accuracy of findings, and 5)
beneficence and justice (Flick, 2007). At the beginning of the initial interview, my participant
and I reviewed an agreement (see Appendix D) that regarded the purpose of the study, explains
that withdrawal could occur at any time without penalty, and outlined how the data would be
stored. Via this agreement, I reviewed the benefits of the research as well as all possible
consequences of participation. The final page of this document included lines for both my
signature and my participant’s indicating that we agreed to the terms and provide consent.
Pseudonyms are used throughout this thesis to ensure anonymity and protect the identities of the
participants. Through the follow-up participant intake form, identified themes were corroborated
thereby augmenting the accuracy of the findings. In addition, this project was processed by a
university institutional review board (IRB) whose purpose was to assess the ethics of the project.
Receiving IRB approval was another method of prioritizing ethics that this project underwent.
Validation Strategies
Triangulation.
Triangulation augments the trustworthiness of my study by analyzing the phenomenon
from multiple angles (Flick, 2007). By utilizing different methods of inquiry, I evade the
critique that my data collection was narrow in breadth. I triangulate methods by initially
interviewing participants and following up with participants via the participant intake form. By
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 31
combining two methods of triangulation, I limit the reactivity of each of them alone, which in
turn increases the validity of my study (Flick, 2007).
Transcriptions and coding.
All interviews, with the exception of one, were recorded, transcribed, coded, and
included as appendices in the final report (see Appendices E-K). The lieu of a transcription of
the one interview that I took notes in, I provide my notes from the interview in Appendix L.
Transcribing the interviews from oral to written content provided me with a visual analysis for
evaluation and was itself a form of analysis (Kvale, 2007). Several methods of coding were
utilized, and an ultimate code list is included in the final report (Appendix M). Initially, I
employed complete coding to scout out overarching themes throughout the transcriptions.
Complete coding allows researchers to read through transcriptions and annotate themes that they
notice as they read for the first time (Corwin, October 29, 2018). After I completely coded the
transcriptions, I repeatedly revisited the identified codes in order to seek out subthemes within
them. Throughout this process, values coding was utilized. Values coding allowed me to use
values, attitudes, and beliefs as codes (Saldaña & Omasta, 2018). In addition, participants were
provided with the interview transcripts along with themes that I had identified. The participants
had the opportunity to comment on, via email correspondence, the themes that I identified. This
way the themes, or codes, that I identified were corroborated by the participants themselves and
therefore more trustworthy.
Researcher positionality.
I am a Latino male graduate student who studied abroad in Argentina in 2012. Despite
being in a Latin American country, I was the only Latino male in my program’s cohort, one of
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 32
two men of color, and one of eight men in total. Now recognizing the benefits of my experience
in Argentina, I am interested in raising the participation rates of Latino men in study abroad.
This positionality afforded me an immediate connection with my participants, who
identify as I do with regards to gender and ethnicity. This connection allowed for my
participants and I to share information freely and uninhibited by social barriers that may have
otherwise existed. Considering that the students were participating on a volunteer basis and that
they were aware of the purpose of the study, both of our positionalities complemented each other
to produce profound interviews.
Limitations
The nature of this research approach, method, and design deferred to the participants to
provide answers. Thus, this research was heavily dependent on the biases, amount of thought,
and varying experiences and backgrounds of the participants that influenced their responses. In
this way, my interviews were limited by the experiences, perceptions, attitudes, reflection, and
responses of the participants.
As previously mentioned, the sample of this research is the most limiting factor. The
undergraduate and graduate first-generation Latino men who participated came from varying
undergraduate institutions with varying campus climates and environments surrounding study
abroad participation. In an attempt to limit the reactivity of this limitation, I acknowledge the
limiting factors that campus’ climates may project but emphasize that my students, regardless of
institution, overcame similar obstacles that derive from their generation, race, and gender
identities. In accordance with the anti-deficit framework, a primary objective of this research
was to divulge methods of surmounting obstacles despite limitations. Therefore, this sample was
composed of first-generation Latino men who successfully navigated their undergraduate
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 33
experience in study abroad. While they do not represent the experience of every first-generation
Latino man in higher education (as researched by Clark et al. (2013), Crisp et al. (2015), Harper
et al. (2014), Quaye and Harper (2014), and Saenz and Ponjuan (2009)), this sample was able to
provide me with insight into how they achieved participation in study abroad despite the well-
researched limiting factors to their experiences. In this way, the research is not generalizable,
but it provides some insight into factors contributing to the successful participation of first-
generation Latino men in study abroad.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 34
Chapter 4: Findings
The findings in this chapter are divided into three sections that correspond to the three
research questions. The first section presents findings related to the question: What do first-
generation Latino men believe influence their participation in study abroad? In my exploration
of what compelled my participants to study abroad, I found that they were strongly influenced by
their male Latino peers, were hyperaware and driven by the significance of their participation,
and participated in certain types of programs. The second section presents findings related to the
question: What do first-generation Latino men believe inhibit their participation in study abroad?
This sections dissects the obstacles that could have prevented my participants from studying
abroad, including familismo, financial concerns, and their commitment to community. Lastly,
the third section presents findings related to the question: In what ways are first-generation
Latino men overcoming obstacles to their participation in study abroad? The third and final
section informs the reader about the ways in which my participants addressed familismo,
financial concerns, and their commitment to community.
What Compels Latino Men to Study Abroad?
This first section explores what drew my participants into studying abroad. I discuss the
influence of their male Latino peers, their motivations for participating, and the types of
programs that they attended. These findings provide insight that administrators may leverage to
increase the number of first-generation Latino men on their programs.
Peer influence.
The influence of other Latino men on my participants was commonly implied or directly
referenced in participant interviews. In fact, every participant who was part of a cultural
organization (i.e. a Latino club or fraternity) was influenced to study abroad through their
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 35
relationships with their peers. Most of the participants were exposed to the idea of studying
abroad and encouraged to participate by older Latino men in their cultural organizations who
they perceived as mentors. Eltsuh, for example, was encouraged to study abroad through his
membership with his cultural fraternity; “My fraternity brothers encouraged me because I had
seen that a variety of them went to different places.” He admired the accomplishments of his
older fraternity brothers, including having studied abroad, and his desire originated there. Cesar,
another participant, also looked up to the upper-class members of his cultural organization
because he heeded their advice to study abroad:
I was in this organization of undergraduates called [male Latino student organization] and
a lot of the upper-class students would tell us: ‘You know, studying abroad is a great
opportunity.’ And they would share so many pictures and it looked like a lot of fun. So I
thought: ‘You know what, I should try and do it.’
By heeding their advice, Cesar placed trust in their word and unconsciously adopted their views
as his own. Ignacio not only was exposed to study abroad by an upperclassman in his fraternity,
but he also applied alongside a peer (who was also encouraged by the same upperclassmen).
Ignacio described the experience of applying with a male Latino peer as “very helpful” because
the logistics of applying would have been otherwise “more burdensome.” Moreover, Ignacio
continued to say, “...probably, I mean, I don’t know if [not having a peer to apply with] would
have discouraged me or not, but um, it wouldn’t have been as easy.” By saying he may have
been discouraged to apply if he had not applied with a peer or been encouraged by an
upperclassman, Ignacio highlights two things: 1) the trust that Latino men place in their peers
and 2) the influential role that they play in each other’s decision to study abroad.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 36
Franklin’s case differs from those of Eltsuh, Cesar, and Ignacio in that his relationship
with other Latino men led him to consider studying abroad and motivated him to participate for a
semester. Franklin developed a strong desire to participate because he noticed that none of his
fraternity brothers had studied abroad for a semester. In addition to ‘breaking the barrier’ for his
friends to study abroad, Franklin also directly mentioned that he was surpassing the same
limitation that was set on his family because his older sister was unable to study abroad, despite
attending postsecondary education, due to financial constraints. By mentioning that he was
overcoming these two hurdles through his participation in study abroad, Franklin unconsciously
referred to another one of my findings, which is that my participants were hyperaware of the
significance of their participation which proved to be a motivating factor in their decision to
study abroad.
Motivations to study abroad.
As previously mentioned, a common motivation to participate in study abroad amongst
my participants was their self-awareness of the significance of their participation. Specifically,
their participation in study abroad served as an accomplishment, which in turn reflected well on
their community. For example, Franklin explained how his participation in a semester-long
study abroad program would be the first among his family and friends:
In my four years so far, none of the guys [in my cultural fraternity] had studied abroad for
a semester. A few of them had done Maymesters… those that were really ambitious, but
nobody has studied abroad for a whole semester… so… it really stemmed from my own
belief that this is something that I need to do for myself to really break that barrier that
was set on my family and those people that I know.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 37
Being the first in his network to do so, Franklin recognized that his participation would
overcome a limitation that had been placed on his family and friends. The significance of that
accomplishment was a clear motivating factor in his ultimate decision to study abroad. Victor
expressed similar sentiments:
I always said I can’t do study abroad. You know, I’m broke, I gotta work, I gotta help
my moms… but once I saw [name of elite school abroad abroad], I was like ‘no’ I’m
doing it. I’m going over there. Especially with the way I was raised and like the
environment I grew up in. It would mean a lot to me as a Latino to be up in there in
[name of elite school abroad].
Victor, like the majority of my participants, came from a low-income household (see the
breakdown of household incomes of my participants’ families in Table 3) and, like all of my
participants, was a first-generation college student.
Table 3. Household Incomes of Participants’ Families
$0-30k
12%
$30-50k
37%
$50-90k
38%
$90-120k
13%
Families' Household Income
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 38
Victor recognized the social status connected with having studied abroad at one of the top 10
best universities in the world (U.S. News & World Report, 2019), and so he studied abroad there.
By acknowledging the social significance of his enrollment at such a university, “especially with
the way [he] was raised and like the environment [he] grew up in,” Victor was also aware of the
significance of his accomplishments, including studying abroad, for himself and his community,
which proved to be a motivating factor his participation.
Three participants had older siblings whom studied abroad, which they said instilled a
motivation to participate in very different ways. For instance, Tony G.’s older sister had
attended college, studied abroad, and encouraged him to take advantage of all of the
opportunities that were in college including studying abroad. In Eltsuh’s case, he did not
explicitly credit his older sister as an influence. Nevertheless, he shared his pre-college
awareness of her study abroad experience, which implies that he was at least exposed the
possibility of study abroad as an option for himself. Franklin, however, was exposed to the idea
of studying abroad through his sister’s inability to participate, which proved to be another
motivating factor for him to study abroad:
My sister went to [university]. She tried to study abroad but she couldn’t because of
financial reasons. Obviously, we’re at two different universities, but I kind of picked up
where she left off as far as study abroad actually being on my radar. Prior to my sister
even attempting, I didn’t think it was a possibility.
While participants were exposed to and motivated to study abroad by their male Latino
peers, their siblings, and their hyperawareness of the significance of their participation, they were
also intrigued by elements of certain programs.
Types of programs attended.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 39
My participants participated in mostly short-term summer programs that included
elements of professional development or community service (see Table 4).
Table 4: Length of Participants’ Programs
Participants like Albert reported struggling with finding the value in studying abroad
because they did not originally correlate it with professional development; “It was a program that
didn’t supplement anything in my master’s program. So it was basically considered as an
additional activity in my transcript.” By viewing study abroad as an ‘additional activity,’ Albert
articulated his perception that studying abroad did not serve a professional purpose. It was not
until Albert began viewing the program, which included an internship, as a valuable complement
to his education and career that he seriously considered participating. Albert was the only
participant who studied abroad as a graduate student, which may have influenced his desire to
incorporate professional development into his study abroad experience. However, other
participants, who studied abroad as undergraduate students, also struggled with finding value in
Summer
70%
Semester
30%
Length of Programs
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 40
studying abroad when it did not attribute to their careers, particularly when it came to iterating
that value to family. Ignacio explained:
I had to frame the conversation about professional development. How this would be an
opportunity to help advance my career. Otherwise, it would be difficult to make a case as
to why I’m studying abroad and spending more money as opposed to helping family or
working towards a career. It couldn't be all fun; it had to serve a work purpose.
By associating professional development with value in study abroad programs, both Albert and
Ignacio highlight the type of program that many of my participants were drawn to - programs
that were directly related to their careers.
In addition to being drawn to short-term summer programs that incorporated professional
development, two of the participants who studied abroad in Spanish-speaking countries
mentioned that they selected those destinations because of the language. Tony G. said, “I chose
Madrid because, you know, my parents are both Latino. So it was like I’d be comfortable there,
you know, knowing Spanish as a second language.” Ignacio shared a similar feeling; “It was
interesting because it was less intimidating to go to a country that has shared a similar
language. It was like an easy transition.” The students reported that they anticipated feeling
comfortable because they spoke Spanish. It was a method of bringing the unfamiliar into, or at
least closer to, their boundaries of familiarity.
Considering that my participants were drawn to short-term summer programs that
incorporated professional development or community service, administrators may consider
marketing these types of programs to first-generation Latino men. Although a relatively small
portion of my sample mentioned studying abroad in a Spanish-speaking country, the language
familiarity could be a convincing factor for some students. While my research explored the
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 41
previously mentioned reasons why first-generation Latino men may study abroad, it also
divulged obstacles to their participation.
Obstacles to Latino Men’s Participation
This second section explains three obstacles that my participants had to address prior to
departure: familismo, financial concerns, and their commitment to community. I also present the
majors that my participants were studying at the time they studied abroad. These findings
divulge priorities that my participants had and provide administrators with insight into the
possible concerns of first-generation Latino men when applying to study abroad.
Familismo.
Since participants valued their families, the majority of them reviewed their decision to
study abroad with their loved ones. Participants often brought up their families when asked
about discouraging figures to their participation in study abroad. For example, Franklin shared
that, “growing up, my parents were always right…. and my parents didn’t really want me to
go… In Latino culture, traveling is associated with vacation and fun” and Tony G. said, “I
wouldn’t say my mom was discouraging, but she was hesitant.” These quotes from participant
interviews with Eltsuh, Franklin, and Tony G. confirm the well-researched influence of
familismo on Latino men (Clark et al., 2013; Crisp et al., 2015; Saenz & Ponjuan,
2009). Considering that my participants were first-generation and the majority were low-income
students, the tandem of familismo and socioeconomic status combined to create a reinforcing
obstacle that the students had to overcome. Victor often mentioned his financial obligation to his
family. Specifically, he mentioned working and taking care of his mother; “as a low-income
student, you know, you’re going to college and you gotta work and you gotta help your
family”. When asked about the definition of a Latino man, he mentioned that a Latino man’s
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 42
obligation to financially support his family was “huge.” The influence of familismo and
socioeconomic status on my participants was confirmed in their responses to the Participant
Intake Form (Appendix C) as well. In reporting how much of a financial responsibility
participants felt to their families, 88% of the participants reported that they felt high to extremely
high (i.e. rating of 7 or more on a 10-point scale) financial responsibility to their families.
Therefore, the dissonance experienced by participants, in which their sense of commitment to
their families as financial providers, especially those from lower household incomes, presented
an obstacle for these Latino students in studying abroad.
The combination of familismo and low socioeconomic status indeed combined to form a
cultural and economic factor for my participants in their decision to study abroad.
Financial concern.
Many students expressed that their biggest concern throughout the process of applying to
study abroad was paying for the program. As Victor succinctly put it, “The biggest thing was the
tuition.” Other students shared Victor’s worry. Tony G. said, “my family came from a low
socioeconomic background so I wasn’t sure how the money situation would play out” and Eltsuh
mentioned, “my main concern was the financial burden because in summer school they don’t
really provide you with financial aid. I was able to get like a $2,000 scholarship but it still didn’t
cover everything.” When the participants’ discussed their financial concern, they often
referenced how financial aid was less available over the summer, how they were initially unsure
of where the money would come from, and how they considered paid opportunities other than
studying abroad. Considering that the participants came from lower socioeconomic
backgrounds, finding a way to fund their experience was an intimidating obstacle that my
participants had to overcome.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 43
Money and family were common hindrances to my participants’ participation. However,
many participants also mentioned their commitment to their hometown and on-campus
communities as priorities that they needed to address.
Commitment to community.
Many participants implied a commitment to their communities as they spoke about their
obligation to serve the cities they were from as well as the organizations they were apart of on-
campus. When Ignacio spoke with his family about going to study abroad, his uncle asked him:
“Why would you go help others when we have work to do in our community?” Ignacio’s
uncle’s response demonstrated a commitment to his hometown community. That commitment
was a value that was instilled in Ignacio by his family from a young age. However, participants
referenced their commitments to not only their hometown communities but also the communities
that they had forged in college. Cesar, for instance said:
I was so fulfilled by being in positions of leadership [in my cultural organizations] and
feeling like I was providing, serving my community and I thought, oh, I'm going to pause
that and just kind of do something for myself. Because that was a contrast. That like if
I'm over there, I'm going to go, I'm going to have a lot of fun. I'm going to develop my
Spanish. But those are all things that, that, um, are good for me. But they're not serving
my community. Um, and they're also fulfilling, but they're fulfilling in a different way.
Cesar’s response highlights two findings. First, his feeling as though he was abandoning his
cultural organizations by going to study abroad demonstrates that the commitment to his on-
campus community was an obstacle that he had to address prior to leaving. Secondly, his diction
of ‘doing something’ for himself demonstrates his perception of study abroad as a selfish act,
which is a perception that was shared amongst a few participants. Specifically, a few students
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 44
viewed going to study abroad as selfish because it disconnected them from their
communities. They felt as if they were abandoning those that they were beginning to influence.
Their commitment to their communities, both at home and on campus, proved to be a hindrance
to their participation in study abroad that they had to address prior to leaving.
Major choice.
Table 6 illustrates the majors that my participants studied at the time they studied abroad.
Table 5: Participants’ Majors
Resolutions to Obstacles
While my research identified obstacles to participation, I was more interested in exposing
strategies that first-generation Latino men utilized to overcome them. Guided by the Anti-Deficit
Achievement Framework (Harper, et al., n.d.), this section explains methods that my participants
took to jump the previously mentioned hurdles. It is divided into three sub-sections according to
English
23%
Communications
22%
Ethnic Studies
11%
Community
Development
11%
Economics
11%
Social Welfare
11%
Film & Media
Studies
11%
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 45
the three identified obstacles: familismo, financial concerns, and commitment to community.
This final set of findings provides study abroad administrators insight into how first-generation
Latino men are navigating the application process.
Addressing familismo.
Some students viewed study abroad as selfish because their desire to participate
contradicted the desires of their parents. When Franklin received push back from his parents on
his discussion with them about participating, Franklin “went from asking them for permission to
study abroad to telling them that this was something that [he] was going to do because [he] had
worked hard, since high school, for a scholarship that was allowing me to do it.” Since his
parents did not want him to go and he really wanted to, contradicting his parents’ advice was an
unusual event for Franklin but also one that forced him to become self-aware of his values and
ultimately augmented his personal development. In prioritizing his loyalty to himself over his
loyalty to his family, he felt “selfish” but also that he needed to begin making decisions for
himself, even if that meant contradicting his parents’ advice:
I think that it's important that Latino men realize that they shouldn't be bounded to
pleasing everybody around them, particularly with their family. Obviously we respect
them and we value them a lot, but we tend to put limitations amongst ourselves to please
our family and those around us. And I think that it's important that we realize that we
shouldn't place these limitations on us simply because, culturally, we should please
everybody, but we should kind of focus on growth amongst ourselves first and foremost,
even if that means kind of rejecting advice from our parents. I just think it's important
that we realize that we sometimes need to do things for ourselves and only ourselves.
Something that, culturally, we're not used to. Study abroad is one of the most selfish
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 46
things that you can do… and one of the most beneficial things that you can do… So I just
think that we need to be a little bit more selfish sometimes and really focus on our
personal growth… even if we step on a few toes.
Franklin’s statements demonstrate not only the influence of familismo, as researched in the past
(Clark et al., 2013; Crisp et al., 2015; Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009), but also how he overcame that
barrier. In reflecting on his experience, Franklin acknowledged the limitations that pleasing his
family placed on him. Through his participation in study abroad, Franklin successfully
deconstructed that barrier and ultimately prioritized his own values even though they
contradicted those of his family. Now, after the fact that he has already participated, Franklin
recognizes that his decision to prioritize himself was a necessary stage in his personal
development that he realizes is an outcome of his participation in study abroad. In fact, by
becoming self-aware of his goals and values, he left to study abroad with strong and clear
objectives in mind, which ended up allowing him to sustain direction while abroad and thus
grow. For example, Franklin went abroad and reported that he originally tried to fit in by
spending money recklessly. However, after about a month, he reflected on his original
objectives for going abroad. He remembered what he had done to get there and how we wanted
to seize the opportunities that his scholarship allowed him to. After reflecting, he began taking
trips on his own and spent some time by himself. As a result, he connected with his intentions
and emotions and ultimately grew personally. That personal growth was only made possible by
going abroad with clear goals in mind and reminding himself of them while abroad. For
Franklin, overcoming the cultural barrier of prioritizing family seemed to be his biggest
accomplishment that was achieved through participating.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 47
Many participants also mentioned that much of their family’s preoccupations with them
studying abroad stemmed from safety concerns and a lack of understanding of what their sons
would doing while abroad. As a result, participants reviewed both personal and program safety
protocols with their parents. Explaining program logistics was another method of easing
family’s nerves. Both Tony G. and Ejaroc recalled reviewing the program with their parents. By
sharing elements, such as the schedule of classes and excursions, parents, who were otherwise
unfamiliar with study abroad, learned what exactly their sons were getting involved
with. Addressing their family’s safety concerns and explaining logistics were common methods
of addressing familismo.
Ignacio framed his conversation with his family around professional development. He
specifically explained to them how studying abroad would be an opportunity to help advance his
career. Otherwise, it would be difficult to make a case as to why he was studying abroad and
spending more money as opposed to helping family or working towards a career. Ignacio stated:
“It couldn't be all fun; it had to serve a work purpose.”
By explaining program logistics and framing the conversation with family around
professional development, Tony G, Ejaroc, and Ignacio addressed familismo by exposing their
family to concept of studying abroad. Since they came from first-generation backgrounds, their
families were unaware that traveling could produce educational and professional
outcomes. Prior to this concept, their families associated traveling with vacation and leisure. By
centering their conversations on the value that studying abroad could provide them with, these
participants successfully overcame familismo as an obstacle. In addition to addressing their
familial concerns, participants also shared ways in which they acquired money to participate.
Overcoming the financial concern.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 48
The consistent reiteration of financial concerns when applying to study abroad from my
participants exposed that their socioeconomic status played a role in their decision to study
abroad.
Participants navigated their financial concerns in a variety of ways. The two students
who were full-scholarship recipients, did not bring up financial concerns in our
interviews. However, the remainder of students found unconventional methods of funding that
usually involved drawing from more than one source. Eltsuh, for example, resolved his financial
concerns in the most complex of ways. He drew from three different sources. He received a
scholarship from his school’s study abroad office that covered a small portion of the whole
cost. He then allocated a portion of the financial aid that he received for the Spring semester to
pay for the program. Since those two sources of funding still did not cover the required amount,
he borrowed money from his brother and paid him back with a portion of his Fall semester
financial aid package once he received it. Ignacio received a scholarship, through his study
abroad office, that was specifically designed to fund first-generation low-income students to
study abroad. Additionally, his fraternity helped fundraise to fund its members to participate.
Lastly, studying abroad ended up being cheaper than paying on campus tuition for two of the
participants. While the cost of tuition on campus versus when studying abroad is largely based
on which institution the student attends, the perception that studying abroad may be cheaper was
brought up several times in participant interviews and attracted the participants to participate.
Addressing commitment to community.
Participants addressed their commitments to their communities in one of two ways: 1)
they shifted their values post-participation in study abroad or 2) they sought service-oriented
programs. Cesar mentioned in our interview: “When I came back I had one more semester, um,
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 49
and it was more, getting ready to transition into work life… into what am I going to do
next.” He changed his priorities and began focusing on the next steps in his life after graduation.
In this sense, Cesar’s shift in values to begin prioritizing himself over his communities align with
the shift in values that Franklin recognized as an outcome of his participation in study
abroad. Another way that students considered their value of serving the community was by
enrolling in service-oriented study abroad programs. Although they did not explicitly mention it
as a reason for their participation, a few students matriculated in programs that were oriented
around community service. Ignacio’s program, for example, included an internship in which he
worked with children that were living in foster homes and orphanages. Even without
acknowledging it, participants may have chosen service-oriented programs as a result of their
commitment to communities.
The findings revealed in this chapter explain what drew my participants into studying
abroad. They also identify obstacles to my participants’ participation. Additionally, the findings
reveal ways that my participants overcame obstacles to their participation. As a whole, these
findings provide study abroad administrators and other agents on-campus with insight into how
first-generation Latino men may be navigating the application process to study abroad.
Administrators that wish to increase the participation rates of first-generation Latino men should
find ways of helping students overcome impediments to their participation. The following
section provides recommendations that administrators can take to address this issue according to
my findings.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 50
Chapter 5: Discussion, Recommendations, and Conclusion
This concluding chapter begins with a discussion of the findings. It then presents a set of
four practical recommendations study abroad offices and other administrators can consider if
they wish to increase the number of first-generation Latino men applying to their programs. My
intent is to provide administrators with simple and economical tangibles that they can sustain on
their campuses. This chapter then moves onto directions for future research on Latino men in
study abroad. Since this research focused on what draws first-generation Latino men to study
abroad and how they surmount obstacles in order to participate (which all occur in the pre-
departure stage of studying abroad), further research should investigate both the on-site and post-
program stages of studying abroad. Lastly, this chapter ends with concluding thoughts that
reiterate the importance of the topic and lessons learned from the research.
Discussion
Newfound sources of trust: la nueva familia.
Saenz and Ponjuan’s (2009) findings that Latino men are strongly influenced by their
peers was corroborated by my research. Exposure and encouragement to study abroad most
commonly came from my participants’ peers in their respective cultural organizations.
Evidently, my participants trusted the peers with whom they could relate. Furthermore,
Franklin’s statement, “growing up, my parents were always right,” demonstrates a trend that also
came up throughout my research, which is that my participants introjected their parents’ values
as facts. Through their introjection of their parents’ values, they placed unmalleable trust in their
families. However, when they arrived to college, my participants sought others in which they
could confide. For example, Eltsuh, Cesar, and Ignacio’s encouragement to study abroad from
their peers in their cultural organizations demonstrates the influence that other Latino men had
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 51
on them. This influence may be the product of the trust that first-generation Latino men place in
each other while in college. As a result of their shared racial and gender identities, my
participants may have viewed their male Latino peers as new family members. Clark et al.
(2013) and Saenz and Ponjuan (2009) clearly state the importance of family to Latinx students, a
concept known as familismo. By joining cultural organizations and fraternities with other Latino
men, my participants may have sought familiarity in an otherwise unfamiliar environment in the
form of a new family. In this sense, cultural centers of trust may shift for first-generation Latino
men as they enter college. Prior to higher education, they may absolutely confide in their
families but once they enter college they identify their peers (specifically other Latino men) as
new sources of trust: la nueva familia.
First-generation students and short-term programs.
According to the programs my participants chose, these first-generation Latino men
appeared to have been drawn to short-term summer programs that were directly related to their
careers. Of the eight participants (two of whom studied abroad twice), 70% of the programs that
they enrolled in took place over the summer (see Table 4).
Table 4: Length of Participants’ Programs
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 52
The strong representation of short-term programs amongst my participants confirms past
research that argues that such programs cater to the needs of first-generation students (Donnely-
Smith, 2010; Mills, Deviney, & Ball, 2010; Sanchez, 2012). Specifically, Mills et al. (2010)
argue that short-term programs “are generally more affordable than longer programs [and] appeal
to students who might not be able or willing to commit to a semester or a year abroad” (pp. 2).
Considering the influence of familismo and commitment to community, it is possible that my
participants were compelled to participate in short-term summer programs so as to evade being
away for long periods of time from their families and friends.
Familismo.
As expected based on the literature (Clark et al., 2013; Crisp et al., 2015; Saenz &
Ponjuan, 2009), the importance of family was clear throughout participant interviews. For
instance, Eltsuh mentioned, “my second year… I took a leave of absence… to stay with family
and help out the family… just to help out with the kids because I have 20 nieces and nephews…
Summer
70%
Semester
30%
Length of Programs
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 53
and I was kind of homesick.” Eltsuh’s statement verifies the concept of familismo that Saenz &
Ponjuan (2009) define as "strong feelings of loyalty, responsibility, and solidarity within the
Latino family unit" (pp. 62).
Financial factors.
In addition to the influence of familismo on my participants that confirms past literature,
my participants also appeared to be influenced by their financial concerns. Participants repeated
that their biggest concern was acquiring funds in order to participate. Clark et al. (2013)
explained that the intersection of Latino men’s race/ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status
influences his enrollment and dropout rate. Although the Clark et al. (2013) study focused on the
effect of socioeconomic status on enrollment and retention, my participants’ consistent
reiteration of their financial concerns when applying to study abroad exposed that their
socioeconomic status also played a role in their decision to study abroad. Since they were from
primarily low-income households, their socioeconomic status proved to be a barrier to their
participation because they did not have anyone to help them fund their study abroad program.
Although past research has found mixed results on the influence of socioeconomic status and
study abroad intent and participation (Hurst, 2018; Luo et al., 2015; Salisbury, 2009; Stroud,
2010), my research found that socioeconomic status indeed played a role for the first-generation
Latino male students in this sample.
Reframing travel to first-generation parents.
As the literature stated, first-generation families who are not acquainted with the concept
of study abroad may not perceive it as valuable and within their frame of an education (Dessoff,
2006; Rhodes et al, 2005). As a result, one way to overcome familismo that my participants
utilized was iterating the value to their families in order to acquaint them with the concept.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 54
Ignacio, for example, had to frame his conversation around professional development with his
family. The career value of studying abroad is often overlooked (Relyea, Cocchiara, Studdard,
2008) – as exemplified by Ignacio’s family. The strategy that Ignacio took to frame study
abroad with respect to his career not only provides a strategy that other first-generation Latino
men may adopt but also one that study abroad administrators can help facilitate.
No connection between major and participation.
From Stroud (2010), Hurst (2018), and Luo et al. (2015), we learn that there is a negative
correlation associated with vocational and professional areas and study abroad participation,
which is significant because Simon et al. (2017) note that those fields have been criticized for
their underrepresentation of womxn. While five of my participants did not major in vocational
or professional areas, three of them in fact did (see Table 6).
Table 5: Participants’ Majors
English
23%
Communications
22%
Ethnic Studies
11%
Community
Development
11%
Economics
11%
Social Welfare
11%
Film & Media
Studies
11%
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 55
My three participants’ decision to major in such areas rendered an inconclusive correlation
between study abroad participation and my sample’s major choice.
No connection between distance of university and hometown.
Literature has stated that attending college away from and not living with family have a
positive correlation with study abroad intent and participation (Hurst, 2018; Lue & Jamieson-
Drake, 2015). However, I was unable to draw this conclusion amongst my first-generation
Latino male participants (see Table 5).
Table 6: Driving Distance (Hours) Between Participant’s Hometown & University
Although six of my participants attended a university that was over two hours driving-distance
away, two other participants attended university within a 30-minutes’ drive. As a result, my
sample could not confirm the findings of Hurst (2018) or Lue and Jamieson-Drake (2015).
Practical Recommendations
Application workshops in cultural organizations.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 56
Study abroad offices should put on application workshops in cultural organizations for
Latino men. Both the literature (Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009) and my research have found that
Latino men are strongly influenced by their male Latino peers. The majority of my research
participants were both exposed and encouraged to study abroad by male Latino peers that they
admired. As Eltsuh mentioned: “My fraternity brothers encouraged me because I had seen that a
variety of them went to different places.” Considering the influence that Latino men can have on
each other, reaching out to them in a space that is made specifically for them could elicit
interest. By reaching out to Latino men through their cultural organizations, study abroad offices
are afforded a comfortability that does not exist elsewhere specifically because the students will
be surrounded by other Latino men. Furthermore, if a junior or senior Latino male student that
younger students admire is present and encouraging then the efficacy of the workshops may be
further pronounced. For this reason, study abroad offices should consider utilizing Latino male
alumnae of their programs to help facilitate.
In these workshops, students can work in pairs to fill out the entire study abroad
application on-site. Ignacio actually applied alongside a peer in his cultural organization and
described the experience as “very helpful” because the logistics of applying would have been
otherwise “more burdensome.” Moreover, Ignacio continued to say, “...probably, I mean, I don’t
know if [not having a peer to apply with] would have discouraged me or not, but um, it wouldn’t
have been as easy.” By saying he may have been discouraged to apply if he had not applied with
a peer or been encouraged by an upperclassman, Ignacio highlights two things: 1) the trust that
Latino men place in their peers and 2) the influential role that they play in each other’s decision
to study abroad. Considering the influence that male Latino peers have on each other,
application workshops in cultural organizations that utilize a buddy-system would be a great way
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 57
to simplify the process in a comfortable way that increases the applications of first-generation
Latino men to study abroad.
Information sheet for families.
Study abroad offices should create an information sheet on the concept of studying
abroad that first-generation students can take home, learn from, and share with their
families. Since my participants were first-generation, their families had not heard of studying
abroad before. As a result, my research participants reported to me that their families associated
traveling only with vacation and fun, which made convincing them that studying abroad was
different a difficult accomplishment. Ignacio, for example, had to frame his conversation with
his family around professional development. He specifically explained to them how studying
abroad would be an opportunity to help advance his career. Otherwise, it would be difficult to
make a case as to why he was studying abroad and spending more money as opposed to helping
family or working towards a career. Ignacio stated: “It couldn't be all fun; it had to serve a work
purpose.” Rather than leaving students to handle this hindrance themselves, the information
sheet can help them frame their conversations with their families. It should explain not only the
academic value of participating but also the professional and personal development that can
occur.
The information sheet should also include personal safety protocols that students can take
as well as safety policies that the school and programs have in place. Many participants
mentioned that much of their family’s preoccupations with them studying abroad stemmed from
safety concerns. As a result, they reviewed both personal and program safety protocols with
their parents. Rather than placing this burden on the students, study abroad offices can absorb
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 58
this burden by creating an information sheet that explains how students can remain safe and
protocols that the office has in place to maintain student safety.
Having the sheet on-hand would also augment the confidence of first-generation students
when speaking with their parents. If the students know exactly how to frame their conversation
about studying abroad with their family as it regards safety and value, then they will be able to
articulate the otherwise hardly conceivable concept of studying abroad to family members have
not heard of it before.
Short-term service-oriented programs with professional development.
According to the programs that my participants chose, Latino men seem to be drawn to
short-term summer programs that are directly related to the progress of their careers and/or that
include community service. Although my participants did not mention that they chose service-
oriented programs because of the element of community service included, their demonstrated
commitment to community may have influenced their decision to enroll in those particular
programs. In contrast, many of my participants mentioned that they valued their study abroad
programs specifically because of the direct correlation that they could see with their career
trajectories. Additionally, the majority of the programs (70%) were short-term summer
programs. Since my participants were drawn to these particular types of programs, I recommend
that one way to augment the participation rates of first-generation Latino men on campuses is to
increase the number of short-term summer programs that include professional development
and/or community service. This recommendation parallels that of past research, which suggests
that short-term programs most appeal to first-generation students (Mills et al., 2010) and that
career-oriented programs can benefit participants when applying for jobs (Relyea et al., 2008). If
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 59
study abroad offices can offer more of these programs, or market the ones that they have in these
fashions, then they may intrigue more first-generation male Latino students.
Cost transparency
Study abroad offices need to be as transparent about costs that students will incur by
participating in their study abroad programs. Many of my participants reported that in addition
to being worried about how to pay for their programs, another financial concern was knowing
exactly how much it was going to cost them. Eltsuh, for example, repeatedly mentioned that he
kept receiving a “ballpark” range from his study abroad office. While exact costs cannot be
given due to fluctuating currency exchanges and estimates from third parties, study abroad
offices can provide students with an estimate and also a predicted maximum amount of program
costs that students will incur. For example, if the estimate of a summer program is around
$8,000, then offices can tell students that the maximum amount that they predict the program
could reach would be $9,000 although it is likely to cost closer to $8,000. This way, students can
budget for an $8,000 program cost and acquire peace of mind knowing that it likely will not
reach over $9,000. $1,000 is a large sum of money, especially for low-income students.
Nevertheless, having a predicted maximum may, at least partially, ease students’ financial
concerns that stem from consistently receiving “ballpark” ranges.
Future Research
On-program and post-program experiences of first-generation Latino men.
My research focused specifically on what compels first-generation Latino men to study
abroad as well as how these students overcome obstacles to their participation. Therefore, all of
my conversations with the participants revolved around pre-departure aspects of their study
abroad experiences. Although literature is still insufficient in this area and I yearn for more
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 60
research on it, further research could also explore outcomes of participation for first-generation
Latino male students as well as how they are engaging with their experiences abroad. According
to the Anti-Deficit Achievement Framework (Harper et al., n.d.), more work could be completed
along the College Achievement and Post-College Success periods (Appendix A) of a Latino
man’s experience with study abroad. For example, research that investigates these periods could
ask the following questions:
In what ways are Latino men engaging with their experiences while abroad?
How are there levels of engagement affecting their outcomes?
What outcomes are Latino men receiving from studying abroad?
Assessment of collaboration between study abroad offices and cultural
organizations.
Should study abroad offices heed my recommendation to put on application workshops in
cultural organizations, then a proper assessment of the efficacy of that collaboration should be
implemented as a form of in-office research. Study abroad offices can evaluate the efficacy of
their collaboration by monitoring the number first-generation male Latino student applications
and participation rates. Additionally, the offices should evaluate, via a survey, the satisfaction
that their students felt throughout the application process and workshops themselves. By
considering the amount of applicants and participants as well as the amount of satisfaction that
first-generation Latino men felt throughout the process, offices will successfully quantitatively
and qualitatively assess the success of their collaboration efforts.
More in-depth exploration of machismo.
Gender norms state that men should be: strong and independent; successful and support
their families; and avoid feminine activities altogether (Brannon, 1976). These gender norms
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 61
inhibit men’s participation rates in study abroad because they are more interested in pursuing
profit-oriented opportunities and avoiding activities that womxn dominate (Lucas, 2009; Stroud,
2010; Thirolf, 2014; Tompkins et al, 2017). This “boy code,” interpreted as machismo through a
culturally infused lens, is a set of norms that our society projects on Latino men which
encourages them to act a certain way (Clark, M. A. et al., 2013; Saenz, V. B. & Ponjuan L.,
2009).
Although machismo has been researched to influence Latino men, it seldom surfaced in
my research. Therefore, I yearn for more profound research on the effect of machismo
throughout the first-generation Latino man’s study abroad experience is necessary. In my
research, machismo came up as my participants talked about their felt obligation to financially
support their families and as my participants reported being intrigued by programs specifically
with professional development opportunities. While I recognize the role of machismo in these
decisions, more research can investigate the how machismo affects the experiences of Latino
men while abroad. For example, research that explores machismo on a more profound level can
ask the following question:
How are Latino men navigating their study abroad cohorts of predominantly wealthy,
white, femxle peers?
Research that answers the previous question could better prepare male Latino students for life
abroad.
Conclusion
Study abroad has been identified has a High-Impact Practice (HIP) (Kuh et al., 2017). As
of now, Latinx students comprise only about 10% of the national study abroad cohort (Institute
of International Education, 2017) yet they comprise about 20% of the national student population
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 62
(National Center for Education Statistics, 2018). Due to the researched benefits of HIPs (Kuh et
al., 2017), it is paramount that institutions increase access to study abroad so that racially
minoritized students, including first-generation Latino men, can acquire the same opportunities
that other students on campus are.
In addition to the lack of representation of both men and Latinx students (Institute of
International Education, 2017) in study abroad, there is also minimal research specifically on
Latino men in study abroad (Gutierrez, D., 2009) and none on first-generation Latino men. In
order to fill a portion of this gap in the research, my research explored the experiences first-
generation Latino men throughout the study abroad application process. In doing so, my study
has simultaneously examined issues of gender and race within the Latinx category rather than
approaching the two phenomena separately, as past research has done (Stroud, 2010; Doyle et
al., 2012; Luo et al., 2015; Salisbury, Paulsen, & Pascarella, 2010; Tompkins, Cook, Miller, &
LePau, 2017; Twombly, Salisbury, Tumanut, & Klute, 2012; Thirolf et al., 2014; Hurst, 2018;
Lucas, 2009). Specifically, I investigated the reasons that first-generation Latino-men were
intrigued to study abroad, identified obstacles that could have inhibited their participation, and
distinguished ways that they have overcome said obstacles. By intentionally focusing on first-
generation Latino men who had participated in study abroad – rather than limiting my focus to
those who had not participated – my study identified important factors contributing to the
participation of minoritized and marginalized students in this High Impact Practice.
My research found that my participants were strongly influenced by their male Latino
peers. My participants were both exposed and encouraged to participate through older male
Latino peers that they admired on campus, most of whom they had met through a cultural
organization or fraternity. My participants also strongly felt a sense of loyalty to their families,
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 63
which became something that they needed to address prior to departing. As first generation
students, their parents were unaware of the concept of studying abroad and previously associated
traveling with only vacation, fun, and relaxation. As a result, they preferred their boys to stay
home, be with family, and contribute financially. Additionally, my participants also felt a strong
commitment to their communities both back home and on-campus, which became something that
they needed to address prior to departure. Students felt that studying abroad was "selfish"
because they were "abandoning" the on-campus cultural organizations that they were leading as
well as the hometowns that they were from. Machismo played a role in their decision to
participate. For example, my participants were drawn to programs that included professional
development or were service-oriented. Because of their commitment to community, I believe
that the students who chose service-oriented programs did so because they felt that they would
still be giving back abroad while also doing something "for themselves." Other students that
chose programs with internships did so because they discerned a direct relation to their
professional development while studying abroad.
As a result of these findings, I recommend that study abroad offices put on application
workshops in cultural organizations for Latino men. In these workshops, students can work in
pairs to fill out the entire study abroad application on-site. Considering the influence that male
Latino peers have on each other, this would be a great way to simplify the process and increase
the applications of Latino men on your campus. Study abroad offices should also create an
information sheet on the concept of studying abroad that first-generation students can take home,
learn from, and share with their families. The information sheet can explain not only the
academic value of participating but also the professional and personal development that can
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 64
occur. It should also include personal safety protocols that students can take as well as safety
policies that the school and programs have in place.
Existing research demonstrates the impact that study abroad can have on its participants
(Kuh et al., 2017) as well as the fact that both men and Latinx students are disproportionately
misrepresented in this High Impact Practice (Kuh et al., 2017). By uncovering factors of
participation for first-generation Latino men as well as methods to surmount obstacles along the
way, my research has divulged strategies that study abroad administrators and other agents on
campus can take to diversify their study abroad cohorts. Although my research is not
generalizable due its limited sample size, it nevertheless provides insight into the experiences of
first-generation Latino men when applying to study abroad. My findings provide practical
interventions for improving the participation rates of first-generation Latino men in study abroad.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 65
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Appendix A: Anti-Deficit Theoretical Framework (Harper et al, n.d.)
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 74
Appendix B: Interview Protocol
1. Tell me about how you studied abroad…
2. Tell me about the first time you thought about studying abroad…
a. What inspired you to study abroad?
b. Where did your interest in study abroad spring from?
c. Who was the most encouraging person when you told them you wanted to
participate?
d. Who was the least encouraging?
i. Friends? Counselors? Advisors? Parents?
3. What worries did you have when applying?
a. What preoccupations did you have before departing?
i. How were those preoccupations alleviated?
1. Professors? Advisors? Peers?
4. What was the general atmosphere around studying abroad at your undergraduate
institution?
5. How many of your friends studied abroad?
a. What discussion did you have with them regarding studying abroad?
6. What are your family dynamics like?
a. How close are you with your family?
7. What things were you involved with as an undergraduate student?
a. What resources did you take advantage of as an undergraduate?
b. What clubs and organizations did you participate in?
8. Talk me through the decision about where you chose to study abroad…
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 75
a. Did you speak Spanish before studying abroad? Was that an influence on where
you chose to study abroad?
9. Did you find locals welcoming?
a. How frequently did you interact with them?
b. How else did you get involved in the local culture?
c. How much do you feel you picked up the language?
10. Tell me about a time you wanted to come home…
a. What challenges did you face while studying abroad?
i. How did you overcome them?
11. As an undergraduate student, did you intend to become a graduate student? How did that
have an effect on your study abroad intentions?
12. How has study abroad affected your life since? /How has study abroad enriched your life
post-college?
a. Tell me about something that has happened that reminded you of when you
studied abroad.
b. How were your grades before and after participating?
c. How much do you feel studying abroad correlated with your university degree?
d. How much do you feel studying abroad helped your post-college life?
i. What did you gain from studying abroad that is relevant today?
ii. How do you perceive your cultural competency compared with others?
iii. Describe your engagement in politics…
iv. What is the difference between people who do and do not study abroad?
13. What does it mean to be a man?
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 76
a. What does it mean to be a Latino man?
b. How many men were on your program? How was it to be one of the only Latino
men?
c. How did you negotiate being the only (or one of the only) Latino man in your
program?
14. Why do you think more womxn study abroad than men?
15. Why do you think so few Latinx students study abroad?
16. Why do you think, specifically, Latino men study abroad at such low rates?
17. Would you encourage others to study abroad?
a. What things would you tell them to consider?
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 77
Appendix C: Participant Intake Form
1. Which U.S. university (within the U.S.) were you attending when you studied abroad?
2. How long of a drive or flight is your hometown from the U.S. university (within the U.S.)
that you were attending when you studied abroad? (By "hometown", I am referring to the
city that you were living in just before attending college)
3. What was your major?
4. If you can remember or quickly look it up, what was your overall GPA prior to studying
abroad?
5. On a scale of 1-10, how much do you like the U.S. university (within the U.S.) that you
were attending when you studied abroad?
6. List all organizations, clubs, jobs, sports, or anything else you were involved with while
in college.
7. If you can remember or quickly look it up, what was your high school GPA?
8. List all organizations, clubs, jobs, sports, or anything else you were involved with at your
high school.
9. Select the range of your family's income in USD per year:
10. Has anyone, that is older than you, in your family attended college?
11. On a scale of 1-10, how much of a financial responsibility do you feel to your family?
12. On a scale of 1-10, how much do you desire to learn about other cultures?
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 78
Appendix D: Consent Form
Study Title: Study Abroad: ¿Dónde están todos los hombres latinos?
Researcher: Daniel A. Garcia, M. Ed. Candidate; University of Southern California
This is a consent form for participation in research. Herein lies information regarding the
purpose of the study, how you will contribute, how I will store your information, and risks
for you to consider. Feel free to ask me any questions and discuss this document with
anyone you would like to before signing it.
1. What is the purpose of this study?
The large majority of study abroad participants are white femxle students from high
socioeconomic backgrounds. In fact, men make up about 33% of the annual study
abroad cohort and Latinx students have never composed more than 10%. Much
attention has been paid to the gender disparity in study abroad research.
Separately, much attention has also been paid to the experience of Latino men
throughout the education pipeline. No previous research has examined the two
phenomena simultaneously. The purpose of this research is to fill that gap by by
studying factors that may be enabling Latino men to successfully participate in
study abroad as well as measure the outcome(s) of their participation.
2. Why was I chosen and what benefits can I expect?
You were selected to participate in this study as a result of your successful
participation in study abroad despite the well-researched limiting factors to the
experience of Latino men throughout education. Because you have studied abroad,
you have had an experience that I can draw conclusions from that will hopefully
enable other Latino men to participate in the future. While I am interested in
recognizing some of the obstacles that you overcame, I am much more interested in
hearing how you overcame them, who encouraged you to study abroad, and what
other interventions occurred that compelled you to participate. In addition, I am
also interested in hearing about your experience and how it affected the remainder
of your undergraduate career and life thereafter. By participating, you are
providing me with an invaluable experience that may enable other members of our
community in the future.
3. How many people will take part in this study?
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 79
Approximately 6 students. At the end of the study, if you would like to recommend
somebody who may be interested in participating then please share their contact
information with me.
4. What will I have to do?
After this 45-60-minute interview, you will be asked to return for one follow-up
interview and subsequently to fill out a brief survey that may take 10-15 minutes.
This initial interview is meant for you to take me through everything that led up to
your participation in study abroad, the study abroad experience itself, and how the
experience has affected your life since. In the follow-up interview (approximately
20-30 minutes), I will share themes, that I will have found across the interviews,
with you and ask you for your thoughts on them. The final survey is a space for you
to provide me with any thoughts that may surface since our final meeting as well as
to collect background information. I encourage you to e-mail me anytime as you
generate thoughts outside of our interviews that are relevant to my study. As is
your participation in every step of this study, all background information is also
voluntary.
5. Can I stop being in the study?
Your participation in this study is voluntary. Even after beginning, you reserve the
right to withdraw at any moment. Your withdrawing will not affect your
relationship with the University of Southern California – neither your student status
nor your employment status should you be an employee. I will not hold any
prejudice against you should you choose to withdraw. I thank you for any
participation your willing to provide me with.
6. What risks am I taking and how will they be minimized?
The only risk involved with participation in this study is the disclosure of your
personal information. To minimize this risk, your data will be securely stored. All
information collected will be de-identified and any notes, transcriptions, and the
final report will include pseudonyms to ensure that no information can be traced
back to you. If you prefer a specific pseudonym, please let me know verbally.
7. Will audio recordings be made of me during the study?
Yes, both interviews will be recorded (only if you check the box below) and
transcribed in order to ensure the accuracy of your responses. All recordings and
transcriptions will be de-identified and include pseudonyms. Their use will only be
for this study and not distributed elsewhere.
o I give my permission for audio recordings to be made of me during my
participation in this research study.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 80
8. What happens if I am injured as a result of my participation?
It is not anticipated that you will be injured in any way as a result of participating in
this study. Nonetheless, if you suffer an injury from participating then I recommend
that you seek treatment. The study has no funds to assist you with the payment of
treatment expenses but, as mentioned, it is not suspected that you will incur any
injury.
9. Who is my point of contact?
For any questions, concerns, comments, or complaints you may contact Daniel
Anthony Garcia at garc456@usc.edu.
For questions about your rights as a participant in this study or to discuss other
study-related concerns or complaints with someone who is not part of the research
team, you may contact the Office for the Protection of Research Subjects at (213)
821-1154 or via e-mail at oprs@usc.edu.
If you are injured as a result of participating in this study or for questions about a
study-related injury, you may contact Daniel Anthony Garcia at garc456@usc.edu.
¿DÓNDE ESTÁN LOS HOMBRES LATINOS? 81
Signing the Consent Form
I have read (or someone has read to me) this form, and I understand what my participation
entails. I understand that I am voluntarily participating and that I can withdraw at any
moment without prejudice or penalty. I have had the opportunity to ask questions and
have had them answered to my satisfaction.
I am not giving up any legal rights by signing this form. I will be given a copy of this form.
Printed Name of Participant Signature of Participant
a.m. / p.m.
Date and Time
Researcher
I have explained the research to the participant prior to requesting the participant’s
signature. All details have been iterated and questions have been answered. I will give a
copy of this form to the participant immediately after all signatures are filled in.
Printed Name of Researcher Signature of Researcher
a.m. / p.m.
Date and Time
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
The lack of representation of first-generation Latinx students within the study abroad cohort limits their acquisition of the potential benefits of this high impact practice (HIP) (i.e. campus internationalization, global citizenship, and fostering a community around high impact practices). There is ample literature on the gender disparity in study abroad as well as on the Latino man’s experience throughout the education pipeline. However, there is minimal literature on the Latino man’s experience within study abroad. My research contributes to the existing literature on Latino men in study abroad by considering the experiences of first-generation Latino men. Specifically, I interviewed a group of first-generation Latino men who had successfully studied abroad. I present findings on common barriers that my sample overcame as well as replicable methods that they utilized in order to participate. Ultimately, I provide study abroad administrators with ideas, suggestions, and tools on how to more adequately serve this population. Considering the benefits of HIPS, institutions should foster a learning environment that centers around them, including study abroad. With regard to study abroad specifically, it is paramount that institutions increase access and participation generally and for racially minoritized students in particular, including first-generation Latino men.
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Garcia, Daniel Anthony
(author)
Core Title
¿Dónde están todos los hombres latinos? A qualitative exploration of barriers to and enablers of participation in study abroad for first-generation Latino male college students
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Master of Education
Degree Program
Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs
Publication Date
08/01/2019
Defense Date
04/18/2019
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
abroad,anti-deficit,anti-deficit achievement framework,Barriers,education abroad,enablers,first generation,first-generation,Latino,Latino men,Latinx,men,OAI-PMH Harvest,study abroad,underrepresented,under-represented
Format
application/pdf
(imt)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Davis, Charles H. F., III (
committee chair
), Ahmadi, Shafiqa (
committee member
), Kogasaka, Lindsey Sasaki (
committee member
)
Creator Email
dgarcia8771@gmail.com,garc456@usc.edu
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-203547
Unique identifier
UC11662928
Identifier
etd-GarciaDani-7719.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-203547 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-GarciaDani-7719.pdf
Dmrecord
203547
Document Type
Thesis
Format
application/pdf (imt)
Rights
Garcia, Daniel Anthony
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Tags
abroad
anti-deficit
anti-deficit achievement framework
education abroad
enablers
first generation
first-generation
Latino
Latino men
Latinx
study abroad
underrepresented
under-represented