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Unapologetically me: a narrative analysis on Black queer students’ authenticity and well-being at predominantly White institutions

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Unapologetically me: a narrative analysis on Black queer students’ authenticity and well-being at predominantly White institutions

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Unapologetically Me: A Narrative Analysis on Black Queer Students’ Authenticity and Well-
Being at Predominantly White Institutions
by
Edwin Eugene Walker

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

December 2020

© Copyright by Edwin Eugene Walker 2020
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Edwin Eugene Walker certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Rebekah Blonshine
Patricia Tobey
Briana Hinga, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2020

iv

Abstract
The present study is a qualitative inquiry concerning how eight Black queer students attending
predominantly White institutions in Southern California perceived, negotiated, resisted, and
overcame racism and homophobia while finding social support in their well-being. This study
analyzed the interviews of Black queer students enrolled in college to illuminate their
experiences and coping strategies in managing racism and homophobia, whether experienced
overtly or covertly. The perceived usefulness of these strategies and the impact on their well-
being were also investigated. These experiences expand knowledge and inform others of the
discriminatory acts encountered by Black queer students at predominantly White institutions.
Data analysis was conducted using methods congruent with narrative inquiry. The major sources
of raw data were the transcripts from the recorded stories and the notes taken from each
participant interview. Through the coding process, I employed deductive coding with the use of
the theoretical frameworks as well as a priori codes such as “identity development,”
“experienced racism and homophobia,” and “social support.” Three major findings emerged:
participants’ exploration of their self-identities, their responses to their experiences of racism and
homophobia, and their social support. In addition to the findings, implications for practice and
research were considered.

v
Dedication
To my mother, Janice Walker. Mom, you have always told us to be someone. Life is not about
materialistic things or what you have. Life is about who you can be. You told us to make sure
that we make a mark on this world, just as you have. You have always been my greatest
motivation and I have been determined to be as great as you were. You fought hard to make sure
that your children had the best education. Keeping your picture by my computer as I wrote this
dissertation was a reminder of your teaching that I can do all things I set my mind to. Your
career as an educator impacted my interest in the field. Your plans for getting your doctorate
degree set the bar high for me. I did not only do this for me, but I did this for you, and I know
that I did this with you. Thank you for keeping me grounded. Thank you for keeping me close
to God and thank you for your life teachings, which will forever be entrenched in my soul. Rest
in peace, mom. I love you.

vi
Acknowledgements
I would like to first give praise and thanks to my Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ, for
providing me with the strength and mental capacity to complete my dissertation. There were
countless days when I wanted to give up, but it was Him who guided me through this process.
As I reflect on my life’s journey, I think of all the people and experiences that have
brought me to this point in life. I faced many challenges and obstacles throughout my tenure as a
doctoral student, but it was those exact moments and individuals who taught me that no obstacle
is too great, and no challenge is too difficult. I am blessed to have had a strong support system
of family, friends, colleagues, and peers who continued to inspire and encourage me.
Thank you to my family. My dad, brother, sister, and grandparents. You all have been
my greatest advocates. You mean the world to me and have supported me the best way you all
know how. You have shown me that I can achieve anything with the love and support of an
encouraging family.
I would like to send a heartfelt thank you to my committee members, Dr. Briana Hinga,
Dr. Patricia Tobey, and Dr. Rebekah Blonshine. You all have taken your time with me and have
shown me that the culmination of this work was possible. Thank you for sharing your wisdom,
expertise, and guidance. I could not have chosen a better committee who is committed to the
topic of this dissertation. You all have challenged me in ways that sparked my growth as a
researcher, student, and professional.
To my cohort members, Vanessa, Dom, SoSo, Branden, Monida, Mariana, and Ryan, I
do not know what I would have done without you guys. The occasional random texts of
motivation and checking in are what allowed me to move forward and stay focused. Words
cannot describe the depth of my gratitude for the camaraderie you have shown me.

vii
To all the participants, thank you for trusting me to share your truths and your stories.
Your stories will be used to inspire others to be their authentic selves, just as you are.
Last, I would like to thank my partner, Michael. Thank you for the love, patience, and
care you have gifted me through this process. You have made even the thought of writing much
easier. Thank you for brainstorming with me and providing valuable advice. Thank you for
hugging me and encouraging me to keep going. Thank you for celebrating my small and big
victories. Your being able to handle me during this phase in our life makes me feel much more
confident that you can handle me at any chapter, and I cannot wait to experience life with you.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 3
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 4
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 5
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................... 6
Definition of Key Terms ..................................................................................................... 7
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................... 9
Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................................... 9
Theory of Change ............................................................................................................. 15
Black Identity .................................................................................................................... 16
Gay Identity ...................................................................................................................... 25
Intersectionality................................................................................................................. 31
Social and Psychological Stress ........................................................................................ 38
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 42
Chapter Three: Methods ............................................................................................................... 43
Settings .............................................................................................................................. 44
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 45

ix
Data Collection and Instruments/Protocols ...................................................................... 46
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 48
Limitations and Delimitations ........................................................................................... 49
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 50
Positionality ...................................................................................................................... 50
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 51
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 52
Participant Narratives........................................................................................................ 52
Review of Major Themes.................................................................................................. 74
Exploration of Identity ...................................................................................................... 75
Disclosure of Sexual Identity ............................................................................................ 80
Racism and Homophobia at PWI’s ................................................................................... 82
Social Support ................................................................................................................... 85
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 89
Findings............................................................................................................................. 90
Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 98
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................. 100
Recommendations for Research ..................................................................................... 103
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 104
References ................................................................................................................................... 106
Appendix A: Demographic Questions ........................................................................................ 127

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Model of Theoretical Frameworks ..............................................................15

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Chapter One: Overview of the Study
There has been increased attention, acceptance, and visibility of various minoritized
groups in America in recent years. Unfortunately, various forms of discrimination and
marginalization of those individuals still exist today, seen through policy, curriculum, social
engagement, and even within the same communities. This is an issue affecting our most
vulnerable groups, such as people of color, LGBTQ individuals, and women. Despite the
increasing successes and progression toward Black people’s equality in America, Blacks are
constantly regarded as one of society’s most victimized groups (Knox, Fagley, & Miller, 2004).
Black Americans are five times more likely to report being personally discriminated against
because of their race than White Americans (Reid, 2000).
Regarding America’s acceptance of LGBTQ individuals, sadly, many of the states in the
country do not have explicit laws that prohibit discrimination in employment, housing, and
public accommodations for LGBTQ individuals (Davis & Wertz, 2010). However, while
various activist groups fight against LGBTQ communities’ injustices, some gay rights
organizations continue to discriminate against the members who belong to those groups
(Bennett-Smith, 2013). For example, the Human Rights Campaign is one of the largest
organizations working to eradicate inequalities against LGBTQ individuals. While many of its
efforts have been made to promote this population’s civil rights, the organization has been
criticized for concentrating on this one issue while legitimizing racism (Johnson, 2011). The gay
rights movement is seen as a “White” movement that fails to challenge and combat power
systems regarding race and class (Moraga, 2009). Moreover, homophobia and heterosexism are
prevalent in Black communities, such as churches and hip hop (McCune, 2014).
2

The juxtaposition of these minoritized identities (Black and queer) creates even greater
challenges for those who belong to them, while the interplay of discrimination has an increased
impact on their physical health and well-being. How do individuals with multiple minoritized
identities deal with their oppression and persist through life to overcome these obstacles? More
specifically, how do Black queer individuals who choose to attend predominately White
institutions confront these challenges on campus? This study intended to explore the perceptions
of Black queer students of racial and sexual orientation discrimination within higher education at
predominately White institutions while examining how they attended to their own well-being.
Background of the Problem
Historically, Black students have been oppressed by society (Washington & Wall, 2006).
Black queer students face an even larger problem due to their race and sexual orientation
(Guyton & McGaskey, 2012). They find themselves dealing with oppression related to their
identities, which historically have been silenced (Collins, 2004). There is a dearth of literature
focusing on Black queer students’ experiences of racism and homophobia at predominantly
White institutions (PWIs) and how they respond to the life challenges that racism and
homophobia present; therefore, this study is important. Black queer students have been
portrayed as criminals, aggressive, confrontational, hypersexual, and even uneducated (Celious
& Oyserman, 2001; Washington & Wall, 2006). In higher education, negative portrayals of
Black queer students often led to students feeling unappreciated and silenced (Strayhorn, 2009),
leading to various forms of stress (Meyer, 2003). Regarding Black queer students’ perceptions
of their race on PWI campuses, they reported feeling unwelcome (Smith, Allen, & Danley,
2007), feeling like outsiders (Smith et al., 2007), and being made to feel as if they were
uneducated (Strayhorn, 2009). Black queer students revealed they were viewed as child
3

molesters (Carbado, 2002) and transmitters of HIV/AIDS (Carbado, 2002). Lesbian and gay
students have often struggled to feel accepted on campus and unable to be their authentic selves
(Rhoads, 1994). These experiences have led Black queer students to encounter social and
psychological stressors, such as internalized racism (Greene, 1994), internalized homonegativity
(Díaz, Ayala, Bein, Henne, & Marin, 2001), lower levels of self-esteem (Fernandez, Mutran, &
Reitzes, 1998), and higher levels of stress (Meyer, 2003).
Unfortunately, Black queer students have been discriminated against by dominant groups
and their Black peers and White queer peers. The intersection of their identities for Black queer
students merges at their PWI, and they are tasked with needing to choose between their Black
identities or their sexual identities (Washington & Wall, 2006). Discrimination has occurred in
the forms of blatant biases, microaggressions, and even institutional racialism at institutions of
higher education (Harper & Quaye, 2009). Black queer students often feel that they do not have
the support system from their Black peers who can provide the assistance that will help them
persist on their campuses (Goode-Cross & Good, 2009), and they also believe that they do not fit
in with the dominant White queer students on their campuses (Goode-Cross & Good, 2009;
Rhoads, 1994). Additionally, Black queer students have faced discrimination from their White
queer counterparts (Goode-Cross & Good, 2009). Scholarship focusing on the racial and sexual
orientation discrimination Black queer students experience and their coping responses to their
stresses of these encounters is greatly needed.
Statement of the Problem
College has been commonly known for higher learning, peer interactions, new
experiences, and even an opportunity to become involved in various aspects of campus life.
Additionally, college prepares students to become independent thinkers and create a foundation
4

of self-awareness while supporting students’ development. Colleges are also known to be a
place that is welcoming and supportive of their student body, and students are to feel safe and
accepted. Unfortunately, these positive experiences are not the same for all populations on PWI
campuses. According to a growing amount of research, it has become apparent that many
inequalities in higher education and society at large marginalizes women, people of color, and
individuals who identify as LGBTQ (Sue et al., 2007). Black queer students face multiple forms
of oppression and may experience seclusion and invisibility on their PWI campuses, leading to
stress related to depression, substance abuse, and even suicide (Balsam, Beauchaine, Mickey, &
Rothblum, 2005).
Black queer students are a distinctive subgroup of the mainstream culture with their own
social and political identity. They experience an unreasonable amount of stress related to
homophobia, heterosexism, and racism while receiving inadequate support while attending their
PWIs. Black queer students bring the challenges of their identities to college campuses and tend
to find a climate that is unreceptive to their sexual orientation (D’Augelli, 1992) and race
(Washington & Wall, 2006). Given the inequities they experience at their PWIs, it is critical to
understand how Black queer students cope and persist while finding social support to heal from
the discrimination they face.
Purpose of the Study
The present study is a qualitative inquiry into how Black queer students who attend PWIs
in Southern California perceive, negotiate, resist, and overcome racism and homophobia from
their counterparts while finding social support in their well-being. People of color and those in
the LGBTQ community are a visibly distinct growing population denied recognition and
appreciation (Reynolds & Pope, 1991). This neglected area of research hopes to positively
5

consider this group by examining how Black queer students utilize techniques to cope with their
marginalized experiences while highlighting their resiliency.
This study analyzed interviews of Black queer students enrolled in college to illuminate
their experiences and coping strategies in managing racism and homophobia, whether
experienced overtly or covertly. The perceived usefulness of these strategies and the impact on
their well-being was also investigated. These experiences expand knowledge and inform others
of the discriminatory acts encountered by Black queer students at PWIs. This study focused on
the following questions:
1. What are Black queer students’ experiences with racism and homophobia at PWIs?
2. How do Black queer students cope with the racism and homophobia they experience at
their PWIs?
Significance of the Study
This study explored the stories, successes, and struggles of Black queer students at PWIs.
This study is important because there is limited research on Black queer students’ experiences at
PWIs and scarce information on how they deal with oppression. Exploring this population’s
narratives provides a voice to those who remain in the darkness of higher education literature.
Scholars have discussed how Black queer students struggle with fitting into the Black
communities as well as the White communities and even the White LGBTQ communities at
PWIs (Goode-Cross & Good, 2009), but have not explored ways in how they negotiate and
overcome discrimination in those communities and attend to their psychological and social well-
being. This study documented how Black queer students respond to the stress of racism and
homophobia while contributing to our understanding of the factors that promote and hinder
resilience in how Black queer students deal with the distress of racism and homophobia. This
6

study has the potential to educate communities on how to understand the challenges of Black
queer students’ experiences of oppression.
This research has a great deal of relevance for higher education professionals concerned
with social justice and inclusivity on their campuses. Considering the critical issues involved in
Black queer students’ identity development is critical to understanding how this process differs
for this population than the rest of the student body. Much of the focus of services and support
for lesbian and gay students on campus has largely centered on White students (Rowe, 2001),
limiting the scope of services to students of other races. The experiences of minoritized Black
queer students need to be supported in dealing with homophobia and racism-related stress.
Higher education professionals must be aware of the social factors that influence, empower, or
disempower those who must navigate multiple identities in a society and environment that does
not fully accept them. A knowledge base must be developed to inform policy, practice, and
research at PWIs by focusing on Black queer students’ stories with consideration of how they
cope with racism and homophobia.
Organization of the Study
This dissertation is organized into five chapters, beginning with Chapter 1 as the
introduction and background of the problem under investigation. Chapter 2 provides a review of
the related research, theory, and professional literature on multiple-minority stressors of racism
and heterosexism. This chapter highlights the experiences of the intersectional discriminations
faced by Black queer people in society regarding their history and identity development and the
social and psychological impacts of racism and homophobia they endure. The theoretical
framework that guides this study of critical race theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001), queer crit
theory (Misawa, 2012), and minority stress theory (Meyer, 2003) is also explored in Chapter 2,
7

as it presents an integrated framework in comprehending the multidimensional nature of
injustices experienced by Black queer students. Chapter 3 describes the explanation of the
methodology for data collection and the research design used. Chapter 4 presents the findings of
the study with the inclusion of the narratives of the participants. Chapter 5 concludes with a
discussion of the findings while exploring implications for future research, theory, and practice
in higher education.
Definition of Key Terms
The following are definitions of key terms found in this study.
• Androsexuality is the attraction to masculine features, regardless of gender (Rubin, 2006).
• Bisexuality involves an attraction to, or behaviors with, both men and women (Hayfield,
2020).
• Cisgender is a word used to describe individuals whose gender identity matches the
expected norms for his or her sex (for example, a masculine gender identity and male
sex). The prefix “cis” means aligned with or on the same side of. Cisgender, then,
means a gender identity aligned with one’s ascribed sex (i.e. non-transgender
individuals). (Shapiro, 2011, p. 58)
• Gay is a term related to the sexual orientation of men and women that describes someone
who is “emotionally and sexually attracted to the same gender” (Health Education
Center, 2020), para. 20).
• Gender roles is “a term for the social roles that a society designates to men and women
(Dulin, 2007, p. 105).
• Heterosexism is “a belief system that values heterosexuality as superior to and/or more
‘natural’ than homosexuality” (Morin, 1977, p. 629).
8

• Homophobia broadly defined is characterized by “dislike or hatred toward homosexuals,
including both cultural and personal biases against homosexuals” (Sullivan, 2004, p. 2).
• Homosexuality is the emotional, sexual, and/or physical attraction to someone of the
same gender (Jagose, 1996).
• Intersectionality is the interconnectedness of social categories (i.e., gender, race, class,
and sexual orientation), politics, and social structures (e.g., racism, homophobia,
heterosexism) to shape the lives of individuals. Intersectionality highlights how
individuals can belong to multiple identity groups with conflicting political agendas,
which can often silence their voices (Crenshaw, 1989).
• Lesbian is a term used to describe “one’s social and/or personal identity in terms of
preference for sexual activity with a particular gender” (Ponse, 1978, p. 27).
• Minority stress is defined as chronic stress faced by members of minoritized groups.
Minority stress is caused “by external, objective events and conditions, expectations of
such events, the internalization of societal attitudes, and/or concealment of one’s sexual
orientation” (Health Education Center, 2020), para. 41).
• Non-binary is “an umbrella term for any gender (or lack of gender) that would not be
adequately represented by an either/or choice between ‘man’ or ‘woman’” (Titman, 2014,
para 2).
• Pansexuality refers to the desirability to all genders across the gender spectrum, or
“regardless of gender” (Gonel, 2013, pp. 36-37).
• Transmen are “individuals who were born as a biological female but changed their sex or
gender after birth through social or medical means” (Shapiro, 2011, p. 19).
9

Chapter Two: Literature Review
The literature review begins with the guiding theoretical framework of critical race theory
(CRT; Delgado & Stefancic, 2001), queer crit (QCT; Misawa, 2012), and minority stress theory
(Meyer, 2003). This literature review examines the oppression and complexities of identity that
Black queer individuals experience. Within CRT and queer crit, all identities are intersecting
rather than separate. Nonetheless, due to the complexity of the Black queer students’ identities
as well as the way past research has studied such identities, the literature review begins with a
separate division of the literature pertaining to students’ Black identity followed by their queer
identity. Both sections of identity (Black and queer) cover brief historical overviews of their
under-recognized involvement in higher education. These sections provide distinguished models
of the development and acceptance of their distinctive identities, as well as their experiences at
PWIs. The third section of the literature review combines the two identities by acknowledging
Black queer identities’ intersectionality while examining intragroup relations of race and sexual
orientation. Despite the lack of research, this section focuses on Black queer students’ views of
their experiences at PWIs. Last, the fourth section reviews the social and psychological well-
being of Black queer students, highlighting the literature on their internalized feelings of self.
Theoretical Framework
The use of CRT (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001), QCT (Misawa, 2012), and minority stress
theory (Meyer, 2003) as a theoretical framework provides theoretical perspectives from Black
gay men and lesbian women and their strategies to cope with racism, homophobia, and racial
trauma. The challenges Black queer students endure from forces within inter- and intragroup
relationships present many forms of inequities when it comes to the intersectionality of their
identities while attending PWIs. The discriminatory acts toward these students can lead to
10

increasing psychological and physical stress. The juxtaposition of these frameworks will allow
the experiences of marginalized populations in the study to be examined with a considerable
focus on their well-being.
Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory argues that racism is a normative standard in our society, and race
matters for all races (Ladson-Billings, 2000). CRT started in the 1970s with lawyers and
activists who realized that the advances and contributions to the civil rights movement were
recalled. Greater strategies were needed to attack forms of racism and White superiority.
Although CRT began as a movement in law, it gradually made its mark across various fields,
such as sociology, psychology, and even educators who have studied and transformed the
relationship of race and racism. Lawrence, Matsuda, Delgado, and Crenshaw’s (1993) six
principles of CRT recognize:
1. Racism is endemic in America’s structural systems, so theorists seek to challenge
existing conceptions of race and racial power (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). This lens
views White supremacy as embedded in the political and legal structures so much that it
is unrecognizable.
2. CRT challenges the dominant ideology that laws and other platforms pertaining to
Americans can be neutral and colorblind. CRT argues that colorblindness is nonsensical
when, historically, people of color have been treated differently than Whites. The danger
of colorblindness allows society to ignore the racial construction of Whiteness while
strengthening its privileged and oppressive state. The second feature covers Derrick
Bell’s theory of “interest convergence,” which explains Blacks’ interests in achieving
racial equality have only been accommodated when they have converged with the
11

interests of White elites (Bell, 1980). For example, Bell (1980) proposed that Brown vs.
Board of Education and affirmative action may have resulted more from the self-interest
of White elites than to aid Blacks (Guy-Sheftall, 1993).
3. CRT seeks to reveal cultural practices that maintain racial inequalities and end racial
oppression while noting that race is a social construct with real-life consequences. The
“social construct” theory holds that races are socially created and manipulated.
4. CRT also recognizes the practices of differential racialization as well as its consequences.
Critical theorists explain that the dominant society controls the worth and the value of
minoritized groups at different times, in response to their shifting political, labor, and
cultural needs.
5. CRT views identity as intersectional and dynamic. No person has a unitary identity but
belongs to more than one identity. For instance, a student can be Black, gay, straight,
Christian, and much more.
6. CRT allows the researcher to produce perspectives of people of color, which has been
neglected, though literature and knowledge of people of color have existed for years
(Ladson-Billings, 2000). People of color bring a unique voice of their experiences of
dealing with oppression and White racism, which are unique to White people because of
differing cultural and political experiences.
CRT provides a lens through which researchers can investigate the dynamics of race and
racism while contributing knowledge about oppressed groups who continue to be marginalized in
various aspects of their lives. The critical focus of the continued acts of oppression from the
dominant society is appropriate for exploring Black queer students. Understanding the
intersection of race and sexual orientation is important to address a queer crit perspective.
12

Queer Crit Theory
QCT was born from CRT and expands on CRT’s exploration of race and racism with the
inclusion of sexual orientation and heteronormativity (Misawa, 2012). This framework promotes
the premise that Black queer students’ experiences of racism and sexual orientation cannot be
independently categorized, but these experiences are intertwined and must be conceptualized in
their totality. QCT encompasses six components that guide the framework: The centrality of the
intersection of race and racism with sexual orientation and homophobia describes the
interlocking of race and sexual orientation while focusing on the controversial sociocultural
dynamics of racism and homophobia. This component involves collected narratives of sexual
minority people of color and their experiences of dealing with homophobia, racism, and
heterosexism. The challenge to mainstream ideologies confronts the conventional beliefs about
racism, heterosexism, and homophobia that support the dominant group’s supremacy in power.
Queer people of color are often faced with the burden of choosing between an assortment of
stereotypes to navigate different social contexts. Within this component, the researcher can
analyze the underlying mainstream ideologies. The confrontation with ahistoricism shows there
are modern social differences linked to historical injustices from the dominant group.
Historically, queer people of color have been negatively viewed and stigmatized (Fone, 2000).
This component examines how the grand narrative of queer people of color has been
disseminated through culture and education. The centrality of experiential knowledge seeks to
value the lived experiences of sexual minority people of color and understand the interconnected
structures of race and sexual orientation. In understanding the realities of queer people of color,
it is important to center their voices at the heart of their stories (Valdes, 1995). The
multidisciplinary aspect requires multiple experiences from various groups of sexual minority
13

people of color. This aspect allows diverse voices to be unified to create an empowered
collective narrative that will present society’s experiences and promote social change and social
justice. The social justice perspective seeks to eliminate all forms of oppression to those of
multiple-minority identities and work toward an equitable and inclusive social environment for
all.
When focusing on the perspectives of queer people of color and their experiences of
marginalization and disapproval, it is important to examine how they navigate and challenge
discrimination while attending to their well-being. The stigmas, prejudice, and discrimination
against queer people of color create feelings of inadequacy and worthlessness, which trigger
minority stress (Meyer, 2003). The following section examines the minority stress theory
(Meyer, 2003) and the psychological stress-related issues of lesbian and gay people of color
connected to their experiences of discrimination and oppression.
Minority Stress Theory
Minority stress theory is an elaboration of social stress theory that emphasizes how
difficult situations for stigmatized social groups (queer people of color) cause stressors in
heterosexist environments, such as prejudice, discrimination, and “anti-gay stereotypes” (Meyer,
2003). Meyer’s (2003) minority stress model provides an outlook on identity and stress while
examining factors associated with various stressors related to individuals’ positive or negative
impact on their well-being. Minority stress processes can be described as distal, which is how
the individual processes stress externally or proximally, which involves the internal process of
stress. The stress processes that the model describes are expectations of rejection, internalized
homonegativity, hiding and/or concealing sexual orientation, and ameliorating coping strategies,
causing deleterious effects on individuals’ mental health (Meyer, 2003). Underlying the concept
14

of minority stress assumes that stressors are only experienced by stigmatized populations and are
chronic and socially based (Meyer, 2003). Black queer people of color are vulnerable to
discriminatory messages about themselves (Allport, 1954). While living in a racist and
heterosexist society, Black queer individuals are continually discriminated against for their skin
color and sexual orientation, creating internalized negative messages. These negative
internalized messages of their identity status cause them to feel less than their heterosexual and
White counterparts. Minority stress theory is used as a framework to explain the disparities of
mental health and the role of homophobia as a sociological paradigm that views social conditions
as a cause of stress for disadvantaged social groups (Meyer, Schwartz, & Frost, 2008).
The theoretical framework of CRT (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001) and QCT (Misawa,
2012) emphasizes the interconnected nature of oppression. It allows for a compelling
examination of race, racism, sexuality, and homophobia experienced by Black queer students.
Minority stress theory highlights that experiences of oppression related to racial and sexual
identities can lead to harmful social and psychological health for Black gay and lesbian students
(Meyer, 2003; Szymanski, 2012); therefore, successful coping mechanisms have the potential to
minimize the negative effects on health. These experiences point to the need for the conceptual
model presented in Figure 1.
15

Figure 1. Conceptual model of theoretical frameworks. (Man in Lotus Position: Medium-Dark
Skin Tone, n.d.), http://www.iemoji.com/view/emoji/2589/skin-tones/man-in-lotus-position-
medium-dark-skin-tone
Theory of Change
It is well documented that the outcome of oppression is dehumanization (Dover, 2008);
therefore, this study intended to create positive change in the attitudes and behaviors of the
family, friends, communities, and campuses of Black queer individuals to promote peace,
accountability, love, and equity. A theory of change “helps to operationalize the ethical stance of
the project, what is considered data, what constitutes evidence, how a finding is identified, and
what is made public and kept private or sacred” (Tuck, 2009, p. 413). The theory of change in
focus is emergent strategy (Brown, 2017). According to Brown (2017), “Emergence is the way
complex systems and patterns arise out of a multiplicity of relatively simple interactions” (p. 13).
Through the lens of a desire centered change approach, this study intended to turn conflict into a
solution and develop a practice for social change and liberation.
16

This study’s mechanism of change provided insight and awareness of the discrimination
and marginalization Black queer men and women encounter diurnally. The experiences of Black
queer lives make this project essential. Exposure to the history of oppression presents to the
reader that racism and homophobia are inherent by-products of heteronormativity and
hierarchical supremacy. Stakeholders are given the opportunity to read and interpret the
experiences, literature, and integrative complexities of Black queer lives. The inclusion of Black
queer perspectives provides awareness of the lived experiences and promotes a cognitive change
to the reader by the allowance of discovery and calls for a change in attitude. Personal anecdotes
of injustices and trauma can help stakeholders develop empathy, provide support systems of
inclusion, and begin to rehumanize the group of focus while leading to individual transformation.
These cooperative relationships encourage social healing and structural change, ultimately
uplifting and placing greater value on Black queer lives.
To incorporate this theory of change, it is important to understand the stages and
experiences Black students go through to promote a more welcoming and inclusive environment
for these individuals. Awareness of the Black identity and their contributions to higher
education are explored in the following section.
Black Identity
Systems of higher education have revealed great progress for the diversity on their
campuses. Unfortunately, it was not until the 1960s when America began to see more Black
faces on its college campuses (Allen, 1985). Today, only five decades later, the American higher
education system has the most diverse student body composition. To gain a better understanding
of Blacks in higher education, a review of the historical sociopolitical status of Black Americans
17

is critical. This section provides information on Black individuals and their history related to
socialization and racial identity on college campuses and present-day issues.
A Brief History of Blacks in Higher Education
To understand the experiences of Black students’ struggles and resiliency, an
examination into the history of their adversities is important to review. There was a time when
educating Black enslaved individuals was outlawed (Williams, 2005). Withholding Black
education was a method used to assuage Black agency and fears of retaliation from the slaves
while ensuring submission (Litwack, 1999). This denial increased Black people’s desire for
education. After emancipation, Black schools were controlled by the White government through
funding. Whites grew upset with the idea of educating Blacks and did not want Blacks to
become educated based on the fear that they would challenge White supremacy and not be
content with jobs that placed them in the fields (Anderson, 1988).
Despite the danger of educating Blacks, some higher education institutions opened their
enrollments to Black students, such as Dartmouth College in 1824 and Oberlin in 1833 (Fleming,
1984; Waite, 2001). In 1837, Richard Humphreys founded the nation’s oldest Black college, the
Institute for Colored Youth, known today as Cheney University. Following the Civil War (1861-
1865), historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) grew significantly and were
established to provide education to Blacks prohibited from learning at White colleges and
universities. The Black College and University Act, Section 322 of Title III defined an HBCU
as:
any historically Black college or university that was established prior to 1964, whose
principal mission was, and is, the education of Black Americans, and that is accredited by
a nationally recognized accrediting agency or association determined by the Secretary (of
18

Education) to be a reliable authority as to the quality of training offered to such an agency
or association, making reasonable progress toward accreditation. (Sims, 1994, p. 6)
These institutions were developed from Northern missionary groups that began to invest
in education for free enslaved Black people (Fleming, 1984; Waite, 2001). The Black college
system that developed was diverse in curricula. Some universities taught at elementary and
secondary levels because many Blacks did not have the prerequisite education to advance
further. Many of these institutions faced devastating financial issues and, as a result, struggled to
continue to sponsor the operations of the institutions, such as paying for teachers, supplies, and
equipment. In the 20th century, America began to see a critical change in access to higher
education for Blacks. The movement for equal education began in 1954 when the Supreme
Court ruled that racial segregation was illegal in public education in Brown vs. Board of
Education of Topeka Kansas (Russo, Harris, & Sandidge, 1994). The ruling of the court
decision increased the enrollment of Black students in higher education. Prior to 1950, only 10%
of Blacks were enrolled at PWIs. Today, approximately three-fourths of Black college students
attend PWIs (National Center for Educational Statistics, 2017). The shift of Black enrollment
from HBCUs to PWIs was disagreeable. Many campuses in the South experienced riots and
violence in the wake of Blacks attending their institutions. Other institutions that were less
aggressive were still unaccepting of sharing their campuses with Blacks and made little to no
effort in assisting them with transitioning on campus (Fleming, 1984).
Unfortunately, this discriminatory behavior toward Black students still exists (Burt,
Simons, & Gibbons, 2012), and racism can remarkably impact Black students’ identity
development. Adams (2005) stated:
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Race is the sharpest and deepest division in American life. Because of the long-standing
divide, achieving equal access to and benefits from higher education institutions has been
an ongoing struggle for people of color in general, but particularly for African
Americans. (p. 285)
Through various encounters, Black students become aware of what it means to be Black
at their PWIs. In understanding how they navigate these experiences, it is important to
understand the identity development in one’s life and the social and psychological processes that
Black students experience.
Cross’ Model of Psychological Nigrescence
William Cross developed the nigrescence model in 1971, which explains how Blacks
come to conceptualize their racial and ethnic identity (Cross, 1978). When Cross wrote about
nigrescence, he referred to it as an identity change process as a Negro-to-Black conversion
experience. Cross later reconsidered the model to be a resocializing experience, one that
transforms from a preexisting identity to one that is Afrocentric. This model is situated in five
stages: pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-emersion, internalization, and internalization-
commitment.
Stage 1: Pre-encounter. In the first stage, individuals view race as unimportant and prefer
to be simply accepted as a “human being.” Through this stage, people focus more on other
aspects of their lives, such as occupation, relationships, and religion, with little importance of
their race (Cross, 1995). There are some Black people for whom race has been of some
importance, and some Black people hold on to extreme attitudes of anti-Blackness. Pre-
encounter Blacks who express low salience view “race as a problem or stigma” (Cross, 1995).
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They usually work hard to eliminate social stigma connected to their Blackness. Anti-Black
Blacks loathe other Blacks and carry the same views as White racists (p. 91).
Stage 2: Encounter. This stage involves encounters that challenge their identity and
worldview (Cross, 1995). Multiple encounters force an understanding of a person’s identity.
For example, if the Black student who does not “see color” or prefers to be viewed only as a
human being is called a racially charged derogatory term multiple times by his or her White
counterparts, this encounter has the potential to call for his or her Black identity to emerge. The
encounter stage includes two phases: encounter and personalize. Personalization occurs when
the individual is affected powerfully and interprets the world through a new lens.
Stage 3: Immersion-emersion. The third stage explains how individuals explore their
understanding of the encounter and commit to personal change (Cross, 1995). This stage has
two phases: The first includes that the individual immerses into Blackness while withdrawing
from other groups. Cross (1991) asserted, “immersion is a strong, powerful sensation that is
constantly energized by rage, guilt, and developing a sense of pride in one’s Black self, Black
people, and Black culture” (p. 203). In the second phase, the individual progresses through a
reactionary mode to a more critical analysis of the new Black identity. This is a difficult
transitional period, and the individual cannot continue in this locked, highly charged emotional
state. As people move through this stage, they begin to develop a more authentic understanding
of their racial identity (Evans, Forney, Guido, Renn, & Patton, 2010).
Stage 4: Internalization. During this stage, the individual begins to form stronger inner
security and self-confidence about being Black and showcase a healthy sense of pride. The
individual moves toward a more pluralistic perspective and seeks to become more involved in
the Black community’s political and social issues. Relationships with other ethnicities and
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White identities are renegotiated as the new understanding of their Black identity becomes
stronger.
Stage 5: Internalization-commitment. This stage focuses on the long-term effects of
engagement over a period of time (Cross, 1995). The involvement of meaningful activities that
address issues involving people of color or minoritized groups can cause significance in the
newfound Black identity (p. 96).
Application of Cross’ nigrescence model of Black college students illustrates the
important impact that racial identity may have on campus dynamics, such as the perception of
social support, academic performance, and adjustment to college at PWIs.
Black Students at PWIs
Despite the intentionality of PWIs’ recruitment of Black students on their campuses,
Black students’ inclusion in practice is less clear. Many institutions have failed to establish
student support centers, organizations and clubs, and academic support programs for
undergraduate students to increase their sense of belonging on campus (Chen & Hamilton,
2015). The success of Blacks attending PWIs has diminished in comparison to other Blacks who
attend HBCUs and their White counterparts (Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993). The Black
students attending PWIs are more likely to withdraw from school and have lower grade point
averages than their White counterparts and other Black students attending HBCUs (Bowen &
Bok, 1998).
In relation to the campus climate outcomes of PWIs, Davis (1994) conducted a
quantitative study involving 4,094 Black males at HBCUs and PWIs. His purpose was to
examine the effects the campus climate has on students’ grade point averages. Overall, students
at HBCUs reported having greater involvement on their campus. The students at the HBCUs
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also concluded they had more support in their education from faculty than their counterparts
attending PWIs. Research has shown that HBCUs provide a sense of “family” on their campuses
and the reassurance of support for Black students greater than what is provided at PWIs (Allen,
1992) and that students are provided with more faculty of color to relate with (Parham & Helms,
1981). This represents the importance of Black students having mentors of similar cultural
backgrounds on campus. Mentoring is a dynamic relationship providing support systems, role
models, and career advancement (Hunn, 2014; Spence, 2007). Black students seek Black faculty
because they feel comfortable approaching them for advice, feedback, and assistance regarding
academic and personal concerns (Feist-Price, 2001; Guiffrida, 2005). Black students benefit
from the advantages of having someone who is like them in faculty positions as mentors.
Alexander and Moore (2008) stressed the importance of Black faculty and administrators being
visible on campus at PWIs. Alexander and Moore (2008) believed that Black faculty and
administrators bring new perspectives concerning social justice, challenge the low expectations
from colleagues placed on Black students, and dispel the stereotype misconceptions held by
White students (p. 1). With the increasing amount of support provided at HBCUs, Black
students are graduating at rates higher than their peers at PWIs (Carter & Wilson, 1993).
Every day, students encounter interactions with peers on campus, some may be positive,
and some may be negative. All students are faced with a negative social experience at some
point on their college campus, whether it is with peers, faculty, or staff, but Black students are
faced with discrimination and prejudice from varying groups on campus, whether overt racist
experiences or covert microaggressions. Racial microaggressions are “brief and commonplace
daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that
communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color”
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(Sue et al., 2007, p. 274). A form of microaggression includes the assumption that a student
automatically comes from a low-income household because of race or ethnicity or that a student
speaks well, despite the stereotypes of his or her race or ethnicity. Microaggressions and other
forms of discrimination can result in deficient mental and physical health outcomes (Lewis,
Cogburn, & Williams, 2015),
As researchers began to explore nonacademic factors of Black students, some speculated
that self-esteem (Staples, 1993) and self-efficacy (Hunn, 2014) is a significant factor in the
students’ experience in college. Grant-Vallone, Reid, Umali, and Pohlert (2003) asserted
positive self-esteem is a predictor of academic and social adjustment. Unfortunately, Black
students do not always possess positive self-esteem and feel overwhelmed and isolated when
placed in new environments at PWIs. Dahlvig (2010) reported that when many Black students
experienced leaving their home environments to attend their PWIs, they are faced with realities
of discrimination and racism that are unanticipated. Many of these students come from
supportive families and communities that shelter them from these devastating challenges (p.
370). Solorzano (2000) executed a qualitative study with 34 Black students (16 males, 18
females) attending PWIs. This study intended to retrieve information related to Blacks’
perceptions and experiences of racial dynamics on campus. From the results of the study, a few
themes emerged: (a) students expressed that they felt racial tensions from their White
counterparts, both inside and outside the classroom, (b) racial seclusion was apparent throughout
the student body, and (c) Black students felt negatively stereotyped by faculty and peers
regarding their academic capabilities.
In response to modern anti-Blackness and systemic racism on campuses worldwide,
Black students have felt compelled to share their stories about the various accounts of racism that
24

they have experienced. The Black student body from the University of Southern California has
created an Instagram social media page showcasing Black undergraduate and graduate students’
authentic experiences of racism and anti-Blackness on campus. On this page, students expressed
their fears of safety as Black students studying on a predominantly White campus, their anxieties
of being rejected from others because of their Blackness, and noting their undesired treatment
received from peers, faculty, and even the Department of Public Safety. One student expressed,
“A White professor in a diversity class in the social work department said the N-word. Fellow
White classmates tried to justify why the professor said it. Nothing has happened to this
professor” (Anonymous, personal communication, July 2, 2020).
Another student shared his experience of attending a holiday event with peers from
school and its impact on him. He shared:
One time, during my junior year around Halloween, I was walking with a friend who is
an international student. We end up on 30th St. (the same street with that weird
B&B/apartment/hoarders bar). Anyway, a few houses down, we passed by a student-
rented house that had their decor already up. But wait! One of the decorations was a
black mannequin hanging from a noose from the roof. My friend was horrified and asked
me if I was okay. And the worst part was, my instant reaction was to shrug and say,
“Well, I guess I know the kind of people who live there.” I wasn’t shocked, and that’s
what saddens me. While everyone else is shocked to hear about racism, it is in seemingly
progressive places where I’ve experienced the most racism. People think just because
they’re from, or in places like California, they are absolved from this. In the South (I’m
from Georgia), you just stay out of backwoods, redneck countries that have nothing there
25

anyway. Here it’s (racism) only one street from the main campus. (Anonymous,
personal communication, July 8, 2020)
All these factors contribute to greater detachment from the general campus community.
The perception of the campus environment is seen as unwelcoming, which minimizes the
students’ sense of belonging and interests to seek programs and organizations on campus. Jones,
Castellanos, and Cole (2002) conducted a study showing students were aware of the racial divide
and tension on their campus among students of color and Whites. It was noted that many of the
students did not initiate cross-cultural contact with others on campus due to their fear of
rejection. Black students who had the advantage of participating in non-ethnic organizations on
campus chose not to due to their perception of finding them unable to relate and lacking
commonalities.
Otherness is something that continues to be experienced by Black students. These
tensions do not stop with race and welcome greater difficulties when it comes to Black queer
students. While Black queer students are faced with the challenges of struggling to connect with
their Blackness on campuses, trying to understand their sexual identities can be significantly
complicated.
Gay Identity
Sexual identity is a complex concept encompassing sexual orientation, desires, emotions,
needs, behaviors, and attraction (Dillon, Worthington, & Moradi, 2011). Heterosexuality is
defined as an attraction to the opposite sex (Simoni, 1996). Homosexuality is defined as sexual
relations between people of the same sex (Simoni, 1996). Beyond these simple definitions are
various phenomena. People vary tremendously in how they define themselves in ways they
participate in sexual behaviors and express their desires. The idea that being heterosexual
26

(straight) is normal and desired in our society certainly affects queer individuals and brings about
great pressure to conform to heterosexual norms (Meyer, 2003). This section covers the history
of queer individuals and their fight to be visible on campuses of higher education and the first
model of queer identity development, and how those students exist on campuses of higher
education today.
Brief History of Queer Students in Higher Education
Queer students have become a visible population on college campuses, although it has
not always been this way. The increased visibility of queer individuals was made possible
through persistence, action, exertion, and strong activism to advocate for their presence to be
appreciated and their voices to be heard. There was a time when many higher education
institutions silenced the identities and restricted the activities of queer students.
Before the 1960s, many queer students were punished for their identities (Dilley, 2002).
Queer students were at risk for expulsion from their universities if their gay or lesbian identities
were exposed. Non-heterosexual groups were threatened to be sentenced to jail or psychiatric
lockup, while gay love was defined as “sick,” “criminal,” and “corrupt” (Dilley, 2002). Colleges
and universities, such as the University of Michigan, the University of Missouri, and Florida
State University, partnered with law enforcement to arrest or expel students suspected of
homosexual relations (Allyn, 2000). College counseling professionals valued a treatment
approach rather than a disciplinary approach and viewed homosexuality as a treatable disease
(Bailey, 2002; Dilley, 2002). The prescribed therapy was to convert students to heterosexism;
they were made to believe that their homosexual activities were sinful and deviant (Dilley,
2002). Homosexual practice was listed as a disease in the American Psychiatric Association’s
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM; 1968).
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The 1969 Stonewall Riots, which were led by drag queens of color in reaction to the
harassment of New York City police officers, introduced a movement on college campuses. The
first known gay student organization, named the Student Homophile League at Columbia
University, was founded immediately after the riots in the same city (Dilley, 2002). In 1974,
homosexuality was no longer listed as a category of disorder in the DSM-II. In the early 1970s,
queer student activist groups began to form increasingly on campuses. According to a report
from The New York Times, over 200 queer groups on campuses challenged their institutions to be
recognized (Stanley, 1983).
Postsecondary institutions took great actions to control or ban gay students. In 1976,
Virginia Commonwealth University denied recognition of the Gay Alliance of Students due to
the state’s anti-sodomy law. It was believed the university thought the Gay Alliance of Students
Organization would increase the opportunity for homosexual acts. Queer student groups were
not upheld to the same degree as other organizations, and campuses were reluctant to fund these
organizations. In 1992, anti-gay activists proposed that the State System of Higher Education
should not use state funds to sponsor or encourage organizations that “facilitate homosexuality,
sadism, or masochism” (Dilley, 2002). This proposition failed twice in 1992 and 1994. In a case
of University of Wisconsin’s unwillingness to fund non-heterosexual student organizations, the
U.S. Supreme Court decided that state-funded institutions could not disallow funding for student
organizations that were “value-neutral in their political viewpoints” (Dilley, 2002)
Queer individuals “have as their task the development of an identity that runs counter to
the hetero-centric norms and culture in which they are socialized” (Morrow & Messinger, 2006,
p. 85). This identity process can last a lifetime or change across situations (Morrow &
Messinger, 2006). Homosexuality has existed throughout history, but it was not until recently
28

when theoretical research on the subject developed. Only a small percentage of researchers has
focused on the gay experience, the “coming out” process, and living comfortably in their
identities.
Cass’ Model of Sexual Orientation Formation
Vivienne Cass (1979) published her six-stage model of homosexuality identity formation.
This model was one of the earliest highlighting the process of how “individuals acquire a
homosexual orientation” (p. 24), and it was developed to have homosexual individuals be treated
as normal like their heterosexual counterparts. She later published her empirical data to support
her earlier hypothetical model, which included the pre-stage (Cass, 1984). Cass’s model
consisted of pre-stage one, identity confusion, identity comparison, identity tolerance, identity
acceptance, identity pride, and identity synthesis. This process can be stopped at any point in
this stage when the person chooses to no longer develop. This is identity foreclosure. During
the model’s pre-stage, an individual identifies with the dominant heterosexual culture and
understands it is the approved identity.
In the first stage of identity confusion, individuals are considered to have feelings of
misunderstanding and turmoil. This causes the individual to question his or her previously held
assumption of sexual orientation by being cognizant of homosexual feelings and thoughts and
becoming curious and/or anxious to act on them. If a person chooses to consider the possibility
of being homosexual, he or she will move on to the next stage.
The second stage is identity comparison. At this point, the individual begins to accept his
or her feelings and thoughts as homosexual and compares him/herself to homosexuals and non-
homosexuals in his or her environment. Thus, the individual makes contact with another
homosexual person and become isolated from non-gay others.
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Stage three is characterized as the identity tolerance stage. During this stage, individuals
experience ambivalence while seeking others who identify as homosexual and begin to form peer
groups. This individual is now committed to a homosexual identity but maintains separate
public and private images.
In the fourth stage, the individual begins to develop a positive view of homosexuality and
believes that he or she fits into the homosexual society. However, the individual becomes
selective on whom to choose to disclose the identity and how to present to the public.
The fifth stage involves identity pride, which causes the individual to become angered at
the discrimination against homosexuals. This stage calls for strong activism and advocacy of
strong political views pertaining to gay rights while refusing non-gay views.
The final stage is the identity synthesis stage characterized by the individual being
established in his or her identity and aware that not all non-gay individuals are against them and
eliminate the dichotomized worldview of gay and straight. This stage allows the individual to
assimilate into the dominant culture with a secure self-concept of what makes him or her whole
and understand that sexual identity does not define a person.
It is important to note when this model was established and the historical context of the
model’s development. This model was developed in the late 1970s, shortly following the
removal of homosexuality from the American Psychiatric Association from the DSM as a mental
disorder (Bayer, 1981). A homosexual identity was put in a new perspective at the time. Cass’s
(1996) model emphasizes the importance of how these individuals expressed their identities and
their lived experiences and how they believe they are perceived by others. She also presented
that sexual orientation formation development overlaps with multiple aspects of development.
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This model focuses largely on White gay men and does not consider the various races,
gender, and sexual identity, for example, Black gay men or women and those who identify as
bisexual or transsexual. Presently, students are of various races, genders, and sexual identities.
Although this is not a perfect model in the way it addresses the development of today’s emerging
culture, it recognizes the significance of psychological and social factors that students
experience, influencing them at their PWIs.
Queer Students at PWIs
College is often a time when students are experiencing a critical period of their identity
development (Strayhorn, 2012); therefore, experiences of heterosexism and homophobia can
make the process more difficult. Navigating the coming out process presents challenges for the
student, his or her peers, families, and faculty in a higher education context. Supporting students
who are negotiating the psychological process of their sexual orientation identity and entering
their new identity as a college student can be a challenge for the institution. Current studies have
explored queer students’ navigation through homophobia (Dilley, 2002; Renn, 2010), support
systems that can assist non-heterosexual students on campus (Evans & Heriot, 2004), and their
perceptions of campus climate (D’Augelli, 1992; Rhoads, 1994).
Researchers have studied the homophobic, discriminatory, and violent acts experienced
by queer students. In a study at the University of Georgia in 2002, researchers gathered data
from 82 participants who attended the university and identified as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or
transgender. The results of this study concluded 90% of the respondents were victims of
harassment and were subjected to anti-gay remarks or jokes, 75% of the participants knew
someone who had been verbally harassed due to their sexual orientation, and half of the students
did not feel safe on campus (Hill et al., 2002). Sanlo (2004) asserted that unwelcoming
31

campuses for lesbian and gay students are linked to isolation, higher stress levels, and higher
dropout rates among lesbian and gay students. Westefeld, Maples, Buford, and Taylor (2001)
found lesbian, gay, and bisexual students record higher depression levels and rejection from their
peers.
Intersectionality
Kimberle Crenshaw (1989) introduced the term intersectionality, which was rooted in
Black feminism and critical race theory as the interconnectedness of social categories (gender,
race, class, and sexual orientation), and politics and social structures (racism, homophobia,
heterosexism) to shape the lives of individuals. Intersectionality highlights how individuals can
belong to multiple identity groups with conflicting political agendas, which can often silence
their voices. Black queer individuals exist at the intersection of multiple stigmatized identities
and struggle to cope with the racial injustices from their White counterparts in the predominately
White queer community and homophobia and heterosexism within the Black community
(Akerlund & Cheung, 2000). Cohen (1999) referred to this as “secondary marginalization,”
when oppressed groups marginalize subgroups within their own community. This section
explores the discrimination and difficulties that Black queer students are faced with from their
intragroup relations of both race and sexuality and the effects that marginalization places on their
well-being.
Intragroup Relations of Race
Gender roles and expectations. Fullilove and Fullilove (1999) argued heterosexism and
homophobia exist in the Black community. Gender roles and expectations of masculinity have
affected the positions of queer men and women and are socialized by the messages of what it
means to be viewed as a man or woman in this society (Harro, 2000). These socialized roles
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provide a blueprint and condition for how men and women are expected to act in the world. For
example, Black men are expected to be more dominant, provide for their families, and “act like
men,” while women are expected to be feminine, assume the caretaker position, and “act like
women.” Any male or female who deviates from these expected roles is viewed negatively by
those who have strong beliefs in the societal norms of gender behavior within the Black
community (McCready, 2004). Those who do not fit the “standard” are viewed as “less of a
man” or “less of a woman” and are susceptible to face discrimination. There are expectations of
ways to function to be more “acceptable” as a Black gay or lesbian person, which involves not
disclosing or displaying one’s sexual orientation (Savin-Williams, 1994). Black queer men and
women who continue their “passable” image are more tolerable within the community (Savin-
Williams, 1994). These passable behaviors include the hyper-masculinity of Black men as well
as the expectations that are placed on Black women within the community; due to the amount of
discrimination that is known to come from within the Black community, some men and women
conceal their sexuality and live their lives on the “down low” (Goparaju & Warren-Jeanpiere,
2012). Men and women who live their lives in secrecy are tasked with maintaining their
“heterosexual identities” at great lengths of their fear of exposure of their gay identities. Hetrick
and Martin (1987) detailed “hiding” as a coping mechanism and a way to navigate a homosexual
identity as a person of color and asserted:
Individuals in such a position must constantly monitor their behavior in all
circumstances: how one dresses, speaks, walks, and talks become constant sources of
possible discovery. One must limit one’s friends, one’s interests, and one’s expression,
for fear that one might be found guilty by association . . . The individual who must hide
of necessity learns to interact based on deceit governed by fear of discovery. (pp. 35-36)
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Religion and the Black church. Religion is a phenomenon that continues to be a central
feature in the Black community, and the Black church has been represented to be a significant
contributor in establishing its teachings. The preaching and principles taught in the church bear
strong positions on Black views on societal issues (Schulte & Battle, 2008). The Black church
holds steady to their negative views on homosexuality (Gibbs & Goldbach, 2015) and are
intolerant of sexual minorities while condemning their sexual identities (Sherkat, 2002). Black
queer individuals find their identities to be rejected at Black churches and cannot freely express
their gay or lesbian identities. Quinn, Dickson-Gomez, and Kelly (2016) explored the role of the
Black church in relation to religion and sexual orientation through interviews with pastors (n =
21) and Black gay and bisexual men (n = 30); the authors found that there was great tension
between the men’s sexual and religious identities. Regardless of the discrimination toward queer
people, many men in the study continued their participation and membership in the non-
affirming churches because of familial ties but chose to conceal their sexual identity to prevent
gossip and exposure of their sexual orientation. Black queer men and women are troubled with
downplaying or masking their sexual identities to be socially accepted and become members and
leaders in the church. Barnes (2013) conducted a focus group of 35 Black clergy members to
examine how the Black church views and receives queer members who seek leadership positions
in the church. Many pastors expressed that all men and women were accepted in the church, but
queer men and women were unable to hold leadership roles, such as deacon, because of the
negative views on homosexuality. Many scholars have found that Black queer individuals who
are rejected from their place of worship and seen as living a sinful lifestyle suffer emotionally,
spiritually, and socially (King, 2004; Ward, 2005). This form of rejection can lead to Black
34

queer individuals seeking other outlets for acceptance and support from those with whom they
can sexually identify.
Intragroup Relations of Sexual Orientation
Discrimination in predominantly White queer spaces. The LGBTQ community is
known to be welcoming of all beings, regardless of their sexual identities while celebrating pride,
diversity, and a sense of belonging within the community. Looking deeper within, queer men
and women of color do not always receive the expected support within the gay community and
may experience a racial divide. Icard (1986) asserted that Black homosexual persons are viewed
as “inferior” members of the gay community and have received discriminatory treatment for
many years. Prejudicial treatment has been strategically displayed in advertisement and
employment. In a qualitative study, Plummer (2008) examined the experiences of sexual racism
within the LGBTQ community. This study revealed that sexual racism occurs in various spaces
where queer individuals socialize. Discrimination was related to race-based sexual rejection,
racial fetishism, and “othering.” This study found that race and ethnic minorities are objectified
due to racist stereotypes of sexual behavior. Black men were viewed as hyper-masculine and
aggressive, Latin men were fetishized as being “exotic,” and Asian men were viewed as
effeminate.
Although the LGBTQ community is typically an outlet for LGBTQ members to express
themselves freely and show pride in who they are, many lesbian and gay persons of color can
find it difficult to operate this scene due to the existence of White privilege. Logie and Rwigema
(2014) conducted a focus group of 16 women of color who identified as lesbian to examine how
White privilege was experienced in queer and racialized communities. Their finding represented
that these women had to relinquish their ethnic or racial identities to fit in and be accepted in the
35

mainstream lesbian and gay community. These women’s ethnic identities were stereotyped as
emotional and hypersexual by their White lesbian counterparts. For Black persons in the
LGBTQ community, prejudice and discrimination can cause negative psychological effects, and
it is important to note how one deals with White racism. A study by Giwa (2016) investigated
the experiences of coping responses of racism for men of color found that many of these men
avoided non-inclusive and non-affirming gay spaces. This act allowed the participants to
minimize the exposure to racist-related stressors. The study also found that participants were
intentional with their vigilance and did not allow gay White men to dictate their social worth and
realized that validation and acceptance from White men were not required. Seeking social
support from members of similar racial backgrounds was beneficial for these men’s self-worth.
Mainstream LGBTQ community. The mainstream lesbian and gay community have
been recognized as a White identity, which silences the lives of non-White members (Ward,
2008). The movie Stonewall (Emmerich, 2015), which details the riot events that happened in
Stonewall in New York City, portrays a White gay male making the first attempt at rioting by
throwing a brick, but in reality, it was the transgendered people of color who took the bold move
of beginning the riot (Keegan, 2016). The film portrays the White gay cis-gendered male as the
protagonist and the initiator of the riots. Removing the credit from groups of those who
distinctly impacted LGBTQ history devalues those deserving of the acknowledgment. Aside
from media and film, the exclusion of queer people of color continues to surface in gay-based
corporations and organizations. For example, in the examination of the Los Angeles Queer
Center, an organization employed by more than 50% of people of color with an increasing
presence of people of color in leadership, Ward (2008) found that the organization was viewed as
a White organization; therefore, lesbian and gay persons of color are not seeking support and
36

services from the organization because it is not an organization they can commonly identify
with.
Discrimination faced external to campus can lead to Black queer students’ success in
college; therefore, it is worth noting the importance intragroup relations of race and sexuality
have on Black queer students when examining their experiences at PWIs.
Black Queer Students at PWIs
White privilege is a phenomenon that prevails within the collegiate culture on PWIs;
therefore, poor experiences at PWIs can elicit low self-esteem and identity issues from Black
queer students (Washington & Wall, 2006). Many Black gay men and lesbian students believed
that they needed to compartmentalize their sexual identities on campus due to fear of rejection
from both the Black community and the gay community. Owing to racism and homophobia,
Black queer students are tasked with minimizing their Black or gay “behaviors” to make others
feel comfortable and feel obligated to assimilate to the mainstream culture of either or both
communities (Yoshino, 2006). Mitchell and Means (2014) argued Black gay men navigate
quadruple consciousness at PWIs because of their multiple minoritized identities. The quadrant
of consciousness is (a) awareness of the White and heterosexual, (b) awareness of the White and
non-heterosexual, (c) awareness of the Black and heterosexual, and (d) awareness of the Black
and non-heterosexual identity. In understanding this, Black gay men may code-switch in their
identities to be received favorably by their peers (Bowleg, 2012). This can cause major stress for
Black gay men as they grapple with their sense of belonging (Mitchell & Means, 2014).
Similarly, Black lesbian students experience a “triple jeopardy” or consciousness in dealing with
multiple forms of oppression related to their gender, race, and sexual orientation (Greene &
Boyd-Franklin, 1996). Black women exist in a society that discriminates against them based on
37

their gender, race, and sexual orientation, which can present social and psychological stress
(Meyer, 2003) and negative effects on their educational outcomes (Majied, 2010).
Research presents that 31.3% of Black men graduate from a 4-year institution in 6 years,
and 43.1% of Black women graduate from a 4-year institution in 6 years (Planty et al., 2009). In
a study by Goode-Cross and Tager (2011) to explore the factors that contribute to gay Black
males’ persistence at predominately White institutions, many of the participants noted that their
racial identities were more salient than their sexual orientation and felt connected to the Black
communities on their campuses. All participants experienced overt or covert racism on their
campuses and were tasked with trying to make the best out of their experiences. Six participants
reported experiencing homophobia and heterosexism, but primarily by their Black peers. These
men were tasked with being selective in disclosing their sexual orientation to minimize
discrimination. Participants recognized that support on and off campus was essential to their
persistence, such as faculty of color, involvement in organizations, and bonding with other gay
peers, and their sense of belonging was important to them.
In a national study of gay men of color, Strayhorn (2012) asserted that participants had a
strong “need to belong” as they began to understand themselves throughout the process of
“coming out.” Their need to belong on their college campus outranked their need to belong in
any other setting they navigated. Participants in this study expressed that their sense of
belonging led them to participate in risky behaviors, such as drug use and greater alcohol
consumption. A theme that emerged was the association of the behavior with psychosocial
impacts, including depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation. Unfortunately, he did not provide
the sample size for his study.
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Empirical research on Black queer students’ experiences on their college campuses
highlights that racism, homophobia, heterosexism, and sexism continue to impact students’
psychological well-being and physical, mental, and social well-being across their life course.
The following section examines how Black queer students cope and deal with injustices inflicted
upon them related to their experiences as scholars and individuals trying to belong in a
structurally oppressive society.
Social and Psychological Stress
It is nearly impossible for Black queer students to avoid racism or homophobia because it
happens in numerous spaces, such as schools, workplaces, and in the media. Racism and
homophobia are correlated with a number of social, mental, and psychological health outcomes,
including internalized racism (Greene, 1994), internalized homonegativity (Díaz et al., 2001),
lower levels of self-esteem (Fernandez et al., 1998), higher levels of stress (Meyer, 2003), and
risky sexual and social behaviors (Ayala, Bingham, Kim, Wheeler, & Millett, 2012). This
section emphasizes the social and psychic cost of internalized oppression on the stereotypes,
values, and images perpetrated by the dominant society and highlights the literature on students’
self-esteem, anxiety, and disregard for their sexual orientation or racial groups.
Internalized Racism
In addition to systemic and external forms of racism, Black men and women experience
internalized racism. Internalized racism is defined as the “acceptance by members of the
stigmatized races of negative messages about their own abilities and intrinsic worth” (Jones,
Ogbara, & Braveman, 2004, para. 2). Internalized racism leads to self-doubt, unappreciation,
and disrespect to one’s race or self (Pyke, 2010). The negative beliefs presumed by Black men
and women have much to do with how they have been perceived throughout history. Slavery
39

and post-slavery laws and policies were held to the beliefs that Black men and women were
mentally and morally inferior to Whites. Today, Blacks continue to be portrayed as thugs,
unintelligent, poor, lazy, and dysfunctional (Ferguson, 2000; Gibbs, 1988), which reinforces the
stereotypes of their White counterparts. The pervasive and persistent shame of being Black leads
many people of color to have dissociative behavior (De Maynard, 2009), self-doubt, and low
self-esteem about their physical appearance related to their body image, hair texture, facial
features, and skin tone (Fischer & Moradi, 2001).
Colorism is a phenomenon that has its roots in slavery. During slavery, slaves of lighter
complexion were given preferential treatment over those of darker skin tones. The slaves with
darker complexions were required to work in the fields while their lighter-skinned counterparts
worked in the home at far less-demanding tasks (Bodenhorn, 2006). The phenotypic appearance
of Blacks activates the negative stereotypes; therefore, individuals of darker skin tone are
expected to experience discrimination at rates higher than those of lighter skin tone (Bodenhorn,
2006). In Wilder’s (2010) qualitative study, 58 Black women were asked to list words and labels
associated with other Black women based on their skin tone. This study found that darker-
skinned Blacks were paired with negative stereotypes such as being labeled as loud, unattractive,
and less intelligent, while lighter-skinned women were labeled with more desirable terms, such
as beautiful and intelligent.
There is a dearth of research on the role internalized racism plays on Black students’
academic achievement. A stereotype concerning Black American students is that they are
unintelligent and unmotivated to succeed in their academic pursuits, and Black students are
aware of these stereotypes (Tucker et al., 2002). In a study exploring Black college student
40

underachievement, Massey and Owens (2013) found internalizing these negative stereotypes
related to their academic performance led to reduced effort put forth in their classes.
Internalized Homonegativity
Internalized homonegativity refers to the process where queer individuals internalize
societal messages regarding sexual orientation and gender as their self-image (Meyer, 1995).
Queer men and women’s internalization of these messages can lead to negative feelings toward
oneself (Herek, 2000), discomfort with disclosing one’s sexual orientation (Mohr & Kendra,
2011), and disconnectedness from lesbian and gay communities (Mason, Lewis, Gargurevich, &
Kelley, 2016). Like internalized racism, individuals who experience internalized homonegativity
have lower self-respect and higher self-denigrating attitudes (Meyer & Dean, 1998). Herek,
Cogan, Gillis, and Glunt’s (1998) study of internalized homonegativity (IHP) among gay men
and lesbians, found that lesbian women’s internalized homonegativity scores were less than
those of men. This study also concluded that men who were not connected to the queer
community and had less self-disclosure to heterosexual acquaintances were likely to score higher
on the IHP. Gay men and lesbian women who possessed higher IHP displayed greater
depressive symptoms and lower self-esteem.
One study found that Black queer adults were more likely to score highly on internalized
homonegativity than respondents of other ethnicities (Herek, Gillis, & Cogan, 2009). The Black
community’s internalized homonegativity can be linked to the attachment of social norms and
expectations of the community; therefore, masculinity and homosexuality are opposing social
positions within the Black community. The perception of homosexuality deviates from the
expected gender roles of Black men. Thus, the gay identity carries a stigma and contradicts the
norms of “Black masculinity” (Ward, 2005). Black gay men are put in a position where they
41

must present their sexual behavior in a way that will defend their masculinity. This type of
internalized homonegativity is associated with poor mental health, including alcoholism,
thoughts of suicide, and depression (Szymanski, Kashubeck-West, & Meyer, 2008). In a study
to examine the link between ethnicity and sexual orientation, Consolacion, Russell, and Sue
(2004) found that same-sex-attracted Black boys experienced suicidal ideation, high depression
levels, and lower self-esteem than heterosexual Black boys. This study suggests that same-sex-
attracted Black boys experience cultural influences related to the intersection of their race and
sexual orientation that affect their psychological well-being.
Risky Behaviors
Relationships play an important role in Black gay and lesbian’s sense of belonging
(Strayhorn, 2012). Strayhorn (2012) argued not finding a sense of belonging within their “in-
groups” can lead to antisocial and unhealthy behaviors among AA men. Strayhorn’s study
presented that 31% of participants engaged in unsafe, risky behavior with multiple same-sex
partners to satisfy their loneliness and need for acceptance and belonging. There is a high
prevalence rate of Black men living with HIV/AIDS (Bogart & Bird, 2003). Similarly,
researchers found that internalized homonegativity was associated with bad habits of improper
condom use (Ross, Rosser, Neumaier, & the Positive Connections Team, 2008; Sandfort, 1995).
Researchers have expressed concerns about using drugs and substance abuse to cope with
racism and discrimination regarding sexual orientation (Beatty, Madl-Young, & Bostwick,
2006). Similarly, a study of gay, lesbian, and bisexual adults found that internalized
homonegativity was connected to drug and alcohol usage to deal with problems related to their
sexuality (Hammelman, 1993). Additionally, another study based in New York found that Black
42

gay men used methamphetamine to cope with racism and internalized racism (Jerome & Halkitis,
2009).
Everyday experiences of stigma and social inequality can increase stress and reduce well-
being for Black queer students (Meyer, 2003). Internalized racism and internalized
homonegativity of Black queer students negatively impact the overall health and well-being of
Black queer students.
Summary
This chapter underscores the need to study the experiences of Black queer students who
attend PWIs with a greater focus on their well-being. In this chapter, four areas of literature (i.e.,
Black queer identity, queer identity, intersectionality, and social and psychological well-being)
were examined to understand Black queer students’ experiences. The history of Black and queer
individuals paints a comprehensive picture of the fight for education and their voices to be heard
while continuing to demand justice. Empirical research provides an understanding of Black
queer students suffering in their social environment. These findings illustrate how experiences
of racism, homophobia, disapproval, and alienation are associated with increased rates of stress
while focusing on the strong need for support for Black queer students to improve their well-
being.
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Chapter Three: Methods
Qualitative research examines qualities, attributes, characteristics, and properties. Using
qualitative analysis, researchers can gain insights into the experiences of the participants.
Qualitative methods also identify intangible factors, such as social norms, socioeconomic status,
gender roles, ethnicity, and religion, and roles in the research issue may not be readily apparent
(Maxwell, 1992). The use of qualitative research for this phenomenon was most appropriate in
capturing the nuanced experiences of Black queer students who attend PWIs to gain a clear
understanding of how they made sense of their lives and ascribed meaning to them. Qualitative
research relies on language and words gathered through interviews and observations. In hearing
the students’ encounters through interviews, I captured the meaning of their experiences.
Specifically, qualitative methods wish to explore the experiences by bringing the
participants through narrative inquiry. Narrative inquiry methods were used to collect and
analyze the data. Narrative research relies on stories to paint a detailed view of human
experience and activity (Polkinghorne, 1995). Narrative research deeply investigates a small
sample of participants to record participants’ stories and memories while grasping the essence of
their lives (Creswell, 2014). This methodology is appropriate when the research intends to
understand a person’s reality and perceptions of it.
Given that my intent was to understand how Black queer undergraduate students deal
with their experiences of discrimination at their PWI, narrative analysis was appropriate.
Narrative analysis helped to understand the historical and contextual backgrounds of sexual
minorities of color to fight against racism, homophobia, or heterosexism. Narrative analysis is
an interpretive strategy focusing on and attending to events of the story (Riessman, 2008) and
interrogating the details of how and why a certain event of the story is being told in
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chronological order (Creswell, 2014), which inevitably involves respondents’ identities and
highlights the experiences with their audience. The researcher’s intent was to structure the
stories told and watch how the events unfolded temporally. Narrative inquiry has the potential to
impact both the researcher and the participant in transformational ways. Riessman described
narrative research as exploring the meaning the individual gives to his or her experiences
(Sandelowski, 1991) and “the interface of personal and social identity” (Duffy, 2007, p. 401).
Many voices and subjectivities can be reached using narratives (Riessman, 2008).
Settings
To fully consider the responses provided by the interview participants, it is vital to
acknowledge the fact that narrative inquiry is not only the focused tale of individuals and the
experiences of their lives but also a production guided and influenced, to a degree, by the
sociocultural context wherein those experiences take place (Marshall & Rossman, 2015). The
study took place in Southern California, which included the large urban areas of Los Angeles
Metropolitan, Inland Empire, and even the Greater San Diego areas. According to the 2010
Census, Southern California has a population of approximately 37 million residents. Each
interviewee attends or attended PWIs in Southern California, where 50% or more of their student
body is White (Lett & Wright, 2003). Southern California has a significant number of PWIs.
Some campuses have organizations that promote LGBT students’ resources, which supplies the
subpopulation with resource education, services, and support through programming and
awareness activities and student organizations specifically for Black students. Institutions in
Southern California were selected because of the limited visibility of Black students and those
who identify as gay or lesbian who attend these universities. I wanted to highlight and capture
the experiences of those students whose stories are not always told.
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Participants
Qualitative researchers are interested in sampling for meaning, commonly working with
small samples of participants (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Riessman, 2008; Tesch, 1990). To
provide unique insight into Black queer students’ experiences for this study, I intended to study
eight participants to receive depth in the process instead of breadth and representation.
Historically, it has been a complicating task to recruit Black gay men and lesbian women for
research studies (Wynn & West-Olatunji, 2009); therefore, I maintained a smaller sample size of
eight participants because the studied population is minoritized groups within PWIs. Unlike
quantitative research, the researcher is not concerned with random sampling to generalize study
findings (Holloway & Wheeler, 2002; Morse, 2007). Participants for this study were selected on
their unique and valuable experiences; therefore, I employed criterion sampling according to the
following specifications: African American, gay, identified as queer or any identities other than
heterosexual, current undergraduate or graduate of a PWI in California. Criterion sampling
applied to this study because the research questions focused on a population of students who
attend PWIs.
Additionally, I used purposeful sampling for the participants. Purposeful sampling
allows the researcher to narrow the sample criteria to meet specific qualitative objectives to
“discover, understand and gain insight on a sample to be learned” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p.
23). Participants were invited by emailing lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender organizations
on PWI campuses and posting notices on bulletin boards at several community organizations
serving Black or queer students on campus. I anticipated students would see the research
question and feel compelled to participate in the study. Announcements were placed on several
computer-based listservs. Information about the study was included, along with my contact
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information. Participants were asked to provide an email address so they could be reached. To
protect the participants’ privacy, each student was given a pseudonym rather than their actual
names.
Data Collection and Instruments/Protocols
In qualitative research, the researcher becomes the key instrument in collecting data
(Creswell, 2014). In this study, I intended to collect data by interviewing participants and
observing behavior. This study was exploratory and descriptive. Once responses were received
from willing participants, each participant was given the study’s description, which included the
purpose, criteria for participants, and an explanation of how the data would be used. After the
confirmation of participation, willing participants were invited to participate in the one-on-one
interviews. The research was conducted by allowing personal accounts of stories from
participants who met the study’s criteria. It measured the experiences of Black queer
undergraduate students by using open-ended questions. I planned to build rapport with each
participant; therefore, I provided a comfortable environment to encourage greater personal
disclosure with respondents. I have found personal narratives and storytelling to have the great
potential to impact those with whom their stories are shared. The interviews allowed each
participant to share their vantage point and perceptions of various aspects in their lives while
attending their PWI, in a non-judgmental and non-threatening manner (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
Approval to conduct this study was proposed to the University of Southern California
Institutional Review Board. Once the study was approved, I began to conduct the interviews. I
provided each participant with a copy of the research question. A few questions were asked
during the interview to eliminate any surprise questions or questions that would be too difficult
47

for the participant to answer. Participants were asked if the questions that were listed were
appropriate for them to respond to due to the study’s sensitive nature. Consent for the interviews
was obtained verbally and in writing from each participant. The interviews were conducted face-
to-face or through the Zoom application. I allowed each interviewee to choose the time and date
of the interview to minimize any burden. During each interview, I digitally recorded and
selectively transcribed interviews after completion to ensure that I was attentive to the
interviewees’ stories. The interview recordings were useful in capturing each pause, inflection,
unfinished sentence, emphasis, and short period expressed throughout the interview because
those demonstrate meaning and have a language of their own in storytelling (Riessman, 1993).
Each interview ranged from one to two hours. For clarification and to ensure understanding,
probing and follow-up questioning arose. I utilized the interview protocol as a fundamental
guide to ensure the flow of the interview. Comments and notes were taken during and after the
interviews to highlight what has happened during the interview. Following the interview, a
transcript was stored, and all content was transcribed through a transcription service.
The first set of questions pertained to the background information of the participant. To
continue to build rapport with participants, they were asked to provide information about
themselves that they were comfortable sharing by asking them to “Tell me a little bit about
yourself.” This section was included to allow the interview exchanges to be more flexible to put
participants at ease. Understanding that participants would share different amounts of quality to
this question, there were follow-up questions to gain a sense of information about where the
participant was raised and decisions to attend their PWIs instead of other institutions. I was
interested in how participants became aware of their racial/ethnic and sexual identity
development; therefore, the second section included questions about the students’ coming out
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process and understanding of their Blackness. This section allowed the respondents to express
what they identified as. Without asking this question, it becomes assumed that they identify as
one identity, which does not allow the interviewee to express other identities that they possess.
This question allowed me to understand the intersectionality of multiple identities and provide
more context to their experiences. The third section focused on the participants’ experiences at
their PWIs and allowed the interviewees an opportunity to illustrate their encounters at their
PWIs and their navigational processes of dealing with racism and homophobia. The following
section allowed the participant to reflect on the impacts that the experiences created concerning
their well-being. The final section opened the interview for additional information that the
interviewee preferred to add that was not included in the interview. This section created the
space for each person to include what they thought was important to include in the study. With
the use of this section, I was able to understand new ideas that were beneficial to my study and
allow them to focus on what was most important to them relative to the study.
The purpose of developing the protocol structure in sets allowed the interview to follow a
simple transition into leading questions. This way, participants were not initially asked
extremely exhausting questions at the beginning of the interview. With probing, I was able to
get more insight into the participants’ meaning of their experiences. The types of questions
asked were opinion, exploratory, episodic, and perspective questions, which allowed the
interviewee to elaborate and express moments of coming out while providing reasoning and
examples of instances related to their stories.
Data Analysis
I advanced the use of critical race theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001), queer crit
(Misawa, 2012), and minority stress theory (Meyer, 2003) as a core framework in analyzing the
49

experiences of Black queer students who attend PWIs and uncovered emerging themes. Using
these frameworks, I explored cultural phenomena experienced by Black queer people and the
institutional structures that facilitate student development and engagement. Data analysis was
conducted using methods congruent with narrative inquiry. The major raw data sources were the
transcripts from the recorded stories and the notes taken from each participant’s interview. I had
planned to retell the participants’ stories using structural devices, such as plot, setting, and
activities (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). Through the coding process, I employed deductive
coding with the use of the theoretical frameworks. A priori codes, such as “identity
development,” “experienced racism and homophobia,” and “social support” were explored
regarding Black queer students. These a priori codes were grounded in core aspects of CRT
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2001), queer crit (Misawa, 2012), minority stress theory (Meyer, 2003),
and from prior theoretical/empirical literature focused on Black queer students’ experiences at
PWIs. Next, I identified themes, patterns, and relationships by using primary and secondary data
comparison. This allowed for comparing the findings of the interviews with the literature.
Another interpretation method was scanning words and phrases with unusual emotions to gain a
better sense of the significance. Last, the data were summarized and included in the findings
section of the study.
Limitations and Delimitations
How students were selected served as a delimitation. For the purpose of this study,
participants were selected from only four-year institutions, which did not allow students from
community colleges and for-profit institutions to be studied. The qualitative sample size served
as a limitation because a much smaller sample of eight participants were studied.
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Credibility and Trustworthiness
My analysis was the product of using theoretical frameworks (i.e., CRT, queer crit, and
minority stress theory); therefore, different theoretical frameworks would have produced a
different analysis. With the acknowledgment of theoretical frameworks, the validity of the
analysis focused on the notion of “trustworthiness” (Riessman, 1993), so I sought to
transparently provide the interpretation of the narratives. To ensure credibility and
trustworthiness, I applied member checks. Informants were asked to read the transcripts from
the interviews and clarify information to ensure that data were received properly. This occurred
during and after the interviews to allow clarification on dialogue. According to Maxwell (2013),
there should be verification of emerging themes and inferences, as these were informed during
the dialogue. For this study’s purpose, only Black male and female students who identified as
queer were asked to participate, which is an identity I relate with, but made sure the
interpretation of my findings was not shaped by my background. As a measure of credibility, I
believed it was important for me to display a detailed and accurate representation of each
participant’s contributions to the body of data analyzed in the study (Marshall & Rossman,
2015). I achieved that goal by using participants’ exact discursiveness and did not filter the data
with an initial interpretation.
Positionality
Positionality is the researcher’s position toward the study’s sociopolitical, economic, and
cultural contexts (Patel, 2017). I decided to study a population and community that I am heavily
involved in and have experienced many of the inequities firsthand and witnessed others face the
same hardships; therefore, it is of great importance to me. As a Black gay man who has attended
PWIs throughout higher education, I can approach this study with an understanding of the
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countless encounters of homophobia and racism experienced on various campuses. The research
of this community and population is critical, and it should be explored to interrupt
heteronormativity among queer students of color. Although California is a place that has grown
to be more inclusive of individuals of “alternative lifestyles,” queer people of color are not
always incorporated in policies, curriculum, and even organizational affairs. I have always been
especially curious to hear the voices of those who have been silenced and are afraid or
uncomfortable with speaking about their navigational processes of living their true lives.
Ethics
In accordance with the privacy laws related to this study’s subjects, I maintained the
confidentiality of all participants who were involved in the study. To uphold each individual’s
privacy, pseudonyms and numeric identifiers were given to each person on each data report and
collection. Documents were saved and stored in a private file on the researcher’s personal laptop
with unidentifiable document titles. Each participant was notified of his or her rights prior to
participation and was given clear guidelines for using the data obtained. All participants were
asked to give full consent to the usage and storing of the data collected by their interviews.
Follow-up and clarification data were collected electronically through email. All email
communications were handled from the researcher’s university email account, which was not
shared with others. Usage of this account was only accessible on a secured network that required
dual login authentication. Research on this topic can inform queer communities, professionals
who work with queer students of color, and allies who plan to support those of the community.
Only those of this community and those who are involved were able to participate in providing
lived experiences.

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Chapter Four: Findings
This chapter presents the findings of eight Black queer students who attend PWIs in
California to bring a voice to the campus community’s ever-growing population. Interviews
allowed participants to reflect and share their stories while highlighting their experiences on their
predominantly White campuses. The language used in this section is directly quoted from the
participants. Brief descriptions of each participant are presented here and are followed by
exploring the themes acknowledged through data analysis. The profile of the participants
provides contexts and details of their identities and allows the reader to understand the relation of
those identities to the words spoken in the interviews. This study examined eight students who
attended predominately White institutions who identified as Black queer students. Each student
participated in a 60-minute conversation that involved semi-structured questions gathered from
the research of topics that involved Black queer individuals. The questions asked in the
interviews were intentional to gain more knowledge of the research questions, which addressed
Black queer students’ experiences with racism and homophobia at PWIs, and how they coped
and are coping with these racism and homophobia experiences.
Participant Narratives
Each participant was assigned a pseudonym that is used throughout the remainder of this
study. Pseudonyms were provided to protect the identity and privacy of each participant.
Biographical information is collectively presented to provide greater detail to the diversity of the
participants. The participants ranged from age 19 to 25 and attended various universities across
Southern California.
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Mark’s Narrative: “I Will Fight. Period!”
Mark is a Black queer undergraduate male student studying Cinema Media Studies. He
grew up in South Los Angeles and identifies as first-generation and low-income. When asked
what his most salient identities were, Mark responded that his ethnicity and sexual orientation
were. Mark expressed that his appearance is androgynous; therefore, it is difficult for others to
know whether he is a male or female, but he identifies as male. Mark grew up in South Los
Angeles and has always attended grade schools that were predominantly Black or Hispanic, but
now attends a private university in Southern California. His decision to attend a PWI is
attributed to his preference for being in a space different from where he grew up and wanting to
have the privileges afforded to him by attending his university while receiving a quality
education:
I decided to attend my university because growing up, I only knew what it was like to
attend schools with all of the low-income Black kids in my neighborhood, but I always
wondered how it would be to attend schools where their copy machines were fully
functional, and I didn’t have to be surrounded by the same folk that I’ve known since
elementary. I was excited to be accepted to a school like this one because it is difficult to
get in. Once I was accepted, I knew I was of value.
Mark was proud to be a student attending the university and believed he made the most of
his opportunities there. During his time on campus, he realized that although he was accepted to
the university, he was not always accepted in many campus spaces because of his sexuality.
Mark recalled an incident on his suite floor of the dormitory at the beginning of his first year. He
was asked if he was on the correct floor and was told that he should be on the female floor.
Mark remembers multiple instances of crafty remarks about his appearance and sexuality behind
54

his back. He expressed that no matter how many people made fun of his colorful outfits and
make-up, none of their words mattered to him. Mark stated:
I don’t care what people have to say about the way that I look because I know that God
made me perfect. I wish someone would say hurtful things to my face, but they won’t
because I will fight—period. My height and size intimidate people, so I hope they know
better to not say those things to my face.
Mark feels the need to let people know that he will fight them to protect himself
whenever he is placed in a situation of feeling attacked. Mark has never been in any verbal or
physical altercations on campus with anyone because of his sexuality and hopes that he never has
to. Mark perceives himself to be confident in his identities of being Black and gay and believes
he is “the perfect emanation of God’s great gift to the world.” Mark has a strong foundational
belief in God and was raised in Baptist churches. He claims that he no longer attends church and
is more spiritual than religious. Growing up in the church, many of the members were forthright
in questioning his sexuality, making him uncomfortable. He believes the Baptist church
members were more concerned about his sexuality than his well-being, so once he became of age
to live on his own, he abandoned his churchgoing.
The Center for Black Students on Mark’s campus became a great resource for having a
safe space and congregating with other Black students on campus.
I love hanging at the center because I can be myself around the small group of Black
people who are the same skin color as me and not worry about dealing with racism or
having to explain my Blackness to anyone because they all just get it. At the center, they
can accept me for me, whether it is for my Blackness or my queerness. I have gained
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friendships from other queer people there as well, which has made my experience on
campus much better.
Mark prefers to surround himself with Black peers on campus to limit his exposure to
racism. By doing this, he can “appreciate Whiteness from a distance.” Mark expressed that he
has never personally experienced blatant racism because of the fear that people have of him due
to his size. He also noted that he does not utilize the LGBT Resource Center on campus because
he believes it is a center for White students and does not invite students of color, particularly
Black. Mark appreciates his Black heritage and decides to live his life as unapologetically Black
as possible, no matter what space he is in. He makes intentional efforts to minimize stress as
much as possible by being guarded and reminding oppressors that he will fight them as a defense
mechanism.
Lauren’s Narrative: “Before I Am Anything Else, I Am Black First”
Lauren is a fourth-year Spanish major who attends university in Orange County,
California, where she also attended grade school. Lauren has attended predominantly White
schools since elementary but felt that she was always reminded of and left to defend her Black
identity. She has been told she is different and not like other Black people because of her tone of
voice and mannerisms, primarily by her White counterparts. She noticed her differences from
her White peers in the early stages of her social development, differences in features, differences
in lifestyles, differences in upbringing, and differences in cultures.
Lauren considers herself extremely proud to be Black and “committed to her Blackness”
at all costs. She has participated in many Black centered organizations on campus and has
educated and brought awareness to other students regarding the Black experiences of topics on
and beyond the campus, such as police brutality, high unemployment rates, incarceration rates
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among Black men, and many more. Lauren volunteers at the Pan African resource center on her
campus, where she holds events about feminism for her peers. She expressed a great passion for
these topics and enjoys educating other Black students about her personal experiences.
When it comes to her interaction with White peers, Lauren claims that she likes to keep
White people at “arm’s length.” Lauren is fully aware of the physical differences between her
and her White friends, but she believes that there are unique differences, such as beliefs and
upbringings that set them apart, which causes distrust in her friendships. She stated:
I learned from an early stage in my life that White people cannot be trusted. The reason
why I say they cannot be trusted is because I have been bamboozled and hoodwinked by
them way too many times. I have had close White friends since elementary school, and
the level of betrayal that I have received from them is crazy. I have heard them say the
N-word and other derogatory remarks and laugh as if it is not offensive. If they are not
saying them, then their closest friends are. They just don’t get it. I have seen the way
they treat me differently than other Black people when we’re out in public. White friends
of mine try to give me a “pass” because I am one of their token Black friends. I refuse to
allow anyone to mistreat others because they are Black, especially in front of my face.
These racial microaggressions on campus are real.
Lauren addresses and recognizes that racial microaggressions exist on her campus, but
she will not tolerate those acts. Experiences of racial microaggressions have caused her
apprehension to forge close bonds with White counterparts; therefore, she has purposefully
sought friendships on campus with Black peers to protect her well-being. Lauren believes it is
critical to surround herself with Black people, particularly women, to be comforted and cope
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with experiences of racism. Within her Black social groups, she can find support and shared
experiences of what it means to be Black:
I have a close-knit group of Sister Friends who I meet with on campus weekly. Together
we discuss issues that are affecting us as Black women in this society. We deal with not
one but multiple oppressions because of our ethnic and gender identities. That is why I
love bonding with these women. Our discussions range from abuse to homeownership to
coping with our experiences and even to creating goals for our future. This is a group
where I can be myself and not hide my identity.
Lauren believes it is imperative to find the beauty and love within yourself when it comes
to her navigational experiences of dealing with discrimination toward her race. Her motto is that
“no one will give you greater joy and happiness than the love that you can provide to yourself.”
She believes that affirming and reminding herself of this allows her to stand true to her authentic
self. Lauren stated, “I am not willing to compromise, nor hide certain aspects of who I am, nor
my beliefs to make other people feel comfortable.” She says that exact sentiments remain the
same when it comes to issues around her sexuality.
Lauren identifies as pansexual, which is an attraction to all, regardless of their gender
identities. Her pansexuality has allowed her to remove boundaries on whom she can date while
allowing her the possibility to love openly and value beauty in all peoples, whether they are
male, female, or even trans. Lauren knew that her attraction was gender blind since high school
when her interests were not limited to only boys and girls, but to those who identify as
androgynous or nonbinary. She was unfamiliar with the term pansexual until she took a human
sexuality course her first year of college, but quickly attached it to her queer identity. When it
comes to dating, Lauren does not discriminate. In college, she dated a transman, born a
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biological female but now a transgender male. Most of Lauren’s friends are aware of her queer
identity, but it is not obvious because you cannot tell or assume that she is pansexual solely by
her look. She dresses in clothes that reinstate hegemonic performances of gender, and she is
content with that. Additionally, her parents are not aware of her sexual identity. Lauren stated:
My parents are both educators, so they have gone through diversity and sensitivity
workshops, but they still have some inherent prejudices for queer people even though
they will not express it publicly. I have wanted to tell my parents that I am queer since
high school, but I cannot muster the confidence to say it to them. They are supportive of
other people being queer, but when it comes to me, they would have a difficult time
accepting my queer identity. We will cross that bridge once we get there; whenever that
will be.
Despite Lauren’s expression of her sexual identity to her parents, she is tremendously
involved in raising awareness of queer identities and campus experiences. She has organized the
Black Queer Stories Event each year. This event allows Black queer students to be expressive in
highlighting their stories of what it means to deal with multiple minoritized identities. When
highlighting her feelings of being Black and queer, Lauren stated:
I literally must consciously check myself throughout the day. I believe that it is a shame
that I must prepare for discrimination and learn to protect my emotions each morning
before I walk out my door. I question whether things were said or done to me because I
am Black or queer. I ask myself of these situations because they have happened time and
time again. No one wants to be in their head all day and wonder if they are getting
treated differently because the color of their skin or because they are queer, even when it
is obvious. These are experiences that White, straight cis-gendered men do not have to
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deal with. Juggling my multiple identities comes with challenges, but this has become a
norm for me.
Lauren continually fears people are against her because of undesirable experiences
related to racism and homophobia. Lauren believes that her sexual orientation is passable and
can externally be hidden if it became too difficult to handle. Her negative experiences related to
her sexual identity are unique, but it does not amount to the discrimination she has received
about her racial identity. Lauren stated, “I am a sister, student, educator, pansexual, and a great
friend. But before anything else, I am Black first.” The harsh and cruel issues revolving around
Black identities are what she is faced with daily; therefore, her Black identity is most salient to
her.
Tammy’s Narrative: “The Vibes Here are Weird, Bro”
Tammy is a 19-year-old undergraduate student who attends school in San Diego,
California, majoring in finance. Growing up, Tammy always understood that she was different
from many of the girls in her class and discovered an interest in girls at the age of 10. Tammy
was active in sports and was blessed with athletic talent. Her athleticism and competitiveness
prompted many of her peers to call her masculine and aggressive. Tammy grew comfortable in
her identity of being “boy-like” but never associated a sexual identity for herself until high
school, where her interest in girls grew beyond the innocent flirtation. Tammy now identifies as
lesbian but has considered beginning her journey to transition to trans-male. Once she begins her
transition, she will respectively change her gender to male. Until she does so, she is tolerant of
the pronouns of she, her, and hers.
Tammy’s family is unaware of her decision to transition, and she plans to keep it that
way and wants it to be a surprise for them. Her choice for keeping it a secret is because she does
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not want her family to negatively influence her. Tammy states that she is living a double life
until she finds the strength to come out to her family:
Being 60 miles away from home allows me to be the person who I always wanted to be
and to be more comfortable in my identity. You know? I think it is cool that I do not
have to answer to anyone here or be told to act a certain way by my family. I feel reborn
here, and all the negative experiences of bullying, like mental and physical abuse from
my friends back home doesn’t happen here, especially in the way that it used to.
Tammy had a plethora of universities to choose from, but it was the high level of research
and the inclusivity of identities that ranked high on the decision to attend this university. Tammy
shares a story of her experience at an event for Black admitted students to visit campus and
network with each other. During this event, she noticed the pockets of Black students who
attended the university and actively sought friendships with all who looked like her. She quickly
found a group called the Black Queer Group who invited her with open arms. Black Queer
Group was an organization for queer students of color on campus. Though, if it was not for her
affiliation with this group, Tammy believes that she would not have many friends who are Black
on campus. Tammy explained:
I have had a difficult time gaining friendships with “straight” or popular groups of Black
students on campus. I believe that my imagery and queer identity has a lot to do with
why it is so difficult to make Black friends. I try to intentionally talk to other Black
students on campus, but they act like they do not see me, or I am not the type of person
they would want to be friends with because I do not fit that mainstream image of being a
Black student. I believe they view me as butch or too masculine because I have heard
someone say it before.
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Tammy shared her frustration with the Black community on campus and has labeled
them to be oppressors. She believes her image plays a factor in why she has not been fully
accepted by her Black peers. She has grown appreciative of the Black queer spaces on campus;
although they are small in scale, she is content with the friend group she has gained. Her
personal experiences and instances highlighted in the media make her fearful of carrying out her
transition. Tammy recounts negative experiences of trans people going missing and found dead,
where most of their assassins have been Black men.
Tammy was passionately expressive about her experienced hurt from the Black
community and shared that she hosted many events to bring awareness of Black queer struggles
related to intergroup and intragroup differences. These events were open to the public, but much
of the audience was either queer or White, straight, cis-gendered allies. Tammy is trying her
hardest to create allies on campus with straight cis-gendered Black students, but it presents
difficulties, as she believes that many students claim to be uninterested or “too busy” to attend.
Aside from the apprehension that she receives in including various Black groups on campus to
attend her events, she perceives many of her Black peers to be unwelcoming and “cliquish”:
It is so hard to make friends with the Black kids, so I gave up on kissing their asses. I
don’t want it to be this way, but why keep trying to make friends with people who are
constantly making sly remarks about you? I just continue to use these experiences to tell
my story of oppression within liked communities on campus. The vibes here are weird,
bro. I am content with my multicultural groups of friends because they seem to accept
me more. All of me.
Tammy shares she has a close group of diverse friends who support her in all her
endeavors, whether in school, relationships, or even attending events. She helps coordinate the
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Black Gay Pride events and drag shows on campus. Tammy claims that her friends have stood
in solidarity with her and donated to her cause as allies. Her organizations on campus and close
friends have provided high levels of comfort and support in great times of need.
Karen’s Narrative: “I Feel That I Am Constantly Needing to Prove My Worth”
Karen is a current graduate student studying a master’s in clinical psychology. Both of
her undergraduate and graduate universities are predominately White private institutions in
Southern California. She chose to attend her institution because of its valuable education but has
issues with being the only Black student in her courses. Karen felt that she was lonely and did
not have anyone to connect with personally and socially from her classes. She often regretted
not attending a historically Black college or university because she believed that she would have
more spaces to openly speak of experiences of racism with people from similar backgrounds.
Karen shared:
Being the only Black person in my classes presents its own challenges. Because I am
studying counseling, and much of our discourse is around race, I am expected to speak
for and bring the experiences of everyone Black to the discussion. Whenever there is a
question raised related to diversity, the entire class looks at me to answer the question.
First off, that is not fair, and secondly, I do not know everyone’s experience, so I should
not be expected to speak on it.
Karen feels race is not the only topic of discussion she is expected to lead in class, but
she is also expected to speak on issues related to sexual orientation. Karen identifies as queer
and will not bound her sexual identity to lesbian. She believes that accepting a lesbian identity
limits her interests in other people. She is out and proud about her queer identity, so her
classmates look forward to her being the “spokesperson” of all things Black and all things queer.
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Karen admits her excitement for expressing her unique identity and sharing her own experiences
but only in conversations that are intentional for the benefit of Black or queer communities.
Karen is immensely active on campus and was recently appointed as president of the
Queer Group, a society that provides programming and support for all the intersectionality of
identities on campus. In this role, she has collaborated with various groups and organizations to
provide awareness, advocacy, and connection to the community. Although this group is known
to be inclusive and accepting of all people regardless of race, gender, and sexual orientation,
Karen is having trouble due to her positionality of being the first Black female president in the
organization. Karen feels that she is undermined and not taken seriously in her role:
I love what I do for the community and could not imagine a better position on campus,
but I constantly feel like I am being tested by some of the people inside and outside my
organization because they have issues with me being, first, Black, and second, a woman.
There are not many Black and queer people in the group, maybe two others. I think it is
imperative that I show them how important it is to hold this position, so I keep at it. For a
position that I was voted into, I am constantly needing to prove my worth.
Karen stated that she has purposely been called names such as “Shaniqua” or
Domoniqua,” as if all Black girls have names that end in “qua.” Moments like these made Karen
feel worthless regardless of what powers she may hold, regardless of her education and
personality. Despite how she felt, she has learned to suppress her experiences of pain, anguish,
and defeat to persist and continue to make changes:
I am proud of my Blackness and want the most for my people, so I deal with whatever I
need to get my foot in the door. Yes, I get upset and angry dealing with racism, but it
will not change in a day. I must continue to tell people that racism, in fact, does still exist
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even when I do not want to. This is an argument that is usually weakened by White
people who believe we are living in a post-racial society. I just wish people would wake
up.
When it comes to Karen’s issues related to homophobia, she believes that they are small
compared to the issues related to racism and that experiences of homophobia do not bother her
nearly as much as racism. She claims her ability to argue with a Christian person forcing Bible
teachings on her comes much easier than arguing racism still exists with people in denial. When
Karen makes these arguments, she is seen as too dominant and opinionated by her peers, and her
arguments are known to cause disruption. She was even asked to tone down her frustration
because it makes others fearful of her.
There are not many places on campus where Karen feels comfortable socializing outside
of her organization, so she frequently meets with friends at a local speakeasy nearby campus to
speak her mind and present poems of her experiences. At the speakeasy, Karen feels she can
express herself freely, openly, honestly, and authentically among people who will not judge her
for being herself.
Jason’s Narrative: Black Culture Is Amazing, and I Am Proud to Be a Part of It”
Jason is a third-year undergraduate student at a private university in Los Angeles,
California. He moved to the city from a rural, suburban town in Georgia to study psychology.
He is of mixed race and identifies as half Black and half White. Jason also identifies as
pansexual but claims, although his sexuality is not evident, he is comfortable disclosing his
sexual identity. Jason believes his masculinity makes it difficult for people to believe that he has
interests in men. Jason shared:
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It is hard for people to believe that I am interested in or date men because I am not
flamboyant, as if all men who date men must be feminine. I think many people are
misinformed and have a misunderstanding that you must act or look a certain way to be
gay. Growing up, I remember a kid asked if I was gay only because I had nicely shaped
eyebrows. Like really? That’s why you think I am gay?
Jason believes people associate appearance with sexuality and that it is not fair for
anyone to be prejudged based on looks or attitude. He also believes stereotypes play a
significant part in associating behaviors to sexual orientation. Jason was very clear that he had
been judged many times when it came to his sexuality, making him highly uncomfortable. The
prejudgment from others played a significant role in how he interacts with others. Jason claims
to be a very independent person, who usually tends to his own business. He keeps an
exceptionally small group of friends who he has vetted and can trust. He is out to his family and
friends but keeps his personal business private.
Jason felt a cultural divide in his household and in his community from where he was
raised. He noticed the differences in behaviors from both sides of his family when it came to his
sexual orientation. Jason believes his Black family members were less accepting of queer
individuals than his White family members. Jason recalls times when he would bring his trans
friends around his Black grandmother and the arguments it caused. He believes that racial and
generational biases and differences cause misunderstanding of queer individuals.
Growing up, Jason kept a small, diverse friend group, and he believes he did not
completely embrace his Blackness but witnessed the cultural bond he has with his Black peers,
regardless of whether they are friends are not:
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Black people have, like, a cultural understanding with each other that allows them to
acknowledge others’ Blackness. On campus, I can walk down the halls and see another
Black person, and I feel a part of a community without even knowing their name or
anything about them. Black culture is amazing, and I am proud to be a part of it.
When it comes to Jason’s experiences of racism on campus, he is aware of the trauma
that it brings to him. He fixates on negative experiences, and it triggers his anxiety. He also
suffers from aggressive panic attacks, so he internalizes those negative experiences of racism and
homophobia. Jason shares that he would prefer to write about his experiences and make music
and poetry out of it. He believes writing his thoughts and experiences down to creatively
transform them into a song is therapeutic for him.
Jason asserts he does not utilize the LGBTQ center or Black student organizations on
campus because he would prefer to seek his partnerships and friendships on his own accord,
authentically. He believes the purpose of these organizations is for social gathering with like
people and for counseling when needed. Jason feels he does not relate to most queer people or
other Black people, and he does not actively look for friends solely because they are Black or
queer. When it comes to support, he would rather deal with his issues by finding creative outlets
or seeking support from one or two friends he could trust.
Darius’ Narrative: “Either I Am Too Black, or I Am Too White. Where Do I Fit In?”
Darius is a fourth-year student at a liberal arts university studying psychology. He grew
up in a low-income community with predominantly Black neighbors. Attending his university
was his ticket out of the “hood” and his opportunity to remove himself from his undesirable
environment. Darius recalled experiences of drug deals and criminal activities in his
neighborhood and believed he wanted a better experience for himself while getting a quality
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education. He identifies as a first-generation college student; although his parents attempted to
attend college, managing schoolwork and family obligations became burdensome for them.
Growing up, Darius was always told he was “different” from other children in his
neighborhood. Many of his Black peers told him that he acted White because he spoke properly
and dressed casually. Many of the boys would constantly tell him how “girly” he was, not
because he was feminine, but only because he did not care to play rough sports with them at
neighborhood parks. These comments infuriated Darius because he did not understand why he
was called these names by children he thought were friends.
Going to college provided Darius an opportunity to leave his family and his
neighborhood and explore what life was like in a setting where there were more diverse groups
of people. Darius’ first time being exposed to an institution with various ethnic groups was on
his campus. For the first time, he believed he did not have to use jargon that made him feel
“cool” or needed to represent that he was “down with the culture.” Darius believed he did not
need to defend his behaviors to other people to be liked and became comfortable in who he was.
Darius identifies as bisexual and has an equal interest in men and women. He claims his
sexuality is not obvious or important to his straight peers on campus because their priorities are
learning, and various sexual identities are accepted on campus. He became a member of the
LGBTQ group on campus to find students to whom he can relate. Darius stated:
I joined the LGBTQ group because I wanted to search for a group of friends who were
Black and queer. This way, we could study together and share the same experiences and
stories. I realized that there was only one other Black queer person in the group, but he
was very aloof. I tried my hardest to gain friendships with him, but my advances were
always declined, so I gave up. He even told one of the members that I acted too Black.
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What the hell? I’m either too Black, or I’m too White. Where do I fit in? I just became
friends with the White queer students instead.
Darius spoke intensely of the microaggressions he received from his White queer friends,
which were often inappropriate during social gatherings. He recalls moments of being fetishized
and asked to approve stereotypes about Black queer men. These moments came as a
disappointment to him because he was reminded of his experiences growing up needing to
defend stereotypes related to his sexual identity and now expressing the exact need to protect
stereotypes about his racial identity:
Hanging out with the members from the queer center was fun in the beginning until they
became too comfortable asking me all these questions like I was their only Black friend,
and I certainly was a fascination to them. I didn’t care too much in the beginning, but
then it became too much to handle, and I noticed a divide. So, I had to stop socializing
with them and only plan to see them on campus.
Darius repeatedly justified his queer peers’ behaviors because he did not want to view
their actions with malicious intent, but he did associate these experiences as racist in nature. He
felt a desire to call friends out and educate them on the consequences of their problematic
behaviors and remarks.
Darius described being lost in his identity again and needing to explore what contributed
to his happiness because he could not find it within his groups of friends he made on campus.
His journey of finding his own interests involved drugs, alcohol, and a great deal of weekend
partying. He recalls being disappointed with himself because many of his grades dropped, and
he grew miserable. He remembered his goal of moving far from his hometown was to make his
parents proud and become the man he always wanted to be, so he decided to seek support from
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local Black queer groups that he discovered on Facebook who meet in person every Tuesday to
have discussions about the meanings of being Black and queer in America.
The Black queer groups exposed me to healthy friendships and bonds that I did not know
I would have. They were able to accept me and allow me in their spaces. I became
active in the group too. I led group discussions and participated in workshops. They
even provided me with a scholarship for my tuition because I was struggling to pay after
having to retake a full semester. . . . I do not have to be pretentious with this group
because they accept me for me and not for who they want me to be. . . . It would be nice
to have a group like this on campus, but I am content with attending this group because I
feel I get the support that I need.
Darius’ negative experiences from intragroup queer peers caused him to question his
worth as a Black queer man and whether he was good enough to fit in predominately queer
spaces and predominately straight Black spaces. Darius recounts suffering from severe
depression and internalizing those negative experiences and placing self-doubt. After seeking
support from groups who share the same experiences, he could find the help he needed and
repurpose himself.
Robert’s Narrative: “I Grew Up Ashamed of My True Identity, Now I Can’t Be Prouder”
Robert grew up in a small suburban town in Virginia but moved to California to attend
his public university in Los Angeles. He decided to move from his hometown because he
wanted a new reputation and fantasized about creating a new name for himself. Back home, he
was known as the “soft Black kid who did not like to play sports,” although his mother made him
play football. He understood how hurtful these stereotypes were, but he chose not to confront his
bullies and feared that matters would get worst. Robert explained that he was constantly teased
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about his personality and mannerisms and was called gay and faggot without being sure of his
own sexual identity.
Growing up, Robert knew he loved girls, but also grew a strong interest in boys. Robert
claims he would pray for God to remove the thoughts he had of boys and wished he was not
going to be gay. Much of the ridicule Robert received was from his Black peers, so he distanced
himself from interactions with Black peers because he felt a sense of distrust with them. Many
of Robert’s friends were White, and he was content this way. Robert believes that he was too
young to understand the differences he had with his White friends, but growing up, it did not
matter to him.
The first semester at his university, Robert shared that he intentionally sought Black
networks to be a part of and expressed interests in all Black men groups and fraternities on
campus, but he quickly noticed the disconnect he had with the groups. He felt as if he was not
suited for these groups, and they did not embrace him in ways he hoped they would. Robert
claims he did not share many of the same interests as the Black groups he tried to be a part of, so
he joined a predominantly White fraternity. It was in his fraternity where he realized that being
accepted by White people does not make you exempt from racism.
Robert recalls having to assimilate to be accepted by his fraternity brothers, and he
believes that he would have to do the same if he had joined a predominately Black fraternity
because you need to have similar interests and behaviors to be a part of a community. He did
whatever he needed to do to fit in, but that was not good enough. Robert describes moments of
overhearing members of his fraternity constantly degrading Black people and being
disrespectful. He claimed that he never spoke up about it because he did not want to disrupt their
friendship. Instead, Robert would go to his dorm and cry. His fraternity brothers accepted his
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gay identity after coming out his junior year, but he was unsure if they were truly accepting of
his Black identity.
Robert describes his desire to seek a sense of belonging and social support. He needed
someone who could talk to him about his emotions related to racism, so he joined a faith-based
organization on campus. He was fearful that he could not be his true self because Robert was
gay, and the group would judge him, but he later discovered how open the faith-based
organization was with sexual orientations. In this group, Robert met one of his closest friends
with whom he could talk about his race issues and issues related to his sexual orientation. He
described his friend to be vocal about issues and concerns that he has related to oppression. This
friend, who was also a staff member at his university, has helped Robert gain the voice that he
needed to politely inform others about their own racism:
My friend taught me that I do not have to be fearful to express myself if I can nicely tell
people how it made me feel. You know? I grew up ashamed of my identity, now I can’t
be prouder. I started to speak up and not allow people to get away with hurtful behavior.
This has made me feel liberated. I can educate people while uplifting others.
Robert believes that his close partnership with his friend gave him the confidence to be
himself. When dealing with negative experiences, he has learned not to internalize them but
express and share them with others. His friend also encouraged him to join youth groups who
work with homeless queer students and support them with housing. These are outlets that Robert
finds positive and beneficial for his own well-being and others’ well-being.
Trisha’s Narrative: “I Ditched My Blackness to Fit in With the Mainstream Culture”
Trisha is a recent graduate of a private university in Southern California, who majored in
biological sciences. Trisha grew up in a segregated, low-income neighborhood in South Los
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Angeles. She claims to have had friends who were predominately Black, but this changed once
she got to college. The moment she stepped foot on her new university her first year, she fell in
love with the campus and knew that she would do whatever it took to fit in and meet people.
Trisha claims to have had the mindset to actively befriend White students but disassociated
herself from Black peers on campus:
My first two years here, Black students would want to hang out or study with me, and I
would tell them, “Yeah, sure.” But I would purposely ignore them if they messaged me,
or I would come up with excuses why I did not want them as study partners. Those just
weren’t the type of friends that I wanted. I automatically associated the Black students to
be irresponsible because of the negative experiences that I had growing up in my
neighborhood. I had the highest GPA in my high school, and I remember my Black
friend cheating on my test, and we both got in trouble. I had nothing to do with it. I
didn’t even know she cheated. The people that were in my high school made poor
choices for themselves, so I thought the Black students at my university were not too far
off.
Trisha spoke of many unfavorable experiences that happened in her neighborhood, such
as crime and violence. She believed that these negative experiences limited her perception of
Black people, and she thought negatively of them regardless of the amount of success and money
a Black person had. She claimed to have associated those behaviors with Blackness and wanted
to do whatever was necessary to disown that part of her identity.
Trisha explained that her relationships with White friends grew stronger, while her
relationships with Black students were nonexistent. Trisha claimed to have been introduced to
many new experiences that she would not have gained with Black students on campus, such as
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traveling abroad her junior year. Trisha believed she was immersing herself into a non-racialized
identity, and whenever she was asked about her race, she would reply that she was human.
When it was time for her to fill out applications for internships, she would decline to answer
because she believed that disclosing her race would limit her opportunities.
Trisha details an unpleasant experience that she had in her second semester of junior
year. She was called a nigger and a Black bitch on her way home from the university’s football
game by two strangers driving by in their tan pickup truck. Trisha identified the strangers to be
White males who had no affiliation with her university. She recalled being shocked and
outraged by what she experienced. She expressed needing to undergo a serious examination of
who she was and the value that she had on others:
In that moment, I realized that no matter how hard I tried to disassociate my Black
identity, I was still seen as a nigger and Black bitch to other people. We just are not there
yet as a society. There is still so much hate in this world. But how can I expect others to
love me if I cannot love myself? I realized that I wanted to badly ditch my Blackness to
fit in with the mainstream culture and be loved by White peers, to only feel like an
outsider again.
Trisha’s experience of blatant racism caused her to internalize what had happened. She
began to doubt her value and worth to her White peers. She remembers seeking validation and
constantly asking her White friends if they thought she was smart or pretty. Whenever she did
not feel valued, she would sit in her thoughts, allowing time to go on, which resulted in a decline
in her grades.
During Trisha’s summer, following her junior year, she decided to take an elective on
minority mental health. Trisha describes this class as her saving grace. She believes that this
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class answered many of the questions that she had about her self-worth. Trisha also utilized the
free counseling sessions offered on her campus and was paired with a Black counselor.
Throughout these counseling sessions, she unpacked her anger and frustration while seeking a
way to love herself and her identity.
Trisha claims that counseling was instrumental in accepting herself and others. She saw
a change in her behaviors and began to appreciate her Black identity and other Black people.
Trisha asserts that she was able to forge stronger connections with her Black peers during her
senior year while maintaining her relationships with her friends. Although she was able to
cultivate those relationships, she believes that there is always room for growth, and she is finding
positive ways to love herself and others daily. She also joined a Black LGBTQ group on
campus.
Although Trisha identifies as bisexual, she believes she has never personally experienced
blatant homophobia at her university. She believed, due to her appearance, others could not
assume her sexual orientation. Therefore, it is not as noticeable. Trisha believes her bisexual
identity is minimal in scale compared to her Black identity.
Review of Major Themes
This section serves as a review of the major themes identified in performing a narrative
analysis of the stories of each participant’s experience. All the themes shown in this chapter are
factors participants discussed concerning their personal experiences in their PWIs. The themes
that are commonly related are participants’ exploration of their self-identity, their responses to
their experiences of racism and homophobia, and their social support.
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Exploration of Identity
This section focuses on the development of identity. The following themes describe the
external influences of Black queer students’ identity development and their internal reactions to
their environments. All participants experimented and discovered behaviors that led to their own
identity development. This profound evolutionary process was one that participants discovered
in various ways, whether it was experiences related to their racial, sexual, or gender identities.
Participants articulated exploring their identities separately in different spaces. The participants’
exploration and consciousness of their identities are highlighted to showcase their self-
perceptions and self-awareness prior to entering their PWIs.
Black Consciousness and Sense of Self
All participants in the study commonly identified as Black when asked about their race
and ethnicity. Each participant expressed their Black identities were their most salient out of all
their associated identities. During the interviews, participants articulated how their race shaped
their worldview and daily experiences. Parental influence in embedding the centrality of race
was significant in forming participants’ identities. Lessons from parents and their Black
communities related to their racial identities came in various forms. The transference of positive
messages of racial consciousness often countered the mainstream images and rhetoric of Blacks
exhibited in spaces that support negative stereotypes. Lauren spoke of the positive affirmations
her parents would try to instill in her since childhood:
My father always told me to love myself and that my Black was beautiful. He told me
that things like magazines and billboards will tell me otherwise. He wanted me to love
my Black features and to understand that I was a Black queen. He wanted to make sure
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that I knew my value and my worth before going out into the world, and they tell me I am
not worthy.
Robert also gained meaningful lessons from his parents concerning his Blackness. Like Lauren’s
lessons, Robert’s parents reminded him of his Blackness and brought awareness of the optics of
his presence in many White spaces and how to conduct his behavior, so he would not be
negatively stereotyped. Robert shared:
I have been told and reminded of my racial identity ever since I could remember. My
mom had the talk with me about how to be super polite in public. She would remind me
that people would see me as a hoodlum or a thug just because of the color of my skin. I
had to do everything to appease White people just “because I’m Black.” I think my mom
wanted me to understand that life would be much harder because of my skin color and
that I needed to prove to people that I did not fit the negative stereotypes you see on tv,
you know.
The conversations that participants had with their parents about their Blackness came with harsh
and honest realities that they would soon discover later in life. Mark expressed:
My mother always told me that I needed to work just as hard to earn my spot at the table.
I needed to prove myself much more than other people. My mom was hard on my
siblings and me because she wanted the best for us but knew it was not going to come
easily. I hated it back then, but now I know it was nothing, but love and I realized that
was what she needed to do for us to understand how to succeed.
In addition to the positive affirmations and informative discussions and teachings from
their childhood concerning their own Black consciousness, participants spoke of negative
experiences they encountered within their Black communities. Darius spoke of instances where
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he spoke too “properly” and was called “Whitewashed.” Trisha spoke of experiences where she
was told that she was too “dark,” and her hair was “nappy.” Many of these negative encounters
altered the perceptions of my participants. Trisha asserted:
My parents told me that I was beautiful, but I would go to school and hear that I was too
ugly, or my lips were too big from people that looked like me, and we shared the same
skin color. It was so confusing to me, and it really messed me up—like for real. My
mom would buy me Black barbie dolls, but I would never play with them because I
began to believe that they weren’t beautiful at all.
Participants spoke of the idealizing of White features that led to their perceptions of self.
Tammy states, “The images of White Jesus in religious centers, the straight hair of barbie dolls
and even the history books in the classroom led me to think that Whites were more important,
and I was not.”
Other students added to their negative personalized experiences with White peers and
spoke of the effects it had on their self-esteem. Jason shared that he was once called the N-word
by a group of White boys at his neighborhood park. This experience negatively impacted his
confidence and self-image, as the boys continued to make fun of his light-brown skin tone and
mixed race. Jason expounded:
I did not understand why they called me the N-word. I always thought I was White like
them because my dad was White as hell, and so were my cousins and grandparents. This
was, like, my first time I ever heard that word said directly to me. I was in complete
shock when I heard that. It wasn’t fair, but I guess it is what it is.
The participants’ messages received about themselves through various interactions
throughout their childhood, whether through television, family, community, or school, informed
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their perceptions of self. These experiences shaped and formed the development of their racial
identities and sense of self.
Queer Identity Formation
The progression to a queer identity often follows a complicated journey of exploring
identity labels. All participants expressed their process of sexual identity formation and the
complexities that came with it. Most participants recounted a straight identity as their first label,
then changing their identity after exploration. Robert’s attitude is consistent with other
participants in the study. Robert asserted:
I always knew I had an attraction to guys, but I never really acted on it until my last year
of high school. I remember writing love notes to a boy on my football team and
expressing my puppy love to him, but of course, I never gave it to him. I kept it and read
it over and over, wishing that it was possible for me to say those words without getting in
trouble or picked on. I continued to be “straight” until I could put a label on what I was.
I didn’t think I was gay back then because I was not overly feminine, and that’s what
homosexuality was associated with. I knew I also loved girls. So, I was heterosexual
until I found out what bisexual meant in high school.
Participants suggested their sexual identity process was multifaceted and ongoing. The
development of their sexual identities was not just confined to one term, nor was it the same
throughout the span of their exploration. Lauren spoke of her interest in men at first and gained
a newfound liking for women and transmen. So, Lauren’s sexual identity was not constant and
changed throughout her investigation of her own sexual identities. Some participants expressed
the transitions of their sexual identities that evolved after exploration encounters, encompassing
a transitional movement to enter and exit their assigned terms progressively. Karen spoke of her
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transition from straight to bisexual, back to straight, then to androsexual (attraction to
masculinity, regardless of sex assigned at birth). Like many other participants, Karen preferred
to use the term queer, as it is a spectrum term that encapsulates a multitude of sexual identities,
and she would prefer not to explain them all to others.
Queer is a term that has been reclaimed in recent years and has been an ongoing process
of reclamation (Brontsema, 2004), so that term has been used throughout the study to identify the
unique sexual identities of the participants. Queer was an appropriate umbrella term for most of
the participants regarding their sexuality. Although most participants were comfortable
identifying as queer, Trisha hesitated to adopt the term queer as her identity. When asked about
her sexual identity, Trisha replied:
I would prefer not to be labeled as queer because it sounds extremely negative. People
still use that word to make fun of people. Some people still see queer people as weird or
consider them the “unknown.” I know who I am and what I like. I like girls, so I am
lesbian, not queer. But because it is somehow cool to say now, everyone wants to accept
that word, but I don’t. That is like saying the N-word to me. Sorry, but I am not your
“nigga,” okay. Ugh. . . . I hate that word.
Trisha’s comments represent the ongoing reclamation process of the term queer and the
varying comfortability levels it has with some people. Her remarks signify that the term queer is
not a fully acceptable term by everyone who is considered to fall under the category. Reclaiming
the term is an ongoing process. Trisha’s experience of the term has not been pleasant for her,
and the adoption of the term is preferential to those who use it. My use of the term is rare and
typically only used in academic settings; therefore, the term queer is used throughout the study to
refer to those who are not cis-gendered or heterosexual.
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It took experience and education for participants to find and understand labels suitable for
their sexual identities. For example, Lauren did not construct a label for herself until she took
her human sexuality course in college. Jason assigned a label to his identity after meeting other
friends who similarly identified with his own sexual experiences with other men, thus labeling
himself as pansexual. Mark had not assigned a label to himself because he is not familiar with
all the terms related to sexuality; therefore, he is comfortable with the term queer until he can
determine a label for himself.
After adopting and understanding their sexual identities, all participants chose to disclose
their sexual identities to members of their families, friends, or those they cared for. Reasons for
disclosing varied among participants, but each member felt the need to be open about their
sexualities to be their authentic selves.
Disclosure of Sexual Identity
Participants vividly spoke of the motivation to disclose their sexual identities with others
and the results of doing so. Choosing to disclose their sexual identities to members of their
circles came as a task to my participants, including mental preparation, loss of friends, and
unexpected acceptance from others. Although choosing to disclose their sexual identities could
result in unpredicted responses, all participants felt that their sexual identities should not be
hidden from those with whom they wished to share this information. Darius shared:
After coming to terms with my sexuality, I was able to own the fact that I was bi. Being
able to express that I was bi was a whole other ballgame. I had to be careful with who I
told. Sometimes, I wasn’t careful, and those fools told other people about me or outed
me. I grew from that experience and became selective of who I told. I was scared that
people would judge me because I was bi, but I was the same person. Ain’t nothing
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changed, just the fact that you know that I am Bi now. Now, I don’t give a damn what
people think.
Darius’ experiences of informing others of his sexuality caused him to do so with caution
and be thoughtful of who he told. He wanted to protect his identity and be in control of who
knew. Those very sentiments were the same as other participants who believed it was best that
they personally expressed their sexuality to others they trusted. Karen spoke of her experience
with coming out and how proud she was when her family commended her for her bravery of
releasing this “burden” that she had been carrying. Karen asserted:
It was as if a load had been lifted. I sat with my family in the living room and told them
that I was dating a girl and introduced her to them at the same time. I knew they had
speculated that I had a girlfriend or was lesbian or something, but I know they were
happy to hear me say it. I thought they would be against it because no one asked me
about it. They only asked each other, and I would overhear them saying things.
Coming out to a family member or friends allowed the participants to feel as if they can
be themselves and not hide a part of their identities. While some participants were comfortable
revealing their sexual identities to others, groups of people in their circle chose to conceal their
identities. Tammy and Lauren both chose to hide their sexual identities from their parents until
they are ready to have the conversation. They view the coming out process as educating others
of their identities, which neither claim to be interested in.
Choosing to disclose their sexual identities to family and social groups was a task within
itself. Bringing their full identities to their predominantly White campuses introduced new
conditions that impacted their social, educational, and emotional lives on campus. Learning to
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remain faithful to their identities while being among others with whom they do not have
commonalities summoned new challenges.
Racism and Homophobia at PWI’s
Understanding the complexities of their identities was something that participants had to
come to terms with and often presented complications, challenges that kept their voices silenced
and their identities in the shadows. Participants spoke of experiences of needing to rely on those
self-love affirmations they were taught as kids as they found themselves entering their
predominantly White campuses where their identities were disempowered.
Maintaining positive self-esteem and self-awareness was crucial to participants at their
predominantly White campuses. Negative attitudes and behaviors related to their race and
sexuality on their predominantly White campuses and classrooms presented psychological and
social shock. These negative experiences resulted in participants needing to engage in activities
that promoted the survival of their mental health, such as finding social membership among
members of the same racial group. Being involved in their racial communities gave them a
positive view of their racial identities. Students could express feelings of closeness within these
groups with other Black peers and similarities in feelings and thoughts. Mark remarked:
It was tough inside my classrooms, being the only Black person in class, and feeling
outnumbered. Whenever I would participate in class or answer the professor’s questions,
a White student always felt the need to add on to my statements or correct what I was
saying as if my voice or my input did not matter. With my Black friends, I felt a part of
something, and my comments were not shut down or downplayed like it was with my
White peers. Many of my friends related to those same situations in their classes.
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Six participants claimed that engaging with other Black students on campus and
discussing their racial discrimination experiences was comforting, but often felt that a part of
their identities was also not accepted by their Black peers, which was their sexual identity.
Participants commented on the insidious ways that domineering norms pertaining to sexuality
and gender manifested in their racial cultures; Darius provided an explanation that reflects the
essence of how the other participants felt. Darius shared:
Being in Black spaces was quite fun for me, and I knew that I wanted to be around Black
people because I thought we would share the same interests and have things in common.
The only people that knew about me (Darius’ queer identity) my first year and half were
a few of my homegirls. I had not fully come out to all my friends because I was scared
that they would treat me differently. Long and behold, as soon I told more of my friends,
the word spread quickly. I wanted to pledge for a Black Greek fraternity, but I grew
upset of many of the remarks the members would make about gay people in general and
even the remarks I overheard some of them say about me, so I changed my mind.
Participants reported needing to hide aspects of their sexual identity or choosing not to
disclose at all because of the homophobia they would experience from their Black peers. Robert,
Tammy, and Jason spoke of negative experiences in the Black communities on campus
concerning their sexual orientation. Although these were not ongoing experiences of
homophobia, they still existed. Homophobia was not solely received by members of the Black
communities on campus, but from White friends as well. Darius illustrated the negative
interactions he received on campus toward his queer identity from White peers, which made him
feel conflicted and isolated:
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Stepping foot on campus was the happiest moment of my life. I felt independent and
new. For the first time, I would be away from home and my parents. Although the
orientation staff welcomed me whole-heartedly, I did not get that same level of respect
from my roommates, who made me feel like I was ugly, or I stunk or something. I later
heard that my roommate thought I was too feminine to share a room with him and
requested to switch dorms. I let it go. I didn’t even know he knew I was gay because we
barely spoke to each other. And that was only because he didn’t want to speak. If you
ask me, I think he prejudged me and didn’t bother trying to get to know me for whatever
reason.
Negative interactions related to their race and sexual identities often resulted in feeling
marginalized and ostracized. Each participant revealed their internalized struggle of balancing
their intersecting identities to deal with oppression. Microaggressions related to their ethnic and
sexual identities created psychological, physical, and educational disturbances. Rejection from
peers forced participants to become isolated. Hateful language and attitudes caused each
participant to become heartbroken and lose trust. These reactions from negative experiences
were expressed in Lauren’s story of avoiding all White people and keeping them at a distance to
protect herself from racism or racist acts. Darius expressed, “I decided to remove myself from
that White LGBTQ group on campus because I did not feel complete membership with the group
and was made to feel like an outsider because of my race.” Mark threatened others with violence
to protect his identities and notified others that he would fight them if he was ever harassed
because of his ethnicity or sexuality. Trisha shared her grades began to decline because she
could not deal with the discrimination she experienced and that it was costing her her education.
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Internalized racism and homonegativity were present after members’ adverse experiences
with oppression and discrimination. When asked about their reactions to hostile comments about
their ethnicity and sexuality, Trisha poignantly expressed, “I began to hate myself, my features
and all things Black.” Robert remarked:
Being around my homeboys on campus and being straight acting, I hated those who were
extremely feminine. I guess it was because everyone else who I was around mostly
spoke negatively about it, so I did not want to associate myself with that.
The overall health of the individuals in this study was greatly impacted. The negative
internalized feelings of self, the unhealthy reactions to discrimination, and the undesirable effects
on schoolwork were a few of the many ways the participants responded to their experiences of
homophobia and racism.
Social Support
Impacts of Role Models and Mentors
In examining how participants find positive ways to cope with racism and homophobia
and find internal peace while on their predominantly White campuses, interviewees were asked
to detail the support systems they utilized on campus. Mentors and role models were common
themes among all participants. Mentoring relationships were a great resource for students.
Participants benefited from mentors who provided personal, professional, and educational
resources. As some students expressed negative experiences with faculty and staff, most of them
highlighted the positive experiences with prominent members of their universities who they
viewed as their role models or mentors. Lauren spoke of the various connections she would have
with her advisor on her campus, who she viewed as her mentor since the first conversation on
campus:
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My advisor was always there when I needed her. She just sensed that I was going
through some things and would encourage me to talk about it. I kind of needed that
because I tend to hold my feelings in. When she noticed that my grades were falling, she
told me that I could do better, and she believed in me, you know? She was like a second
mom. When I went through doubting myself because of my ethnicity, she suggested that
I enrolled in a diversity course to learn more about my culture and appreciate myself. I
am so glad that she was able to be there for me. Not even as a just a Black woman, but as
a friend who would look out for my best interest. I still talk to her today.
Jason also shared his experiences with faculty on campus and the benefits he gained through
those connections. Jason offered:
I have only had one class with a Black professor. It was literally my best class that I have
ever taken. It was my Philosophy class. It had a portion of stats in it, and I hate stats, but
he made it so fun. He made me feel so comfortable to come to him after class whenever I
did not understand the assignments. With White professors, I did not feel the same
comfortability as I did with him. It was just different. Since that class, he invited me to
his 100 Black men marches, and I even told him that I had a boyfriend, which was weird
for me. He didn’t even care. He was like the only person who did not seem to have a
dramatic reaction when I came out to him. I can talk to him about whatever I am going
through, and he doesn’t make it weird.
Participants spoke of forging connections with mentors and having faculty and staff as
role models and people they admire. These relationships were important to create on campus, as
it provided students with a safe space at their universities and allowed them to be themselves
without any judgment. Karen and Mark actively sought faculty and staff on campus who were
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Black when selecting their classes to build their networks with Black faculty on campus. Mark
asserted, “finding Black faculty was a must for me. Every time I needed to register for a course,
I checked to see if they were Black. You gain an automatic mentor, just being the only Black
student in the class. I have noticed that they will look after you differently than the other
students.” Mark’s comments suggest having the same racial minoritized identity as the professor
brings an implicit connection.
Involvement in Organizations and Social Groups
All participants shared they were a part of a social group, whether it was a friend group or
an organization on campus. Membership in these groups allowed participants to feel like they
were a part of an in-group when other people cast them out. These organizations and social
groups were critical to the protection of their well-being. Mark shared:
All my friends are Black homegirls, and I am okay with that because they protect me, and
I protect them. I feel like I just get along better with girls. I don’t have to hide my queer
identity, and I can trust them with my information, and I don’t trust everyone. Another
benefit of the girlfriends that I have is that we like the same things. I like to talk about
the things they like to talk about, and it’s all good. No judgments. Whereas I feel judged
in other groups on campus.
Finding peers who had similar identities and were deemed trustworthy was important
when forging bonds on campus. Peer groups played a large role in their sense of belonging.
Tammy added that she would frequent the LGBTQ center on campus to have discussions about
gay rights. She added that this was a sensitive topic for her that others did not understand, so she
spoke with queer individuals about important issues. She added that she felt at home whenever
she would enter the office, and the staff were equivalent to family. These were the same
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sentiments of Lauren and Karen when they spoke about their experiences at the Black centers on
campus. Karen expressed, “We all see each other as brother and sister at the (Black) center. It’s
a place that we can all come together and talk about issues surrounding racism, and we can
express our anger with it.”
These social groups positively affected their self-esteem and sense of belonging in spaces
where they would not feel comfortable otherwise. Having the opportunity to be leaders in their
organizations was a benefit that some participants used to their advantage when tending to their
own well-being and caring for members of their groups’ well-being. Karen used her leadership
role as a platform to uplift other marginalized individuals on their campuses. She was able to
bring awareness and inform outside groups of the inequities that her peers were experiencing.
This role allowed her to make an impact on campus while refining her sense of belonging.
This section elucidated the experiences of the participants that contributed to their sense
of belonging on campus. All participants discovered campus members who were beneficial in
protecting their well-being and provided positive, meaningful connections.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
Consistent with extant research, Black queer college students who attend predominately
White institutions experience racism and homophobia. Racial and sexual discrimination exists in
various settings and everyday interactions (Perry, Harp, & Oser, 2013). Black queer students are
expected to be present in their classes and maintain a social lifestyle while dealing with a myriad
of oppressions. This can be troublesome for many students in knowing how to navigate these
experiences and find ways to tend to their well-being and cope with the discrimination faced.
The students in the study were passionate and honored to share their experiences of the racial,
sexual, and gender injustice they encountered on their predominantly White campuses. The
students trusted that their stories would be voiced and heard to unveil the challenges of their own
experiences and many others who identify as Black and queer. The purpose of this study was to
examine how Black queer students who attend PWIs in Southern California perceive, negotiate,
resist, and overcome racism and homophobia from their counterparts while finding social
support in their well-being.
This final chapter highlights some findings that were gathered from the analysis of
interviews of participants. This study sought to answer two separate but related questions:
1. What are Black queer students’ experiences with racism and homophobia at PWIs?
2. How do Black queer students cope with the racism and homophobia they experience at
their PWIs?
This qualitative study utilized a semi-structured interview to address the participants’
experiences with discrimination of race, gender, and sexuality faced on their campuses. The use
of qualitative methods was most appropriate in understanding how Black queer students
perceived their experiences. This study used a snowball sampling approach (Merriam, 1998) due
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to the limited number of initial respondents. Findings highlight the various factors that went into
participants’ identity development; contexts of where discrimination toward race, gender, and
sexuality occurred throughout participants’ lives; how discrimination was continued and
perceived on their predominantly White campuses; and addressed how Black queer students
identify social support and cope with their stresses from discrimination. For the discussion of the
findings, I connect the findings with reference to the literature. Next, I provide the limitations of
the study. Then, I address the implications for practice that emerged from the study. Following
the implication section, future research recommendations are provided, and the chapter
completes with a conclusion.
Findings
In responding to the research questions, all participants disclosed that they have
experienced racism and homophobia on their campuses and spoke of how they were able to cope
with these experiences. Three major themes emerged throughout the research process. The first
theme that was discovered was the exploration of Black queer students’ identities. Students
discovered their racial/ethnic identities and their queer identities separate from each other;
therefore, undertaking numerous journeys of self-discovery and understanding. This section was
divided into subthemes. First, participants developed their Black consciousness and sense of
self, while later in life, forming and considering their queer identities. The second major theme
was the participants’ choice to disclose their sexuality. Once participants gained a better
understanding of their sexuality and identified a label for themselves, they all made choices to
tell others, be it family or friends. The next major theme that ascended from the research was the
various responses to racism and homophobia at the Black queer students’ predominantly White
campuses. This section exemplifies the oppression and discrimination that participants faced and
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examined how they responded to those negative occurrences. The study’s final major theme
highlights the social support students utilized as coping mechanisms to tend to their well-being.
Social supports that were beneficial to the participants were addressed in the subtheme sections.
Those subthemes included the impact of role models and mentors and the effects of Black queer
students’ involvement in organizations and social groups. Each major theme and subtheme were
significant to the research and strongly correlated to previous literature concerning Black queer
students.
Exploration of Identities
Participants proudly articulated having a Black and queer identity. In understanding how
Black queer students perceive their characteristics, it is important to consider exploring their
identities and the social and psychological processes throughout this navigational phase in one’s
life. As mentioned previously, participants’ exploration of their identities was separately
addressed in this study, as it represents a portrayal of how participants expressed their unique
identities. Each participant agreed that their Black identities were an identity they were aware of
prior to discovering their queer identities. This section discusses participants’ Black
consciousness and sense of self, then addresses their queer identity formation.
Through various encounters, participants become aware of what it means to be Black;
therefore, it is critical to understand how they explored their identities prior to entering their
campuses and understanding what the presence of their Blackness means to them at their PWIs
(Hurd, Sánchez, Zimmerman, & Caldwell, 2012). Each participant experienced various stages of
Cross’ psychological nigrescence model (1978). Students spoke of the encounter stage by
providing stories related to encounters that called for their Black identities to emerge, all of
which challenged their identities and worldview. Jason, who is of mixed race, shared the story
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of his encounter with White neighborhood boys who called him the N-word for the first time and
its impact on his self-image. Throughout the encounter stage, he was able to personalize his
experience. It affected him in such a powerful way that it made him reconsider what his ethnic
identity meant to him and others. In addition, the immersion/emersion stage of Cross’
nigrescence model was present in the findings. Participants began to develop a sense of pride in
their Blackness and Black culture. As they entered this reactionary mode, they began to develop
an authentic understanding of their racial identity.
The second identity explored was the participants’ queer identities. Although queer
identity formation looked different among participants, each participant shared that
psychological and social factors impacted their sexual identity and label formation. Cass’ (1979)
model of sexual orientation formation highlights how individuals acquire their sexual orientation.
In consideration of this model, each participant shared his or her unique discovery of sexual
identities and formation and the environmental and thought processes that came into play. All
members of this study encountered a pre-stage process of identifying with the dominant
heterosexual culture and moved into the final identity synthesis stage. In the first stage of
identity confusion, participants became cognizant of their non-heteronormative attractions to
others, thus inclining them to become curious and act on their attractions. Robert spoke of his
awareness of the attraction he had to men and the nightly prayers he would have with God to
remove his homosexual tendencies. His newfound attraction caused confusion and denial until
he acted upon them. All participants shifted through the identity confusion stage to Cass’ final
stage of identity synthesis as participants became comfortable and uncomfortable with their
identities. The sexual identity formation process can last a lifetime or change across situations
(Morrow & Messinger, 2006). Karen shared her transition from straight, bisexual, back to
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straight, and then to adopting an androsexual identity. Many of the participants’ reasons for
adopting labels at several stages of their personal lives varied, but they all believed they are not
defined by their sexual identities and were able to assimilate into the dominant culture on their
campuses, which is implied in Cass’ final stage of sexual orientation formation. The
participants’ stance in their stages varied among settings, such as going back home for school
breaks, churches, and even in their personal social settings. Participants felt most comfortable
with their queer identities around people they disclosed their identities to and who they trusted.
Disclosure of Sexual Identity
As participants began to understand their queer identities, they made it their tasks to
disclose those identities to others. Participants provided stories of “coming out” to their friends
and families and shared how they were received. Coleman (1982) theorized that the coming out
process is one of the most important stages in developing a queer identity. Religion was a major
factor in participants’ decision to disclose their identities. The Black church holds steady to their
negative views on homosexuality (Gibbs & Goldbach, 2015) and are intolerant of sexual
minorities while condemning their sexual identities (Sherkat, 2002). The messages the
participants received from their Black churches caused them to conceal their sexual identities
and protect their identities at the cost of removing judgments from others. Due to the amounts of
discrimination known to come from within the Black churches, some men and women will
conceal their sexuality and live their lives on the “down low” (Goparaju & Warren-Jeanpiere,
2012).
For many of the participants, their sexual identities were accepted by their beloved
families and friends, but unfortunately, they were not met with approval from whom they
considered to be outsiders. All participants spoke of reserving this information for people they
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trusted, in fear of rejection, discrimination, or abuse. So, in many aspects of their lives, they
chose to conceal their queer identities and remain “down low.” Participants viewed their
campuses as places they could be expressive and evolve into their queer identities, as many of
them were miles away from home. Tammy spoke of her ability to live a double lifestyle; one
lifestyle at school, one at home. All participants wished to be accepting of their queer identities,
as they did not want others to discriminate against them based on their sexual identities but
solely on their characters.
Response to Racism and Homophobia at PWIs
Heteronormativity (Farrell, Gupta, & Queen, 2004) and Whiteness (Feagin, 2013)
prevails at PWIs; therefore, Black queer students can experience low self-esteem and identity
issues at their campuses when faced with negative experiences (Washington & Wall, 2006). All
participants shared that they have experienced homophobia and/or racism on their campuses.
These experiences impacted their psychological, physical, emotional, and educational well-
being. Participants shared stories of their overt and covert experiences with racism and
homophobia that made them feel marginalized and ostracized. Many of these experiences
engendered disturbances in their daily lives. This section discusses how participants responded
to undesirable experiences related to their race and sexual identities.
When men participants spoke of their experiences at their PWIs, they shared the thought
processes of needing to navigate a quadruple consciousness on their campuses because of their
multiple minoritized identities. Mitchell and Means (2014) posited that the quadrant of
consciousness is experienced as the awareness of the White and heterosexual identities, the
awareness of the White and non-heterosexual identities, the awareness of the Black and
heterosexual identities, and the awareness of the Black and non-heterosexual identities. These
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thought processes made it difficult to find their sense of belonging. Women participants’ stories
alluded to dealing with multiple forms of oppression because of their race, gender, and sexuality.
Their Black queer and gender identities present a triple jeopardy or consciousness (Greene &
Boyd-Franklin, 1996).
In bringing their identities to their predominantly White campuses, participants were
aware of some of the challenges that would exist due to their unique identities. Therefore,
participants intentionally sought Black friends and organizations on campus. Being of a
minoritized race on campus, membership of Black groups was something they initially felt
camaraderie and most comfortable with, due to having similar backgrounds. Reverting to Cross’
(1978) model of nigrescence, students expressed their position in the immersion stage on campus
and became involved with activities that connected Black students. Despite the closeness, some
participants felt with their Black peers, they felt ostracized after disclosing their sexualities to
their Black groups. This finding is consistent with Wilson’s (2008) research highlighting the
challenges of integrating multiple identities. Participants provided their rejection experiences
from Black fraternities to feel the need to compartmentalize their queer identities in public
spaces on campus. Black queer students were tasked with minimizing their queer “behaviors” to
make others feel comfortable and felt obligated to assimilate into the mainstream communities
(Yoshino, 2006). Unfortunate experiences of homophobia were received from both Black and
White peers on campus, and participants felt that they could not completely be authentic to who
they were, to the degree they desired, because of their Black queer identities.
Participants’ sexual identities were not the only identity that was criticized, but their
racial identities were also attacked. Participants expressed how microaggressions and
stereotypes about their racial and ethnic identities were problems that they often had to face on
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their campuses. Their experiences with hearing derogatory terms related to themselves or other
Black individuals caused them to lose trust in gaining partnerships and friendships with White
peers. Negative experiences caused participants to feel inadequate on their campuses. Gaining a
sense of belonging and acceptance from peers ranked high on their list of choosing their PWIs,
among other factors, such as valued education. The findings of the participants’ desires to
belong on campus were congruent with Strayhorn’s (2012) research of Black gay men’s
aspirations to gain approval and fit in with others at their PWIs. To navigate unwelcoming
environments on campus because of participants’ racial identities, most students in this study
chose not to initiate cross-cultural connections with White peers. The avoidance of contact with
White peers were defense mechanisms that were utilized to shield themselves from the
possibilities of experiencing more racism. These findings are compatible with Jones et al.’s
(2002) research of ways Black students choose not to involve themselves in spaces where they
may feel insignificant or would be tasked with needing to educate others about the insensitivity
of racial microaggressions and stereotypes. Racial tensions and seclusion in classrooms and
social areas on campus caused participants to disengage from the general communities and led
participants to feel “othered.” Aside from them using their avoidance of White peers as
protection against racist encounters, some participants spoke of internalizing the racist
encounters they did face. Experiences of internalized racism were prevalent and represented
differently among members of the study. Self-doubt, low self-esteem, and unappreciation of
their Black features were common occurrences for members to experience at varying stages of
their psychological and social reflections of racist experiences at their PWIs. Individuals’
responses to their internalized racism were like Pyke’s (2010) research of the responses Black
students experienced, resulting in low self-confidence and negative self-image.
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When dealing with racism and homophobia, participants expressed declining grades, drug
use, and even family disengagement. These coping mechanisms led to deleterious consequences
and were found to be counterproductive. In finding positive ways to cope and deal with their
responses to these negative experiences, participants found it necessary to cultivate reliable
social support systems that strengthened their sense of belonging.
Social Support
The importance of social support was positively expressed by all participants. The
utilization of social support called for rehumanization and greater self-approval. According to
the literature, Black queer students create safe spaces with members who share the same racial
and/or sexual identities to provide social and emotional support (Wilson & Miller, 2002).
Findings from this study confirm that participants could develop their own safe spaces and
communities on campus and off campus to help increase their sense of belonging and tend to
their well-being. Two beneficial types of social support that interviewees employed were their
connections with role models and mentors and their strong involvement in organizations and
social groups.
The connections with mentors and role models were valuable resources to the
participants’ lives in turmoil and chaos when dealing with racism and homophobia. Participants
respected and trusted these individuals, as they provided encouragement and motivation during
moments of uncertainty and failure. Many of these mentors and role models were faculty and
staff members on their campuses who they trusted and felt safe speaking to about their issues on
campus. Supportive relationships with faculty and staff have been shown to positively affect
students’ progression throughout college (Tinto, 1993). As other studies found, positive
perceptions of encouraging and supportive faculty have led to increased academic motivation
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and self-concept (Cokley, 2000). An increase in motivation and positive attitudes was present in
the findings. Participants were able to forge bonds with their mentors and increased their
comfortability at their PWI.
Involvement with student organizations and social groups on campus was beneficial to
tending to the participants’ well-being. Social groups with same-race and other queer peers on
campus provided participants a welcoming environment that allowed them to discuss issues they
were experiencing personally. Participants saw their friend and peer groups as people they could
speak honestly and truthfully with about the problems they are experiencing, or even their
triumphs. The conversations and gatherings with friends increased their self-esteem and sense of
belonging. The social networks that were built created cultural connections, especially those
relationships garnered through the same group organizations, such as Black organizations or
queer organizations on their campuses. Participants viewed their organization members as
adoptive family members. Their organizations were spaces promoting unity and companionship,
as well as a place to let their guards down.
Limitations
As with any study, there are limitations to the research. The present study encountered a
few limitations that are significant to address. Limitations that are concentrated on in this section
are related to the methods of the research and the analysis of the findings.
Previous studies have mentioned that sampling for Black queer individuals introduced
complications, as many minoritized students are reluctant to participate in interviews to speak
about their experiences. This study presented the same challenges in gaining participants. Black
queer students were disinclined to speak about their experiences and even unwilling to
recommend others who may be possible participants; therefore, data collection took longer than
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expected. As many students identify as Black and queer in the higher education system,
speaking about their identities was not always comfortable for those who chose to participate in
the study. Participants expressed difficulties talking about their experiences with racism and
homophobia due to the constant recurrence of those negative experiences. While some
participants saw providing their stories as therapeutic, others viewed the process as triggering.
Mentioning the political climate of the nation is also an important context to highlight.
Interviews occurred during the Black Lives Matter movement, as people across the nation are
protesting systemic racism. Many participants discussed the anger and outrage they felt in
coping with those oppressive systems’ harmful experiences, and higher education was one of
them. The sensitive nature of events happening across the country introduced a new worldview
of the participants’ experiences.
In addition to the study being conducted during the Black Lives Matter protests, the
rising of the COVID-19 pandemic, coupled with students’ finals, limited my contact with
interviewees. Students’ priorities were in places of safety for social distancing and attending to
their studies; therefore, scheduling of interviews became difficult for many participants.
In connection with qualitative research, data relied heavily on participants’ stories and
recollection of events. Participants were asked to recall events that may have happened in the
past; therefore, some participants’ memories of such events were forgotten and even vague.
It is important to note that as a Black queer male who attended predominately White
institutions, this study reminded me of my own experiences of racism and homophobia that I
have encountered on my campuses. I found it necessary to ensure that my own biases did not
interfere with the study by controlling my reactions to participants’ stories to present a
comfortable atmosphere. Through interviews with participants, I was given the opportunity to
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express my racism and homophobia experiences whenever the participants asked. I was
meticulous about not allowing my own experiences to influence the study.
Implications for Practice
This study’s findings indicated that Black queer students’ unique identities, their
perceptions of their campus climates, and even their use of social support are key factors in how
they tend to their well-being. Higher education professionals must understand the social factors
that influence, empower, or disempower those who must navigate multiple identities in a society
and environment that does not fully accept them. Black queer students must be made aware of
formal support methods available to them. There must be further research with Black queer
students.
Implications for Institutions
The results of this research showed that faculty and student personnel of similar identities
play key roles in students’ lives; therefore, it is imperative that PWIs implement intentional
programs and connections to foster stronger relationships with Black queer students and campus
leaders.
PWIs need to be intentional in hiring more faculty and higher education leaders who
identify as Black and queer. Participants from this study expressed their need for more faculty of
color who can empathize with their struggles or bring visibility on their campuses, ultimately
making them feel comfortable at their PWIs.
All faculty and student personnel should undergo diversity and cultural competency
training to assist in providing services and support to Black queer students. Considering the
critical issues involved in Black queer students’ identity development is critical to understanding
how this process may differ for this population than the rest of the student body. Much of the
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focus of services and support for lesbian and gay students on campuses has largely centered on
White students (Rowe, 2001). The institution’s responsibility is to analyze the institutional
barriers that influence behaviors and form negative perspectives of minoritized individuals on
campus and take actions to address these issues.
Implement campus mental health forums for Black queer students and provide them a
space to speak freely about their campus experiences. Participants spoke of forums their
institutions should hold to allow their voices to be heard and their experiences articulated. They
expressed that mental health forums will provide insight to other students and campus leaders of
their journeys of how they navigate their experiences and enlighten others of what their
experiences mean to them, helping to eliminate the stigma of seeking help. Forums can be held
through organizations that center Black and queer students and their allies.
Administer campus climate surveys to students each semester to assess the needs of the
students. The campus climate survey needs to be administered to undergraduate and graduate
students. Categories of the survey must include racial climate, diversity experience, and
harassment. The survey would provide students an opportunity to express their experience
confidentially.
Organize Black queer organizations and mentorship programs on campus. As many of
the institutions that participants attended have LGBT and racial and ethnic cultural centers, most
participants did not feel fully accepted at these centers. Participants wished there were spaces on
campus, particularly for Black queer students. As they were invited to their Black cultural
spaces on campus, they were not comfortable discussing issues pertaining to their queer
identities, and when they entered their LGBT centers, some students did not feel comfortable
expressing issues related to their racial identities. A specific organization related to queer people
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of color should be implemented to address the needs and provide support to students with
multiple marginalized identities.
Allow more visibility on college websites and marketing materials. Participants believed
they were not represented in campus spaces and were not visible on promotional and marketing
materials. Viewing themselves on campus newsletters, websites, daily blogs, and social media
pages would have made them feel more inclusive. Participants also believed that seeing students
from their communities when they were applying to school would have increased their interest in
attending the university.
Implications for Black Queer Students
Participants have addressed that this study was one of the first times they could speak
about their racism and homophobia experiences with someone in an academic setting. Given
their stories of how they chose to respond to their negative experiences, I would like to
encourage Black queer students to seek help and support immediately before considering actions
harmful to their well-being. Creating safe spaces on campus and using their voices would
benefit them and educate students on the experiences of which others may be unaware. It has
been verified in the study that expressing and empowering their Black and queer stories brought
participants to a place of liberation to no longer conceal their experiences.
Black queer students should utilize local outside organizations for minoritized individuals
for support. Involvement in outside organizations allowed participants to gain leadership
experience, networking opportunities, and community mentors and role models. Darius and
Karen expressed their impact of helping their communities of Black and queer individuals and
the personal enjoyment they received from it.
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Recommendations for Research
Black queer students’ experiences of racism and homophobia were the primary foci of
this study; however, a similar qualitative study related to the retention and persistence at various
PWIs and HBCUs of the same minoritized identities examined in this study would explore the
graduation rates and/or transfer rates due to Black queer students’ experiences of racism and
homophobia. This type of research would call for examining other internal and external factors
that hinder or support students’ ability to persist in higher education. Future studies may
investigate Black queer individuals’ social classes and their impact on student retention on their
campuses. Participants shared their family’s socioeconomic statuses throughout this study and
acknowledged the economic privileges and opportunities that many of their counterparts had, but
they did not, given their financial positioning. This was made apparent in conversations about
attending counseling and therapy for support.
As previously mentioned, Black queer students utilize various support systems to help
them deal with the racism and homophobia experienced on their campuses; therefore, research
on institutional practices of inclusivity for Black queer students is needed. Research on this topic
would inform students and higher education professionals of the possible resources and support
available to Black queer students. Exploring best practices, information about specific safe
spaces on campus, and even campus leader involvement with marginalized identities is necessary
to further expand the research with Black queer students.
Next, researchers can inspect Black queer students’ preferences of choosing a PWI than
an HBCU or vice versa. This research can add students’ psychological thought processes that
determined their attendance at either university or investigate the social factors that came into
play in their choosing. Participants spoke of their application to HBCUs but chose to attend their
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PWIs for various reasons, such as valuable education, diversity among the student body, and a
change in demographics from grade school. Researchers will be able to explore students’
experiences of racism and homophobia on HBCU campuses while investigating the social
support for minoritized students.
Last, a model of Black queer students’ identity development should be developed. There
are current Black identity development (Cross, 1978) and queer identity development models
(Cass, 1979), but there are no known models that merge those two identities, which is why I have
included a critique in the sexual orientation formation model. Participants provided their
experiences with both identities and the psychological and social factors that went into play.
Consideration of a Black queer identity development model would provide human service and
higher education professionals a tool to use when having Black queer students or clients.
Conclusion
This study served as an exploratory analysis of how Black queer students who attend
predominately White institutions deal with, navigate, and cope with the racism and homophobia
received by peers, faculty, administration, and a higher education system. Participants described
several events that involved microaggressions, stereotypes, harassment, and rejection from
members of their universities. The findings represent social support systems were beneficial for
students who possess multiple minoritized identities. This research adds to the understanding of
Black queer students’ marginalization at their institutions and provides a platform for
participants to highlight their stories and be heard while contributing a strong foundation to
continuing the investigations of Black queer students’ well-being.
Further research of Black queer students would inform institutions of the lives of a
unique and significant group of their student body and advise them of the issues surrounding
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their identities happening on their campuses. This can promote more inclusive organizations and
policies on campus to increase students’ sense of belonging, well-being, and more student
involvement from Black queer students.
This study has allowed me to realign my purpose in life and look outside of myself and
into the lives of others who are marginalized while helping to give Black queer students a
platform to tell their stories, which will, in turn, potentially help others. I wanted to use this
study to shed light on the participants’ experiences, so they are not left in the dark, like so many
others are. This study can be used to empower, uplift, and inspire others to continue the work of
creating justice and harmony, not only in systems of higher education but in the universe.

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Appendix A: Demographic Questions
Demographic questions
1. What is your age?
2. How do you identify your race?
3. How do you identify your sexual orientation?
4. Are you currently enrolled at a Predominantly White Institution?
a. How long have you been enrolled?
b. What are you studying if you are currently enrolled? / What did you study if you are a
graduate?
5. Are you comfortable with the term queer? Why or why not?

Racial/Ethnic & Sexual Identity Development
1. In terms of race and sexual orientation . . .
a. How open are you with others on campus about being gay?
b. What does it mean to be queer?
c. How was your sexuality perceived growing up?
d. How did you perceive your sexually growing up?
e. How do you perceive your sexuality now?
2. What factors went into your decision to disclose or not disclose your sexual orientation?
a. What was the result of choosing to disclose or not disclose your sexuality?
b. Did this have any impact on relationships (peers, family, colleagues)?
3. In terms of your racial/ ethnic identity…
a. How open are you about your race?
b. What does it mean to Black to you?
c. How is your Blackness perceived by others?
d. How do you perceive your Blackness?
How has being a Black queer student affected, or not affected, your decision about coming out?
4. As you developed and became more aware of your identity, please describe the challenge(s)
that you experienced with family? Friends? Peer? School?

Experiences as a student at a PWI
1. What factors went into your decision to attend your school?
2. What does a PWI mean to you?
2. How would you describe your experiences as a Black queer student at a predominantly White
institution?
3. Do you know any other Black students at your school?
a. Do any of them identify as Queer?
4. If applicable, describe your relationship with other Black students on your campus.
5. If applicable, describe your relationship with White students on your campus.
7. What services or organizations do you utilize for support?
128

8. What social groups do you utilize for support?
9. Describe what the benefits are of being both Black and gay at a PWI.
10. What advice would you give to other Black queer students who attend PWIs?

Concluding Questions
1. How have you felt talking about these issues?
2. Are there things about your experience that you wish you may change?
3. Are there any questions that you thought I would have asked that I did not, and you would like
to address now?
4. Is there anything else that you would like to add that you didn’t get to add earlier?

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Postsecondary students, well-being, and sources of support

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Creator Walker, Edwin Eugene (author)

Core Title Unapologetically me: a narrative analysis on Black queer students’ authenticity and well-being at predominantly White institutions

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 12/14/2020

Defense Date 07/30/2020

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black,critical race theory,Gay,lesbian,minority stress,OAI-PMH Harvest,queer,queer crit,well-being

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hinga, Briana (committee chair), Blonshine, Rebekah (committee member), Tobey, Patricia (committee member)

Creator Email edwinwalker90@icloud.com,eewalker@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-413959

Unique identifier UC11668774

Identifier etd-WalkerEdwi-9221.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-413959 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-WalkerEdwi-9221.pdf

Dmrecord 413959

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Walker, Edwin Eugene

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA