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Toward an understanding of the achievement of African American students at a nationally regarded California public high school through the theoretical lenses of acting white, stereotype threat, a...
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TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE ACHIEVEMENT OF
AFRICAN AMERICAN STUDENTS AT A NATIONALLY
REGARDED CALIFORNIA PUBLIC HIGH SCHOOL
THROUGH THE THEORETICAL LENSES OF
ACTING WHITE, STEREOTYPE THREAT,
AND CRITICAL RACE THEORY
by
Thomas Diontay Tucker
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2008
Copyright 2008Thomas Diontay Tucker
ii
DEDICATION
I dedicate this dissertation to the loving memory of my mother, Barbara Jean
(1960-1990). Even though she did not complete high school, she instilled in me the
desire to learn and the motivation to reach for the stars. Without her guidance and dili-
gence in my formidable years, I am certain that I would not have had the courage to
believe that I could one day earn a doctorate degree.
iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First, I must acknowledge the creator, my God. I thank him for protecting me on
the academic battlefield. His grace and mercy ushered me along a journey for which I
was not fully prepared; however, he got me through it. Without him I am nothing, and
with him, there is nothing that I cannot accomplish.
Second, I must acknowledge the Rossier School for offering me admission to
fulfill my God-given potential. I thank the school for opening the door and providing
me the opportunity to reach the highest peak in the educational field.
Thanks to my chair, Dr. Reynaldo Baca, for responding to every e-mail, for
reviewing every single rough draft, and for making time to meet with me whenever I
requested. His keen insight and perspective have shaped my worldview and thought
process forever. Dr. Etta Hollins is the truth, and I am forever changed as a result of
having been her student. She taught with an uncompromising truth—a truth that one
day I want to live by. It was refreshing to have an African American professor who did
not compromise her identity to pacify the masses, but one who stood on principle to
guide her students as a community of learners to see the world through a different lens.
I thank my family for their unconditional love and support. It was needed to get
through this long and hard-fought journey. Thanks to my cousin Henrique for believing
in me and always supporting my intellectual pursuits. To my “Big Ma”: even though
she is no longer here, her many sacrifices aided me in getting to where I am today, and I
will always cherish all of the things she did for me. Thanks to Ms. Carrie for her endless
iv
love and constant prayers. Without them, I do not know where I would be. I thank Na
for always being there and for supporting me in every imaginable way.
To my friends, those whom I met on the rough streets of Cleveland and in the
hills of Hollywood: I am profoundly grateful to know them all. Their support has been
instrumental in my growth and development as a person and as a scholar. To my Collin-
wood alumni: I thank them all for challenging me when teachers could not or would
not. To Ms. Lisa Griffin and Ms. Shalanda Bullock: I am profoundly humbled by their
genius, and I am walking across the stage with both of their spirits at my side. To
Tyrone L. Glass: I thank him for sticking by my side, like a brother, and constantly
motivating me to achieve the highest degree of excellence possible. Now, it is time for
me to motivate him so that I can cheer him you on as he did for me (hint: the doctorate
is within his reach). To my sisters, Gabby and Tania: it is my hope that they realize that
greatness lies within them. They should not let anyone define their potential or place
limitations on how far they can go or how much they can achieve. They should have an
internal belief that no man cannot distort or belittle. My cousins, Darnell and Andre,
should continue to make the right decisions academically, and one day they will rise out
of the place where they are and their lives will be forever changed as a result.
To my colleagues at the university: I will always remember the conversations
with them, and I have high expectations for each of them to make the state of education
better throughout the United States and in the global community at large.
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION. ..................................................... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.............................................iii
LIST OF TABLES. .................................................. vii
AB S TR AC T. .......................................................viii
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION. ........................................ 1
Purpose and Rationale for Study. .................................. 1
Research Questions. ............................................ 6
Importance of Study. ........................................... 7
Chapter 2: LITERATURE REVIEW. .................................. 12
Acting White. ................................................. 13
Stereotype Threat. ............................................. 18
Critical Race Theory. ........................................... 20
Contradiction Among the Theoretical Perspectives. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Chapter 3: METHODOLOGY. ....................................... 30
Description of the School and Participants. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Instrumentation and Data Collection Methods. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Screening Protocol and Screening Interview.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Procedures. ................................................... 38
Data Analysis. ................................................ 39
Chapter 4: KEY FINDINGS.......................................... 41
Comments About Class Enrollment and Being African American at
HAHS. .................................................... 48
Racial Stereotypes. .......................................... 56
Teacher Interviews. ............................................ 61
Ms. Jeffers. ................................................ 61
Mr. Jones. ................................................. 63
Ms. Jackson. ............................................... 64
Chapter 5: DISCUSSION. ........................................... 66
Recommendations. ............................................. 70
REFERENCES. .................................................... 76
vi
Appendix A:ACADEMIC ASSESSMENT SHEET.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Appendix B:SEMISTRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTIONS. . . . . . . . . . . 80
Appendix C:INFORMED CONSENT: PARENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Appendix D:INFORMED CONSENT: YOUTH. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1:Advanced Placement (AP) Class Enrollment of African
American Students Graduating From High-Achieving High
School in Spring 2006. ........................................ 33
Table 2:Advanced Placement (AP) Scholarship Program Designation of
African American, White, Asian, and Hispanic Students Graduating
From High-Achieving High School in Spring 2007. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Table 3:Advanced Placement (AP) Class Enrollment of African American
Students Graduating From High-Achieving High School in Spring
2008 . ................................................... 34
Table 4:Advanced Placement (AP) Class Enrollment of African American
Students Graduating From High-Achieving High School in Spring
2008, by Gender.............................................. 34
Table 5:Snapshot of Study Participants (N = 12). ......................... 41
viii
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to examine key factors contributing to African
American enrollment and nonenrollment in Advanced Placement (AP) and regular
classes at a nationally regarded California public high school. This study was based on
three guiding theoretical frameworks: “acting White,” stereotype threat, and critical
race theory. Relationships between the theoretical frameworks were evaluated to see if
there were any clear linkages to enrollment patterns and course selection among African
American seniors. In order to gain a clearer understanding of the students’ experiences,
both AP and non-AP seniors were interviewed to evaluate their rationale per their
course selection and enrollment options. Teachers at the school were also interviewed
to gain insight into their perspective about the enrollment patterns of African American
seniors at the school site.
Major findings in this research were that African American seniors participated
in low rates in the AP program and that males, specifically, participated at even lower
rates in comparison to females. Additional findings indicated that teachers in the study
overwhelmingly supported the doctrine that there is a major distinction between the AP
and regular class environments that inevitably impacts student achievement and the
academic growth of African American students. The findings clearly indicated that
African American students who enrolled in honors classes at the middle school level
participated in greater rates at the high school level. On the other hand, African
ix
American students who did not participate in the honors program in middle school were
less likely to enroll and participate in the AP program.
Findings supported the need for additional research to further investigate the
causes and possible links to low enrollment in the AP program. The study concluded
that participation was linked to academic preparedness, parental and teacher involve-
ment, and student motivation coupled with supportive structures within the school’s
foundation. In contrast, nonenrollment was linked to lack of academic readiness, which
made African American students feel that they did not have the capability to perform at
an advanced level academically, coupled with a lack of parental involvement and/or
support with relationship to AP course offerings.
1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The Brown vs. Board of Education, Topeka, Kansas (1954) ruling supposedly
tore down the walls of inequity in education to allow equal access for all students
without regard to race (Thompson, 2004). Today, however, over 50 years later, the
United States is still grappling with the poor state of education for its minorities, specif-
ically African American students. Now the issue of concern is called the achievement
gap, meaning that African American students are lagging behind academically com-
pared to their White and Asian counterparts. Even in some high-performing, diverse,
safe schools (i.e., little or no gang activity and very low suspension and expulsion rates)
with academically rigorous course offerings, African American students are still under-
represented in college preparatory and Advanced Placement (AP) classes. Not only are
they underrepresented, but some observers also contend that they are relatively unen-
gaged in academic pursuits (Ogbu, 2003).
Purpose and Rationale for Study
This was a case study of 12 African American students enrolled in one of the
nation’s top public high schools in Los Angeles, California (Mathews, 2003). The
purpose of this study was threefold: (a) to investigate common and interrelated factors
that contributed to African American students’ underrepresentation in AP and college
preparatory courses, (b) to identify factors that contributed to African American stu-
dents enrolling in the AP and college preparatory courses, and (c) to develop a plan of
2
action to address these conditions to better prepare schools and African American
students for these courses.
This investigator was interested in examining which reason factored most as a
leading cause to enroll or not to enroll in the AP and college preparatory courses for
African American students attending a highly regarded and nationally ranked California
public high school. The guiding theoretical frameworks focused on acting White and
oppositional identity, stereotype threat, and critical race theory. The research commu-
nity has invested much time in examining possible links to the underrepresentation of
African American students in AP and college preparatory courses. For over 20 years,
these explanations have hinged greatly on the acting White and oppositional model
(Ogbu, 1993, 2003; Ogbu & Fordham, 1986; Ogbu & Simons, 1998) and stereotype
threat model (Aronson & Steele, 1995; Hudley & Irving, 2005; Steele, 1997). Critical
race theory (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Ornealas and Solorzano, 2004; Taylor, 1998) has
asked people to shift their analysis to how “race shapes the structural, institutional, and
symbolic realities of African-Americans” (Diamond, 2006, p. 2).
The researcher’s desire to explore this topic stems from his experience of
working as a classroom teacher at a nationally regarded California public high school.
There he noted a distinction between African American students enrolled in the AP and
college preparatory courses compared to the regular track courses. During his 1 year at
st
the school, he noticed an ethnically diverse student body population. However, when
the students went to their respective classes, the ethnic diversity quickly disappeared.
White and Asian students comprised most of the honors and academic classes, with few
3
if any African American students. During the researcher’s tenure at the school, a White
female student wrote a school newspaper article on the two-school phenomenon. The
student expounded on her experiences attending what she referred to as the “first”
school, which was representative of students who took only AP and honors-level
college preparatory courses. On the other hand, the student referred to all the other
students who did not enroll in AP or honors classes as those who attended the “second”
school, disproportionately made up of African American students. There was a clear
inference from the newspaper article that the school educated its students on a two-
tiered educational system that perpetuated a rigorous curriculum for one group and a
less challenging one for other students. Synthesizing the gravity of the newspaper
article demonstrated the need to address the disparity and inequities that existed on the
school campus. The school was commonly referred to as one of the best public schools
in the nation, even though all students were not benefiting equally from the academic
programs (Mathews, 2003). The newspaper article served as a catalyst to address the
gaps in enrollment within the African American student population in the AP and
college preparatory program.
In addition, this study sought to further examine patterns that led to enrollment
in AP and college preparatory classes among African American students. The study
identifies key reasons why African American students opted out of the AP and college
preparatory program altogether. Research by Ford and Harris (1996) concluded that
“Seldom has research focused on within group differences among Black students. Ac-
cordingly, little information is available on why Black students, whether formally
4
identified as gifted or not, take different paths relative to achievement, underachieve-
ment, and persistence in school” (p. 1141). This study examined African American
students enrolled in the AP and college preparatory courses and those enrolled in the
regular track. By including both groups of African American students, it drew on
limited factors related to students’ actions not to enroll in the most advanced courses at
the school. However, identifying and describing a pattern of recurrent factors perceived
by African American students who enroll in the AP and college preparatory courses
may increase the enrollment by similar students who never enrolled in the courses.
This study was not designed to refute the acting White model and/or the stereo-
type threat model but rather to tease out the relationship between them and how they
help educators to understand these students’ achievement levels and underenrollment in
AP and college preparatory courses. Moreover, the study’s main focus was to under-
stand what supported or deterred enrollment by African American students in AP
courses. The researcher was interested in understanding why African American students
fail to enroll in AP and college preparatory courses when the schools make them readily
available. A further purpose of this line of research was to develop a plan of action to
end the two-school phenomenon and achievement gap between African American and
White and Asian students.
Examining the research in this study can encourage dialogue and facilitate an
atmosphere for change in schools through the exchange of ideas based on research. If
practitioners, researchers, and community members do not properly address these issues
or ignore them altogether, the state of African American students attending the nation’s
5
schools will continue to worsen. Specifically, the long-term impact will have grave
systemic effects on the lives of the students and society as a whole. This study is crucial
because without properly examining this topic, countless African American students
will continue to enter schools that are unwilling or unable to properly educate them to
adequately compete in the current global market economy.
It is significant to acknowledge that underrepresentation of African American
students in AP classes is not exclusively limited to the school context but reaches far
into their adult lives, too. The enrollment in AP classes is significantly correlated to
admission to highly regarded colleges and universities as well. As a result of improperly
investigating this problem, African American students will have far less chances of
being admitted into elite colleges if they remain out of the AP program in high school.
It could be safe to infer that African American students outside of the schooling domain
will opt out of applying to competitive colleges and fail to seek out competitive jobs,
because the elements are reflective of the same construct around which the AP program
is built. Hence, they do not traditionally participate in AP classes and oftentimes are
outright rejected from participating in them in high school. For example, if African
American students do not take AP classes due to lack of enrollment by other like stu-
dents (i.e., African American), the same may hold true of the college selection process
at highly regarded universities. If this is the case, on a grander scale, underrepresenta-
tion in the AP program has an indirect impact on opportunities after high school for
African American students as well. Without properly assessing these issues of concern,
a perpetual cycle of failure will remain a constant among African American students.
6
Therefore, if educators are aware that underrepresentation of African Americans
in AP programs may be linked to underrepresentation in competitive colleges, then this
issue should be studied and evaluated thoroughly and with a sense of urgency. This is
not a local issue affecting local cities independently, but one of national significance
because of the severe implications surrounding the underrepresentation of African
American students in these programs. The lower representation in AP programs means
lessening enrollment in competitive undergraduate colleges. Likewise, this suggests
that will be a similar correlation for admittance to top-level graduate programs. Without
a proper grasp of this condition, it will continue to spill over to other areas, and the
problem that began as an underrepresentation issue will begin to show its presence
throughout the African American community.
Research Questions
The review of the literature identifies key factors contributing to African Ameri-
can students’ underachievement. Three distinct but interrelated questions arose from an
analysis of three bodies of literature related to African American students’ achievement
and underachievement. The researcher generated three questions from this literature in
the attempt to understand African American students’ underrepresentation in AP and
honors classes in high school. He used distinct theoretical frameworks to fashion each
question:
7
1.Do African-American students reject excelling in school, including AP and
honors classes, because of their perception that doing so is acting White (i.e., opposi-
tional identity and self-sabotaging achievement practices?
2.Do African American students avoid enrollment in AP and honors classes
because they believe they cannot achieve as much as others in these classes (i.e.,
stereotype threat)?
3.Do high schools implement policies and practices that exclude African
American students from engaging in AP and honors classes (i.e., critical race theory’s
emphasis on institutional exclusionary practices and policies rather than student behav-
ior and practices)?
Importance of Study
This research is necessary because it should shed light on major problems that
plague African American students. Furthermore, the research identifies clearly a link
between critical race theory with its focus on the institution and African American
student underachievement. If this link is corroborated, African American students
should gain a heightened awareness of the institutional barrier set by the schools and
enter schools with a more realistic outlook. Unfortunately, African American students
are not likely to enter school with the notion that it is established to benefit positively
their social and academic development. However, critical race theory suggests an alter-
native perspective on the school’s role. If school structures negatively impact African
American students, then it is urgent that students and parents be aware of the purposeful
8
flaws preset within the school structure. Therefore, the research should inform those
impacted to become more knowledgeable about the institutional policies that are coun-
terproductive to school achievement. By understanding the essence of critical race
theory, both parents and students alike will have one of two options: (a) address school
policies that perpetuate underachievement or (b) maneuver around barriers that school
policies set in place. This research should provide insights to address both plans of
action.
Again, one has to ponder whether critical race theory plays a role in the acting
White model. Is the educational institution responsible for cultivating, academic envi-
ronments that being White is the standard for academic excellence? The extensive lit-
erature reviewed strongly suggests that their African American peers often accuse high-
achieving African American students of taking on White cultural norms. On the other
hand, African American students who underachieve are considered to be occupying the
proper place reserved for African American students. By rejecting the acting White
model, they do not excel in school. If they reject acting White, African American
students turn away from a very important element in their lives—education.
Consequently, by preserving their cultural identity, they are conjuring up an-
other identity that embraces underachievement and showcases African American
students as nonintellectual. The most pervasive question then becomes whether African
American students create the belief that acting White is a characteristic of academic
excellence or whether schools create policies that support an imbalance that supports
the underenrollment of African American students in AP and honors classes. When an
9
African American student peeks into one of these classes, is there is a sea of faces that
look nothing like his or her own. When an African American student is seen in an
enriched class, do other African American students view him/her as odd because he or
she does not conform to a model that rejects acting White or excelling academically?
Do African American students view enrollment in advanced classes as embracing the
acting White model?
The stereotype threat fuels the belief held by many African American students
that they do not belong in advanced classes. For example, due to the established culture
of advanced courses, African American students from the start do not feel worthy or
qualified to enroll in these classes. The fact that African Americans do not enroll in
these classes could also stem from the fact that association and membership in such
classes is viewed as acting White; therefore, there is a suggestion that advanced courses
are mainly for Whites. This notion creates an environment in which African American
students believe that they cannot compete and do not belong in the academically rigor-
ous environment. Thus, African American students have already classified advanced
classes as out of their reach because the perception is that they are exclusively for other
students. Students establish this distinction before they even attempt to take a more
challenging course. The stereotype threat is powerful because it prevents African
American students from exerting any more mental effort to complete a more challeng-
ing course. This problem could be even more damaging in the long run. It can impact
their decision making when it comes to applying to colleges and when they make work
or career choices. Again, a competitive college will have the same connotation as an
10
advanced course—namely, that “it is not for students like us.” They will more than
likely opt not to apply due to the reputation that a competitive college has garnered in
society. The stereotype threat does not end when the schooling experience is completed.
The threat does not dissipate but simply moves from class selection to other compo-
nents that define one’s life. If educators do not address this pertinent issue, it will per-
petuate a continual cycle of underachievement by African American students.
The “acting White” model is commonly used to refer to African American
students who achieve high academic standards in the school setting, although many
African American students deject the acting White label by avoiding anything linked to
high achievement. Even though acting White is attributed to positive factors such as
trying hard in school and making good grades, which will lead to school success, seem-
ingly positive traits are purposely not utilized by African American students to avoid
the acting White identification (Bergin & Cooks, 2002). Although Ogbu and Fordham’s
(1986) research clearly outlined the acting White model, they, too, failed to articulate
the alternative perspective of what it means to “act Black.” On the surface, one could
infer, based on the research, that acting White corresponds to making positive educa-
tional choices and acting Black refers to making negative choices linked to educational
attainment.
Peterson-Lewis and Bratton (2004) pointed out in their research on acting Black
that academic inputs of a negative connotation were commonly linked to African
American students when they described other African American students’ behavior
traits from their own perspectives. The African American students in the study
11
described skipping classes, not doing assignments, and they emphasized nonacademic
priorities as symbols of acting Black. The researchers contended that African American
students who performed poorly and behaved inappropriately claimed the label of acting
Black to a much greater degree than those who did well academically in school. The
distinction of being labeled as acting White and acting Black challenges high-achieving
African American students to choose between their personal ambitions and their racial
identity. Therefore, it leaves high-achieving African American students with two
options: to lower their personal achievement ambitions or to discontinue association
with other African American students. It also discourages lower achieving African
American students from aspiring to greater academic goals due to fear of disassociation
by other African American students and being labeled as acting White when attempting
to improve academically in school.
12
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
The researcher examined the research and theoretical literature to gain an under-
standing of the achievement patterns of African American students. He selected sources
based on their relevance to the internal and external forces that impact African Ameri-
can students’ educational attainment in high schools. He incorporated literature that
contributed to his understanding of structural and organizational barriers impeding
academic growth. He employed the theoretical constructs of acting White and opposi-
tional identity, stereotype threat, and critical race theory. These provided an overarching
theoretical framework to examine African American student engagement in high school
and underrepresentation in college preparatory programs; how parental, peer, school,
curricular, and teacher practices shape expectations, placement, and improving their
educational life chances.
Assimilation principles shape the acting White framework. This model focuses
on associating academic success with being White. This notion implies that African
Americans are not academic or not as successful as Whites in an academic environment
and that likewise, to be successful academically, African Americans must embrace
White cultural norms. Concomitantly, if African Americans adopt White cultural norms
of academic success, they necessarily reject their African American culture. Besides,
African American students internalize being White with achievement and being of Afri-
can American ancestry with underachievement. Therefore, African American students
13
may reject excelling academically because it projects the image that one is acting White
opposed to being an intellectual African American student. In essence, African Ameri-
can students may achieve less academically to avoid the situation of other African
American peers labeling them as one who is acting White. Thus, low achievement
becomes the emergent norm for African American students because academic achieve-
ment labels them as acting White (Ogbu, 1993).
Acting White
The acting White model suggest that academic achievement is synonymous with
being White, as well as African American students adapting to the behavior patterns of
White students to achieve in school (Ogbu, 1993; Ogbu & Fordham, 1986; Ogbu &
Simons, 1998). African American students equate school rules and practices that lead to
academic achievement with symbols of acting White, besides defining school knowl-
edge as White knowledge (Ogbu, 1993). Ogbu and Fordham asserted that “learning
school curriculum and learning to follow the standard academic practices of the school
are often equated by minorities with learning to ‘act White’ or as actually ‘acting
White’ while simultaneously giving up acting like a minority person” (p. 182). On the
other hand, Ogbu (1993) found that African American students created tactics that
rejected the acting White notion to protect their own social identity and self-worth.
Further, African American students strayed away from behavior patterns that reflected
White culture in school due to peer criticism and ostracism from other African Ameri-
can students (Ogbu, 1993).
14
Ogbu’s (1993) research suggests that immigrant and voluntary minority group
members view schooling through different lenses than involuntary minorities. His
research findings claimed that immigrant and voluntary group members have a dual
frame of reference that enables them to rationalize to a degree that the education they
receive in the United States is better than the education in their homeland. They recog-
nize that discrimination and racism exists in this country, yet they see them as obstacles
that they overcome to achieve success not possible in their homeland. However, invol-
untary group members lack a plausible comparison and view that school does not pay
off for them. Involuntary group members can only evaluate their educational experi-
ences against White children attending suburban schools—schools they view as supe-
rior to their own. This concept leads African American students to believe that they are
attending inferior schools mostly because of their race.
African American students face the dilemma of embracing academia, which
means identifying with White cultural norms or accepting the notion that African
American students are underachievers. Cokley (2003) believed that African American
students preserve high academic self-concepts and understand why school is important,
but their grades do not align with their self-concepts and beliefs. This concept suggests
that African American students display an attitude-achievement paradox (Mickelson,
1990). They fail to see equal outcomes when they exert the same academic efforts as
White middle-class students. Thus, they achieve less even though they are aware that
good school performance leads to their advancement. African American students do not
see the school site as an institution that will judge their efforts fairly. They hear a
15
different story at home, where family members often speak about race inequity and lack
of access in U.S. schools. Ogbu and Fordham (1986) suggested that substandard school-
ing brings about distrust in the school system and what it represents for African Ameri-
can students. Middle-class White Americans believe in what the schools say, and their
students behave according to the established norms. In response to this paradox, Afri-
can American students believe that Whites set the criteria for achievement and compe-
tence. As a result African Americans feel that the school system purposely disconnects
their culture from the educational environment while it promotes White cultural norms.
Ogbu and Simons (1998) pointed out that some minority group members be-
lieve that speaking standard English and conforming to the dominant group’s rules—
that is, acting white—will lead to higher academic achievement. Thus, African Ameri-
cans believe that if they abide by school policies and teachers’ pedagogical approaches,
they will be able to receive their school credentials. African American students must
follow White behavior patterns to advance in the school, because if they fail to assimi-
late, failure is eminent. However, According to Ogbu (1993), African Americans totally
reject specific behavior patterns, events, and symbols because they are more character-
istic of how Whites should act in a school setting. As a result, African American stu-
dents reject high achievement because it implies that they align with the group that is
oppressive to their race and way of life in school. Therefore, many African American
students refuse to cross cultural boundaries because they will betray the African Ameri-
can community by taking on White characteristics.
16
Ogbu (1993) suggested that African Americans and Whites share two distinctly
different cultural frames. Whites have a frame that shapes their identity, just like Afri-
can Americans; however, in school both groups are accountable for following the same
guidelines that traditionally align with the dominant group. African American students
feel forced to conform to dominant cultural norms even if they do not meet their educa-
tional needs.
The oppositional frame suggests that African American students express discon-
tent by rejecting Euro-American preferences because African Americans view them as
inappropriate for their own cultural group. In doing so, African American students
reject the educational system mainly due to its reflection of Euro-centric culture and
values (Ogbu, 1993, 2003; Ogbu & Simons, 1998). As a result, African American
students preserve their cultural identity by underachieving and opposing the dominant
group’s position.
Howard (2003) made a similar comparison based on his research findings. He
suggested that African American students purposely underachieve because the alterna-
tive would mean abandoning their own cultural knowledge. The research further sug-
gest that dissonance between African American culture and schooling perpetuate an
oppositional frame. Ogbu and Simons (1998) implied as well that African American
students are apprehensive of crossing cultural boundaries because they end up talking
and thinking like the dominant group. When African American students identify with
the dominant group, it suggests a displacement from the like-peer and community
17
connection. Therefore, to preserve the social networks, they must not oppose the domi-
nant group’s processes, including those linked to school achievement.
Ogbu’s (2003) research further confirmed the oppositional frame with respect to
underachievement. His findings suggested that sustaining like-peer associations is a key
element linked to underachievement and disengagement in school. Ogbu (2003) also
suggested that African American students were typically disengaged from schoolwork
to conform to underachievement patterns that aided them in preserving like-peer group
acceptance. The research implied that preserving social networks supercedes academic
achievement among African American students. If an African American student con-
formed to the dominant group’s ways, such conformity would lead to like-peer isolation
directly associated with a loss of African American social networks in school. Ogbu, in
his 2003 study on disengagement, found that African American students indicated that
underachievement would lead to increased social networks while achieving, on the
other hand, resulted in little to no social interaction with other African American stu-
dents. Rather than accept peer isolation and rejection, African American students reject
the academic environment that is reflective of the dominant group. Thus, African
American students reject academics and long-term professional success as a means to
oppose White society and its constraints (Ogbu, 2003). To keep racial solidarity, Afri-
can American students align themselves with underachievement and oppose achieve-
ment due to its connection to the dominant group.
18
Stereotype Threat
The notion that one’s behavior pattern confirms a particular stereotype linked to
group identity serves as a basic tenet of the stereotype threat perspective. In the aca-
demic arena, African American students enter school with a preconceived notion that
they are less capable than other students, particularly Whites and Asians, based on
racist stereotypes. Minority students, specifically African Americans, infer that their
actions will affirm the stereotype; therefore, they do not confirm the stereotype by
spurning schooling and intentionally failing to put forth effort to excel academically.
They reject schooling without regard to their academic ability or competence due to the
social/psychological threat that the stereotype imparts (Hudley & Irving, 2005).
This model illustrates that the stereotype threat directly impacts African Ameri-
can students’ academic development and self-esteem and indirectly has a negative
effect on their academic achievement (Aronson & Steele, 1995; Steele, 1997). Steele
suggested that when these students experience a stereotype threat in a domain, meaning
during a class presentation or test taking, it could interfere with their performance.
African American students must focus on both the academic material and the stereotype
threat to their performance. A conflict arises because African American students cannot
solely focus on the academic task due to the presence of racist stereotypes. To further
explain, Ogbu’s (2003) research showcased the stereotype threat from a different
vantage point. Ogbu (2003) noted that students viewed honors and AP classes as chal-
lenging. A greater number of White students than African American students took these
classes. Based on his research, one can infer that African American students view
19
advanced classes as solely for White students, which, in turn, suggests that African
American students belong in regular and not advanced classes. As a result, there is an
underrepresentation of African American students in the most challenging courses due
to the stereotype that they cannot do well in these classes. Because African American
students are usually not in advanced classes, they do not develop substantive academic
skills that strengthen critical thinking. Again, African American students do not even
take on demanding courses due to the White connotation associated with these courses
and fear linked to failure that could affirm the stereotype.
Stereotype threats and membership in a marginalized group like African Ameri-
cans shape educational outcomes and academic decisions (Aronson & Steele, 1995;
Hudley & Irving, 2005). The stereotype threat’s constant pressure eventually leads to
lack of identification with elements linked to the intellectual domains surrounding
achievement in school (Aronson & Steele). Because of their belief that others perceived
them as academically inferior, these students begin to withdraw from the academic
setting. Separation from conditions that increase the opportunity for others to stereotype
them results in a “disidentification” with school (Steele, 1997). Steele contended that
disidentification has a twofold result: (a) protecting African American students from the
stereotype threat but (b) setting them apart from the academic domain. To neutralize the
stereotype threat, African Americans students let go of academic connections that nega-
tively impact their long-term academic growth.
20
Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory is founded on the premise that institutions, including
schools, maintain the status quo through policies and practices that oppress minority
groups, including African Americans. From the critical race theory perspective, the
school system is racist from the onset and purposely excludes institutional practices that
do not protect White privilege. This system keeps subordinate and dominant roles in
place, thus offering advancement to one group and eternal stagnation to the other.
Critical race theory suggests that schools, as institutional agents, operate under
practices that perpetuate discrimination and strip away minority group cultural values
(DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Ornelas & Solórzano, 2004; Taylor, 1998). Ornelas and
Solórzano’s study focused on AP enrollment and admission practices with respect to
African American students at the University of Michigan. In the admissions process,
applicants receive points if their parents are university alumni. Ornelas and Solórzano
suggested that this practice is racist because fewer underrepresented parents of color are
university alumni. White applicants benefit from institutional policies that purposely
decrease the chances of African American students seeking admission there. In addi-
tion, the admissions committee considers the strength of an applicant’s high school.
Those with greater AP offerings receive extra admission points because the university
views these schools as academically strong. Notwithstanding, Ornelas and Solórzano’s
research found that most urban high schools offered less AP classes and a university
would view them as less rigorous. Because African American students enroll in these
21
schools more often, policies favoring the dominant group will lessen their admission
chances.
DeCuir and Dixson (2004) asserted that African American students expected
racism in schools. Given the American historical legacy of discrimination, these stu-
dents are not shocked when racial incidents occur. In their study of an elite private
secondary school, DeCuir and Dixson found that the school site fostered elements of
discrimination. They described it as “White as Property” (p. 28). It functions under the
following distinct systems: the right of possession; the right of use; the right of disposi-
tion; and most importantly, the right of exclusion. The school’s hierarchal structure
maintains the status quo with its authority to decide what is fitting and what is not.
From here, the school sets the precedent and creates the structural domain by which
students must abide.
DeCuir and Dixson (2004) revealed that African American students at the pre-
dominantly White campus noted several school policy instances that did not respect
their culture as a whole. For example, an African American female senior wanted to
wear an African head wrap at commencement to represent her cultural background;
however, the school objected because it did not align with the all-White graduation
dress code policy. Colors that reflected African ancestry and the continent of Africa
made up the students’ head wrap. The school did not admit that the color white is not
symbolic of African culture but mandated that the African American student wear an
all-white head wrap in order to take part in the graduation ceremony. Thus, the student
wore an all-white head wrap with white symbols to align with the school’s views while
22
she, to a degree, rejected her own cultural history. This research suggested that the
student was forced to act according to the school’s norms even though it went against
her beliefs and rejected her culture (Taylor, 1998).
Yasso’s (2005) used critical race theory through a community cultural wealth
perspective. Her focus moved away from a deficit view of communities of color, a
hallmark of critical race theory. She construed community cultural wealth symbols as
being tools to improve the status of communities of color. Her research suggested that
American society values only White cultural symbols and judges all others against the
dominant group. Specifically, African American students’ cultural capital is not trans-
ferable to the academic domain because dominant group practices govern the educa-
tional system. Rather than the school system adjusting its structural order to accommo-
date differences in cultural capital, it sets the order that African American students,
parents, and community figures must change their behavior patterns to fit the system.
Contradictions Among the Theoretical Perspectives
Ogbu (1993) contended that
in our comparative work we have learned that the academic problems of minor-
ity children are due to complex factors not only in schools, the classrooms, the
homes, and the individuals, but also in the broader historical, economic, and
sociocultural domains. (p. 484)
Carter (2005) and Rothstein (2004) suggested that social and cultural capital impacts
minority student achievement. Fordman and Ogbu (1986) argued that African American
students’ opposition to the dominant group’s values so as to preserve their own cultural
identity negatively impacted their academic achievement. These theoretical frameworks
23
suggest systemic factors that impinge on African American students’ achievement,
particularly males. Ogbu (1993) further distinguished between voluntary and involun-
tary minority groups. Voluntary minority group members come to a country freely to
pursue opportunities that cannot be realized in their homeland, including socioeco-
nomic mobility. Unlike voluntary minority group members, involuntary minorities
came to a country against their will. These distinct differences in their experiences alter
their view of the dominant group.
The oppositional stance directly corresponds to involuntary group members’
schooling experiences. Ogbu (1993) extrapolated on African American students’ views
that opposed dominant group perspectives. He stated that
the individual student may be unwilling to adopt attitudes and behaviors that
promote school success or to excel academically for fear of peer criticism and
loss of peer support, and from genuine belief that her or his actions may actually
constitute “acting white. (p. 502)
Therefore, African American students reject schooling because the educational hierar-
chy does not reflect their culture. Also, when they excel, their own peers view them as
“selling out” or “rejecting” their cultural background. Therefore, the oppositional frame
suggests that African American students are combative against the educational process
due to the dominant group’s authority.
However, other researchers have contested Ogbu’s premise with relation to
African American students’ beliefs about education in general. Carter (2005) called
attention to an alternative argument. She found that education is important to African
American and Latino students and noted that
24
nearly all of them strongly felt that education is the key to success. Moreover,
they aspire to the benefits that an education brings, the American dream that
includes good paying jobs, high salaries, home and car ownership, and intact
families. (p. 11)
Cook and Ludwig (1997) argued that Black peers taunt high-achieving Blacks as acting
White, yet these students are compensated and or awarded for their association with
high achievement, too. Cook and Ludwig further suggested that Black high achievers
were no more unpopular than their lesser achieving classmates. This body of research
suggests an alternative explanation from that of Ogbu and Fordham (1986).
Although researchers like Carter (2005) and Cook and Ludwig (1997) supported
the notion that African American students believe education is necessary to be success-
ful, there still is an issue regarding Ogbu and Fordham’s (1986) theoretical perspective
on achievement. Even though African American students overwhelmingly believe that
earning an education is crucial, this belief belies their academic achievement (i.e.,
grades and test scores). Mickelson (1990, p. 44) pointed to an “attitude-achievement
paradox,” which suggests that Blacks, overall, have consistently positive attitudes about
education but poorly achieve in school. Ogbu and Fordham identified poor achievement
with limited growth opportunities, socially and economically, as these students
transitioned to adulthood. Michelson supported these claims. She found that “Black
children see that efforts in school often do not have the same outcomes for members of
their group as do similar efforts for members of socially dominant groups, such as
middle class whites” (p. 45). Michelson’s research suggested that African American
students do not see the connection between academics and long-term success. If these
25
students do not have role models in their communities who have profited from school-
ing, then they view education as insignificant because it cannot better them in the
future.
As well as oppositional barriers impacting schooling, social and cultural capital
shape students’ learning outcomes, too. Rothstein (2004) elaborated on social capital’s
impact on learning by saying that
in upper grades, when posing open-ended questions increasingly become a way
to learn, middle-class children do what comes naturally to them. Lower-class
children may succeed with direct instruction when learning basic skills, but are
less prepared for the inquiry learning that is more important to academic success
in upper grades. (p. 24)
Rothstein implied that White middle-class students are better prepared for classroom
discussions involving critical thinking skills. The advantage derives solely from
middle-class home communication patterns. He further implied that the schooling expe-
rience is geared toward the White middle class and indirectly excludes the poor, espe-
cially African Americans.
Ogbu and Fordham (1986) supported Rothstein’s (2004) view about the domi-
nant group’s authority over the educational setting. They stated:
There are areas where criteria of performance have been established by whites
and competence in performance is judged by whites and competence in perfor-
mance is judged by whites or their representatives, and where rewards for per-
formance are determined by white people according to white criteria. (p. 182)
Also, social capital is heavily tied to the schooling experience. It can be inferred that
failure by working-class students and students of color to learn White middle-class
basic skills will indirectly impact their achievement.
26
Research suggests that if African Americans do not adopt White middle-class
values, their likelihood of succeeding in school will drop. Fisher (2005) commented
that many African American students do not connect the traditional school setting with
being successful outside the classroom. As a result, they internalize the belief that non-
academic activities will increase their chances of future growth. Ogbu and Simons
(1998) implied that the dominant group’s mistreatment and discrimination lead minor-
ity students to believe that investing in education will not result in any significant long-
term gains. Fisher (2005) and Perry, Claude, and Hilliard (2003) suggested that parental
and societal realities shape African American students’ views about the importance of
schooling and educational attainment. Perry et al. claimed that African American
parents communicate to their children the need for a good education but also communi-
cate that society as a whole might not reward them in the same way as it rewards
Whites for their achievement.
Fisher (2005) backed up the claim of Perry et al. (2003). She stated that “based
on the historical experiences of African American parents in U.S. society, parents often
pass on to their children their own beliefs that society will not reward Black student
educational accomplishments as much as it does for white students” (p. 206). Thus, the
research suggests that African American students enter the educational arena with the
belief that high achievement may not result in maximum success. Even though schools
promote the idea of equality, African American students hear a different story from
their family members at the dinner table (Mickelson, 1990). Therefore, when African
27
American students see the reality of their family members’ situations, it is difficult for
them to connect education to a better life (Perry et al.).
Parents deliver a distinctly different message than the school about access and
equity. However, without parental help and adult support, these students must navigate
independently and discern which perspective to follow (Spencer, Noll, Stoltzfus, &
Harpalani, 2001). This situation creates an environment where African American
students develop mistrust and the rejection of the dominant group. Ogbu and Simons
(1998) also suggested that African Americans are combative with respect to educational
structures due to mistrust that parents and family members hand down to them about
the educational system.
The research of Fisher (2005) and Perry et al. (2003) aligns and strongly sup-
ports the viewpoint of Ogbu and Fordham (1986). Ogbu and Fordham stated that
African Americans’ low school performance was linked to their inability to see the
social and economic payback of schooling later in life. According to Ogbu and
Fordham (1986),
frustrations over the job ceiling and substandard schooling create conflicts and
distrust between black Americans and the public schools, making it more diffi-
cult for black Americans than for white Americans to believe what the schools
say and to behave according to school norms. (p. 179)
Therefore, it can be seen that schooling has a different meaning for African American
students.
Orr (2003) implied that further disengagement occurs when African American
students realize that there are no funds available to finance future schooling; as a result,
28
they see no direct purpose in doing well in school. On the other hand, Michelson (1990)
stated that “adults whose job returns are commensurate with their education, such as
middle-class white men, generally have children who hold positive beliefs about educa-
tion and demonstrate high achievement to match” (p. 45). It can be inferred from the
research that African American students enter school with more oppositional barriers,
while Whites view education as a means to achieving success and enter school with a
positive view leading to higher levels of success.
Ogbu and Fordham (1986) focused on the impact of peer and parental forces
toward motivation and achievement. However, they failed to evaluate the role of the
school and whether or not it plays a factor in the underachievement of African Ameri-
can students. According to Garibaldi (1992), “teachers who hold negative perceptions
can inadvertently ‘turn-off’ Black male students who have high abilities, positive self-
concepts, and outstanding personal expectations, and who set achievable expectations”
(p. 8). Davis and Jordan (1994) also found in their research study that teachers’ percep-
tion of accountability greatly impacted the success or failure of students.
On the other hand, Ogbu and Fordham (1986) seemingly rejected the notion that
the school structure itself could serve as an oppositional barrier that decreases the op-
portunity for African American students to achieve academically. Ogbu and Fordham
stated that African American students need to adjust their behavior patterns and leave
their culture to achieve in the school setting; however, they view the school as being
counter to their cultural experiences.
29
Conchas’s (2006) research contradicted and complicated Ogbu and Fordham’s
(1986) work. Conchas’s research examined how the school site could contribute posi-
tively or negatively to the schooling experiences of African American students. In his
research, he implied that school context influences academic achievement. The research
further suggested that schools are responsible for creating a healthy environment for all
students.
In Conchas’s (2006) study, there was a clear system in place for African Ameri-
can students to interact with their fellow students, thanks to the small learning commu-
nities that the school had designed. In this environment, the schools did not isolate
African American students; rather, they encouraged these students to participate. The
students assisted one another on their assignments and were there for one another in
times of need. Conchas wrote, “The Black males in the study recognized the structural
constraints in society, but they were determined to succeed despite them. They ex-
pressed a confidence and determination not to allow racism and lack of opportunity to
improve their social mobility” (p. 51). Conchas’s findings contradicted those of Ogbu
and Fordham (1986), who suggested that oppression from the dominant group leads to
underachievement and rejection of the school setting. However, Conchas’s work fo-
cused on the school setting and how it could positively impact African American stu-
dents’ achievement.
30
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
In this chapter, the methodology used to investigate the course selection patterns
of African American students attending a nationally regarded public California high
school is outlined. The investigator examined students who participated in both the
regular and AP/college preparatory courses to gain insight into why they selected their
particular academic tracks. Provided in this chapter are a detailed summary of the
school site, participants, data collections, and the investigator’s central role as re-
searcher in the study, and possible limitations within the construct.
This was a case study of enrollment patterns of African American students in
AP and regular classes at a high-achieving high school (HAHS). Specifically, the
researcher wanted to understand how the students described their schooling experience
with relationship to course selection and whether their decision making was a result of
the individual or institutional barriers within the school structure. It was expected that
by evaluating acting White and stereotype threat that focused exclusively on the indi-
vidual, there would be a clear evaluation and focus on the student’s role in the course
selection process. Including critical race theory provided a central connection to the role
that the institution played in the students’ decision-making process pertaining to what
courses they elect to take in the regular and AP programs. The theoretical constructs
provide a trajectory to identify which factors most impact enrollment decisions pertain-
ing to African American students.
For purposes of confidentiality, the name of the high school and school district
1
were changed.
31
Description of the School and Participants
To evaluate course selection patterns between enrollment in regular and AP
courses at the school site, the researcher recruited and assessed African American
seniors attending HAHS in Sunny Unified School District. This study assessed a
1
sample of African American students enrolled in both the regular and AP programs.
Participants for the study were recruited from a magnet school in one of the nation’s
largest school districts in southern California. Sunny Unified School District had an
enrollment of over 700,000 students attending more than 600 schools and learning
centers.
HAHS was part of the Sunny Unified School District. HAHS was a magnet
school that enrolled students in Grades 6-12. The school was located in an upper-
middle-class neighborhood, and most of its students were bussed in from all parts of the
city. HAHS had a total population of approximately 1,600 students, of whom 30.2%
were White, 25.2% were Black, 21.6% were Hispanic, 20.3% were Asian, 2.2% were
Filipino, 0.4% were Alaskan, and 0.1 were Pacific Islander.
HAHS, in southern California, is one of the most prominent public schools in
the nation. In the fall of 2003, it was rated as one of the best high schools in the state,
and according to several national academic educational magazines, it was judged to be
in the top 5% of all high schools in the United States (Mathews, 2003). From 2003
through 2007, the school ranked among the top 40 public schools in the nation. The
32
rankings were calculated according to the Challenge Index, which divides the total
number of seniors by the number of AP examinations taken. HAHS offered more than
20 AP classes, including mathematics, history, literature, the sciences, foreign lan-
guages, arts, and music. In addition, the state had regularly honored the school for its
stellar academic programs. Each year the most prestigious colleges and universities in
the nation, including Harvard, Yale, Columbia, and highly regarded flagship universi-
ties on the West coast admit HAHA graduates.
Table 1 indicated that more than half of all African American seniors in the
class of 2006 at HAHS did not enroll in a single AP course during their high school
careers. Table 1 also depicts that not a single African-American student enrolled in
more than 10 AP courses during their time at the school and that overall African Ameri-
can participation in the program was low to a degree. Table 2 provides an overview of
graduation designations pertaining to achievement on the AP examinations in 2007. As
noted in Table 2, less than 3% of African American students were designated as meet-
ing an academic honor per completion of the AP program, whereas about 40% of White
students were designated as completing the program with an honors designation. Ap-
proximately 25% of Asian students were also classified with the honors designation. On
the other hand, the Hispanic subgroup was the only other group besides African Ameri-
cans to have lower AP honors designations.
Table 3 shows that more than half of all African American seniors graduating in
the spring class of 2008 did not enroll in a single AP course. Not a single student took
more than 11 AP courses throughout the tenure of the high school experience, even
33
Table 1
Advanced Placement (AP) Class Enrollment of African
American Students Graduating From High-Achieving
High School in Spring 2006
AP classes n
11 or more classes0
6-10 classes15
2-5 classes23
No AP classes48
Note. Number of African American seniors graduating in
spring of 2006 = 86.
Table 2
Advanced Placement (AP) Scholarship Program Designation of African American,
White, Asian, and Hispanic Students Graduating From High-Achieving High School in
Spring 2007
AP scholarAP scholar withNo designa-
Ethnicity groupAP scholarwith honorsdistinctiontion
African Americans01283
Asians70121
Hispanics01031
Whites54928
Note. AP Scholar = students who received grades of 3 or higher on three or more AP
exams; AP Scholar With Honors = students who received an average grade of 3.25 or
higher on four or more AP exams; AP Scholar With Distinction = students who re-
ceived an average grade of 3.5 on five or more AP exams.
34
Table 3
Advanced Placement (AP) Class Enrollment of African
American Students Graduating From High-Achieving
High School in Spring 2008
AP classes n
11 or more classes0
6-10 classes10
1-5 classes21
No AP classes32
Note. Number of African American seniors graduating in
spring of 2008 = 62.
Table 4
Advanced Placement (AP) Class Enrollment of African American Stu-
dents Graduating From High-Achieving High School in Spring 2008, by
Gender
AP classes n
Males (n = 15)
11 or more classes0
6-10 classes0
1-5 classes7
No AP classes8
Females (n = 46)
11 or more classes0
6-10 classes10
1-5 classes12
No AP classes24
35
though the school site offered more than 20 courses. On the other hand, Table 4 shows
great disparity between African American male and female participation in AP classes.
Again, over 50% of both males and females failed to enroll in a single AP course, with
African American males having the lowest participation of the two groups. Out of the 7
males who participated in the AP program, 4 enrolled in only one AP course throughout
their high school career.
The data in Tables 1-4 document the failure of African American students to
enroll or be encouraged to enroll in AP courses—a fact that is frightening for their
futures. How can African Americans be expected to be competitive when they are not
asserting themselves and affording themselves of the best opportunities to have the
background that it takes to attend the elite schools of higher education? This situation is
alarming and should be addressed with ferocious speed and concern for the good of
African American students.
Instrumentation and Data Collection Methods
The case study of course selection by African American seniors at HAHS
focused on interviews and focus groups. The data collection methods consisted of indi-
vidual interviews, then formal group interviews with all participants, and informal ob-
servations several times throughout the spring 2008 school semester. Additionally, the
researcher used an academic evaluation survey to identify possible student participants.
The Academic Assessment Sheet (see appendix A) asked students questions about their
course selection history pertaining to enrollment in AP or regular class programs. It
36
further gathered information about their grade point average (GPA), class rank, and
college board scores. From the initial Academic Assessment Sheet, the researcher
identified students who took part in the AP and regular programs. He included student
participants enrolled in AP programs and those who exclusively took regular classes.
The purpose of including both sets of students was to investigate the rationale for the
differences in course selection patterns.
Screening Protocol and Screening Interview
The researcher distributed 63 Academic Assessment Sheets to African Ameri-
can seniors graduating in the spring of 2008. This assessment sheet focused specifically
on course selection, GPA, and college entrance test scores, in addition to background
information on parental educational levels. The researcher conducted a 10-minute
screening session with each of the 25 students who completed the Academic Assess-
ment Sheet. He drew a sample of 6 males and 6 females from these 25 students to
participate in the research.
The next step was a semistructured interview to gauge understanding on the
academic course selection. From the Academic Assessment Sheet, the researcher
selected both male and female students in the AP program and/or honors classes and
males and females who had the potential to be in these classes but were not enrolled in
them at the time the research was conducted. He employed open-ended interview
questions (see appendix B) to gain insights to participants’ thoughts about the courses
in which they had enrolled throughout their high school experience. The open-ended
37
questions gave them an opportunity to reflect and provide background information on
their experiences with relation to the decisions they had made about their academic
curriculum.
The researcher secured consent from the site administration, university, and the
school district’s institutional review board. He gathered data on students graduating in
spring 2008 from an Academic Assessment Sheet and from the Semistructured Inter-
view Questionnaire (see appendices A and B, respectively). He recruited seniors be-
cause he wanted to track their enrollment throughout their high school experiences in
both AP and regular classes. He excluded freshmen and sophomores due to their lack of
AP class option courses made available to them. Therefore, by tracking seniors, the
researcher collected data on the total number of AP and regular classes taken through-
out participants’ entire high school career.
As the principal investigator, the researcher was solely responsible for collecting
data from participants. He worked collaboratively with the senior counselor at the
school to identify students in the AP and honors program, as well as students who had
never taken an AP or honors course. After compiling the list with the college counselor,
he distributed the Academic Assessment Sheets to African American seniors. To
promote the timely identification of potential participants, the researcher asked that the
Academic Assessment Sheets be returned to the college counselor’s mailbox at the
school within 1 week. He then sent a Parent Consent Letter to each student who had
returned a completed Academic Assessment Sheet. After obtaining assent or consent
from both the parents and students (see appendices C and D, respectively), he used the
38
Academic Assessment Sheets to identify a minimum of 10 students to serve as a repre-
sentative sample based on the aforementioned criteria. Because the researcher specifi-
cally sought a representative sample of African-American students who participated in
both AP or honors and regular classes, the sample was likely more purposeful than
representative (Maxwell, 1996). One limitation to this approach was that not every
student returned the Academic Assessment Sheet. This factor may have constrained the
research and prevented the inclusion of a representative sample of the school popula-
tion.
Procedures
Each participant completed an Academic Assessment Sheet and semistructured
interview. The one-on-one interviews were conducted in the school counseling office.
Each interview was audiotaped and lasted approximately 20-25 minutes. All interviews
took place in the spring of 2008, either before or after school to avoid any interruption
to the academic school day. In addition, all interviews were administered in a semi-
structured manner with the principal investigator asking all of the questions contained
in the interview protocol. The researcher followed up on specific answers for clarifica-
tion or elaboration. The interview protocol for the student interviews consisted of ques-
tions aimed at eliciting students’ perceptions of their high school experiences based on
the three distinct theoretical frameworks: acting White, stereotype threat, and critical
race theory.
39
Data Analysis
The data collection process yielded rich information about the enrollment pat-
terns of African American high school seniors in AP, honors, and regular classes. The
questions in the student interviews were designed to examine whether acting White as
conceptualized in the oppositional model, stereotype threat, and critical race theory
played a significant role in the course selection patterns of African American high
school seniors. The researcher looked for themes in the data from the transcriptions of
the audiotaped interviews. He attended to the students’ voices as he analyzed their re-
sponses to the interview questions. The transcription component assisted him in re-
learning what African American seniors perceived about the course selection patterns
and helped in more closely examining how participants responded to the interview
questions. Accordingly, the transcription phase served as a dynamic tool to maintain the
focus on the original research questions so that the central focus of the study would not
be lost. Next, the researcher scanned the data for completeness to increase familiarity
with the written transcriptions and charted observations about common topics and
themes from the transcription. Then, the major focal points were categorized into three
distinct domains: acting White, stereotype threat, and critical race theory.
First, the researcher divided the data into units based on the frequency of the
students’ responses to the interview questions derived from the theoretical frameworks.
Second, he examined whether there was any convergence or divergence in participants’
response patterns. After reading and evaluating the transcriptions, the researcher high-
lighted any responses that fell under the theoretical frameworks used to guide the study.
40
In addition, he constructed a separate categorical chart that countered the arguments
presented by the three dominant theoretical models. After organizing the data, the
researcher coded the responses based on their relevance to the theoretical models and
differing perspectives based on students’ responses. The analysis of the data was based
on the actual words and perceptions of those participating in the study. The coding of
the transcripts involved relating the major themes with each theoretical framework by
number. As a result, the emerging themes from the interview portion of the research
were identified and evaluated.
41
CHAPTER 4
KEY FINDINGS
The twelve participants in this study discuss their experiences about enrollment
options in both AP and regular classes. Each student showcases their personal educa-
tional journey through their curricular choices that, in essence, define a distinct picture
of their schooling experience. As a result, the following are brief snapshots of each
student to reflect their own views of themselves and how others describe them as learn-
ers in the AP and the regular program; the names were changed for reasons of confiden-
tiality.
Table 5
Snapshot of Study Participants (N = 12)
Grade
GenderclassificationEthnicityEnrollment
Female (n = 6)SeniorAfrican American3 in AP classes
3 in regular classes
Male (n = 6)SeniorAfrican American3 in AP classes
3 in regular classes
Note. AP = Advanced Placement.
Jordan was the highest ranked African American male at 95 in a class of 203
th
students, with a GPA of 3.341. He had completed four AP classes, which constituted
42
the most take by any African American male in the high school. He scored 1680 on the
Scholastic Achievement Test (SAT) out of a possible 2400. He described himself as
lacking dedication but believed that his teachers would describe him as bright and
optimistic. Both of Jordan’s parents held college degrees, with his father having earned
a Ph.D. degree. At school, Jordan interacted mainly with students in regular classes
because, he said, he started taking AP classes late and mainly took regular classes. His
major interest at school was baseball, which took up most of his time; as a result, he did
not have time for academic clubs. Jordan could be seen regularly socializing with his
baseball buddies because, as he said, he spent the most of his time with the team.
Andrea was the highest ranking African American student (20 ) and boasted a
th
4.237 GPA, along with completing eight AP classes. Andrea’s SAT and American
College Test (ACT) scores were superior to those of most other African American
students in her class. Her impressive 2040 SAT score and 32 score on the ACT were
among the highest of her peers. Andrea described herself as a student who paid atten-
tion and completed her assignments to the specifications of her teachers, even though
she admitted that at times she could be a bit lazy. Even so, she said that her teachers
would refer to her as helpful, smart, and insightful. She said that she was able to interact
with her teachers both inside and outside the classroom. With respect to peer interac-
tions, Andrea mainly associated with AP students because she had been in classes with
them since middle school, and these students often interacted with one another. How-
ever, as a peer helper at school, Andrea said that she had the opportunity to interact with
all segments of the student population. Andrea had been raised by a single parent, and
43
her mother held two bachelor degrees. Andrea was proud to a member of the National
Honor Society because she wanted to achieve academic distinction. Because she wanted
African American students to have a venue to learn more about issues directly impact-
ing them, she founded the Black Student Union.
Steven was a polite young man who maintained a GPA of 2.733 and ranked
150 in his class. He scored a 1490 on the SAT and opted to enroll exclusively in the
th
regular program, not taking a single AP class. He described his work habits as “pretty
good” and said that he completed all of his homework and regularly studied at home.
He felt that his teachers would describe him as a good listener and someone who paid
attention in class. Both of Steven’s parents were high school graduates, and both en-
couraged him to do well in school. He took part in the Young Black Scholar’s Club
because it interested him the most. He said that he interacted with some of his teachers
and associated with both AP and regular students at school.
Deborah maintained a 3.539 GPA and was 75 in her class. She had taken one
th
AP course during her school tenure. She scored 19 on the ACT and 1400 on the SAT.
She described herself as a determined student and believed that her teachers would
describe her as hardworking. She said that she interacted with a few teacher but that
usually conversations were limited to “hello” or “good-bye.” Outside class, she had
friends in both AP and regular classes. She admitted that regular students comprised her
inner circle, but she did not know exactly why, commenting: “I guess that’s the group
I’m more attracted to.” Deborah’s mother attended college but did not finish, and her
44
father was a high school graduate. Deborah participated in the Calculus Club and
Young Black Scholars to enhance her academic growth.
Danny ranked near the bottom of the senior class with a 2.153 GPA. Throughout
his high school experience, he had participated in all regular classes without trying any
AP courses. He described himself as “chill,” smart, and lazy. He believed that his
teachers felt that he was very smart but not motivated in class; however, he scored a 23
on the ACT. He noted that all of his social interactions were with regular students
because they chose to socialize with him. Danny’s mother and father held bachelor’s
degrees. Danny wanted to join an academic club said that because they filled up too
quickly, he did not have an opportunity to participate.
Sheila was the second highest ranked African American student in her class
with a 4.041 GPA. She had scored an 1820 on the SAT and 23 on the ACT. She noted
that she took the ACT in her sophomore year and did not retake the test. She had com-
pleted six AP exams and was a Calculus Club member because of her keen interest in
mathematics. Both of Sheila’s parents had completed high school and had attended a
community college briefly. Sheila described herself as focused, determined, and dili-
gent, but at times a procrastinator. However, she believed her teachers would describe
her as hardworking because “I work hard to get my A’s.” Sheila was in the AP program
because she believed that the classes were more positive and seemed to be more fo-
cused than regular classes. In addition, she felt that the AP program was the place where
most of her friends were. She communicated with her teachers both inside and outside
the classroom because she felt it was essential to do so to get the most out of the class.
45
Michelle maintained a 2.923 GPA and ranked in the top 50% of her senior class.
She took the SAT twice, scoring 1600 the first time and increasing her score by 140
points on the second attempt. She had not taken any of the AP courses at the school site.
She said she did not participate in those classes because she was not as smart as the AP
students. Michelle characterized her academic ability as average. While her peer inter-
actions were with both AP students and regular students, she described AP students as
those who wanted to go the extra mile while others wanted to stay average and remain
where they felt more comfortable. Both of Michelle’s parents had completed high
school; her mother had completed 2 years of college but did not graduate. Michelle
described herself as a good student who went beyond the assignment, meaning that she
was willing to go beyond the basic level of expectations. She said that her teachers
would describe her as an independent student and a natural leader, because she served
as class president for 2 years in a row.
Marcus had maintained a 3.101 GPA throughout his high school tenure and
ranked in the top 50% of his class. He scored 1550 on the SAT and took one AP course.
Most of his interactions were with AP students because he felt that he should associate
with people who wanted to succeed. Marcus was very social at school; he served as
captain of the popular Boy’s Step Team, which performed at many school events. He
described himself as one who talked a lot, but he felt that his grades were good enough
for him to talk during class. He said, “My teachers would say I talk too much, and I
constantly misbehave,” but he was quick to point out that he did well on all of his tests
and completed all required assignments; as a result, he felt that the teachers really could
46
not complain. Moreover, he stated that he had limited communication with his teachers
outside the classroom. Both of Marcus’ parents had completed high school, and his
father earned a college degree. His older brother was a junior in college.
Kelly maintained a 3.175 GPA and ranked near the top 50% of her class. She
scored 1310 on the SAT and did not enroll in the AP program. Kelly described herself
as cooperative and an above-average student. Because she felt there was mutual respect
and she viewed teachers as her role models, she engaged in conversations with them
inside and outside the classroom. As a result, she felt that her teachers would describe
her as a dynamic and highly driven young lady. Kelly was raised by her single mother,
who was a high school graduate who had a brief stint in community college. At school,
Kelly was actively involved in many activities and was a leader in many school organi-
zations. She interacted with peers who participated in both the regular and AP program
because she believed it was necessary to surround herself with people who shared her
goals.
James had a 2.601 GPA and ranked 156 out of 203 students in his senior class.
th
He opted to take one AP course during his high school career. Athletics was a major
part of his life. He admitted that schoolwork sometimes took a backseat because he was
often very tired from practices. He said that his study habits were average and he did
not study all the time, but he still believed that his teachers would describe him as very
vocal and highly interested in the subject matter. James interacted with all students re-
gardless of their enrollment in particular courses. For the most part, he did not know
who took regular or AP classes because, as he said, it never came up in conversation.
47
He took the SAT and ACT but did not provide his scores or the educational level of his
parents. James was passionate about becoming a professional athlete.
Shavon carried a 3.656 GPA and ranked 60 out of 203 seniors. She had en-
th
rolled in several AP classes during her high school experience. In total, she had com-
pleted seven AP courses and scored 1880 on the SAT. Both her parents and older sister
had earned undergraduate degrees. She associated with students in both AP and regular
classes; however, she spent the most time with students in regular classes because they
were her closest friends. She described herself as a “pretty good student” who com-
pleted all of her assignments. She admitted that she could perform a bit better, but she
prided herself with never having cheated on a single assignment throughout high
school. She believed her teachers would describe her as persistent because she never
gave up, even when things got tough.
Jonathan had a 3.188 GPA and ranked 106 in a class of 203 students. He had
th
taken one AP class throughout his high school career. He prided himself on interacting
with all of his peers because he believed that class enrollment does not determine
whether people are good or not. He described his work habits as good and believed that
his teachers viewed him as a hard worker and an extremely creative young man. He
noted that he scored a 680 out of 800 on the reading section of the SAT. Both of his
parents had finished high school and expected him to attend a 4-year college.
48
Comments About Class Enrollment and Being
African American at HAHS
As pointed out in the previous chapters, this study centered on the enrollment
patterns of African American seniors enrolled at a nationally ranked California public
school. A review of the literature and theoretical models identified causes that linked to
enrollment and nonparticipation in AP classes. Each participant in this study shared
his/her course selection process and the influences of others on the schooling experi-
ence.
Each participant had a distinct reason for enrolling in particular classes. Debo-
rah said, “I choose courses to get more credit on my transcript.” She enjoyed her Afri-
can American history course. Because of the class discussions and all the new informa-
tion, she learned about her culture. On the other hand, she said, “I don’t like Spanish
because I don’t feel the instructor knows the material.” Deborah believed that all types
of students could do well if they did their work. However, she said, “It is interesting
being Black at this school, and I will leave it at that.”
Andrea enrolled in majority AP classes, noting, “They will take me to the next
level, and regular classes bore me.” Her favorite class was AP psychology. She said, “It
isn’t all lecture, and it is pertinent to our daily lives.” She also said that AP calculus is
slightly annoying, and I don’t find the realistic part of it.” Andrea believed that a stu-
dent who adapts to the quiet culture will fit the “smart” stereotype. On being Black at
the school, she said, “We have to overcome the stereotypes that we can only be on the
dance or step teams.”
49
Sheila enrolled primarily in AP classes because “they interest and challenge me
the most.” Her favorite class was AP government; she said, “I almost did not enroll in
the course, but the teacher is entertaining, and I am learning so much.” However, she
noted that “AP Calculus is the worst class because the teacher takes the fun out of math
due to his insecurities and lack of effective teaching methods.” However, Sheila felt
that students who want to do well at any school will do well. Regarding being an Afri-
can American at the school, she said, “I feel like the ‘Black mascot’ at this school; by
mascot I mean a person who represents the smart black students. Every time I do well, I
feel like I am representing the entire Black population.”
Kelly enrolled in all regular classes, commenting: “I don’t believe in taking AP
classes to look good; I know students who take a lot of AP classes but fail the AP
exam.” Her favorite class was zoology because of her love of animals. However, she
said, “Spanish is my worst class because we do not do any work. I had another teacher
that was amazing, and I learned a lot—now I feel like I am losing it.” She also believed
that students who had tutors, joined study groups, or worked hard to keep up did very
well, but she did not feel that the school as a whole did a lot to help students. She said,
“Being an African American student at this school is like being on your own.”
James was in one AP mathematics course; the rest of his courses were regular
classes. He said that his favorite class was Spanish III because “it’s challenging and you
have to interact in class.” On the other hand, the class that he did not enjoy was AP
calculus. He said, “It is hard, but I’m just not into doing math, so I feel like I’m working
hard for something I don’t want to do.” He believed that Asians did the best in all
50
subjects, especially math. He said that “it is difficult being African American here
because we get in trouble for smaller situations that others would not get punished for.”
Steven was not enrolled in a single AP course but said, “I selected courses that
interested me and would look good on my college transcripts, like economics and
African American history.” He said that his favorite class was African American history
because he “learned new things that they don’t talk about in history books.” However,
he noted, “My least favorite class is physics, because I am not interested in the sci-
ences.” He also said that “students who excel know how to beat the system and take a
lot of AP classes, mainly Asians and White students, along with African American
females.” In addition, “As a black male, I am trying not to be a digit, even though we
are probably the second lowest, as far as grades are concerned.”
Marcus said, “Basically, I choose the next class on the list. If I took trigonome-
try, then I would take whatever was next, like AP statistics.” Marcus was planning to
study business and said that economics was his favorite course. He said, “I like learning
about money and the economy.” Even though he was enrolled in AP statistics, he said,
“It is boring because all we do is take tests and do homework.” He believed that all
students could do well and that there was not really a particular type of person who does
well; however, he said that “African American students mainly play all sports and run
the step-team.”
Jonathan was enrolled in AP studio art, with the rest of his classes being regular.
He said, “AP studio art is my favorite class because that is the focus of my future.” He
continued, “Trigonometry is the least enjoyable because I can’t grasp the ridiculously
51
complicated topics.” He believed that students who attended the school all 7 years had
the greatest advantage of being successful because they knew what it took to pass. He
noted said African American students were involved mainly in sports and the arts.
Shavon enrolled mostly in AP classes because she wanted to gain admission to a
good college. Her favorite class was any AP history course: “I love the analytical aspect
of history and connecting all the points together.” Her least favorite class as AP Calcu-
lus because “this year, for some reason I am not connecting with math.” Shavon be-
lieved that Asians and White students did well because they dominated all the AP
classes. She said, “It is lonely to be an African American AP student because typically,
you’re the only one in class, and there is nothing you can do about it.” On the other
hand, she said, “On the basketball court and dance competitions, we represent.”
Michelle was enrolled in all regular classes and noted: “I prefer to take classes
with people that look like me, and I feel I am still learning in regular classes.” She said,
“African American history is fun because we’re free to express ourselves, and the
teacher encourages it.” Her least favorite class was English: “I feel like it is a repeat of
ninth-grade English; it’s so sad.” Regarding who did better at school, she commented:
“I would say Asians, because they’re always studying, during lunch, nutrition. I feel
sorry for them at times.” She said, “It is hard being Black here because people always
expect less out of us, but I don’t pay them any attention.”
Jordan was an AP student who noted, “I enroll in the classes to improve my high
school résumé for college.” His favorite class was creative writing because “it is a nice
blend of coursework and a relaxed atmosphere.” On the other hand, he said that “AP
52
government is my worst class because the lectures are screamed at the students rather
than taught. Our study topics are extremely repetitive. I feel unprepared for the AP
exam.” Regarding being an African American at HAHS, he said, “I take great pride in
being an African American student at this school.” He further noted that “a student who
does not set a high priority on an active out-of-school social life will do really well.
Students who give themselves more time devoted to work usually do better scholasti-
cally.”
Danny was taking all regular classes because “I am not an AP-type student, I
can’t spend all my time studying.” He said his favorite class was teacher assistant
“because I don’t have to stress. I can sit back and relax.” He said that English was his
least favorite subject because “I hate writing and analyzing those essays.”
Acting White
The students examined their views on acting White and its impact on their
course selections. Deborah said, “Most AP classes are filled with Asian and White
students, and rarely African American and Latinos. . . . Asian and White students are
looking for a challenge and want to bump up their college record; therefore, they take
AP classes.” Deborah did not believe that getting good grades was acting White. She
said, “I have high grades, and my African American friends are happy for me.” How-
ever, she also noted that “people take acting White as talking proper and hanging with
White people, if you’re Black.”
53
Andrea strongly argued against the idea that earning high marks was acting
White. She said, “We’re all high achievers, my African American friends. Now it is the
norm for us to do well in school.” Even though she associated with high-achieving
African American students, she said, “Asian and Whites fit the stereotypical smart
student, and high achiever on tests.” She continued, “African-Americans and Latinos
make up the majority in normal classes.” Andrea felt that acting White meant to con-
form to White actions, to be smart, and to speak proper English. She admitted that a
while back, she was labeled as one who was acting White because of her speech and
high level of vocabulary.
James said that most AP classes were filled with Asians and Whites; he said,
“AP classes have a lot of work.” He noted that “African-American students only take
more classes than Latinos because they don’t take many at all.” James had never been
accused of acting White but said that “acting White is getting in no trouble, all AP’s,
and hanging out with teachers.”
Kelly said that most students in most AP classes were White or Asian: “They
are supposed to be really smart, but a lot cheat.” In regular classes, she said, one would
find more diversity. On acting White, Kelly said, “It’s supposed to mean acting proper,
mannerly, but I feel that’s the way people should act. Because that’s saying anyone who
is White is superior to us.” Kelley said that at work, “I act professional, and people say I
act White because of my fair skin and the way I talk and treat others.”
Sheila described AP classes as filled with Asians and Whites with a sprinkle of
Blacks and Latinos. She adamantly stated that “most students at school cheat their way
54
through AP classes, but I am one of the few that don’t.” On acting White and high
achievement, she said, “My African American friends who do not get high grades think
that it is acting White, but those who do get good grades do not believe such nonsense.
. . . They say that I talk White and carry myself like a White girl.” She went on to say,
“My African American coworkers called me ‘White girl,’ and one day I asked, ‘Is
acting White being educated?’ And they said, ‘Yes!’” She further noted, “So acting
White is to talk proper and nonghetto, and to be educated.”
Jonathan did not believe that getting high grades was acting White: “They just
call them smart students.” He said that most AP classes were mostly Asian and White
students, and he described them as overprivileged. He said, “I honestly did not know
you can act like an entire race. Is that possible?” Even so, he said, “I was told I was
acting White because of the way I talked and pronounced things.
Marcus said that getting high grades was in no way considered acting White. He
said, “Most AP classes are mainly White and Asian students; they’re all very smart stu-
dents.” He believed that some people felt that acting White was wearing nice clothes
and studying instead of partying. He said, “I’ve never been accused of acting White
because I don’t act like anything I’m not.”
Steve said that getting good grades is not acting White: “Black males, espe-
cially, are applauded for getting good grades because not too many are doing that. But
when Black females don’t do well in classes, they’re criticized.” He went on to say that
acting White was to change one’s speech or how one acts: “Basically you become an
‘Uncle Tom.’”
55
Shavon said:
AP classes are all Asian and White. I think getting good grades is labeled as
acting White because they’re viewed as smart because of the classes they take.
To me, acting White is doing all your homework and doing really good in
school. At times, I am accused of acting White because I’ve been taking AP
classes since my sophomore year, and most Black students take regular classes.
Michelle said:
I don’t take AP classes because I will be one of the only Blacks in the class. The
majority of AP classes will have a lot of Asian and White students, and I want to
be with my friends so they can help me if I need it.
Michelle believed that acting White was “talking proper and always trying to impress
the teacher, which I think is completely annoying.” She also said, “I have never been
accused of acting White because I know who I am.”
Jordan said, “Most AP classes are predominately female and middle class. . . .
AP English courses are predominately Caucasian.” In other AP classes, the ethnic
make-up was much more diverse. He said, “Getting high grades is not acting White. My
friends call it being nerdy.” Regarding acting White, he said, “If you do anything, you
might not see on an episode of Boondocks, then you’ll probably get accused of doing
something White.” For instance, he said, “After my friends found The Beatles, The Foo
Fighters, and John Mayer on my iPod, I was asked, ‘Why you so White, Jordan?’”
Danny said, “Most of my African-American friends think that getting high
grades is acting White. The majority of AP classes have nothing but White and Asian
students.” He further noted: “Everyone knows that acting White is taking AP classes
and answering all the questions in class.” Even though Danny was not an AP student,
he said, “Since I live in the Valley, my friends sometimes call me a White boy.”
56
Racial Stereotypes
The students examined racial stereotypes and barriers that prevented or deterred
access to AP and honors classes. Deborah had only taken one AP class throughout her
high school tenure. She said, “I am not worried about being admitted to the class. I just
worry that taking more AP classes will ruin my 3.5 GPA.” She further said, “Most
Black students could take AP classes, but they’re lazy and feel they can do just as well
in a regular class.” Regarding outside influences, she said, “My parents did not play a
role in my course selection. The only person that really encouraged me was my mathe-
matics teacher, and my counselor to a limited degree.” Still, she believed that people
placed limits on her future. For example, she said, “I recently got into UCLA [Univer-
sity of California-Los Angeles], and one of my friends told me he heard people say that
I only got in because I was Black and they need more Black people in the school.”
However, she said, “My teachers expect a lot out of me, which is a great motivator in
my life.” She said that if she had control of the school system, it would be less based on
race and more on the people who tried hard to succeed.
Andrea said: “I never had a problem with gaining admission to an AP course. If
I think I can do the work, I enroll in the class.” She also said, “My mom wants me to
achieve, but it was my decision to enroll in the class and do the work.” Moreover, she
noted: “I don’t discuss class selection with my teachers or counselors, but I know some
of them are quite knowledgeable.” Although she was motivated, she said, “Sometimes
when I enter an AP class I feel awkward, like you could tell when a teacher expects you
to not do well.” She went on to say that “people making judgments is an inevitable
57
thing. People stereotype and assume that I am not fit for achievement. It is mostly
teachers, though.” She also felt that if there were more African American teachers, “it
would give us someone to really associate with. If I were in charge, I would give every-
one equal resources and access to role models.”
James said, “I can be in an AP class with no problem. I feel there is too much
work, and you learn basically the same thing.” He believed that he could be an AP
student, “but I’m lazy when it comes to doing work, plus I feel you learn the same
material, so all the extra work is a waste.” He said that his parents forced him to take
AP calculus, and teachers and counselors played no role in his course selection process.
He also said, “My teachers say I can earn the highest grade if I work hard, so I think
they expect me to do well.” Even though he admitted to being lazy, he said, “I would be
more interested if an African American were teaching the subject.” He noted, “People
make positive comments and judgments when you make good grades, like, ‘You’re
smart.’” He said, “The only thing I would change about the school is add more diverse
teachers. What I mean is more culture, but other than that, it’s a pretty fair system as far
as course selection is concerned.”
Kelly had never had a problem enrolling in an AP course, even though she had
not taken one throughout her high school tenure. She said that her mother and her Eng-
lish, Spanish, and government teachers encouraged her to participate, but she chose not
to. She said, “I’ve learned to adapt to the low number of African American teachers. It’s
something that you get used to.” She believed that everyone makes judgments, but she
does not allow this situation to bother her: “It gives me a drive to push harder.” If given
58
the opportunity to make changes in the school system, she said that she “would start
helping students earlier, not in their senior year when it is too late.”
Sheila considered herself an AP student; however, she said that she did not take
AP English because her teacher told her she was not qualified: “She did not recommend
me, and that is usually needed to take the class.” She later found out that no one in the
future could stop her from enrolling in an AP class. Sheila said that she knew several
students who did not take AP classes and that they might be doing better than they
thought. For instance, she said, “Deborah does not take AP classes because she thinks
they will be too hard and require too much work. . . . Luckily,” she said, “my teachers
all have high expectations of me.” For example, she said, “My math teacher signed me
up for AP calculus before I decided to take it.” She admitted that her parents were
clueless about the AP program and course selection process. Even though she had a
great deal of support, she said, “Society thinks I’m stupid because I’m Black. Friends
think that most Black people are not smart, and the ones who are must be whitewashed.
Teachers think the same, even Black ones.” She said that “if I had total control of the
school system, AP and honors would not be optional, free tutoring would always be
available, all classes would be integrated, and [A-G] requirements would be graduation
requirements.”
Jonathan said that enrolling in an AP class had never been a problem for him.
He also said, “Many Black students could enroll in AP classes, but they don’t apply
themselves in class.” In addition, he said that his parents encouraged him to take an AP
class. While he did not receive any insights from his teachers, he said his counselor told
59
him to go for it. He said the lack of minority teachers was not an issue to him, because
AP classes were the only way to a competitive college. He said, “People don’t make
judgments about my race, and if I had control, I would allow anyone willing to take the
opportunity to take an AP class.”
Marcus said that enrolling in an AP class “is not a problem at all.” Further, he
noted: “Most of my friends take AP classes. My math teacher forced me to take AP
Statistics.” His parents and counselors did not play a role in the process at all. He
further noted that “people are proud that I am a very intelligent African American, and
never make judgments about my ability.” He said there was nothing he would change
about the school system, but if he had to pick a topic, it would be to get more African
American students to enroll and stay in AP classes.
Steven said that it was hard to get into AP classes, but they were open to every-
one. He felt that “many Black students opt out of the AP program because they don’t
want to be stressed out with excessive work.” He went on to say, “When my grades
aren’t good, I am constantly being compared to White or Asian students.” Finally, he
noted that “there is not much I would change about the school system if given the
opportunity to do so.”
Shavon said that enrolling in AP classes had never been a problem for her but
that others might not feel the same way. She commented, “More African American
students could enroll in AP classes, but they’re afraid of the workload.” Shavon said,
“My sister attended a highly selective college, so I knew she took AP classes, so it was
a no-brainer for me. . . . Since I took AP classes, the teachers always encouraged me to
60
take the next available course.” She further noted: “I did not need my teachers or coun-
selors to encourage me, because my family was not expecting anything less than AP
classes.” If she had control of the school system, she “would make certain that ‘all’
students enroll in at least two AP classes before graduation.”
Michelle said, “I think it is hard to enroll in the AP program if the AP teachers
don’t know you.” She went on to say, “For instance, I have never taken an AP course,
and they’re going to think I’m unprepared.” Michelle did not get encouragement from
anyone to enroll in the AP program. She believed that people did not think she was as
intelligent as others because she was not an AP student. However, she noted, “Some of
the regular teachers are just as good, if not better than the AP teachers, so I don’t pay
them any attention.” If she could change one thing about the school system, she said
that “it would be the image that a regular class is not challenging, and that is not always
the case.”
Jordan said, “Getting into the AP program is not the problem. If you don’t take
honors courses in middle school, then you will not be ready.” Jordan’s decision to par-
ticipate in the AP program was driven by his family: “My parents helped me create a
college plan, gave me reasoning as to why I need to take these classes.” He said,
“Teachers helped on a year-to-year basis, and they gave me some good advice.” For the
most part, he said, “I’ve never had a problem with teacher expectations.” However, he
said that at times, “students and teachers make presumptions about me. What hurt most
is the surprised look I see on faces when I tell them what schools I applied to.” He said
that the lack of minority teachers in AP classes was not a major issue; however, he said,
61
“It’s disappointing, I’m sure I would have been more comfortable with an African
American teacher.” To improve the situation, he said, “I would get African American
students prepared for AP classes at an early age and make coursework more similar
between AP and regular courses. That would give all students a fighting chance.”
Danny said, “AP access is hard because you have to do work over the summer,
and a teacher has to like you.” Danny felt that some Black students could take more AP
classes, but it would take over all their extra time. Even though Danny had not taken an
AP class, he said, “I’m smart. I just don’t think an AP class will make me smarter. . . .
Some teachers may not think I’m smart, and I could not care less because I know I am
intelligent.”He said that if he were in charge, “I would make sure regular and AP
teachers taught on the same level, and we would not have a problem.”
Teacher Interviews
The teachers discussed below shared their viewpoints on academic culture and
enrollment patterns of African American students in regular, honor, and AP classes at
HAHS. Their responses were based on their experiences at the school site and their
interactions with students.
Ms. Jeffers
Ms. Jeffers had been involved in the educational field for over 30 years. The
bulk of her experience had been in the classroom. She held a Bachelor of Arts (B.A.)
degree in English and theatre arts, in addition to a Master of Fine Arts (M.F.A.) degree;
both degrees were awarded at two highly regarded universities on the West coast. She
62
had taught regular, honor, and AP courses throughout her professional career. At the
time of the study, she was an English teacher at HAHS.
When asked about the academic culture in AP and regular classes at the school
site, she said, “In AP classes, students are very motivated, anxious, and willing to do
well at any rate.” Overall, she said, “Collectively, they take themselves and their educa-
tion very seriously.” On the other hand, she said, “The academic culture in regular
classes is different because students play around, and for some reason, they don’t take
themselves or their education seriously.” Ms. Jeffers went on to say, “From my ‘guessti-
mate,’ African American students make up about 5% of the AP population, in most
classes, but it’s my best guess.” When asked why the numbers were so low, she said, “I
believe fear is a major factor, and many of them [African-American students] don’t
believe they fit in or are up to the challenge of the AP courses.” When asked if she
believed that African American students were ready for AP courses, she said, “I don’t
believe they are, but they could be. Some of the African-American students are natu-
rally gifted, but they’re not willing to push themselves academically.”
Although she noted that African American students who set themselves apart
early in their academic careers usually found academic success later on, Ms. Jeffers also
said that “those students are willing to be the minority in the AP classes.” She believed
that early enrichment programs through UCLA and John Hopkins University gave Afri-
can American students the motivation to believe that they could achieve at higher levels
academically.
63
Ms. Jeffers believed that some students felt that AP classes were for them,
noting that “White and Asian students go for it academically.” From her vantage point,
she said, “Asian students from a cultural perspective have been taught that AP classes
are where they should be.” Moreover, she said, “Since African-American students are
not enrolled in honors classes in middle school at a large rate, they miss out on a lot,
and as a result, they have poor study skills.” In addition, she said, “In order to increase
participation, support is needed all the way around through teachers and the community
as a whole, and assistance from outside networks that have proven success with African
American students.”
Mr. Jones
Mr. Jones had been teaching for nearly 10 years and had taught both regular and
honors classes throughout his tenure. He had a B.A. degree from a private university in
a social science field and an advanced degree in education. At the time of the study, he
taught social science courses at HAHS. Mr. Jones described his viewpoint on academic
culture in both AP and regular courses at the school site: “AP classes are very focused
and well disciplined; typically, the students are active participants and are prepared for
class.” While he had a contrasting viewpoint on academic culture in regular courses, he
said, “In regular classes, for the most part, students are off topic, more than not. In addi-
tion, the classes, overall, are not as rigorous and do not have the same high expectations
as those of AP classes.” Mr. Jones noted, “AP participation is extremely low for
64
African American students because they’re not prepared for the rigor and expectations
that are set forth in AP classes.” He went on to say:
I do not feel that African American students are prepared to enter AP classes,
because they don’t have some of the fundamental skills that are needed in the
AP program. For example, if one has marginal writing skills, both AP History
and English courses will be overwhelmingly complex.
Although he said that “African American students who experienced success at the
school site will feel much more confident to enroll in the AP program,” he also said that
“those who had minimal or no success at all would not see the point in enrolling in a
more academically challenging course.” On the other hand, he said:
Asian and White students seem to enroll in the AP program at very high rates.
. . . They participated in honors classes in middle school, and they simply con-
tinue on to the AP program in high school—it is pretty much that simple.
He believed that African American students could have similar participation rates,
stating, “If they gain a solid foundation in both mathematics and English in their middle
school years, they will be just as competitive as any other group of students at the
school site.” However, he noted:
There might be a teacher perception issue that African American students do
work as hard because they don’t enroll in AP classes, and if that is the case, then
we have a teacher perception issue that may need to be addressed.
Ms. Jackson
Ms. Jackson was a 25-year veteran educator with 15 years of experience as a
high school teacher. She had a double major in the sciences and held an advanced
degree in education. At the time of the study, she was teaching a natural science course
at HAHS.
65
Ms. Jackson believed that AP and regular classes in the sciences were watered
down and that some regular classes were a joke: “AP classes provide an opportunity for
some students to manipulate the system with earning higher GPAs.” For example:
“Some higher level science courses are comprised of Whites and Asian students with
top level math skills, and the courses are competitive for them. However, the regular
upper-level classes are a joke.” When asked who she believed did well or enrolled in
AP courses most often, she answered, “Students with parents that have been successful
seem to enroll, and do better, because their parents have told them that there are a few
slots available at competitive colleges, and they’re aware that AP enrollment is linked
to admission.”
Ms. Jackson felt that African American students were fearful of taking on AP
classes: “They don’t want to take the classes because they have not been prepared, nor
can they do the quantitative stuff. Their math skills are weak, which makes higher level
quantitative courses extremely difficult.” In addition, she said that the home environ-
ment was another factor that perpetuated these students’ lack of interest in academics:
“Parental involvement is key in resolving this problem; parents must become educa-
tional mentors to make certain their children learn in school.”
66
CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION
The purpose of this research was to examine the enrollment patterns of African
American seniors attending a nationally ranked California public school and taking AP
and regular classes. In this study, the researcher used three distinct theoretical frame-
works to identify common factors regarding African American student enrollment or
nonenrollment in the AP program. In this concluding chapter, the students’ responses
will be synthesized with their relationship to the foundational theoretical frameworks.
In doing so, the researcher can offer possible links as to why students either enroll or do
not enroll in the AP program, as well as identify other factors that contribute to enroll-
ment or nonenrollment in AP classes if the theoretical frameworks provided draw a
disconnect to the experience of the student participants. The opportunity to offer sug-
gestions to increase enrollment numbers of African American students in the AP pro-
gram should potentially have positive benefits on both the students and the school
community as a whole. In addition, the school district as a whole should be able to
better understand the needs of African American learners in relationship to AP enroll-
ment.
By applying the acting White model (Ogbu & Fordham, 1986), the stereotype
threat model (Steele, 1997), and critical race theory (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004), the
researcher was able to discern and examine the enrollment patterns through three
distinct but interrelated theoretical frameworks. Either the theoretical frameworks
67
would relate to the collective experiences of the students, or they would present an
alternative perspective to the dominant viewpoint held within the research community
at large.
Research findings clearly showed that 11 of the 12 African American seniors
studied described AP classes as mainly being occupied by White and Asian students.
Only 1 student differed and believed that girls—and particularly those with a high
socioeconomic status—were more likely to enroll in the AP program at the school.
When describing what it meant to act White, all 12 students used positive comments in
relation to schooling as a symbol of acting White. Five of the 12 students referred to the
proper usage of the English language as a further symbol of acting White. Nearly half of
the students described acting White as doing well in school by completing homework
and studying. One noted that answering all the questions in class was another indication
of acting White. Most students in the study, however, did not equate acting White with
earning high grades, even though the above symbols align with high academic achieve-
ment. Two of the highest achieving females in the study believed that those with high
grades did not perceive their behavior as acting White and that only African American
students who earned lower grades would see it from that perspective. However, 1
student felt that earning high grades was a definite symbol of acting White.”
The preceding analysis tends to contradict some of Ogbu’s (2003) contentions.
Ogbu (2003) suggested that peer pressure by other African American students led to
academic disengagement, because earning good grades was equated to acting White.
However, the students rejected the acting White notion when connected to high
68
achievement and earning good grades. An overwhelming number of students implied
that earning good grades was viewed as a positive by other African American students
rather than as a negative. The highest achieving two students in the study suggested that
good grades had nothing to do with acting White. One student implied that, in contrast
to Ogbu’s (2003) premise, African American students were proud of one another when
they achieved high levels of academic success. A significant number of students in the
study presented an alternative stance in comparison to the work substantiated by Ogbu
(1993, 2003), although the majority of African American students in the study had a
low participation rate in the AP program overall. According to Ogbu (1993), specific
behaviors may not be regarded as appropriate for African Americans due to characteris-
tics of the dominant group in particular settings. In the present study, almost all the
African American participants described AP classes as mainly dominated by Whites
and Asians. Therefore, the inference was that AP classes were more suited for Whites
and Asians and less suited for African American students. Instead of being a total con-
tradiction of facts between the student participants and Ogbu’s (1993, 2003) research,
there are some underlying factors that support the work of Ogbu as well. Ogbu’s (1993,
2005) research suggested that African Americans failed to enroll in AP classes due to
the characteristics linked to the dominant group that surrounded enrollment in AP
classes. Furthermore, his research asserted that learning the school curriculum and
practices was equated to acting White by African American students (Ogbu & Ford-
ham, 1986). As a result, African Americans enrolling in AP courses at a lower rate
indirectly suggests that, by default, they are not assimilating into the predominant
69
practices of the school. Because of the great number of AP classes offered at HAHS, the
AP program was an essential link to the school program.
Moreover, Ogbu (1998) examined the role of voluntary immigrants and their
desire to learn standard English in order to conform to the rules of the school. On the
other hand, African American students in the present study connected speaking stan-
dard English with acting White. According to the participants, most believed that it was
easy to gain access to AP classes; however, 3 students noted that teacher recommenda-
tions, summer coursework, and additional work during the school year were barriers to
enrollment. Even so, 11 of the 12 participants stated that access to the courses was not a
problem. Even though it was agreed that access to the courses is not a problem, the
majority of participants failed to enroll in more than a single AP course throughout their
high school experience. Deborah described herself as hardworking, earning a 3.5 GPA,
but she was worried about enrolling in more AP classes because she did not want to
hurt her GPA. Another student thought that African American students were afraid of
the workload that came with AP courses. Most African American students who enrolled
in fewer AP classes perceived them to be more difficult and believed that the classes
would have a negative impact on their academic records. These types of responses sup-
ported the research of Aronson and Steele (1995) and Hudley and Irving (2005), which
suggested that the stereotype threat has a negative impact on the achievement of African
American students. Many African American students equated AP classes with “White-
ness” and perceived them to be academically challenging; as a result, they enrolled in
these courses at lower rates. Steele and Aronson (1998) contended that if African
70
American students did not enroll, then the stereotype could never be confirmed due to
these students’ “disidentification” with AP courses.
Moreover, a majority of the participants seemed to have positive concepts about
themselves as students. Almost all the participants in the study described themselves as
either hardworking, dedicated, or smart. A student from the study who was not enrolled
in a single AP class described herself as a good student who went beyond the basic
level, but in the same breath, she viewed AP students as those who went the extra mile.
In effect, she identified herself with a common trait that she attached to AP students.
This perspective aligned with the research conducted by Mickelson (1990). Most stu-
dents in the study described themselves in positive terms with respect to their academic
preparation and study habits; however, the same students constantly ranked in the
bottom half of the class. Mickelson’s research examined African American students
with positive views of self and schooling, but their perceptions did not match their
actual performance in school. Even though the students had positive self-concepts,
these did not correlate to enrollment in AP classes and higher GPAs.
Recommendations
An evaluation of the enrollment patterns and course selection processes of Afri-
can American seniors at the school site under study indicated four basic issues that must
be addressed to further support the increased participation of African American stu-
dents in the AP program:
71
1. More rigorous course enrollment during middle school to prepare for AP
classes in high school. This recommendation stems from the students’ responses that
suggested that a greater number of students who enrolled in honors courses in middle
school were more likely to enroll in AP classes at the high school level.
2. Increased parental involvement per the AP program and honors course
process in middle school and high school. Based on the research findings, African
American parents who were aware of the AP process and course selection had children
who participated in the AP program at higher rates. Also, the findings showed that
parents who did not discuss the AP program with their children had little to no partici-
pation in the classes.
3. Male initiative and mentoring programs with African American male stu-
dents beginning in the sixth grade. A large portion of the research results clearly
showed a low participation rate among African American males in the AP program.
Therefore, there is a need to begin to work with these young men early on to familiarize
them with the AP process and curricular options at the high school.
4. Increased rigor and expectations in regular classes. The research findings
showed that African American students in the AP program felt as if they were being
challenged academically. In addition, African American students who participated in
the AP program had higher college board scores and overall GPAs. A great majority of
African American student participants who did not enroll in the AP program felt that
the classes were too challenging and required too much work. As a result, many of the
72
African American students opted to participate in regular classes because they required
less effort overall.
African American students must enroll in the most rigorous course offerings in
middle school to gain readiness and preparation for the AP program. Clearly, from the
study, African American students enrolled in the AP program earned higher grades and
had higher standardized test scores on the SAT and or ACT. Students enrolled in the
AP classes viewed them as a natural transition from honors classes at the school site
from middle school. The rigor emphasized in earlier, more competitive courses give
students essential skills needed to enroll and complete the AP coursework. When these
courses are not taken, one can infer that students may not be prepared for the more
complex work done at the AP level and may also feel unprepared due to the fact that
they have never taken an advanced class.
Parental involvement is a significant component in course selection, and even
more so at the AP level. First, parents must be made aware of all the honors-level
courses offered at the middle school level. Once these are identified, parents must be
made aware of the level of rigor offered in the regular classes. This awareness could be
accomplished by parents sitting in on both classes and by gauging the level of critical
thinking, expectations, and visible learning taking place in the classroom. If this is not
done, crucial skills will not be taught that might dramatically affect performance in the
future in more challenging courses.
Once there is a keen awareness of what is available, parents should begin to
familiarize themselves with the number of AP classes that are available at the high
73
school site. Again, the parent should sit in on both regular and other advanced classes to
get a clear picture of what is going on in the classroom. An awareness of what is avail-
able leads to a clearer form of communication between parent and student. With the
above process, parents should review with their children the benefits of participation in
the AP program. In the present study, a large proportion of African American students
indicated that their parents played essentially no role in their course selection process.
As a result, this could be a significant factor in students’ low enrollment in AP classes
across the board. However, when parents are well informed about the curricular op-
tions, they have the needed information to properly inform their children about the ap-
propriate AP offerings.
There was a lower rate of AP participation among African American male
seniors in the study. Those who participated in the AP program often did so late in their
academic careers. Of those who did participate, it was typically by enrolling in a single
AP course. Therefore, to increase participation, there must be a concerted effort to
address the lower enrollment rates among this particular group. Establishing an African
American male tutorial group in the earlier grades will sharpen skills that lead to enroll-
ment in higher level AP courses. The tutorial sessions should focus on key areas, such
as mathematics and writing, which are emphasized in many of the AP classes. In a like-
group environment, this will provide an atmosphere of comfort for students to take risks
that they may not normally take in the classroom. This atmosphere could possibly lead
to strengthened academic awareness that will provide foundational skills, thereby
allowing them to participate in more rigorous course offerings.
74
Educational networks could be established through parent groups by developing
networks with local universities and colleges. Additional academic preparation would
further strengthen the academic skill set of the students. A pre-AP tutorial could be
devised by teachers that teaches AP courses at the school site. This type of tutorial
could provide African American male students with keen insights from those who are
instructing the course. To further address the issue, African American students can sit in
on AP classes in middle school to get a feel for and understanding of the AP environ-
ment. By allowing for academic growth opportunities, the likelihood exists that stu-
dents will increase their mastery of the academic content.
It is imperative that all students are exposed to rigor and high expectations. The
regular classes at the school site should not be taught at a lower level so that students
are not sufficiently prepared to take an AP course the following year because they do
not feel they have the skill set to do so. If there is a stigma attached to the regular
classes—for instance, that they lack rigor and high expectations—this sends a clear
message to students that not much is expected of them as learners. Thus, because the
majority of AP enrollment is comprised of Whites and Asians, a great number of Afri-
can American students enroll in regular courses rather than AP courses. It is essential
that regular courses allow for higher level thinking and that class discussions should
enhance critical thinking when examining academic content. At a nationally ranked
competitive high school, it should be difficult to decipher an AP course from a regular
course when visiting classes at the school site. If this is not the case, it is necessary to
75
identify what essential elements are missing from regular classes that exist in the AP
program.
Simply by establishing an open policy for the AP program does not relinquish
responsibility from the school site to address the low enrollment of African American
students. The school site has an open enrollment plan, yet still minimal numbers of
African American students participate in the AP program; as a result, the institutional
component is lacking an effective plan that meets the needs of African American
students . Therefore, the school site must take a deeper look at its policies with relation
to the actual practices and educational outcomes of African American students with
respect to the AP program. This stance takes responsibility away from the student,
because on paper the school site has an open AP enrollment plan to all who want to
participate. However, what is not articulated clearly is that even though there is open
enrollment, African American students overwhelmingly fail to participate in the pro-
gram. The school site must do more than provide open enrollment to all, because to date
that plan is ineffective and does not increase enrollment or participation among this
specific population.
76
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Prepared by Thomas Diontay Tucker.
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79
APPENDIX A
ACADEMIC ASSESSMENT SHEET
1
1.What is your current grade level?
2.What is your current grade point average and class ranking?
3.Have you taken the Standardized Achievement Test (SAT) or American College
Test (ACT)? If so, what was your highest score in a single sitting? If not, when do
you plan to take it?
4.Are you enrolled in the AP or regular track classes? If so, how many AP or honors
classes have you taken from Grades 9-12?
5.Do you participate in any academic clubs? If so, what encouraged your member-
ship and what clubs do you belong to? If you do not participate, why is that?
6.What is the highest level of education attained by your parents, siblings, and/or
guardian(s)?
7.Are most of your peer interactions with students in the AP or regular track classes?
Why is that the case?
8.Do you interact with your teachers inside and outside of the classroom?
9.How would you describe your work habits in school?
10.How would your teachers describe you as a student, and why?
Prepared by Thomas Diontay Tucker.
1
80
APPENDIX B
SEMISTRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
1
Students
The semi-structured interview questions were developed around the “acting
White” oppositional frame, stereotype threat, and critical race theory models. The focal
emphasis of acting White and stereotype threat closely examined the role of the individ-
ual in the educational process without identifying external factors beyond the control of
the individual. The acting White model showcases the processes by which African
American students avoid academic success to prevent being labeled as those who are
“acting White.” These questions surrounding the acting White theoretical model will
uncover whether African American students who take part in the study truly believe that
academic achievement is linked with White cultural norms. In addition, the questions
relating to the stereotype threat focus on the foundational belief that African American
students avoid academic engagement because, based on negative stereotypes regarding
the inability of members of their race to achieve academically, it is assumed that they
are unable to meet the rigorous academic requirements of honors students. In this
model, African American students give up on the academic component before they
enter the school setting due to the perception that they cannot achieve, in part, due to
their race. Moreover, the critical race theory questions focus on the role that institutions
play in the educational process pertaining to African American students. More specifi-
cally, the questions will show whether or not institutional barriers are constructed to
impede the academic growth and development of African American students.
1.What kinds of classes are you taking now at your school? Why did you select
them?
a.Describe a class that you enjoy and what is it about that class that makes this the
case.
b.Describe a class that you do not enjoy and what is it about that class that makes
this the case.
2.What kind of students usually does well at this school? Why is this so?
3.What is it like being an African American student at this school? What kinds of
things are African American students involved in at this school?
81
4.Do your African American friends believe that getting high grades equals acting
White? What do they say?
5.Do you ever feel you have to choose between being popular with friends or getting
good grades?
6.Tell me about the honors classes and advanced placement (AP) classes at your
school.
a.Who takes theses classes? How would you describe the kinds of students who
take these classes?
b.Tell me a little about the enrollment patterns by ethnic groups at this school. In
terms of African American, White, and Latino, and Asian students, who takes
these classes (in English, math, science, history) at your school? (Think about
AP vs. regular enrollment.)
7.Tell me what make you chose to enroll/ not enroll in various honors classes and/or
advanced placement (AP) classes (in English, math, science, history, etc.).
a.Is being eligible or selected for honors classes and/or advanced placement
classes an issue?
b.Do you know of any students who could do well in honors classes and/or ad-
vanced placement (AP) classes who opted not to take them? If so, tell me about
them.
8.What part, if any, have others played in your decision to enroll or not to enroll in
honors and/or advanced placement (AP) classes? Helpful or not helpful to you?
Parents:
Teachers:
Counselors:
a.Have there been any issues for you around teacher expectations?
b.Has a lack of minority teachers in honors and/or advanced placement classes
been an issue for you? If so, in what ways?
9.What does it mean to act White?
82
10.Have you ever been accused by African American students of acting White? Can
you tell me a story about when you were accused of acting White?
11.Do you feel that other people make judgements about your academic ability based
on your race? (Think about friends, family members, teachers, counselors.)
12.If you had total control of the school system, how would you change this situation?
Teachers
1.How long have you been employed in the educational field?
2.In what field of study did you earn your college degree, and what subject area are
you currently teaching?
3.How would you compare the academic culture in an AP and a regular class at this
school?
4.How would you describe the ethnic makeup of the AP and regular classes with
respect to the numbers of African American students?
5.If the representation of African American students is lower than their percentage in
the student body, why do you think that is so? If it is in line with their percentage of
the student body, what did the school do to create this balance between African
American and non-African American students?
6.Do you feel that most African American students are prepared to enter the AP
program? If not, why?
7.What is the biggest deterrent for African American students to opt out of the AP
program? On the other hand, in your opinion, what is the greatest factor that en-
courages them to enter the program?
8.What ethnic group makes up the largest representation in the AP program? Why do
you think that is so?
9.Do you feel there are any institutional barriers that prevent African American
students from entering the AP program? If so, what are they, how do they deter
African American students from entering the AP program, and why do they exist?
10.What do you think African-American students need to do to increase their partici-
pation in the AP program?
83
APPENDIX C
INFORMED CONSENT: PARENTS
University of Southern California,
Rossier School of Education
INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
PARENTAL PERMISSION
************************************************************
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE ACHIEVEMENT OF
AFRICAN AMERICAN STUDENTS AT A NATIONALLY
REGARDED CALIFORNIA PUBLIC HIGH SCHOOL
THROUGH THE THEORETICAL LENSES OF
ACTING WHITE, STEREOTYPE THREAT,
AND CRITICAL RACE THEORY
Your child is invited to participate in a research study conducted by Thomas Tucker,
Master of Arts, Master of Science, and Dr. Reynaldo Baca, from the Rossier School of
Education at the University of Southern California because your child is enrolled in
either Advanced Placement or regular classes at his/her school site. The results of this
research will be published in a dissertation. Your child was selected as a possible par-
ticipant in this study because of his/her enrollment patterns per his/her high school
curriculum. A total of 12 subjects will be selected to participate. Your child’s participa-
tion is voluntary. You should read the information below and ask questions about any-
thing you do not understand, before deciding whether or not to allow your child to
participate. Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. You and/or
your child may also decide to discuss it with your family or friends. If you allow your
child to participate, you will be asked to sign this form. You will be given a copy of this
form. Your child does not have to participate if s/he doesn’t want to; the final decision
is his/hers, even if you allow him/her to participate.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
Your child is being asked to participate in a study of the factors that contribute to
enrollment in Advanced Placement (AP) and regular courses among African American
students at a nationally ranked California public high school. This study may help
84
school districts, parent groups, and the African American community at large to identify
strategies that lead to increased levels of participation in the AP program.
PROCEDURES
If you allow your child to volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask your child
to participate in a one-on-one audio taped interview with the Principal Investigator at
the college center on campus. The interview will last approximately 1 hour. During the
interview, your child will be asked about his/her course selection pattern in both AP and
regular courses. If you would like to see the questions that will be used during the in-
terview, please contact the researcher and the questions will be forwarded to you prior
to the interview. Individual interviews will take place from January of 2008 to February
of 2008.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks to your child’s participation. Your child does not need to
answer any question which may make him/her feel uncomfortable.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
Your child may not directly benefit from his/her participation. The researchers expect
this study to give your child an opportunity to share information about his/her course
selection patterns throughout the high school experience. By learning why students
enroll in certain courses, the high school and community organizations and other school
districts may be able to create programs that can help other African American students
increase participation in the various AP programs made available to them.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
Your child will not be paid for participating in this research study.
CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified
with your child will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permis-
sion or as required by law.
Only members of the research team will have access to the data associated with this
study. The data will be stored in the investigator’s office in a locked file cabinet/pass-
word protected computer. The data will be stored for 3 years after the study has been
completed and then destroyed. When the results of the research are published or dis-
cussed in conferences, no information will be included that would reveal your identity.
If audiotape recordings of you will be used for educational purposes, your child’s iden-
tity will be protected or disguised.
85
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You and your child can choose whether to be in this study or not. If your child volun-
teers to be in this study, you or your child may withdraw at any time without conse-
quences of any kind. Your child may also refuse to answer any questions s/he doesn’t
want to answer and still remain in the study. The investigator may withdraw your child
from this research if circumstances arise which warrant doing so.
ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your child’s alternative is to not participate. Your child will continue with regular
classroom activities if s/he declines to participate.
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue your child’s participation
without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights, or remedies because of
your child’s participation in this research study. If you have any questions about your
rights or your child’s rights as a study subject or you would like to speak with someone
independent of the research team to obtain answers to questions about the research, or
in the event the research staff can not be reached, please contact the University Park
IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room 224a,
Los Angeles, CA 90089-1146, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu
IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Primary Investigator, Thomas Tucker, and Dr. Reynaldo Baca at the Rossier School of
Education at the University of Southern California, Waite Phillips Hall, Los Angeles,
CA 90089-1146, (213) 740-2361 or [researcher’s email address] or rabca@usc.edu
SIGNATURE OF PARENT(S)
I/we have read (or someone has read to me) the information provided above. I/we have
been given a chance to ask questions. My/our questions have been answered to my/our
satisfaction, and I/we agree to participate in this study and/or have our child(ren) partic-
ipate in this study. I/we have been given a copy of this form.
Name of Subject
Name of Parent (1)
Signature of Parent (1)Date
86
SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR
I have explained the research to the subject and his/her parent(s), and answered all of
their questions. I believe that the parent(s) understand the information described in this
document and freely consents to participate.
Name of Investigator
Signature of InvestigatorDate
87
APPENDIX D
INFORMED CONSENT: YOUTH
University of Southern California,
Rossier School of Education
INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
FOR YOUTH (AGES 12-17)
************************************************************
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE ACHIEVEMENT OF
AFRICAN AMERICAN STUDENTS AT A NATIONALLY
REGARDED CALIFORNIA PUBLIC HIGH SCHOOL
THROUGH THE THEORETICAL LENSES OF
ACTING WHITE, STEREOTYPE THREAT,
AND CRITICAL RACE THEORY
You have been invited to participate in a research study conducted by Thomas Tucker,
Master of Arts, Master of Science and Dr. Reynaldo Baca, from the Rossier School of
Education at the University of Southern California, because you have enrolled in either
Advanced Placement or regular classes at your school site. The results of this research
will be published in a dissertation. You were selected as a possible participant in this
study because of your enrollment patterns per your high school curriculum. A total of
20 subjects will be selected to participate. Your participation is voluntary. You should
read the information below and ask questions about anything you do not understand,
before deciding whether or not to participate. Please take as much time as you need to
read the consent form. You may also decide to discuss it with your family or friends. If
you decide to participate, you will be asked to sign this form. You will be given a copy
of this form. Your parents will also be given a copy of the consent form, if they allow
you to participate; the final decision is yours. You can decide not to participate, even if
your parents say you can.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
You are being asked to participate in a study of the factors that contribute to enrollment
in Advanced Placement (AP) and regular courses amongst African American students
at a nationally ranked California public high school. This study may help school
88
districts, parent groups, and the African American community at large to identify
strategies that lead to increased levels of participation in the AP program.
PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask you to do the following
things:
If you volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask you to participate in an indi-
vidual audiotaped interview with the Principal Investigator at the college center on
campus. The interview will last for approximately 1 hour. During the interview, you
will be asked about your course selection pattern in both AP and regular courses. If you
would like to see the questions that will be used during the interview, they can be for-
warded to you prior to the interview. Individual interviews will take place from January
of 2008 to February of 2008. The interview will be audiotaped; if you do not want to be
audiotaped, you cannot participate in the research study. The researcher will not access
your grades.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks to your participation. Your grades will not be affected,
whether or not you participate.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
You may not directly benefit from your participation; however, it is hoped that by
sharing your information about your course selection patterns throughout your high
school experience, researchers will learn why students enroll in certain courses, the high
school, and community organizations. Other school districts may be able to create
programs that can help other African American students increase participation in the
various AP programs made available to them.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will not be paid for participating in this research study.
CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified
with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission or as
required by law.
Only members of the research team will have access to the data associated with this
study. The data will be stored in the investigator’s office in a locked file cabinet/pass-
word protected computer. Your parents or teachers will not have access to the data
(your responses) or study results. No one except your parents and the research team will
know you participated. Your grades will not be affected whether or not you participate.
89
The data will be stored for 3 years after the study has been completed and then de-
stroyed.
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no informa-
tion will be included that would reveal your identity. If audiotape recordings of you will
be used for educational purposes, your identity will be protected or disguised.
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study,
you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may also refuse
to answer any questions you don’t want to answer and still remain in the study. The in-
vestigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise which warrant
doing so.
ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your alternative is to not participate. You will continue with regular classroom activi-
ties if you decline to participate.
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without pen-
alty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights, or remedies because of your partici-
pation in this research study. If you have any questions about your rights as a study
subject or you would like to speak with someone independent of the research team to
obtain answers to questions about the research, or in the event the research staff can not
be reached, please contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room 224a, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1146, (213)
821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu
IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Primary Investigator, Thomas Tucker, and Dr. Reynaldo Baca at the Rossier School of
Education at the University of Southern California, Waite Phillips Hall, Los Angeles,
CA 90089-1146, (213) 740-2361 or [researcher’s email] or rabca@usc.edu
SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT
I have read (or someone has read to me) the information provided above. I have been
given a chance to ask questions. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction,
and I agree to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of this form.
90
Q I agree to be audiotaped
Q I do not want to be audiotaped
Name of Subject
Signature of SubjectDate
SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR
I have explained the research to the subject and answered all of his/her questions. I
believe that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely
consents to participate.
Name of Investigator
Signature of InvestigatorDate
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to examine key factors contributing to African American enrollment and nonenrollment in Advanced Placement (AP) and regular classes at a nationally regarded California public high school. This study was based on three guiding theoretical frameworks: "acting White, " stereotype threat, and critical race theory. Relationships between the theoretical frameworks were evaluated to see if there were any clear linkages to enrollment patterns and course selection among African American seniors. In order to gain a clearer understanding of the students ' experiences, both AP and non-AP seniors were interviewed to evaluate their rationale per their course selection and enrollment options. Teachers at the school were also interviewed to gain insight into their perspective about the enrollment patterns of African American seniors at the school site.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Tucker, Thomas Diontay
(author)
Core Title
Toward an understanding of the achievement of African American students at a nationally regarded California public high school through the theoretical lenses of acting white, stereotype threat, a...
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education (Leadership)
Publication Date
07/17/2008
Defense Date
06/23/2008
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
acting white,critical race theory,OAI-PMH Harvest,stereotype threat
Place Name
California
(states)
Language
English
Advisor
Baca, Reynaldo R. (
committee chair
), Cole, Darnell (
committee member
), Fischer, Linda A. (
committee member
)
Creator Email
ttucker34@aol.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m1352
Unique identifier
UC1439712
Identifier
etd-Tucker-20080717 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-84709 (legacy record id),usctheses-m1352 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-Tucker-20080717.pdf
Dmrecord
84709
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Tucker, Thomas Diontay
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Repository Name
Libraries, University of Southern California
Repository Location
Los Angeles, California
Repository Email
cisadmin@lib.usc.edu
Tags
acting white
critical race theory
stereotype threat