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Strategies of academically successful Latinas who experienced family violence as children

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Strategies of academically successful Latinas who experienced family violence as children

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STRATEGIES OF ACADEMICALLY SUCCESSFUL LATINAS WHO
EXPERIENCED FAMILY VIOLENCE AS CHILDREN

by

Maribel Luna

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2009

Copyright 2009 Maribel Luna

ii

DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to my husband, Lamberto Castillo, whose constant love,
support and encouragement has been key to the completion of this work. I also
dedicate this work to my daughter Natalia Luna Castillo, a true blessing, and the
ultimate driving force for the final completion of this research.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This dissertation could not have been possible without the support and assistance of
the following individuals:
Committee Members
Dr. Melora Sundt-Chair
Dr. Ron Astor
Dr. Linda Fischer
Your expertise, support and time dedicated to this research are greatly appreciated.
Thank you.

Study Participants
Paula, Sonia, Jessica, Alma, Viviana, Marisol, Andrea, Leticia, Monica, and Yadhira:
The ten resilient Latinas who so candidly shared their experiences and gave a powerful
voice to this research.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii

ABSTRACT vi

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY 1
Background of the Problem 1
Statement of the Problem 10
Purpose of the Study 11
Research Questions 11
Significance of the Study 12
Summary of the Methodology 12
Limitations of the Study 13
Delimitations of the Study 14
Assumptions 15
Definition of Terms 15
Organization of the Remainder of the Study 16

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 17
Latinos and Intimate Partner Violence 17
Current Educational State of Latinas 22
Barriers to Completing College 23
Social and Cultural Capital 25
College Retention Theories 27

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY 31
Introduction 31
Sample and Population 32
Instrumentation 33
Data Collection 34
Data Analysis 35

CHAPTER FOUR: ANALYSIS OF THE DATA AND INTERPRETATION OF
THE FINDINGS 36
Introduction 36
Participants‘ Background 37
Interview Settings and Tone 40
Data Presentation 41
Research Question One 42
Research Question Two 49
Research Question Three 53
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Research Question Four 60
Reflection 67

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE
RESEARCH, IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE AND CONCLUDING
REFLECTION 68
Introduction 68
Analysis of Findings 69
Implications for Practice 79
Recommendations for Future Research 84
Concluding Reflection 86

REFERENCES 89

APPENDIX A 95
Interview Questions

APPENDIX B 96
Recruitment Flyer

APPENDIX C 97
Pre Interview Questions

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ABSTRACT
This study looks at the combination of two discerning trends in the United States: 1)
Latinas as the largest yet, least educated minority group in the United States and 2)
Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) as the number one cause of injury for women in the
United States. Although research has been done in each of these categories individually,
the educational experiences of Latinas growing up with family violence as children have
not been researched. This study examined the phenomenon of being a Latina,
experiencing family violence as a child, and achieving academic success. The aim of this
study was to find useful coping strategies for use with other Latinas in this same
situation. Ten academically successful Latinas were individually interviewed. Three
major coping strategies emerged from the study: (1) School served as a safe haven; (2)
Relationships with teachers and mentors; and (3) Detachment and repression as coping
mechanisms. Recommendations for practice included professional development for
educators, early college awareness programs, and mentors for Latina youth. Suggestions
for future research included studying this same trend with varying cultures and
researching general coping strategies of children who experienced IPV in the home.
1

CHAPTER ONE
OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY

Background of the Problem
Information from the U.S. Census Bureau reinforces the value of a college education:
workers 18 and over with a bachelor‘s degree earn an average of $51,000 a year, while
those with a high school diploma earn only $28,000. This is especially great news for
Americans. According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2004), the U.S. population is more
educated than ever. In 2003, 85 percent of Americans 25 years and older had attained at
minimum, a high school diploma; 27 percent had achieved at least a bachelor‘s degree.
This information paints a picture of a very educated America. As the above mentioned
data indicates, there are indeed more people in the United States being educated than
ever. However, the data as a whole, do not speak to the true educational situation in the
United States. The United States is a diverse country that serves as a home to a plethora
of races. According to estimates released by the Unites States Census Bureau (2003),
approximately 97 million (41 percent) of the United States population are not white. In
2003, The United States populace consisted of the following populations of minority
groups: at 39.9 million, Latinos constituted the largest minority group; African
Americans came in second, with a population of 38.7 million; Asians account for 13.5
million of the U.S. population; American Indians and Alaska natives made up 4.4
million; and Native Hawaiians and Pacific islanders as a group, comprise 960,000 of the
U.S. population.
2

Acknowledging the mass numbers of these minority populations, it is expected that a
more faithful picture of America‘s education can be revealed when disaggregating the
data by race. Only by disaggregating this information can one gain a clear sense of the
actual educational gains and needs of the nation.
When disseminating the information by race, a different vision of America‘s
educational achievement rates is revealed; the two largest minority groups in the nation
are also the least educated. In 2003, a mere 11.4 percent of Latinos 25 years and older
had a bachelor‘s degree. Seventeen percent of African Americans in this same age group
achieved a bachelor‘s degree. In comparison, 30 percent of Whites, nearly double the
amount of African Americans and close to triple the amount of Hispanics, achieved a
bachelor‘s degree (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005).
In attempting to delve deeper into America‘s true educational situation, disaggregating
the data solely by race is not sufficient. In 2000, the number of females, 143,368,343
outnumbered males, 138,053,563 in the United States (U.S Census Bureau, 2005). This
makes the disaggregation of data by gender another necessary step in realizing the
conditions of America‘s education levels. Women have made great strides to close the
gender gap in education. Over the past 20 years, college attainment rates among females
have increased approximately 10 percent, while rates for males have had minimal change
(NCES, 2005) When looking at the group of 25-29 year olds, over the past decade, the
percentage of men with a bachelor's degree or higher, increased from 24 to 26 percent,
the percentage of women with a bachelor's degree or higher increased from 21 to 31
percent (NCES, 2005). In 2000-2001, women received 60 percent of associate's degrees,
3

57 percent of bachelor's degrees, and 59 percent of master's degrees (Knapp, Kelly,
Whitmore, Wu & Gallego 2001).
The state of women‘s education overall has improved. Yet, there remain areas of
great need. Men continue to earn more doctoral degrees, 55 percent, and first-
professional degrees, 54 percent, than women (Knapp, Kelly, Whitmore, Wu, & Gallego
2001). Gender-based wage discrimination continues as female college graduates earn only
80 percent of what their male counterparts receive (NCES, 2005). Also, while on the surface
women seem to be doing well, when disaggregated by race, the results are distressing. The
two largest groups of minority women, Latinas and African Americans, are desperately
lagging behind. In 2000, the college graduation rate for African American women was
10 percent (Institute for Women‘s Policy Research, 2005).). The college graduation rate
for Latinas was a devastating 7 percent (Institute for Women‘s Policy Research, 2005).
America may indeed be more educated, but the gloomy reality is that minorities in the
United States are still vastly undereducated. Minority women, specifically Latinas,
being the least educated group of all; Latinas are at the very bottom of the academic
pyramid.
Compounding low educational attainment rates are alarmingly high victimization rates
of women. Women in the Unites States are the main victims of intimate partner violence
(IPV), also known as domestic violence. About 588,490, or 85 percent of victimizations
by intimate partners in 2001 were against women (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2003). In
2001, IPV made up 20 percent of violent crime against women (Bureau of Justice
Statistics, 2003).
4

According to the National Crime Victimization Survey, an increased prevalence of
IPV is associated with minority, low-income women (Rennison & Welchans, 2000).
WebMed (1998) also found that low education and income levels are in fact, risk factors
for incidences of IPV. This is a frightening thought; the largest group of minority
females, the most uneducated, are also the most likely to fall victim to IPV.
All is not lost, studies have shown (Gandara, 1995; Padilla, 2001; Gloria, Castellanos
& Orozco, 2005) that academically successful Latinas are a reality. What studies have
not yet examined is how Latina women who grew up witnessing and/or being victim to
IPV achieved academic success. This study will research that experience. It will attempt
to discover how, given the devastation that IPV creates, they managed to not only be
resilient, but also academically successful.
Chapter one will give a broad overview of IPV. The definition of IPV, and statistics
of incidents will be noted. A discussion of the effects of IPV on children and coping
strategies frequently used by women will also be included.
Chapter two will include a review of literature as it relates specifically to Latinas. The
first part will review literature on IPV in relation to the Latino culture. The second
portion will review literature related to the successful completion of college for Latinas.

Intimate Partner Violence
The National Institute of Violence (2000) defines intimate partner violence (IPV), also
known as ―domestic violence,‖ as rape, physical assault, and stalking. Pagelow (1984)
defines IPV as any or all of the following: intense criticisms, verbal harassment, sexual
5

coercion, assault, physical attacks, intimidation, restraint of freedoms and denial of
access to resources. For the purpose of this study, the term ―violence‖ has been narrowed
to physical assaults, defined as assaults with the means to cause physical harm, sexual
aggression, forcible restraint, and threats to kill or harm (Browne, 1993).
In the United States alone, 2 to 3 million women are assaulted by male partners each
year (Browne, 1993). More than 3 out of every 100 women, or 1.8 million women
annually are severely abused (kicked, punched, choked, beaten, threatened with a knife or
gun, or have had a knife or gun used on them) (Browne, 1993). A woman is beaten every
18 minutes by her partner and between 25 and 35 percent of women who visit emergency
rooms are suffering the consequences of IPV. In the year 2000, 1,247 women were
murdered by an intimate partner (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2003). The fact remains:
domestic violence is the number one cause of injuries among women in the United States
(American Institute on Domestic Violence, 2001).
Though the aforementioned statistics are quite alarming, they are not all encompassing.
Problems with reporting IPV are common and underestimate the gravity of IPV. It is
important to note that since statistics are mainly obtained by self-reports via telephone
and in person interviews, exclusion of some population is inevitable. The excluded
population consists of the very poor, those who do not speak English, families living on a
military base, and individuals who are hospitalized, homeless, institutionalized, or
incarcerated. (Browne, 1993).

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Coping Strategies for Victims of Intimate Partner Violence
Reports specify that by the time women resolve to join a domestic violence program
or shelter, they have already attempted a variety of tactics to cope with and end the
violence (Gondolf and Fisher, 1988; Horton and Johnson, 1993; Wauchope, 1988). Prior
to joining a domestic violence program, many victims seek help from family and friends,
counselors, clergy, lawyers, and other professionals. Studies found that women who
pulled free from abusive relationships had, on average utilized nine resources before
leaving the relationship (Gondolf and Fisher, 1988; Horton and Johnson, 1993;
Wauchope, 1988).
Passive coping strategies such as avoidance and denial are typical for abused women
(Carlson, 2000). These less effective coping strategies are used when the amount of
stress causes victims to feel overwhelmed and powerless. Since abused women
generally have many other sources of stress, such as poverty, lack of sufficient resources,
and child-related problems, it is typical for them to resort to these passive coping
strategies (Finn, 1985).
Rationalization is one such passive coping strategy practiced by abused women. This
is the process by which the severity of the violence is rationalized. Victims deny that the
violence will continue, believing that their partner will change. They may also rationalize
the intent of the violence, asserting the belief that the violence was done without
malicious intent, ―He didn‘t mean to hurt me‖ or that the harm was minimal, ―It was only
a slap.‖ Victims will also rationalize the violence by accepting responsibility and
blaming themselves for the onset, ―I shouldn‘t have said such and such‖. In accepting
7

responsibility for the violence and perceiving themselves as the instigators of it, women
gain a false sense of having the ability to control it in the future (Ferraro and Johnson,
1983).
Often times, victims of intimate partner violence will seek social and spiritual support
as a form of coping (Finn, 1985). However, this strategy may prove futile, as abusers are
usually controlling and may not allow for participation in such groups. Also, the
embarrassment, stigma, or depression associated with the abuse may discourage victims‘
willingness or ability to actively seek or receive support (Mitchell and Hodson, 1983).
Sometimes, strategies used by victims to cope with abuse change as the violence
evolves. The initial denial that abuse is minimal loses its credibility if occasional violence
escalates to recurrent battering. Also, as the violence worsens, victims begin to question
their responsibility for, and control of the abuse (Carlson, 2000). In these instances, more
active coping strategies are employed to try to avoid the violence or its effects. Victims
may try to soothe the abuser, imploring with them to calm down. They may also leave
the home temporarily, giving the abuser time to deflate, or resign to calling the police
(Gondolf and Fisher, 1988; Horton and Johnson, 1993; Wauchope, 1988).
The term ―coping strategies‖ indicates that the victim will attempt to remain in the
relationship and cope with the abuse. As noted above, women who attempted to detach
themselves from abusive relationships by participating in a domestic violence program or
shelter had previously utilized several coping strategies in an effort to end the physical
aggression (Gondolf and Fisher, 1988; Horton and Johnson, 1993; Wauchope, 1988).
Unfortunately, the facts posed by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (2003) describe a
8

situation where coping strategies are not a promising means by which to detach and
survive a physically abusive relationship (see Intimate Partner Violence Section above).

Effects on Children
Intimate partner violence not only affects the partners implicated, but also has a
disturbing effect on others present in the household, more specifically, children. In 70
percent of domestic violence cases, the batterer abuses the children as well as the partner.
Each year more than 10 million U.S. children witness physical aggression between their
parents (Margolin and Gordis, 2004). Nearly 25 percent of domestic homicides are
witnessed by the children of the victims (National Resource Center on Domestic
Violence, 2002). According to national figures, 40 percent of women suffered physical
violence by childhood caretakers before the age of 18 (Browne, 1993). The effects of
being physically abused and/or witnessing violence can be detrimental to children.
Effects include revictimization, Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, drug abuse, and
behaviors leading to incarceration.
Revictimization is often seen as a result of having experienced violence in the home as
a child. The phenomenon of revictimization contends that having experienced childhood
abuse substantially increases the risk of repeated abuse in adulthood (Coid, Peruckevitch,
Feder, Chung). Whitfield, Anda, Dube and Felliti (2003) found that women who
reported childhood physical abuse were three times more likely to be experiencing
current IPV. They also found that women who witnessed their mother being battered
had two times the likelihood to be involved in IPV as adults. Studies substantiate the
9

notion that children who are exposed to Intimate Partner Violence are more likely to
perpetrate violence against an adult partner and more likely to be treated violently by an
adult partner (Margolin and Gordis, 2004). Rouse (1988), found similar results and calls
this trend by which children learn to be abusive by having witnessed or been victim of
IPV the modeling theory.
Abusive childhood experiences have also been shown to disrupt the attachment
process. Consequently, the interpersonal schemas that these children bring with them to
adulthood tend to be negative (i.e., abuse is a means by which to connect to the other
person). These schemas support the transformation from childhood abuse victim into
adult victim and subsequently, revictimization (Cloitre, Cohen & Scarvalone, 2002).
Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is a disorder caused by a traumatic event,
series of events, or repeated events. Examples of possible triggers include accidents,
rape, physical abuse, sexual abuse, and natural disasters. People with PTSD repeatedly
re-experience the traumatic event in the form of flashback episodes, memories,
nightmares, or frightening thoughts. PTSD also may cause emotional numbness, sleep
disturbances, depression, anxiety, irritability and outbursts of anger (National Institute of
Mental Health, 2001). Approximately 32.7 percent of victims of childhood physical
abuse experience Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (Widom, 1999). Women with a history
of childhood physical abuse are ten times more likely to be suffering from Post Traumatic
Stress Disorder than those without such history (NIMH, 2001).
Victims of childhood physical abuse also frequently fall victims to drug abuse. A
recent term, traumatogenicity theory, refers to the presence of trauma as a precursor
10

and/or cause of drug abuse. The basis of this theory is that victims who have been
traumatized attempt to self-medicate the suffering endured. In the process of trying to rid
themselves of pain and bad memories, victims of childhood abuse become addicted to
drugs. Amongst women drug abusers, 58 percent had been victims of childhood physical
abuse (Najavits, Weiss & Shaw, 1997).
The number of incarcerated women in the United States continues to increase. In
1996, women made up 10 percent of local jail inmates, this number jumped to 12 percent
in 2002 (Rennison, 2003). Adult women with histories of childhood physical abuse are at
great risk of incarceration. Browne (1999) found that 70 percent of incarcerated women
had experienced severe physical violence by caretakers as children. The American
Correctional Association (1990) reported that 61 percent of girls incarcerated in United
States juvenile correctional settings had been physically abused and most had been
abused multiple times. A study by the Chicago Coalition for the Homeless (2002)
reported that 66 percent of a sample of 235 women in Cook County Jail and had been
victims of domestic violence.

Statement of the Problem
Latinos are the fastest growing minority in the nation (Perilla, 1999). It follows then,
that Latino children will play a significant role in the future of our society. The
distressing effects of Intimate Partner Violence on Latina children pose a serious threat to
the emotional and physical health of our future society.
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Latina children who grow up in violent households suffer the same consequences as
the general population of childhood victims/witnesses. Yet for Latinas, these effects are
exacerbated by the added pressures of the cultural scripts demanded by their culture and
the discrimination incurred by being a person of color in the United States. The current
state of Latinas‘ educational success is dismal. (Ginorio & Huston, 2001). The task of
being a Latina and overcoming the effects of experiencing childhood physical abuse is a
great one in and of itself. The act then, of overcoming it, and at the same time becoming
academically successful is a phenomenal one that is seldom realized.

Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to explore the strategies and resources of academically
successful Latinas who grew up in violent homes. This study will examine the tactics
that kept them from falling victim to the common effects of childhood physical abuse
such as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, revictimization, drug abuse and incarceration,
and lead them instead, to academic success. Experiences of academically successful
Latinas who grew up in violent homes will be researched and coping strategies will be
analyzed.

Research Questions
To what do academically successful (defined as having graduated from a four year
college) Latinas, who experienced violence as children, attribute their success?
 How did the violence in the home affect their K-12 and college schooling?
12

 What coping strategies did they use as children, adolescents, and
adults to overcome these effects?
 Once in college, what was the motivation to persist and complete their
education?
 What role did the Latino culture play in the academic success of these
women?

Significance of the Study
Recently, the grave effects of IPV on children have been recognized and studied
(Margolin and Gordis 2004; National Resource Center on Domestic Violence 2002;
Browne 1999; Widom 1999; Najavits, Weiss & Shaw, 1997). Yet, there exists a great
gap in the research; the understanding of the effects of IPV on children of color is
minimal.
Latinas comprise the largest minority group of girls in the U.S (Ginorio & Huston
2001). In researching Latinas who grew up in violent homes and achieved academic
success, one can better understand the minority experience. Successful strategies, once
identified, could be considered for more widespread use with both, Latina youth and
women, whom have experienced this same phenomenon.

Summary of Methodology
Qualitative, phenomenological research methods were used to conduct one to one
interviews with ten academically successful Latinas. Interviews were tape recorded and
13

transcribed. Patterns among participant responses were identified and analyzed.
Participants were recruited via flyers announcing the study and criteria for participants.
Flyers were distributed to college campuses, local school districts, domestic violence
shelters and Latino based organizations as well as posted on the World Wide Web.

Limitations of the Study
For the purposes of this study, the focus was on physical abuse. In addition to
physical abuse, some participants suffered other forms of abuse, i.e. verbal, sexual and
emotional. Although this study only discusses physical abuse, the women‘s experiences
with other types of abuse, play a role in their views, behaviors and coping mechanisms
revealed in this study. Therefore, a limitation of the study is that when evaluating the
coping strategies used by participants, we cannot negate the experiences and effects of
other abuses nor can we contribute all of the participants‘ actions to their experiences
with physical abuse exclusively.
Throughout the interviews, the participants speak of their experiences with childhood
physical violence. They tell of events that occurred in their homes strictly from their
viewpoint. Since participants‘ mothers, fathers, or for that matter, anyone else in the
same household, were not interviewed, one cannot ask their viewpoints. During the
interviews, participants spoke to others‘ (their parents, siblings, etc.) frame of mind or
thinking. This created a limitation, since these thoughts and frames of mind were not
confirmed, and the only viewpoint shared is that of the participant.
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Due to the taboo nature of the topic, I had much difficulty locating participants who
were willing to self-identify as meeting the criteria for this study. I also came across a
few women who admitted they met the criteria, but declined participation in the study,
some of the reasons stated were that they didn‘t want to relive the past, they were now
beyond all of ―that‖, and they didn‘t want to hold resentments towards their perpetrators.
Due to these hindrances I was only able to interview ten women for participation in this
study. The small sample size served as a limitation, as a larger sample would have
yielded greater insight into this phenomenon.

Delimitations of the Study
This study specifically researched the experiences of Latina women. This specificity
reduced the pool for participants and contributed to the small sample size. Also, because
this study targeted the Latina experience, it may not be replicable amongst other
ethnicities.
The measure for academic success as defined in this study required achievement of a
bachelor‘s degree. This criteria excluded the participation of Latinas who achieved
success on other terms such as going to a trade school, working their way up the career
ladder, or becoming entrepreneurs. Although these Latinas did experience childhood
physical abuse and proved resilient, the lack of a bachelor‘s degree prevented their
participation in this study.
15

For the purposes of this study, the type of abuse researched was narrowed down to
only physical. This constraint excluded successfully academic Latinas who did not
experience physical abuse, but experienced other forms of abuse.

Assumptions
The purpose of this study was to find successful coping strategies used by the
participants and replicate them for use with young Latinas in these same situations. The
assumption is then made that in achieving academic success, these participants have also
achieved emotional stability, or a state of mind which we would want young Latinas to
emulate.
Also, the author assumed that participants were honest in their responses and only
questioned responses for clarity or more details.

Definition of Terms
Intimate Partner Violence: Any or all of the following done between intimate partners:
intense criticisms, verbal harassment, sexual coercion, assault, physical attacks,
intimidation, restraint of freedoms and denial of access to resources. (Pagelow, 1984).
Machismo: Derived from the word macho, which means to be exaggeratedly masculine
(Funk & Wagnalls, 1993).
Marianismo: The concept of Marianismo refers to the traditional roles expected of Latina
women. The term is derived from the Virgin Mary (Perilla, 1999).

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Organization of the Remainder of the Study
Chapter 2 contains a review of related literature and research relative to the study.
Chapter 3 presents the methodology of the study, and interview procedures. Chapter 4
reports the findings of the research and interviews. Chapter 5 summarizes the study,
presents implications for practice, and makes recommendations for future research.

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CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Chapter one presented a brief overview of the importance of a college education, the
problem of IPV, and what we know about its effects on children. As the focus of this
study is to understand coping strategies of Latinas who experienced physical violence in
their childhood homes and later successfully completed college, the purpose of this
chapter is to present a review of literature as it relates specifically to Latinas. The first
section will review literature on IPV in relation to the Latino culture. The second portion
will review literature related to the successful completion of college for Latinas. This
includes: 1) The current educational state of Latinas, 2) Barriers to college completion 3)
Social and Cultural Capital and 4) College retention theories.

Latinos and Intimate Partner Violence
Intimate Partner Violence is a non discriminatory problem that affects all backgrounds
and ethnicities. However, in this study we will focus only on the Latino experience with
IPV. Latinos in particular, have high rates of IPV. Straus & Smith (1990) indicate that
Latinos reported a rate of spousal violence of 23 percent compared to 15 percent for
whites. They also concluded that Latinos annual rate of husband to wife violence, 7.3
percent, was twice that of whites.
The high rates of Latino IPV are more sinister when one acknowledges the large
populace of Latinos in the United States. According to the 2000 Census, Latinos
represent approximately 35.3 million people, about 12.4 percent of the United States
18

population. Latinos are the fastest growing minority in the United States (Perilla, 1999).
By the year 2050, the Latino, population is projected to swell to about 100 million. In
analyzing the projected growth of the Latino population and the current state of IPV
within the Latino culture one can conjecture that Latinos and IPV will become a
considerable problem for U.S. society in general. These facts build the case for analyzing
Latino IPV and the particularities that surround it.
In researching the experience of Latinas and IPV, factors that may set apart the
experience of the Latina victim from the white female victim, need to be included.
Aspects specific to the Latina victim include the concept of acculturation and the cultural
scripts of Machismo and Marianismo.
The first factor, acculturation, refers to the level of, or extent to, which an immigrant
group takes on the norms and behaviors of society (West, Kaufman Kantor, Jasinski,
1998). Studies have found that acculturation plays a role in the perpetuation of violence
amongst Latinos. In a study of 521 Latina women, Ruiz (1999) found that the more
acculturated the woman, the more likely she was to have been abused. Similar results
were found in other studies where it was determined that levels of acculturation were
associated with increased levels of partner violence (Jasinski 1996, Sorenson & Telles
1991).
Theories for the positive correlation of acculturation to violence vary. One theory is
that of ―wanting more.‖ This theory stresses the fact that more acculturated Latinos
strive for higher economic aspirations. These ―wants‖ lead to more stressful life
conditions and frustrations which may be expressed in the form of IPV (Kaufman Kantor
19

& Straus, 1993). A second theory is that alcohol consumption is increased by the
stressors of acculturation. Ultimately, this increased consumption has a high possibility
for contributing to IPV (Caetano, Schafer, Clark, Cunrandi & Rasberry, 2000). A third
theory is that couples achieve various levels of acculturation at distinct rates. This
variance causes a mismatch in couples as they change their roles in accordance with the
level of acculturation. This mismatch may cause discord in the relationship and lead to
increased incidents of IPV (Caetano, et.al 2000).
The second factor to consider in examining Latinas‘ experiences with IPV is
Machismo. The word Machismo is derived from the word macho, which means to be
exaggeratedly masculine (Funk & Wagnalls, 1993). Although there is support for the idea
that the concept of Machismo contains positive traits such as honor, responsibility,
respect, courage and being a good provider (Marin & Marin, 1991), the term Machismo
generally has negative connotations. The negative characteristics of Machismo
exaggerate maleness and exalt physical superiority and force (Lugo, 1985). The negative
face of Machismo also displays aggressiveness, sexual prowess and power (Perilla,
Bakeman & Norris, 1994). Throughout this study when the term Machismo is used, it
will be in reference to the negative characteristics of the term as described above.
Another element that comes into play when evaluating Latinas‘ experiences with IPV,
is the notion of Marianismo. Gil & Vasquez (1996) describe Marianismo as, the
counterpart to Machismo. The concept of Marianismo refers to the traditional roles
expected of Latina women. The term is derived from the Virgin Mary and maintains the
idea that women are better to endure suffering than men (Perilla, 1999; Santiago, 2004).
20

Marianismo traits include submissiveness, sentimentality, self-sacrifice, chase, and
dependence (Comas-Diaz, 1987; Stevens, 1973).
Machismo and Marianismo have long been part of the Latino culture and can be dated
back to indigenous tribes such as the Mexica (Castillo, 1995). For years, traditional
Latino families have followed these cultural scripts instilling them in children via
established gender roles. Latino boys are given priority and more liberty than Latina
girls. Males are encouraged to explore while the females stay home and learn to care for
the siblings and perform household chores (Abalos, 1986). These childhood roles
directly relate to the cultural scripts (Machismo and Marianismo) Latinos are expected to
assume as adults. In his research of masculinity across various cultures, Gilmore (1990)
found that in Latin America, it is believed that a man must prove his manhood every day.
He must be ready to defend his family at any time, be sexually adequate and father many
children. Perilla(1999) states that in traditional Latino society, becoming a submissive
wife is a valued role for the woman. She also asserts that Latinas learn from early on,
that domestic abuse is a normal part of marriage. They are given the message that being
battered is part of life and that they must endure this treatment.
The prominence of these cultural scripts within the Latino culture contributes to the
continuance of IPV. In her interviews of Latina women (Rodriguez, 1999), the
interrelating concepts of Machismo and Marianismo were cited as contributors to IPV.
Latino men who have been brought up with traditional gender roles may subscribe to the
negative facets of Machismo. Latina women who subscribe to Marianismo believe it
21

their duty to tolerate the treatment of these machos. The result is a growing culture in
which IPV is prevalent.

Coping Strategies for Latinas
Various research on coping strategies (Gondolf and Fisher 1988; Horton and Johnson,
1993; Wauchope 1988; Ferraro and Johnson, 1983; Finn 1985) has been conducted.
However, this information has not been disaggregated by race. Thus far, studies
discussing coping strategies specific to Latinas and their conflicts in relation to IPV have
not been found. The intent of this study is that coping strategies for Latina victims and/or
witnesses of Intimate Partner Violence be unveiled and developed for implementation.

Effects on Latino Children
Minimal research on the effects of IPV on Latino children in particular was found.
This remains a novel area for research. Latino children experiencing IPV as witnesses or
victims, have a difficult task. These children not only have to confront the same
overwhelming challenges as mainstream children in the same situation, but they also
have to deal with additional issues pertaining to their culture.
Cultural scripts and traditional gender roles make Rouse‘s (1988) modeling theory
(previously discussed) of extreme relevance for Latino children. Perilla (1999), found
that 92 percent of men in the batterer‘s group and 85 percent of Latinas in a support
group had witnessed their fathers physically abusing their mothers. These
22

victims/batterers had witnessed IPV and true to Rouse‘s (1988) modeling theory, had
internalized their parents‘ modeling of these behaviors.
Many Latino children and adolescents of families experiencing IPV take on stressful
adult roles (Perilla 1999). These adult roles include helping support the household, caring
for siblings and the physical defense and emotional support of their mothers. Latino
children also have the additional pressures of helping their parents assimilate into
mainstream culture. Often, they serve as language translators and cultural interpreters
for their parents.
As aforementioned, there is a lack of research describing the effects of IPV on Latino
children. Yet, the available research highlights Latino gender roles, and familial
responsibilities. These issues require Latino children experiencing IPV in the home to
assume traditional roles and take on adult responsibilities, causing added stressors to an
already complicated childhood.

The Current Educational State of Latinas
The current educational state of Latinas is disheartening. Latinas constitute the largest
and least educated minority group of girls in the United States. Latinas ages 16 to 24,
show the highest high school drop-out rates (30 percent) of any other minority group.
Compared to their peers, Latinas are under-represented in Gifted and Talented Education
(GATE) courses and in Advanced Placement (AP) courses. In a variety of measures of
academic achievement, i.e. achievement tests, high school graduation, and college
attendance, Latinas lag behind their female counterparts (Ginorio & Huston, 2001).
23

The situation does not improve in higher education. Latinas comprise the least
formally educated female ethnic population in the United States. They are the least likely
of any women to complete a bachelor's degree. Ninety percent of Latinas will never go
to college, and of the10 percent that do attend, only an astonishing 5 percent will
graduate (Ginorio & Huston, 2001).

Barriers to College Completion
The educational experience of Latinas is challenged by many barriers. These barriers
include financial burdens, gender role socialization, family roles and responsibilities, and
the lack of social and cultural capital (Ginorio & Huston, 2001).
The financial demands of college life serve as a great barrier for Latinas. In
Gandara‘s (1995) study of academically successful Chicanos, women in the study felt
they would not have been able to complete their education without financial aid
programs. Luzzo (1993) found that when compared to other groups, Latino students
were most likely to have experienced financial burdens while in college. In a study of
Hispanics in higher education, the Irvine Foundation (1982) found that both men and
women cited the need to assist the family financially as a reason for dropping out or
taking a break from college. According to Ginorio & Huston (2001), family financial
troubles may cause Latinas to search for work rather than go to college in an effort to
lighten the family‘s financial load. Lango (1995) confirmed that students who had
parents as a primary source of fiscal support had a higher probability of graduating.
Unfortunately, for Latinas, fiscal support from parents is not always feasible. In 1987, 26
24

percent of all Latino families, and 52 percent of Latino families headed by women, were
living below the poverty level (U.S. Department of Labor, 1989).
The Latino culture, in particular, the Mexican-American culture, is frequently
characterized as adhering to rigidly defined gender roles and gender role behavior
(Carillo, 1982). Gender role socialization is often noted as a barrier with respect to the
educational and career attainment of Latina women (Vasquez, 1982). When gender roles
exist in a Latino family, they tend to be very defined. Latina women are encouraged to
care for children, keep clean homes and cook. Education is neither a priority nor a
necessity. Due to these ingrained gender roles, Latina college students may struggle
between the traditional gender roles of their culture and the pursuit of a college education
Haro, (1994).
For Latino students, family is a central part of their life. In researching Latinas who
completed a college degree, family support was key. Women were encouraged to do well
so that they would not have to depend on anyone. In a study of high-achieving Chicanas,
interviewed by Gandara (1982), the women reported that their parents were influential in
forming their educational aspirations and identified family support as a critical
contributor to their achievement.
If the Latino student has the support of the family, the college experience can be very
pleasant, as the family shares the student‘s college experience and vice versa (Haro,
1994). However, if the student does not have the family‘s support (both emotionally and
financially) and/or the student has to play an adult role in assisting the family, the family
then serves as a barrier to academic success (Gandara, 1992).
25

McWhirter (1997) found that Latinos were more likely than their counterparts to view
family problems and family attitudes about college as potential preventative factors to
completing their education. The Latina student will often leave school to tend to family
needs and responsibilities (Haro, 1994). AAUW (1992) found that 5 percent of male and
37 percent of female high school dropouts cited ‗‗family-related problems‘‘ as the reason
for leaving school. Many times, Latinas assume adult responsibilities in the home; they
care for siblings and elders, they perform housework, and serve as interpreters for their
parents. Performing these adult roles leads some Latinas to feel ready for marriage and
motherhood prematurely and prevents them from completing their education (Ginorio &
Huston, 2001).

Social and Cultural Capital
Stanton-Salazar (2001), defines social capital as relationships with institutional agents
that can be converted into socially valued resources and opportunities. In educational
terms, social capital refers to the social relationships with peers or school agents that lead
to the achievement of academic goals, and ultimately, academic success. Participation in
these relationships is beneficial to students because it provides them with the necessary
information and an understanding of the social rules needed for educational success
(Coleman, 1997).
Successfully academic Latinas identified social capital in the form of teachers as
institutional agents as a factor in their success (Gandara, 1995). According to De Anda,
(1984) successful students rely on ―cultural translators‖ as institutional agents. ―Cultural
26

translators‖ are of the same cultural background of the student and help students navigate
successfully between their own minority culture, and the majority society. These
―cultural translators‖ teach minorities how to survive in a dominant group environment
without compromising their own cultures.
The term cultural capital represents the collection of non-economic forces such as
family background, social class, commitments to education, different resources, etc.
which influence academic success. McDonough (1997) defines cultural capital as the
property that middle and upper class families transfer to their children which supplements
economic capital as a means of maintaining class status and privilege. Members of the
dominant class possess the most valued cultural capital. In her study of working and
middle class communities, Lareau (1987), found that parents who share the middle class
values of schools are more prepared to intervene on their child‘s behalf to assure that they
benefit from their schooling.
Ogbu (1987) suggested that educational failure is a socially constructed phenomenon
resulting from social rules designed to screen out outsiders. Social and cultural capital is
essential in understanding the social rules of our society. The deficiency of social and
cultural capital serves as a barrier for Latinas, thwarting educational success.
Social and Cultural Capital are middle class concepts. The mere fact that the majority
of Latinos do not fall into the middle class category, deprives them of the assets found
within the realms of social and cultural capital. A comparison of Latino‘s SES status to
that of the dominant white culture supports this:
27

 40 percent of Latino children live in poverty, compared to 15 percent of white
non-Hispanic children (Rumberger, 1991).
 A mere 45 percent of Latino children live with parents who have completed high
school, compared to 81 percent of white children (Rumberger, 1991).
 Only 68 percent of Latinos live with both parents, compared to 81 percent of
white children (Rumberger, 1991).

Perna (2000) found that cultural and social capital was an important contributor to
four year college attendance for Latinos. She contends that for Latinos, this capital is as
equally important as ability, in the college decision making process. Lack of social
capital limits Latino‘s knowledge of college and their comprehension of the admissions
process, the graduation rates, and the exchange value of a college degree (Mcdonough,
1997). People lacking cultural capital may lower their educational aspirations, self-select
out of particular situations (because they do not know the cultural norms),
overcompensate for their less valued cultural resources and receive fewer rewards for
their educational investments (Bourdieu & Passerson, 1977; Lamont & Lareau, 1988).

College Retention Theories
Nationwide college graduation rates are low. Many students do not surpass their
freshman year in college (ACT, 2005). Less than half of U.S. college students go on to
complete their college degree. (Council for Aid to Education, 2005). A study completed
by ACT (2005) reported that the Bachelor‘s of Arts and Bachelor‘s of Science degree
28

completion rates for 2005 were at 39.5 percent for public institutions and 56.2 percent for
private institutions. In an effort to understand these college drop-out rates, a discussion
on retention theories will follow. The goal is to achieve a better understanding of the
theories and eventually apply appropriate theories to the Latina experience.
The theories examined fall into three categories. The first category is of those theories
that propose full integration and assimilation into the dominant culture and neglect of
their own minority culture, as a road to success. The second category of theories is those
that support cultural integrity and validity stressing the cultivation of the students‘ own
culture. The last category of theories is of those that credit the individual psychology of
the student and psychological factors of the institution for retention.
One of the most prominent assimilation/acculturation theories is Tinto‘s Student
Departure Theory (1975, 1987, 1993). Tinto states that academic integration and societal
integration are the keys to persistence for college students. Students who are able to
connect with either the academic or social aspects of their institutions are more likely to
persist in college. For his model, Tinto utilized Van Gennep‘s (1960) rites of passage
framework. This framework consists of three stages, separation, transition and
integration. This theory holds that individual values and beliefs rooted in cultural
backgrounds need to be abandoned and the values and beliefs of the institution and
majority population must be incorporated to be successful. The ultimate goal of Tinto‘s
theory is full integration into the culture of the new group (Tinto, 1987).
Bernal, Saenz & Knight, (1991), support Tinto‘s theory. They believe that minority
students who succeed do so because they have accepted and dominant norms and values
29

such as individualism. The belief here is that the path to success is paved by assimilation
to an individualistic world.
A different point of view is seen in Tierney‘s student retention theory. Tierney‘s
theory for retention focuses on the needs of diverse populations and strives to protect
cultural identity. His theory is based on cultural integrity. He stresses that colleges must
find a way to affirm, honor and incorporate cultural identity into the culture (Tierney,
1999). He also cites Deyhle‘s (1995) study that suggests that Native American students
who were secure in their culture and identity and thus, refused assimilation, were more
academically successful in school than their culturally insecure peers.
A study by Rendón, (1993) supports Tierney‘s theory. This study found that minority
students could achieve academic success without rejecting their culture. Rendon
describes ―validation‖ as a key factor to college persistence. Validation refers to actions,
(taken by persons other than the student, i.e. professors, counselors), that communicate to
students, that they have the ability and competence to complete college. Validation
includes the following dimensions:
• It is an empowering, confirming, and supportive process, initiated by agents,
that help move students toward academic and interpersonal development;
• It is a developmental process
• It can occur both in and out of class (Rendon, 1993).
Bean‘s Student Attrition Model (1985), compares student attrition to turnover in
business organizations. This model stresses the importance of behavioral intentions as
30

the main predictors of college persistence. Attitudes, institutional fit and external factors
such as family approval, and friends‘ support are emphasized.
Finally, Bean and Eaton (2001) base their model of college student retention on
psychological theories: attitude-behavior, coping behavioral, self-efficacy, and ―locus of
control.‖ They conclude that the factors contributing to college retention are individual.
They further state that individual psychological processes form the foundation for
retention decisions. They believe that institutions should create programs that rely on
psychological processes such as learning communities, freshman interest groups,
tutoring, mentoring, and student orientations. Such programs foster environments that
support academic and social integration, and thus, increase student success in an
institution.
These retention theories are based on the general college population, therefore a
factual statement as to which theory best applies to the Latina retention experience in
college cannot be made. As part of this study, participants will be asked questions that
attempt to find the retention theory that best correlates with the Latina college retention
experience.

31

CHAPTER THREE
M ETHODOLOGY

Introduction
According to Creswell (1998) qualitative research is an inquiry process of
understanding. This process is based on distinct methodological traditions of inquiry that
explore a social or human problem. One tradition of qualitative inquiry is
Phenomenology. Phenomenology captures the essence of human experiences sharing a
phenomenon. The procedure involves studying a small number of subjects to develop
patterns and relationships of meaning (Creswell, 2003). The goal of this study is to use
the qualitative inquiry tradition of phenomenology to examine the factors and coping
strategies that influenced academic success for these ten Latinas who grew up in
physically violent homes.
This chapter describes the design, sample, data collection and data analysis
methodology used to understand this phenomenon. A sample of ten Latinas was utilized
to answer the following research questions:
To what do academically successful (defined as having graduated from college)
Latinas, who experienced violence as children, attribute their success?
 How did the violence in the home affect their K-12 and college schooling?
 What coping strategies did they use as children, adolescents, and adults to
overcome these effects?
 Once in college, what was the motivation to persist and complete their
education?
32

 What role did the Latino culture play in the academic success of these
women?
Ten Latina women were interviewed on an individual basis in regards to their personal
experiences growing up in homes with violence. In order to increase comparability of
findings, have a complete data set, and reduce interviewer bias, a standardized open-
ended approach was used for the interviews (Patton, 1990). The interviews consisted of
ten questions and lasted from one and a half to two and a half hours each. Prior to the
interview, participants completed a short demographic questionnaire consisting of five
questions relevant to their culture and home life (Appendix C). These questions were not
asked as a part of the interview as they were closed ended questions used to examine
common trends amongst the participants.

Sample and Population
Participants in this study were ten Latina women, all of whom met the following
criteria:
 Education level must be a Bachelor‘s degree or higher
 Must have grown up in a physically violent home, defined as having been victim
of, or witness to, assaults with the means to cause physical harm, sexual
aggression, forcible restraint, and threats to kill or harm (Browne, 1993).

33

Instrumentation
The researcher developed an interview protocol (Appendix A). The protocol
consisted of ten questions aimed at answering the overall research questions of this study.
Questions one through three of the protocol attempted to gauge the violence in the home
and its effect on academics. They addressed research question one, ―How did violence in
the home affect K-12 and college schooling?‖
Very little research has been done on the coping strategies for children who grew up
in violent homes. Therefore, question four inquired about the coping strategies
implemented by these Latinas as reported in response to research question two, ―What
coping strategies did they use as children, adolescents, and in adulthood to overcome
these effects‖
Questions five through seven of the protocol searched for the answer to question three,
―Once in college, what was the motivation to persist and complete their education?‖
Tierney (1999), Rendon (1993) and Tinto (1987) describe retention and perseverance
theories for minority students. These specific interview questions test the core
assumptions of these retention theories as they relate to Latinas.
Ginorio and Huston (2001) state that the ―family first‖ approach and early
introduction to adult responsibilities are just some of the barriers that keep Latinas from
college. Questions eight through ten of the protocol reviewed the Latino culture and its
effects on academic success, as asked in research question four, ―What role does the
Latino culture play in the academic success of these women?‖
34

The interview answers were analyzed and an inductive process was used to
organize and analyze data. Where evident, themes were drawn from answers to better
understand the common elements of participants‘ experiences.

Data Collection
Flyers announcing the study and criteria for participants were distributed to college
campuses, local school districts, domestic violence shelters, Latino based organizations,
and posted on the world wide web (see Appendix B for a copy of the flyer). Possible
participants were asked to call or e-mail their information to the researcher. Prior to the
interview, the researcher spoke to possible participants via telephone. Once the
agreement to participate in the study was made, an interview time and date was set up,
and specific directions were given. It was suggested that if participants felt they would
need support, they bring a second person with them to serve as this support. Also, a list
of nearby resources and counselors was kept on hand throughout the interview process
for use if needed. Participants each completed an Informed Consent Form. Participants
were interviewed on an individual basis by the researcher. Interviews ranged from one
and a half to two and a half hours in length. All interview information was kept
confidential. Interview tapes were kept at the researcher‘s home in a locked cabinet and
pseudonyms were used to identify each participant.
The interview protocol (Appendix A) was utilized. Interviews were tape-recorded and
notes were taken by the researcher. At the end of each interview, participants were given
the opportunity to ask the researcher any questions or give other pertinent information.
35

As a precautionary measure, each participant was given a copy of the list of resources and
counselors. Interviews were conducted between July, 2006 and June 2008.

Data Analysis
The purpose of this study is to examine the factors, experiences or resources that
Latinas who grew up in violent homes credit with helping them achieve academic
success. Collected data was analyzed using Miles and Huberman‘s framework of data
analysis. The framework is as follows: data reduction, data display, and conclusion
drawing and verification (Creswell, 2003).
During the data reduction stage, data was selected, focused, simplified, and
transformed. Data was then divided into categories and common themes. Data was
dissected to find deviations in patterns, discrepancies, and if pertinent, broader questions
created. Deductive analysis was used to emphasize significant information. A coding
system was established, and themes were distinguished accordingly.
Conclusion drawing consisted of analyzing common themes and reviewing the
implications of these themes. Implications were described and future needs assessed.
The final framework was that of verification. In order to verify that themes and
conclusions were valid, the data was revisited often to cross check conclusions. As new
information was gained, data was once again revisited. The findings from this analysis
are presented in chapter four.

36

CHAPTER FOUR
ANALYSIS OF DATA AND INTERPRETATION OF THE FINDINGS

Introduction
This chapter presents an analysis of the data collected in the current study. By
using the qualitative inquiry tradition of phenomenology, this study captures the human
essence of growing up as a Latina witnessing physical violence in the home. The
interview questions and responses give life to a grave problem, IPV, which continues to
permeate our society.
The goal of this study was to use the tradition of phenomenology to examine the
factors, coping strategies and traits that influenced academic success for these ten Latinas
who grew up in physically violent homes. The data for the current study was collected
by individual, face to face, tape recorded interviews. A sample of ten Latinas was
utilized to answer the following research questions:
To what do academically successful (defined as having achieved a bachelor‘s degree)
Latinas, who experienced violence as children, attribute their success?
 How did the violence in the home affect their K-12 and college schooling?
 What coping strategies did they use as children, adolescents, and adults to
overcome these effects?
 Once in college, what was the motivation to persist and complete their
education?
 What role did the Latino culture play in the academic success of these
women?
37

Participants’ Background
All ten participants were of Latina descent. Seven of the women were of Mexican
descent, one was Salvadorian, one was of Mexican/Peruvian descent and another
Mexican/Chilean descent. All women had their bachelor‘s degrees and five had their
master‘s degrees. The women‘s ages ranged from 26-50 years old.
Paula was born in Mexico and immigrated with her family to the United States at
six years of age. She has six siblings and is second to the youngest. Of the seven
children, three completed their college education. She received her bachelor‘s degree
from the University of California, Los Angeles. The physical abuse she experienced was
inflicted upon her mother by her father after he had been drinking. At the time of the
interview, her parents were still married and the abuse had ceased due to her father‘s ill
health.
Sonia was born in the United States and is of Mexican descent. Both her parents
are second generation Mexicans. She is the older of two girls. Her sister did not attend
college. She received her bachelor‘s degree from California State University, Northridge.
The physical abuse she experienced was inflicted by her father primarily towards her
mother, but also towards her at times. Her father used alcohol and other drugs. Her
parents divorced when she was approximately twelve years old. The divorce ended the
abuse in her household.
Jessica was born in the United States. She is of Mexican descent. She is the older
of two girls. Her sister also completed her college education. Jessica received her
bachelor‘s degree from California State University, Northridge. The physical abuse she
38

experienced was inflicted by her father towards her mother and herself. At the time of
the interview, her parents were still married and there had been recent incidents of abuse.
Alma was born in the United States. She is of Salvadorian descent. Her parents
immigrated to the United States and are first generation immigrants. She has three
siblings and is the middle child. She is the only sibling to complete her college
education. She received her bachelor‘s degree from California State University,
Northridge. The physical abuse she experienced was inflicted by her father towards her
mother, and her three sisters. Her father is an alcoholic. At the time of the interview, her
parents were still married and there had been recent incidents of abuse.
Viviana was born in the United States. She is of Mexican descent. Her parents
immigrated to the United States and are first generation immigrants. She has three
siblings and is the oldest of the four children. She is the only sibling to complete her
college education. She received her bachelor‘s degree from California State University,
Los Angeles. The physical abuse she experienced was inflicted by her father towards her
mother, her siblings and herself. At the time of the interview, her parents were still
married and the abuse had lessened (but was still occurring), due to her father‘s health
issues.
Marisol was born in the United States. She is of Mexican and Peruvian descent.
She has two siblings and is the oldest. She is the only sibling to complete her college
education. She received her bachelor‘s degree from the University of California, Los
Angeles. The physical abuse she experienced was towards her mother, and her sister.
39

Her father was an alcoholic and was addicted to gambling. He passed away when she
was seven years old. His death ended the abuse.
Andrea was born in the United States. She is of Mexican and Chilean descent.
Her parents immigrated to the United States and are first generation immigrants. She is
the younger of two girls. Her sister did not attend college. She received her bachelor‘s
degree from California State University, Los Angeles. The physical abuse she
experienced was inflicted by her father towards her mother, her sister and herself. Her
father drank alcohol and gambled often. The abuse continued (towards her mother) until
he passed away when Andrea was twenty six year old.
Leticia was born in Mexico. She has six siblings and is second to oldest. Of the
seven children three completed their college education. She received her bachelor‘s
degree from California State University, Northridge. The physical abuse she experienced
was inflicted upon her mother, her siblings and herself, by her father. At the time of the
interview, her parents were still married and the abuse had ceased due to her father‘s
failing health.
Monica was born in the United States. She has three siblings and is the middle
child. Of the four children, she is the only sibling to have completed her college
education. She received her bachelor‘s degree from California State University, Los
Angeles. The physical abuse she experienced was inflicted upon her siblings and herself,
by her aunt while they were in her care after their mother passed away. At the time of the
interview, Monica no longer had any contact with her aunt.
40

Yadhira was born in Mexico. She immigrated to the United States with her
mother at the age of two. She has two siblings and is the oldest. Of the three children
she is the only sibling to have completed a college degree. She received her bachelor‘s
degree from California State University, Los Angeles. The physical abuse she
experienced was inflicted upon her mother by her stepfather. Yadhira‘s mother suffered
a severe illness and passed away approximately four years prior to the interview. The
physical abuse continued throughout the illness until her mother‘s death.

Interview Settings and Tone
Four of the ten interviews were conducted at the researcher‘s home, four others
were conducted at the participants‘ homes and two were done at the participants‘ place of
employment. All interview locations were decided by the participants.
Due to the delicate subject matter, the tone of the interviews was, for the most
part, very serious and at times depending on the recollection or memories brought about,
quite sad. All participants were engaged during the interviews and were willing to share
their story with heartfelt poignancy. They answered questions with extreme honesty and
reflection. At no point, during any of the interviews, did I feel that these women were
holding back or refusing to divulge details. They did not seem uncomfortable with the
questions, but at times took a moment to reflect and answer as if they had never thought
of their situation in that particular manner.

41

Data Presentation
Themes relating to the three study questions emerged from the interviews and are
categorized below according to the question they most closely relate to. Each theme is
then developed more in depth using participant responses and other data.
 How did the violence in the home affect their K-12 and college schooling?
o A constant feeling of fear during childhood
o Perpetrator being involved with alcohol and/or drugs
o Low educational expectations and lack of support from family
 What coping strategies did they use as children, adolescents, and adults to
overcome these effects?
o School served as a safe haven
o Detachment/Repression
o Relied on Teachers/Mentors
 Once in college, what was the motivation to persist and complete their education?
o Self drive
o Mentors/School programs
o Wanting a better life/Not wanting to be like mother
 What role did the Latino culture play in the academic success of these women?
o The struggle to fulfill cultural roles while working on their education
o Lack of self esteem, never feeling good enough regardless of
accomplishments
o Abuse cyclical and viewed as a normal part of life
42

Research Question One: How did the violence in the home affect their K-12 and
college schooling?

Fear as a constant
Intimate partner violence has a great effect on children. In seventy percent of
domestic violence cases, the batterer abuses the children as well as the partner (Margolin
and Gordis, 2004). Each year more than ten million U.S. children witness physical
aggression between their parents (Margolin and Gordis, 2004). One factor faced by
children in these situations is an elevated level of tension and stress in the family.
Children in violent families many times live in constant fear of injury or death for
themselves and every member of the family. In response to that fear, children become
hyper-vigilant, hoping to monitor adult behavior and provide protection for mother,
siblings and self. In the process, children work to develop coping strategies to avoid or
control the violence, placing overwhelming and impossible demands on
themselves, thus experiencing incredible stress (Rossman & Rosenbaum, 1990).
This constant fear was a common condition described by the participants. They
spoke candidly of living in fear, knowing that at any moment, physical violence could
occur towards them or a loved one. They also talked about their need to serve as the
protector for loved ones. Paula described her daily routines and feelings of fear while
growing up:
When we‘d hear the station wagon coming, ‗cause he had an old station wagon,
we‘d all just run to our rooms, or run to look busy, because if we were sitting
down watching TV, or what have you, then we would be the target…I tried to
hide, I tried to just stay away...your heart starts pounding whenever he‘d come
43

home. I was always afraid of him. You go to bed afraid, because what if he
wakes up and does it again.

Alma spoke painfully of the fear and attempts her and her sisters made to protect
themselves from their father‘s rage:
My sisters and I would think of ways to protect ourselves, we started putting on-
we were so young-we would put on all these pairs of pants. One time I remember
we thought that if we put Vaseline on our legs and added cotton that you know…

Sonia spoke of the daily fear, never knowing when violence would occur:

It was like one of those ticking time bombs, you knew it was going to happen, you
just didn‘t know when. Yeah, I was afraid of him, and to this day, I think he has a
volatile potential to do something.

Yadhira talked about her fear:

I grew up in fear. When other kids were thinking about what are we going to
play? Who are we going to play with? What movie are we going to watch? I was
thinking of what‘s going to happen in my home this weekend.

In the following statement, Jessica described her inability to cope with the daily fear as a
child:
I was constantly depressed and crying. I was afraid to go from one grade to the
next, I was constantly crying. Everything seemed impossible for me to do,
learning seemed impossible to do. I felt like I was drowning. I was afraid to go
home with my homework, because I never knew, it could be easy, or it could be a
hard day. I might have had a good day at school and studied, but if I couldn‘t
come up with the answer on command…it was a scary situation, because I didn‘t
know what could happen.

Leticia described feeling as though she had to serve as a protector for her mother:

…he was beating my mom and he said he was going to kill her, so we hid her
under the mattress. My sisters and I we used to share the bed…the bed was kind
of pushed against the wall, so we hid her. I was really scared. There‘s this look
in them that nothing, reason, nothing will stop them.

44

Viviana stated that being the oldest, she felt she was expected to intervene and protect
others:
I was the one who always intervened because I was the oldest and I felt like I had
to do something. Sometimes, even she would call out for me, like it‘d be in the
middle of the night because he‘d get home at three four in the morning and I‘d be
in bed and I‘d hear them fighting and fighting and fighting, arguing and then
sometimes she would actually call out for me. One time he was trying to choke
her and she yelled out my name so I would come out.

Andrea had a similar experience:

I don‘t think I‘ve ever felt and seen as much fear as I did when in the middle of
the night I heard my mom yelling, suffocating…he had gotten up in the middle of
the night and choked her, was trying to choke her and I could hear her gasping for
air. I remember feeling fear one other time when I came home from school or
wherever I‘d come home from and she had a gash and she said that he had come
at her in the night. At that point I felt fear, because at night I‘d worry about going
to sleep because he was going to wake up and kill her or I would worry about,
there was always fear of leaving my mom, especially with him because I would
fear that he‘d kill her, he‘d be successful.

She further described her feeling of relief and ability to release the fear upon his death:
Yes I mourned him, but I mourned him differently. We had a lot of moments
where we (my mother and I) would talk about him and I would say, ―I know you
loved him, but I‘m at peace now and you should be at peace now because, he‘s no
longer abusing you. He‘s not going to hurt you anymore.‖

Low educational expectations and lack of support from family
When discussing schooling and the importance of it with the participants. Many
spoke of the lack of support, ignorance towards its importance, and neglect of the subject
in general. For example, when asked about her parents‘ involvement in her schooling,
Paula described the following:
He (her father) never asked; show me your report card. He never asked, so he
never knew what we were doing. He was never involved.

45

Viviana stated that schooling was her responsibility:

My mom was never really involved within my school, in my studies…my mom
never really cared so it was just what I managed to do on my own and that was it.

Alma discussed other childhood responsibilities that took precedence and were valued
over education:
My father would beat us for anything, we didn‘t pray enough, we didn‘t clean the
house, it was interesting, because they never once thought about, ―Oh if you don‘t
do your homework we‘ll beat you‖. Homework was last. It was not even
discussed in our household. For them it was free babysitting. You go to school
so they don‘t have to worry about us while they‘re at work.

She went on to describe how her home environment detracted from her ability to focus on
school:

It was hard for me to study… there was so much distraction going on in the
home…I don‘t remember how I studied when I was in elementary, even in Jr.
High, I don‘t remember studying… I don‘t know, I don‘t remember how I did it.

Leticia described the lack of family support for her junior high and high school
graduations:
… to the high school graduation, no one went. I remember when I graduated
junior high, I did get a gown, because I knew it was a big thing, I was graduating
junior high. No one went with me, not a sibling, not my mom, not my dad, so I
walked from my house on San Fernando Rd. to Osborne, with my white gown. I
walked there by myself and at the end of the ceremony, I see families with the
graduates and I‘m there all by myself. It didn‘t even dawn on me that someone
should be with me. I walked back home and no one even knew that was the day
that I graduated.

As described in their own words below, the lack of support and encouragement for
education continued into college for many of the participants.
Paula:
Another thing with my dad was we couldn‘t study at home, obviously, because of
the screaming or what have you, but when we would go to the library, we‘d get in
46

trouble because we weren‘t at the library according to him, ―Libraries don‘t close
so late, you‘re just out there doing whatever, you think that I‘m stupid?‖

Sonia spoke of her family‘s low value of education and ridicule of the one family
member who had attended college:
No one in my family had ever said ―Oh you have to go to college‖ it was never a
cultural idea to go to college, it just wasn‘t. There‘s no one in my family who‘d
gone to college before so it wasn‘t very expected…when I was in school, they
were like okay you‘re in school. No one really ever said ―oh you shouldn‘t go‖,
but going just wasn‘t a practice, none of my mother‘s brothers or sisters went to
college, my dad‘s family, and then the one who did, one of his uncles who‘s a
professor at Stanford, they kind of make fun of him, they say ―Oh he‘s Mr.
Brains‖ or saying things like that. A couple of my mom‘s brothers served in the
military. To them, that was important.

Jessica told of the good Latino family that provides the basic necessities of life:

They were just the good Latino family that was just there. Si tienes hambre, aqui
esta para que tengas de comer (If you‘re hungry, here‘s so you can eat), we
provide you with school and the family part once in a while, but they weren‘t
there to help you out in telling you good job in school, wow, we‘re really proud of
you, you‘re the first one to go to college-Nada (nothing).

Alma and Viviana described their fathers‘ lack of support and trust in their motivations
for going to college:
My father thought that I was just going to college to be with guys, and you know
I‘m some sleazy girl and I‘m just going to college, in his mind—to basically meet
more men—to have a bigger pool of men.

Viviana:

My dad didn‘t want me to go, because he thought I probably wasn‘t going to go to
school and I was just going to mess around.

Andrea and Monica recalled the trouble they had gaining their family‘s understanding of
the need for a college education.

47

Andrea:

I remember when I started college they didn‘t understand why two, three years
had passed and I was still going to school. Like when was it going to end? They
didn‘t understand the whole thing.

Monica:

They didn‘t understand why I was leaving. At that time, none of my relatives or
cousins or brothers or sisters graduated from high school, let alone go to college,
so it was kind of difficult for them to see me doing it. They weren‘t one hundred
percent supportive because they did not want me to go far and it was almost like,
―Wait, who does she think she is?‖ After a while they start like, ―You, college,
now you think you‘re all good, now you think you are better than us.‖ So that
was difficult.

Perpetrator involvement with alcohol and drugs

Several studies have investigated the relationship between substance use and
domestic violence against women. Generally, frequent alcohol use by the male partner
has been found to be associated with increased likelihood of violence in the home (Wilt
& Olson, 1996). These studies coincided with the experiences of the participants. Eight
of the ten participants cited the perpetrators‘ use of drugs or alcohol as an attributor to the
physical abuse.

Alma described her father‘s alcoholism as a disease and strongly attributed the
physical abuse to his drinking:
I guess I should also start by saying that my father‘s an alcoholic, so yeah it
(physical abuse) was daily, I probably didn‘t get beat every day, but somebody
got beat every day. If it wasn‘t my older sister, it was my younger sister and if it
wasn‘t my younger sister, it was my mom.
…yeah, there was some of that too, the obligation of protecting my mother just
making sure that she was okay, even—as crazy as it may sound—even protecting
my dad to make sure that he was okay because I just feel like he has a disease that
he‘s not able to control.
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Paula spoke of her father‘s drinking and the intimidation tactics he used:

Oh yeah, oh yeah, he was always drunk…he‘d get home and just start arguing
first. And then, she knew better, she was quiet, but I guess he‘d repeat whatever it
was, whether it be, whatever he was upset at, he‘d be repeating the same thing
over and over and over until she finally had it, she‘d say something and that‘s
when he‘d get up, he‘d probably throw the plate down, kick the chair, go up to her
even if he didn‘t hit her, just the fact that he would stand right in front of her to
intimidate her and yell at her, it was pretty scary.

Sonia told of finding evidence of drugs in the house and feeling that they contributed to
the violence:

Yeah, well, I don‘t know if all those incidents, if he was on drugs or he was on
or drunk, but I‘m sure there had to have been, I‘m sure he was either on drugs or
alcohol. I never saw him, but there was evidence of it. I remember finding a vile
with you know, with white powder, I‘m sure it was cocaine, in the house. I found
those little Zig Zag papers to roll up marijuana, I found what was in the house it
was you know, accessible.

Viviana and Yadhira described their fathers‘ weekend behaviors after drinking and their
fear and dread of the weekends:
Viviana:

He‘d go out and drink and come home late at night and my mom would be upset
so they‘d get into a huge fight which would always end up in violence
I hated it. I hated living in that house. I dreaded the weekends. I hated the
weekends.…we never saw him Monday through Friday, thank God, and I guess,
normally he would come home and go to sleep and then wake up and then go to
work the next day. But Friday nights he would go out and drink and then come
home and you know, all the drama in the night

Yadhira:

…come Friday my stepdad would start drinking, sometimes he wouldn‘t show up
until very late because he had been out drinking with his friends. I would just
pray that when he showed up he would either be too tired and would just go to
bed or would be in a good mood, because there were those times when he would
be really drunk, but he would be in a good mood, talkative, making jokes. But
49

then there were those times when it was a completely different person, really
mean. We didn‘t know what to expect every weekend.

Research Question Two: What coping strategies did they use as children,
adolescents, and adults to overcome these effects?

School as a Safe Haven

Some children who grew up in homes with IPV strive to overcome family
dysfunction by excelling in school (National Resource Center on Domestic Violence,
2002). In classrooms they experience consistent, predictable environments and excel in
this well ordered arena. They become perfect students and make many friends (National
Resource Center on Domestic Violence, 2002). This was the case for the many of the
participants. When speaking of coping strategies, participants consistently named school
as a haven and a means by which to cope with the violence at home. It was a getaway for
them and some spoke of trying to stay in school longer for the sake of staying away from
the problems at home.

Alma, Marisol, Leticia, Monica and Yadhira all spoke of enjoying school and it serving
as a form of escape from the violence at home.

Alma:

Well for me I think that the way that I saw it is going to school was an escape.
The longer I stayed at school the better, because I didn‘t have to come home and
either be beat again or be verbally abused. I didn‘t have to see all the drama that
was going on. So that‘s kind of what motivated me to be more dedicated in
school it was because I wanted to be more involved, so that would keep me away
from the household.

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Marisol:

For me, I think school was, it always was a way out and I always wanted –like
with my dad, the reason that I didn‘t get so abused was because I listened and I
did everything I was told, and I did the same at school and I was rewarded for it.
I did very well in school. School was everything to me.

Leticia:

Oh, I loved school that was my escape from the violence. School always came
easy for me. So it was, I go there do my thing and go home and forget about
everything. It was very separate…it was always one thing was home and another
thing was school. It was never, I never brought homework or did home things at
school, they were separate.

Monica

In terms of coming to school, it was my safe place, it was my haven, so I loved
coming to school. But…I wasn‘t able to focus. If I were taking a test, I‘d be
thinking about how to plan my get away or how do I make up a story to stay
longer in school and not go home… I didn‘t want to go home, I call it home, but it
wasn‘t a home. It was just going to their house and being miserable there, fearing
that I was going to be hit smacked, or whatever and my sister too and I just didn‘t
want to feel that way. It felt better being at school, I had good friends, and I had
teachers.

Yadhira:

School was where I focused all of my energy. I figured I didn‘t have anything
going for me at home, let me at least do well in school. I did well in school.
From elementary and all through high school I was top student. I enjoyed school.
It kept me away from what was going on. What I dreaded was three o‘clock,
afterschool I didn‘t have anything to look forward to. While in school, I had good
friends I used to hang out with good groups of people, I had good teachers I was
always very attentive and did well.

Detachment

Abusive childhood experiences have been shown to disrupt the attachment process
(Cloitre, Cohen & Scarvalone, 2002). Consequently, the interpersonal schemas that these
51

children bring with them to adulthood tend to be negative (Cloitre, et. al, 2002). The
theme of detachment was repeated in participants‘ interviews when they spoke of
strategies for coping.
Paula spoke of how she coped with her father‘s abuse:
I think just tried to stay away from him really, that‘s all I can remember, he‘d
come—I‘d hide.

Jessica consciously detached herself from her parents and their acceptance of abuse:

I really had to come to terms with—I don‘t care anymore, I really don‘t, I‘m not
going to let you(parents) bother me or affect me in my life that way anymore. I
really had to detach myself from my parents, you‘re my family and I respect you.
Like my mom always said, she gave me life. I wouldn‘t be in this world without
her. Yet I can‘t continue, in the same way that I allow you (parents) to affect me
(with abuse) it‘s the same as being in an abusive relationship because I‘ve
allowed you to do that and I can‘t allow you that.

Andrea described detachment as an early coping mechanism:

I don‘t know, probably about ten, eleven(years old) and the way I coped with it
then was just locking myself up in my room. So, just shutting the door and
turning on my music, shutting it all out. My room was my safe haven. Once I
went in there I shut the door, I wouldn‘t come out. On the weekends I wouldn‘t
come out for days. I‘d be watching TV on my own and come out when my dad
wasn‘t there. When he would act up or if he was home, I didn‘t want to be
anywhere near him I didn‘t want to smell his alcohol. I would rather just stay in
my room. Another thing is I totally detached myself from him. I would hardly
talk to him. I would talk to him when I had to.

She also described how it affected their relationship as she grew older:

I think I was probably about seventeen or eighteen and at that point, I became my
mother‘s protector. I would not let him come near her, as long as I was there, he
couldn‘t and he hated me for that. He hated me so much because I suddenly
became this person who stood up to him and wouldn‘t allow him to take out his
frustrations with her and I separated myself from him as well.

Alma and Marisol also spoke of detachment as a form of coping, but described more of a
detachment from their own feelings, rather than a particular person:
52

I didn‘t have coping strategies, I didn‘t know how to cope. I‘ve noticed that it‘s
affected my personality even now, because when something happens, I just keep
it in and repress it. And that affects—now that I‘m older, it affects my health
because I can‘t keep things in bottled up because then it just starts showing up
physically. Like oh you know what happens at home—ignore it as long as I was at
school and I had a good time and I was practicing dance, I was okay. I think that
repressing, like I just said, I kept everything in. I have a hard time expressing
myself, that‘s still a problem now; I have a very hard time expressing myself.

Marisol:

I know my coping mechanism is numbness. I had to learn how to get away from
that because you can‘t just be passive about stuff, but, I think my mechanism was
just to be numb to it.

Mentors
Another recurrent theme was that of going to mentors or teachers as a form of
support and coping strategy. Paula described feeling safe with an ESL teacher and using
her time in class as a form of therapy for coping:
Just being pulled out to go to her classroom, it was a safe environment. She spoke
the language. I remember her having a lot of things to be occupied with. Yeah,
sounds like therapy, back then I didn‘t feel it, but now that I think back at it it‘s
like yeah that was the safety room where she understood you.

Sonia spoke of peer mentors in middle school and teacher mentors in high school:
She was the coach for drill team and that‘s how I met her and she became like a
mentor. She told me about ―Oh yeah, I‘m going to college, I‘m going to be a
teacher‖ and I was like, Oh my gosh, I want to be like you. At the high school
there was also, I don‘t know what type of a coordinator she was. She was like
maybe like a drop-out prevention coordinator and so the counselor at the middle
school had put me in contact with her so she really kept me involved and really
looked after me there at the high school.

53

Alma credits her friends and their families with really helping her cope through college
and being supportive in her education. She stated they were the reason she was able to
block out family problems and focus on education:
I think that‘s where the friends came into play. I had a lot of friends that were
very supportive and my friends were very disciplined and very driven. So I think
that‘s what kept me motivated, their support. The reason that I survived through
college was because I mostly was going and spending the night at all my friends‘
houses. I was always over at their dorm or apartment. There‘s been friends, that
I would always go to their house and it‘s funny because their parents see me like
their daughter because I was there so long—so often. Even parents of my friends
were supportive and tried to help me out. I think my friends definitely made a big
difference.

Viviana discussed her friends and aunt as forms of coping strategies:
I had a lot of friends and I had an aunt who was really good. My aunt, his sister,
his younger sister, she was really good. I remember crying to her a lot, but she
would help. I think honestly, it may sound stupid, but I think the boyfriend thing
must have helped, because I think I always had a boyfriend so there was always
some kind of excitement in my life, like a little something nice. I think that kept
me off what I was going through or whatever time that was.

Monica:

I wrote in my diary. And I would call my mentor and tell her what happened and
talk, this was after she reported it (abuse). Before she reported it, and I was just
dealing with it myself, it was just writing in the diary and that‘s it.

Research Question Three: Once in college, what was the motivation to persist and
complete their education?

Self Drive
When speaking of the motivation to persist and complete their college education, the
participants attributed much to self-drive. They spoke of having this intrinsic obligation
54

to finish what was started and of quitting never being an option. The excerpts below give
more detailed explanations.
Sonia:
I never felt like quitting, because I felt I had started this, this was something that I
wanted and I didn‘t want to feel like I had to ever struggle or rely on any one to
get the things that I want, or to have a home.

Alma:

That‘s the thing, its self drive. I think reading books and just seeing, just
understanding that there was career people and that those people seemed to live
normal lives, that they didn‘t have to—and I think money was a big factor, I
knew, since I was a little kid, my mom would always say that she couldn‘t leave
my dad because she didn‘t have any education and that she didn‘t have any
money.

Yeah, there was no way—no looking back, I had to get through. It took me a long
time to get through… it took me seven years. I struggled, but I got through. I
think that it was the answer in my head it was like I have to finish. I have to be
college educated; I have to be able to support myself. That was my goal that was
it, I need to finish.

When asked if she had ever thought of quitting college, Viviana responded as follows:

No. Considering—I got pregnant after my first year of college and it never
occurred to me. I knew –I was determined to finish and at no matter what the
price was, I needed to finish.

Marisol who also had a child while in college gave her response:

It did get difficult, but I never thought about quitting. When I had my daughter it
was hard because I did move in with my husband.

Monica spoke of the determination to please her deceased mother:

I think really the key of really what makes me different is going back to when my
mother died, she did tell me that out of all four of us (siblings) she did see me as
being the more responsible and when she died, her last words were that she was
counting on me to take care of the family. So in the back of my mind, I just
always thought that I have to do it, I have to do it, because she relied on me. It
55

was long term but, what did it was just determination. I kept remembering what
my mother said, ―You‘re the one that‘s going to be successful‖

Yadhira recalled having to come home, but knowing she still would finish school:

I had to come home because he (stepdad) couldn‘t work. It was only my mom
working they have the mortgage payment, the bills, so at that point, I didn‘t have
a choice. I had to come back and help the family. I transferred to Cal State LA.
To me, my education was still important to me, I had to come back, but I knew I
had to finish one way or another. So right away, I didn‘t even skip a beat, I
enrolled at Cal State LA within the next year and a half, two years I finished my
degree.

Mentors/School Programs

The women in this study spoke of sibling mentors, peer mentors, professors they
admired, and programs that supported them as motivations to complete their college
education. They spoke of these mentors and programs guiding them in their college
choices, helping them select classes and holding them to a standard of high expectations.
Paula and Viviana described family members as mentors:

Paula:

My sister did go on, she did go to college, and she was the first one that finished,
and she was always checking up on me and my younger brother in high school
making sure we took the right classes. Especially my brother, the one that I‘m
after, he was always pushing, you know, ―You have to do good. Are you taking
this class? Are you taking that class? Have you talked to a counselor?‖ I finally
decided. I thought I would let everybody down. My brother being he was at
UCLA with his girlfriend and just the fact that I had them there to hold my hand, I
was able to do okay. If I had been by myself, maybe it would‘ve been different I
don‘t know. But I felt secure. And then I‘d think of my mom and how
throughout high school it was like ―oh don‘t—leave this here, don‘t help me‖
sometimes I‘d try to help, and ―No go finish your work, go do your work‖ (with
my mom) it was always school, school, school, school first. ―Did you finish your
homework?‖ And I thought, you know what, I need to do something, I need to
show something for it.

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Viviana:

...my tia, that same aunt, she would always tell me that school was so important
and she really instilled that in me. She bought me a typewriter, so she would talk
to me a lot about school. And then when I was twelve, I babysat for a lady who
was a nurse and so she would also tell me.

Yadhira discussed how she and her friends, some in similar abusive households
encouraged each other to hang in there and finish school to get out of the abuse:
My friends, in high school I hung out with a really good group of girls. To this
day we keep in touch. We are all successful, we all have our college degrees and
we helped each other out. It was like healthy competition. We were all about
school and with that group in particular, what I liked is that there were a couple of
other girls going through the same thing I was.

(She was in) The same situation, dad was very loud and tried to pick a fight with
mom and I let her know that I knew what she was going through. That‘s how we
started sharing stories and helping each other out saying hang in there, what can
we do, that‘s why we‘re going to school so we can get out of this mess.

Andrea esteemed her past boyfriend and acknowledged him as a motivation and mentor
for her:

I met my M_______. He was very, very smart. He had a lot to do with me
staying in school. First of all, his dad worked at the school so I got free parking
which helped and priority registration. He was always helping me with my
homework always very involved and he motivated me. He made me feel like I
was smart by saying if I can do it, you can do it. There‘s nothing that can hold
you back. For me he was one of the smartest persons I went out with. He
motivated me, the things he was talking about were things I wanted to know
about.

Sonia, Jessica, Andrea and Monica described professors they admired and programs that
offered them support:
Sonia:

I must have been part of a program like EOP or some type of program, where the
first two years they kept in touch with me. But they really you know, how‘s it
going? How are your classes? How do you like this teacher? Have you bought
your books yet, are you getting ready to register? What kind of classes, they
57

would help me do my program and it was a one on one session. So they really
helped the first two years.

Jessica:

I was blessed in a sense that I had certain professors …They became my family. I
remember professors asking me how did you do this semester? It‘s not like it was
my parents asking me, but it came to the point that I didn‘t want to let them down
either because they expect something out of me and I had never ever had that
because my parents really never expected me to go to college. I never had to let
them down. But them (my professors) I would be letting them down. I always
had that relationship with them, my professors; I would be letting them down.
They would be constantly (telling me) well, this is how we went about doing
things, so that‘s how I started to realize oh I could do this. When I graduated
from getting my BA they were like okay what are you going to do now? I
remember I was like this is it, this is it for me and they were like no, no, no, this
isn‘t it for you. You have to consider getting your master‘s you have to consider
getting your PhD or law school or this or that they became that for me because
they were the ones telling me this or that.

Andrea:

When I started taking classes at the university, that‘s when I met all of these
women with similar backgrounds as I. They were so smart and so passionate
about what they were doing, what they were lecturing on. They were so
knowledgeable as professors and that was empowering for me. I was like wow! I
want to be like that. I want to give back! I want to be a part of this; I want to
influence people, young Latinas, young Latinos.

Monica:

…my mentor, my teacher, she kept telling me without education you will not be
able to get a job that is sustainable that is long term, that moves you up. She was
the one that kept instilling those things in me. Throughout college, she‘d call me
and ask, ―Are you okay?‖ She would send me cards, she would send me fruit
baskets for finals, here‘s your fruit, eat, are you doing okay?

I went through the EOP program and I was lucky, the second week I got a job
offer in that office and there was a lot of Latinos around. Again, I didn‘t talk to
anybody about my life, but I felt really good with them. They were very
supportive and would motivate me academically. Oh… absolutely, throughout
college, they were a support system.

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Wanting better for themselves/Not wanting to be like their mothers

The women spoke of consciously knowing that the childhood they grew up in was not
normal. Per their responses, a strong motivation for finishing school was that of wanting
better for their families and for their own futures. A strong trend throughout were
feelings of not wanting to end up in the same situation as their mothers.

For Viviana, wanting to provide a better life for her mother was a strong motivation to
stay in school:
That was what I always thought, ―I‘m going to go to school, I‘m going to have
money, so that I can take my mom away from this, I‘m going to take her on
vacations, I‘m going to do this for her, I‘m going to buy her this, I‘m going to buy
her that, that‘s what it was, to do it for my mom.

Marisol touched on the same theme, wanting a better future for her family and needing
money to achieve that:
I wanted to bring my family out of poverty. My mom had eight kids, one was in
Mexico and the rest of us here and we always grew up in poor conditions. So my
biggest thing was to make a lot of money and take her (mom) out of it.

Yadhira spoke of a better future and serving as a role model to other family members as a
motivation for her to finish school:
I thought about the future, what this could mean for me and the family in the long
run and I think if I‘m a good role model to my younger cousins and siblings, I
could benefit the family. Most importantly just to stop this cycle.

Leticia recalled her summer work and how difficult it was. She felt the arduous work
motivated her to finish school so she would not have to do this work the rest of her life:
You know what helped me? It was those factory jobs and then during the summer
I would work at a packing company in Bakersfield packing carrots. In the back of
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your mind you say well maybe if I go to school, I don‘t have to do this, because
it‘s so humiliating, I mean really, really backbreaking work. So I thought maybe I
wouldn‘t have to do it. During the summer I would do that, go there and leave the
family and stay there with these migrant workers the whole week and just come
home on the weekends

Sonia wanted better for herself and did not want to rely on anyone to maintain her own
lifestyle:
I never really, I wanted not to be, I don‘t know if this is the right thing to say, but
sometimes I feel, I didn‘t want to continue what my family had begun. I wanted
something different for myself than that. I just knew that I wanted to go to
school, because I saw what when my mom divorced my father the struggle,
financial struggle that she was going through. She relied so much on his income
to maintain that lifestyle that we had.

Alma stated she saw education as her savior and as a way to avoid falling into the same
situation her mother was in:
The only savior was education, at least in my eyes. That was my thing. For me
the way I saw it is, I have to work harder, so I have to make sure that I will never
end up in the situation that my mom was in. I think reading books and just
seeing, just understanding that there was career people and that those people
seemed to live normal lives, that they didn‘t have to—and I think money was a
big factor, I knew, since I was a little kid, my mom would always say that she
couldn‘t leave my dad because she didn‘t have any education and that she didn‘t
have any money. I‘m not educated I don‘t have any money, I only clean houses,
and what am I going to do with you three kids?

Andrea‘s sister fell into an abusive relationship and that served as Andrea‘s motivation to
finish school:
My sister at that point was pregnant I think with her second child. We had
discovered at that point that she was also in an abusive relationship and she
couldn‘t leave because she depended on him. I thought this fear of being
dependent on someone was never ever for me. So the only thing I could do was
go back to school and get a career. Go back and finish. Get myself to a point
where I told myself I will never be like that, because to me that was the worst
thing to have to be in a situation because you depend on someone.

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Research Question Four: What role did the Latino culture play in the academic
success of these women?
This question aimed to find aspects of the Latino culture that contributed to the
women‘s academic success. When asked this question, every participant responded to it
with ways in which the Latino culture provided barriers to their academic success. The
reaction was that the culture‘s role in their success was for the most part, a negative one.
There were a few exceptions, as part of their responses, three of the participants did add
that the Latino culture stressed hard work and perseverance and that those were positive
contributions to their success. However, the responses to this question overwhelming
discussed the difficulties encountered within the Latino culture when trying to achieve
academic success. The participants‘ experiences with these difficulties are detailed
below.

The struggle to fulfill cultural roles while working on their college education
Latinas in this study found themselves trying to balancing their educational goals and
fulfill cultural expectations projected by their families:

Alma spoke of not being able to live away from home because she was not married and
this is not accepted in the Latino culture:
I feel like it‘s not a choice it‘s just part of our culture it‘s engrained in you. You
start thinking about like I said the traditional stuff, I can‘t be out of the house
because I‘m not married and all that stuff. But it‘s crazy, because even after I was
able to leave, I came back, and that‘s where I think has always been the problem,
because again, that culture, that you have to come back. I‘m not married, how are
you going to live by yourself, all this stuff still kind of affected me.

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Paula had a similar experience and because moving away from home without being
married was not acceptable in her culture, she did not go away to college as she would
have liked.
I was accepted to UCSB also and I wish I would have gone. Now that I know
better, I should‘ve just gone. I didn‘t even ask him (my dad), I just mentioned it.
I was afraid to mention it as it is. And I never moved out. I was afraid to move
out. (Brother‘s Name) was the only one that moved out for college reasons,
everyone else was married first.

Leticia thought of abandoning her college education to tend to her culture‘s first priority,
marriage:
I thought, ―I don‘t have to do that. I‘m going to get married and that‘s going to be
the end of it.‖ So I didn‘t care. I cared, but not as much…I thought, ―I‘m getting
married anyways, so I won‘t have to finish it. It was why are you going to school,
you‘re going to get married anyway?

When asked, did you ever think you should wait until you finish college to get married?
Leticia responded the following:
No, that didn‘t cross my mind either. This is what you do, actually, the reason I
got married at twenty two is because I thought I was too old already. And if I
waited more -seriously, that was so stupid! I would not have found a suitor or I
would not have found somebody who would look at me, because look at you,
you‘re already twenty two! I remember I was such a failure; I was twenty two
and not married yet. There‘s got to be something wrong with me, because others
were eighteen, nineteen and I‘m twenty two, so there must be something wrong
with me.

Jessica spoke of the culture valuing marriage and children above education:

When I told my mom I was thinking about… going on with school and getting my
doctorate, and I think I still do in some odd way and I remember my mom saying
really that‘s what you want to do? I don‘t know, I think you should get married
and have kids, I would feel so much better then. I remember I said, mom I don‘t
want to have this conversation with you and she was like ―porque, te vas a quedar
sola‖ (You are going to be all alone).

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Viviana and Marisol spoke about being young mothers in college and trying to fulfill
cultural expectations of motherhood while working on a college degree:

Viviana:

That was very difficult. People, everybody would say how proud they were but
then, they didn‘t understand that because you‘re going to school you‘re not able to
fulfill other things that we should be doing and that was really hard. Especially
after I had Jessica, my mom would criticize me because I wouldn‘t cook. She
would talk about me with my mother in law she doesn‘t cook, she doesn‘t do this.
That was hard. I remember having to go to therapy for that.

Marisol:

For me it was hard to stay in school and not be there with my daughter. I felt the
pressure more from my mother-in-law. She‘s very traditional, she did things
right, and she actually was the one who pushed me to re-evaluate what I was
getting out of college…because of the stereotypes that they expect you to be at
home with your child. At that point I was still pre-med, I was taking classes
staying there leaving at seven o‘ clock in the morning coming back at seven o‘
clock at night. I got that from her (don‘t go to college), but I couldn‘t just quit, so
I started looking into what I wanted for my future, because I didn‘t want to be
away from my child.

Andrea‘s mother prioritized having a husband and family over anything else, viewing
other accomplishments as futile:
That has a lot to do with why she stood in that relationship, because for her that
was accomplishment, because she kept her family together. I told her that I
choose to not be dependent on someone. She said, Oh, how happy can you be,
you have a great career you say, and you have a house, but you‘re alone. How
much of an accomplishment do you have there?

Andrea went on to speak of being chastised for going out with friends instead of being at
home with her son:
She was saying why are you going out? Why are you leaving your son? What
are people going to say? What kind of mom are you? She said, No, you
shouldn‘t be going out, you should be home being a mom. That‘s what you
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decided-- to be a mom and you work and you should take care of your son and
that‘s the way it should be. And to me it was like wow because still to this day
mom, you don‘t realize that I have accomplished a lot. Because I‘m not married,
I‘m not accomplished in my life. It was just like I‘m a grown woman and I know
enough to know that that‘s the way she was raised and I have to respect that.

Alma was conflicted with wanting to be a good daughter and help the family and needing
to study and prepare herself for college:
I think the biggest barrier, and I think that‘s why it took me so long to get through
college was putting my family problems aside, because even though I wasn‘t
being physically beat, I was still going through verbal abuse even when I was in
college and I was seeing what was going on with my mom, and again, because of
our culture I feel like—even now---I can not not be there. I have to be there
because I‘m their daughter, they rely on me and unfortunately, it‘s such an
unhealthy environment. It‘s not a conducive environment for studying; you‘re not
even in the right mindset.

Lack of self esteem, never feeling good enough regardless of accomplishments, wanting
to please perpetrator

Throughout the study the participants spoke of never feeling quite worthy regardless of
their accomplishments. They commonly looked for approval from their perpetrators‘ and
continued to lack self esteem when the approval was not available.

Vivivana recalled trying to gain her father‘s approval as a little girl:

I guess I must‘ve loved him a lot, despite the way he was because I would try to
please him. I remember cleaning the house and thinking, maybe when he comes
home he‘ll say ―Oh you did such a good job!‖ It wouldn‘t happen, he didn‘t even
notice.

Paula articulated her pain at her father‘s reaction to her college graduation and lack of
approval in the following excerpt:
He didn‘t come to my graduation. I was even afraid to ask if he could come to my
graduation and I got the response that I expected which was he said he‘s gone to—I‘m
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going to start crying—he said he‘s already gone to so many graduations. What could be
different (about mine)? He was watching TV....I tried not to let it bother me, but in the
back of my mind it‘s always been…Yeah, he never believed we were doing anything
good. He never trusted us and he never believed in us.

Jessica told of her father‘s lack of confidence in her being a participant in the honors
convocation:
I remember there was controversy too because I had graduated with honors at
CSUN but I didn‘t get my invitation to the honors convocation stuff and I called
admission and records and said I never got this. So at the end I ended up showing
up to the honors convocation, but you know how you‘re allowed to invite your
professors, well I never got to do that. At the time, my dad was working nights so
he had to take time off to go to the honors thing and my mom had asked him are
you going? He was like, well she didn‘t get an invitation and at that point, I
remember my dad telling my mom it‘s because she didn‘t deserve it. She must‘ve
not deserved it. And I was like I‘m not going to validate that comment.

Paula shared how despite having good grades, she did not feel she belonged in college,
she did not feel ―good‖ enough:
I really didn‘t think I was going to get in. I didn‘t see myself as college bound I
guess, I was intimidated. And then see, I was in the magnet program, but I would
compare myself to the ones that were doing very good, getting high GPA and
good grades and stuff and I didn‘t see myself as being college bound, until I
applied. He—the counselor told me that I could never be a doctor—why would I
want to be a doctor—he says you don‘t have the grades for it. And that was the
last time I went to him or to anybody I guess in my mind I‘m thinking I can‘t be
what I really want to be. I‘m not good enough.

Alma had to consistently remind herself of her accomplishments and her survival to
prevent from comparing herself to others and falling short:
I‘m very hard on myself in my success and sometimes I measure myself because
my friends are a lot more successful—in my eyes—they‘re a lot more successful
than I am, but I have to bring myself to reality and say, but they didn‘t live (like
me). Yes, that‘s what I need to keep on reminding myself and that‘s why I always
think about ―Oh it‘s okay Alma, you may not be as successful as other people‖
but again, I do feel like I survived. I did survive.

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Marisol and Andrea felt regret that their fathers (perpetrators) passed away and were not
able to see their accomplishments:
Marisol:

It was a very special moment for me to graduate and his family was there, my
grandma, my grandpa, my aunt, my cousins, so he did come around as a memory.
I wish he was there to see that.

Andrea:

To me that was heartbreaking because he didn‘t get to see what I became. He had
already died. I had become a teacher. He died November 98‘ no November 99‘
and I had just gotten hired. He didn‘t get to see my accomplishments and that
hurts, that hurts a lot because to me I felt that he should see! I felt that he always
thought I wouldn‘t accomplish anything. At least my sister had gone off and
gotten married and had kids. But me, I was still going to school, and he didn‘t get
to see my son.

Abuse as cyclical and viewed as a normal part of life
During the interview, some participants spoke of not knowing the abuse at home was
considered violence until they were older. They spoke of it being normal for their family
and continuing on through the generations:

Paula:

I thought it was normal. Yeah, I never thought of it as violence until much later
now, like wait a minute, that was abuse. I didn‘t know any better. I didn‘t know
my mom shouldn‘t be hit and shouldn‘t have to cater to him all the time.

Sonia explained the cycle of abuse on her mother‘s side and of having a similar
relationship with her father as that of her mother‘s and grandfather‘s:
I believe my mother‘s father, my grandfather, he was an alcoholic, he was very
abusive, and then my mom and her father, don‘t have, they never had a good
relationship based on that my mom was the older sibling, saw everything that was
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happening and you know, now I see my relationship with my father, it‘s very
similar to my mom, and it‘s like, oh my Gosh, I wanted all these things to stop,
but I guess we only have so much control.

Sonia also had a heart wrenching conversation with her father about the childhood abuse
he suffered:
My father he had his shirt off one day and he had these scars on his back, like
whip scars so I had asked him ―Wow, what happened to your back?‖ He said that
when he was a little boy, he was born here in California, his mother sent him to
Mexico to live with his grandparents and his grandparents didn‘t like him. This is
what he said, they didn‘t like him nor his sister, this is the same aunt who was
very abusive to my cousin, that they would get constant beatings all of the time.
And those were some of the scars, that they had hit him with the whip. That he
was always constantly getting beaten every day, because they didn‘t like him,
they didn‘t love him, so he was always being abused. So when I would see him
doing that to my mom—I made that connection really young, he‘s doing that
because that‘s what was done to him when he was a young boy.

Alma told of her mother growing up in El Salvador in an abusive household believing
that partner violence is a normal part of marriage:
So my mom, and now I talk to her about—for her, this is normal, well now she
understands because she‘s here in America, but if she would have stayed in El
Salvador—that would be normal life for her. My grandfather and my
grandmother lived the same life. My grandfather was not an alcoholic, but he was
very abusive—on my mom‘s side of the family. On my dad‘s side of the family,
my grandfather was an alcoholic and he also was very abusive to his wife and his
kids and my dad used to get beat when he was a little kid. That‘s why I don‘t
really blame my father for beating us, because again, he grew up seeing—that‘s
how his father punished them, he beat them for everything. My mom, same thing,
she got beat for anything. She didn‘t work enough, she looked at her dad the
wrong way, she got beat. For them, they think it‘s normal.

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Reflection

In interviewing these women, my original purpose was to find answers. I was
in search of reasons as to why these ten women had achieved their academic
success, despite having experienced violence in the home. What made them
different? Why weren‘t they falling in line with the general statistics? As an
educator, I was in search of this information for the intent of reproducing these
terms in hopes of gaining success for young Latinas currently in the same
situations, many of whom are a part of our school systems today.
My original objective was accomplished and through these interviews, I was
able to find answers to my research questions. Yet, the gains I achieved were
much more profound. While interviewing these women, I was continually
impressed and amazed at their resiliency and their bravery. I was so proud to see
this ―theory‖ of the academically successful Latina overcoming the barriers of
growing up in a violent home as a reality. The participants‘ experiences gave a
true light to this reality.
Through their stories, I was able to capture commonalities of experiences,
emotions, and methods of coping. In chapter five I will discuss the implications
of this gained knowledge and make connections to the literature discussed in
chapter two. I will also make recommendations for improving the academic
achievements of Latina youth growing up in violent homes.

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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE, RECOMMENDATIONS FOR
FUTURE RESEARCH AND CONCLUDING REFLECTION
My first memory that I have as a child, I was five years old and we were
living in an apartment and my father had a 357 magnum and he-I don‘t
know why he was arguing with my mom, but he pulled it out and was
ready to shoot her right there. That‘s the first memory I have.

Introduction

Alma‘s frightening childhood memory reflects the horror of growing up with violence
in the home. How distressing to know that Alma‘s first childhood memory is one that
includes a severe act of violence. Alma is not alone. All of the Latinas in this study are
testaments to childhood memories plagued by acts of violence and a complete sense of
fear. Despite the horrors of growing up with consistent violence in the home, Alma and
her counterparts in this study exhibited the resiliency and strength which enabled them to
create their own path; one which rejected deficit cultural trends and the violence they
grew up with and fostered their gain of academic success and a better life in general.
The objective of this qualitative study was to ascertain coping strategies that these
Latinas used to overcome the many barriers of growing up with violence in the home to
the point that they achieved academic success. In hopes of having these coping strategies
revealed, an in-depth view into their lives, their thought processes, and their sentiments
was taken. The purpose of this examination was not only to sympathize with their pain
and revel in their courage, but most importantly, to also reveal the coping strategies that
empowered these women to overcome their disturbing plights.
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This chapter begins with a connection of the findings in chapter four to the literature
reviewed in chapter two. The concepts of Latino culture and IPV, barriers to college
completion and retention theories will be reviewed and compared to the findings of the
study. Implications for practice and recommendations for future research are discussed
and a concluding reflection completes this chapter.

Analysis of Findings
Latino Culture and IPV
Although not always directly stated, the effects of the Latino culture on the
participants‘ experiences with IPV in the home were apparent. The notions of
acculturation, Machismo and Marianismo in relation to IPV were consistent undertones
throughout the interviews.
Kaufman Kantor and Straus, (1993) support the ―wanting more‖ theory. This theory
asserts that acculturation causes Latinos to strive for higher economic aspirations, thus
leading to frustrations and stress which are then expressed in various forms of violence.
The women in this study were mostly second generation immigrants. Their families were
all living in California and very much trying to fit in with mainstream American culture.
In nine of the ten cases studied, the perpetrator of the violence was the father. Despite
their fathers‘ violent natures, the women in this study described their fathers as assiduous
workers and conscientious providers. Their fathers served as the main providers in the
home and faced the stress of supporting their families in an unknown country with little
to no education.
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The confirmation of the ―wanting more‖ theory was repeatedly noted during the
interviews when the participants described the trigger for violence as random. They
spoke of it being attributed to a noisy home environment, the lack of a warm dinner, the
need to argue, whatever the reason, it was generally not consistent; the trigger could be
anything at any time. It is very possible that the triggers were none of the above
mentioned reasons, but in fact fell more in line with Kaufman Kantor & Strauss‘s (1993)
conjecture of stress and frustration related to their fathers‘ attempts at achieving
acculturation.
Caetano, et. al (2000), theorizes that levels of alcohol consumption increase in
accordance with levels of stress caused by acculturation. An unswerving correlation of
alcohol use and violence was apparent in this study. The women spoke of their fathers
alcohol use leading to violence in the home, at family functions and public venues. In
Alma‘s situation, it became so severe that the family simply stopped inviting them to
functions for fear of her father‘s drinking and propensity towards violence.
The women described weekends as a consecutive period used by their fathers for
drinking and a more prone time for violence in their home. They spoke of dreading the
weekends. Even as children, they understood the strong correlation between their
fathers‘ drinking and the physical abuse that occurred in their home. They were
cognizant of the fact that if father was drinking there was a very real possibility of
violence that day.
As substantiated by the interviews, the acculturation of Latinos can be a frustrating and
stressful process, particularly for the father figures who serve as the family provider. In
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six of the ten cases studied, the father was the sole provider for the household. In the
other four cases, the mothers worked, but only to provide additional support, the father
remained the main provider for the family. The role of the family provider and thus, the
foundation for the family‘s acculturation is demanding. In dealing with this demanding
role, the fathers in this study resorted to traditional gender roles and Machismo attitudes
by which to run their households.
The concepts of Machismo and Marianismo were also prevalent in the participants‘
accounts of their experiences. Machismo, described by Perilla, Bakman and Norris,
(1994) is characterized by aggressiveness, sexual prowess, and seeking of power on
behalf of the Latino male. The term Marianismo is derived from the Virgin Mary
(Perilla, 1999) and refers to traditional roles expected of Latina women. Its premise is
that women are better at tolerating pain and suffering than men (Santiago, 2004).
Characteristics of Marianismo include submissiveness, self sacrifice and dependence
(Comas-Diaz, 1987).
Machismo characteristics of exaggerated maleness and physical superiority and force
(Lugo, 1985) were evident in participants‘ stories. The most obvious manner by which
Machismo was employed was by the physical abuse that each participant was victim of or
witness to.
Machismo was also displayed in the manner by which males in the participants‘
households were treated and in the manner by which the males reacted to the abuse.
Alma‘s father, whom was one of the most aggressive abusers in this study, continually
beat on the women in the household. Alma spoke of having a younger brother who was
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never beat because he was male. No one ever questioned this or held resentment towards
the brother; they simply understood that being male, he did not have to suffer the physical
abuse as did the females in the household. Another participant, Paula, retold incidents of
her father seriously beating her mother and recalled that her two older brothers, whom
she feels could have stopped her father, simply stood by and watched the abuse--
―They were just standing there, watching, doing nothing, saying nothing!‖
This acceptance of abuse by the males in the household further supports Machismo as an
embedded part of the Latino culture.
In reviewing the interviews, it was apparent that Machismo was a part of life for the
majority of the participants. Aside from being physically abused, the females in the
households were not encouraged to continue their education. Some of the participants
were told that women who continued their education were ―slutty‖ and only went to
school to have a larger pool of men to date, or to ―mess around‖. In accordance with
Abalos, (1986) the women in this study were told that if they ever planned to be married
they should focus on that and not waste their time in school. The reasoning being that if
a woman married, she would stay home, watch the children, cook and clean; therefore an
education was unnecessary.
In the Latino culture, Marianismo is the counterpart to Machismo. Thus, a man who
subscribes to Machismo will very much expect his female counterpart to portray the
characteristics of Marianismo. In the majority of the interviews examined in this case
study, the mothers did indeed subscribe to Marianismo. They were submissive in
character. They accepted the physical abuse imposed upon them as if it were a normal
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element of marriage. Participants stated that their mothers generally sided with their
fathers even in situations where the violence was out of hand. Yadhira recalled a time
when her father beat her mother so severely that Yadhira feared for her mother‘s life.
She called the police and they responded with a visit to the house. After her father was
arrested, her mother, covered with cuts and bruises, scolded Yadhira and told her it was
not her business to intervene. Yadhira was reprimanded for trying to save her mother‘s
life.
The physical abuse reported in these interviews was severe. The wives in these
families were threatened and abused with guns, knives and other objects. They were
choked, and their lives were explicitly threatened. Despite this, the impact of
Marianismo upon the Latino culture, specifically the idea of self sacrifice, is so
significant that in only one of the ten cases studied, did the wife actually leave the
abusive situation and seek out a divorce. In all of the other cases, it was noted through
the participants‘ responses, that the mothers subscribed to Marianismo and believed they
were sacrificing themselves for their family‘s sake. When asked by the participants why
they stayed, the mothers had what they saw as viable explanations for not leaving the
abusive situation. Some stated that they had no education and would have nowhere to go
if they left the situation. Others stated that it was more important to keep their family
together than to worry about the incidents of abuse. Some held that they were married,
and this came with the territory.
Interestingly so, the women in this study were subjected to these elements of the
Latino culture throughout their childhood, but for the most part, did not subscribe to it as
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adults. The women spoke of making note of men with power trips, men who drank too
much, men who were considered macho and making a very conscious effort to stay away
from those types. Some went so far as to say that when dating they looked for someone
completely opposite their father. The women also stated that they were now sentient of
the fact that an abusive relationship is not the norm and would make sure to not ―end‖ up
like their mothers.

Barriers to College Completion
During the interviews participants consistently named fiscal troubles as a barrier to
completing college. Gandara (1995) found that women in her study felt they would not
have been able to complete their education without the help of financial aid programs.
The findings in this study were similar. All of the participants in this study benefited
from some sort of financial aid and but for the help, they felt they would not have been
able to complete their education. Sonia, Monica, Andrea, Leticia and Yadhira related to
having to work full time jobs in order to afford college even with the help of financial
aid. They worked long hours, sometimes until one in the morning and then went to
school. These women attended college intermittently, taking some semesters off because
they could not afford the tuition. Although they did achieve their college education, they
spoke of it taking them longer than average to finish because of these financial hardships.
Ginorio & Huston (2001) state that family financial troubles may cause Latinas to find
work rather than go to college in an attempt to assist the family financially. Leticia,
Monica, and Yadhira could all relate to this trend. They all felt the need to assist their
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family and did take breaks from school in order to provide monetary support to their
families. Of the ten participants, only two moved out of the Los Angeles area to attend
college. Monica originally attended San Diego State and Yadhira originally attended UC
Davis. In both cases, they transferred out of their original school, and attended a
university near their home so that they would be able to be closer to their families and be
better able to help financially.
Gandara (1992) contends that if the Latino student does not have the family‘s financial
and emotional support than the family serves as a barrier to academic success. As
reported by the participants, none had complete family support for achieving a higher
education. Some had siblings that supported them, others had their mother supporting
them, but in none of the cases studied, was the entire family supportive of a woman
attending college. In eight of the ten cases, the women were the first in their immediate
families to go to college. Some were the first in the entire extended family to attend
college. The women in these interviews were anomalies and therefore, had to undergo
their family‘s scorn, lack of support and ridicule. These women had to seek out other
means of financial and emotional support to achieve their personal aspiration of
completing a college education. Gandara‘s contention was a reality for these women.
Their families were indeed another obstacle they had to overcome in order to achieve
their goal.

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Lack of Cultural and Social Capital
Ogbu (1987) suggests that educational failure is a result of social rules designed to
eradicate outsiders. These social rules are understood by those who possess cultural and
social capital. For Latinas, the lack of cultural and social capital serves as yet another
barrier to completing a college education.
Cultural capital embodies non economic forces such as family background, social
class, commitment to education etc. which influence academic success (McDonough,
1997). The participants in this study were mainly of lower class upbringing with only
one having a lower to middle class upbringing. The lack of cultural capital was clear. By
no means did any of the participants in this study have an influential family background,
parents who intervened on their part for a better education, or a family nucleus that was
committed to education. These women had virtually zero cultural capital. Bordieu &
Passerson (1977) and Lamont & Lareau (1988) assert that people lacking cultural capital
are apt to have lower educational aspirations and self-select out of particular situations.
This line of thought held true for the participants in this study. Paula spoke of wanting to
be a doctor but being told she could not do so by her high school counselor. She recalled
never questioning it, just accepting that she was not ―good enough‖ to be what she really
wanted to be. Sonia and Leticia spoke of only applying to the local university, because
that‘s all they knew to do. It never occurred to them to apply to other universities. The
lack of cultural capital was significant for these women in that although they did achieve
academic success, they perhaps did not achieve to their full potential.
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The saving grace for these participants was that fortunately, every woman in this study
possessed some form of social capital that they were able to profit from. Social capital
refers to the social relationships with peers or school agents that lead to the achievement
of academic success (Coleman, 1997). These relationships provide students with a better
understanding of the social rules needed for academic success. The Latinas in this study
cited peers, siblings, teachers, professors, counselors, and EOPS programs as some of
their valued resources of social capital. The participants were undeniably deficient in
other areas, i.e. family support, financial means, and cultural capital. Yet, the wealth that
their social capital provided them was key to their academic success.

College Retention
Theories regarding college retention were reviewed and categorized into three areas in
chapter two. The first of these is Tinto‘s student departure theory (1975, 1987, 1993).
This theory focuses on assimilation/acculturation to the academic institution with the
ultimate goal being full integration into the culture of the new group. Bernal, Saenz &
Knight (1991) agree with Tinto‘s theory and add that many minority students succeed
because they accept dominant norms and values. Tinto‘s college retention theory was
inconsistent with the college experiences of these ten women. These women spoke of the
struggle to maintain their cultural norms and achieve college success. None spoke of
relinquishing their norms and completely assimilating to the academic institution. They
spoke of finding it difficult to assimilate into the academic institution, but doing so only
as necessary.
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The second category of college retention theory better paralleled with the experiences
of the women in this study. Tierney‘s (1999) theory for retention describes the need for a
diverse population and protects cultural integrity. Tierney goes on to cite Deyhle‘s
(1995) research which contends that students who reject assimilation and are secure in
their culture and identity are more academically successful than their peers. Andrea and
Jessica particularly, stressed the fact that the pride in their cultural norms and meeting
peers and professors that shared this pride incited in them a determination to complete
their academic goals.
Rendon (1993) supports Tierney‘s theory and adds the validation factor. The
validation factor refers to actions (performed by others, i.e. teachers, professors,
counselors) that communicate to students that they are competent. As previously noted,
the Latinas in this study relied heavily on their social capital to support them in their
journey to academic success. They received validation from peers, siblings, professors
etc. and true to Rendon‘s theory; this was a factor in their academic success.
The third category of college retention theories is based on psychological theories.
Bean and Eaton (2001) conclude that the factors contributing to college retention are
individual and attributed to attitude, coping, self-efficacy and locus of control. When
discussing coping strategies that the women in this study utilized, self-drive was
included. In accordance with Bean & Eaton (2001), participants subscribed to the idea
that at least a fraction of their success was due to their individual self drive and
determination.
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Bean and Eaton also ascertain that institutions should create programs that rely on
psychological processes, i.e., learning communities, interest groups, mentoring, and
student orientations. The participants in this study did speak of benefiting from
mentoring programs and special interest programs. Sonia, Yadhira, Anita, Marisol,
Leticia and Viviana remembered attending college orientations while in high school and
believe that the orientations and information given were integral in getting them to apply
to college and later seek out resources to stay and complete their college education.
When comparing the college retention theories to the participants‘ stories, it is evident
that the theories purported by Tierney (1999), Rendon (1993), and Bean & Eaton (2001)
best correlate to their real life experiences of academic success.

Implications for Practice
Latinas constitute the largest minority group of women in the United States. They
also represent the least educated group of minority women. Latinas account for the
highest high school drop-out rates and the lowest bachelor‘s degree completions, with
only seven percent of Latinas graduating from college (Institute for Women‘s Policy
Research, 2005). Taking into account this information, it can be deduced that decisions
made related to the education of Latinas will greatly affect our future cultural, societal
and economic directions. Keeping in mind the current state of education for Latinas and
adding the discerning experience of physical violence in the home, I propose the
following recommendations based on the participants‘ experiences and perspectives as
shared in their interviews.
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Professional Development for Educators—Signs of Physical Abuse in the Home
The Latinas in this study spoke of not telling anyone of their troubles at home. They
all understood that the abuse that happened at home was to be kept at home. When asked
why they didn‘t tell anyone, the response was that it didn‘t occur to them, or that they
were too afraid to do so.
Alma recalled having a social worker visit the home and thinking that finally her and
her sisters would be saved. Their safety was never made a reality. The social worker set
up a visit with the family and before she visited, their father made sure to threaten them
with their life if they spoke up about the abuse. Needless to say, they were not saved, the
social worker came and went and the females in the household were left to fend for
themselves.
Educators play a key role in shaping our future adults. It is pertinent that they be
given professional development in recognizing the signs of a child who has been
physically abused. It is time that educators learn to look beyond cuts, scrapes and bruises
for signs of physical abuse. A child experiencing abuse in the home will have other
characteristics i.e., fear of making choices, very timid, extremely well behaved, cries
easily etc. that educators should be taught to recognize. There are also specific
characteristics of Machismo and Marianismo that apply to the Latino culture and many
Latino families suffering from physical abuse. Educators, especially those working with
large Latino populations, should also receive training in identifying those traits.
At one point or another, all of the participants truly feared for their lives or the lives of
their loved ones. It is a wonder that none of the stories of abuse ended in tragedy. In an
81

effort to keep our children safe, and allow them to speak their hurts, school systems must
move beyond the basic child abuse training and on to actively securing the safety of our
children.

Early College Awareness Programs
In speaking to the Latinas who participated in this study, it became obvious that for
most, college was not a priority at home. Many were not aware of the opportunities
college provided. Some did not even know that college was an option until high school.
Keeping students ignorant about college options and opportunities until high school is
unacceptable. Students, especially Latina youth, need to be made aware of college
opportunities starting in elementary school. College awareness programs in elementary
should include college days where students are made aware of the universities available
to them. The opportunities a college education can provide should be taught to
elementary students at a level they can comprehend. College awareness should continue
in middle and high school and should include visits to various universities and guidance
with college applications and financial aid. I am fully aware that high schools and some
middle schools currently offer these opportunities to their students, however it is usually
done on a voluntary basis. Minority and poor students are most needy of these
opportunities, yet, many times they are the least likely to volunteer. It is imperative that
college awareness activities be done during classroom time and be inclusive of all
students.

82

Parent Training and Education on the Benefits of a College Education
The families of the ten Latinas interviewed were not supportive of their choice to seek
a college education. In fact, most of the families served as an added barrier to college
completion. Educational systems must make every effort to lessen this familial barrier.
Parent trainings which provide information on college requirements, financial aid, and
benefits of a college education should be offered at elementary, middle and high school
levels. Parent newsletters should also include this information. School systems need to
inundate parents with information on college.

Provide Mentors for Latina Youth
If we are to improve upon society as a whole, we must make every effort to improve
upon the largest minority group in the United States—Latinas. Latinas will be an integral
part of society‘s future, not only as young women, but as mothers to our next generation
of Latinas. Therefore, it is crucial that their high school dropout rates are lowered and
college graduation rates increased. The power of having a mentor to guide one through
the college process is immeasurable. Universities and high schools must collaborate and
create programs which provide positive mentors for Latinas in high school. These
mentor programs should start early on, at minimum in ninth grade, in order to provide
Latina youth a purpose and direction for their high school years. By offering these
mentor programs to Latinas, they will be afforded the guidance and structure needed to
assist their path to a successful college education.

83

School as a Safe Haven for Latinas
Throughout the study, a recurrent theme was that of school being a safe haven for the
participants. Because most of the Latinas enjoyed school and wanted to be there as long
as possible, I propose creating after school programs specifically targeted to Latina youth.
These programs could start as early as elementary school, but should definitely be in
place by middle school. The afterschool programs should focus on character building;
teaching self-drive, self esteem, strategies on how to cope with problems, and skills to
seek out resources. With the help of these programs, Latina youth could be at school, a
place they feel safe, and learn valuable skills which could help them overcome obstacles
in life.
These implications for practice were derived as a result of the participants‘ experiences
shared with me during the interviews. Though each woman had a distinctive story, their
commonalities were such that the development and support of these proposals is
imperative. Recommendations one through three will benefit all students, not just Latina
youth. However, since this study was specifically based on Latina women with the end
goal being to help Latina youth in similar situations, I believe it necessary for
recommendations four and five to be gender and ethnic specific. Ultimately it is the goal
of these recommendations to prove beneficial to our Latina youth and society in general.

84

Recommendations for Future Research

Research Within Group Variances Towards Violence in the Home
This study is unique in that these Latinas tell of their experiences with violence in the
home and its relation to college completion. The stories told in this study are unique in
that they are owned by the participants, yet existing similarities within current literature
are apparent. IPV and violence in the home is not exclusive to the Latino culture (the
Asian, Jewish, and other cultures can all attest to examples of IPV), nor is it all inclusive
of the culture. There are many Latino families that suffer similar issues, (i.e.,
immigration, poverty, lack of education) and do not subscribe to violence. Future
research on within group variance, questioning why groups within the same culture do
not subscribe to the same trends, specifically violence in the home, is a definite need.
Research is needed to discover why some families (within the same culture) see violence
in the home as a norm and others do not. An imperative question for this research would
be: Could exposing people to different behaviors within their own culture be effective in
breaking the cycle of abuse? Researching whether this exposure could change behaviors
within the culture would prove valuable to the current literature on culture, IPV, and
other forms of violence in the home.

Reframe this Research to Include Other Cultures
In initiating this study, it was my intention to interview a group of twenty Latinas who
had experienced violence in the home and achieved academic success. This task proved
85

daunting and as one can see by my final work, was not accomplished. In addition to the
ten Latinas who did participate in the study, I did meet at least six women who had grown
up with violence in the home, and achieved academic success. Yet, for one reason or
another, they were unwilling to share their stories. They spoke of having ―let all of that
go‖ and not wanting to relive the past, a few added that they did not want to harbor hate
and resentment towards their parents. I was somewhat surprised, but more so worried.
These women were successful adults who had suffered so much childhood pain, that they
were not willing to tell about it for fear of feeling it all over again. I believe part of this
detachment and unwillingness to share is due in part to the Latino culture and the idea
that home issues are to be kept quiet and no one is allowed in. Therefore, future research
broadening the study to include women of all backgrounds who experienced violence and
also achieved academic success would be valuable. A larger study group would lead to
the attainment of more experiences to compare, and possibly more commonalities in
coping strategies.

Research Need for Therapy Targeted to Specific Cultures
Another area of interest for future research would be that of therapy targeted to
specific cultures. Some of the Latinas in this study spoke of attempting therapy to
overcome some of the issues they encountered as children. These Latinas stated that they
were disappointed in the therapy received and eventually stopped going because the
therapists did not understand the Latino issues they dealt with. These issues included
some Machismo and Marianismo trends such as having to remain at home until married,
86

needing to assist with family problems and younger siblings, and not being able to stand
up or speak against the male figures in the home. I believe that research in the area of
whether there is therapy available specific to the Latino culture or if there is a need to
create this service is an area worthy of future research.

Research Coping Strategies of Children who Experienced IPV in the Home
IPV is prevalent in our society and much research has been done on victims of IPV
and their coping strategies. However, in researching coping strategies of children who
witnessed and/or were victim to IPV, I found very little information and was not able to
compare the strategies they used to those used by the Latinas in this study. Future
research in coping strategies of children who experience IPV in the home is an area of
great need.

Concluding Reflection
This study focused on interviews with ten Latina women who grew up in violent
homes and achieved academic success. The purpose was to find out what went right.
Why were these women beating the odds? Statistically, they were more likely to be
incarcerated, addicted to drugs, continuing the cycle of abuse, so what went right? What
coping strategies did these women utilize that made them the exceptions and not the
norm? In the end, their coping strategies were broken down into three categories, school
as a safe haven, relationships with teachers and mentors and the art of detachment. These
women looked to school for safety, as long as they were at school, they could not be
87

harmed. They clung to mentors and looked desperately for a way out. They mastered the
art of detachment and survived the abuse by building up a callousness that should be
completely foreign to any child.
I achieved the goal of this study—that of finding common coping strategies for use
with other Latina youth. Yet, what I gained from this study was much more vast than
that. Through their stories, I was taken to a frightening place where IPV is seen as the
norm for married Latino couples. There was light shed on the serious barriers for Latinas
trying to achieve academic success. I was also able to better understand the role of
Machismo and Marianismo in the Latino culture and able to grasp the detriment these
cultural scripts can have on Latinas and Latino youth.
Ultimately, what I found were ten resilient women whose stories shook me to the core.
These women spoke of a childhood that contained horrifying incidents and a daily sense
of fear. They spoke of cultural trends and expectations which held them prisoners to the
ongoing abuse at home. They told of having to keep quiet, yet all the while hoping
someone would come to their rescue.
During the interviews, I had a few of the women tell me that the interview process was
therapeutic and served as a release. They felt some power in being able to tell their
stories and some hope that their experiences were not in vain; that perhaps they could be
used to help others. In completing this study and proposing recommendations to help
others in similar situations, it is my objective that their experiences are not in vain, but
are in fact used to improve the lives of others and society as a whole. It is also my hope
88

that in some way, giving voice to their stories has released some of that pain from them
and symbolically rescued them from their childhood terrors.

89

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Appendix A
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

1. When I said I was studying how you overcame physical violence in the home, what did
that phrase, ―physical violence‖ mean to you, according to your experience?
 How often did incidents of physical violence occur in your home?
 By whom were these incidents initiated? Who was the target?
2. How long was violence a part of your home life? What did you think of the situation?
(i.e., why my family? Just like everyone else?)
3. How did these incidents of violence affect your Elementary schooling? Middle school?
High School? College?

4. How did you manage your home situation in Elementary, Middle School, High School,
College?
 Describe support systems you relied on during these years, i.e., best friend,
siblings

5. When you think about being successful – finishing high school, getting accepted to
college, finishing college-tell me about any particular people whom you considered to be
helpful. (different people at different times, a constant presence, social agent etc.)
6. How did you learn about college? And why did you decide to go to college?
7. Many people decide to not finish college. How did you prevent yourself from quitting
college?
8. As a Latina woman, when you think about graduating from college, barriers you had to
overcome, choices you had to make, what stands out for you?
9. How did you overcome these issues?
10. How did your culture serve as an asset or deficit (or both) in influencing your academic
success?
96

Appendix B
CONFIDENTIAL
STUDY OF ACADEMICALLY SUCCESSFUL
LATINAS

I am conducting a doctoral study on academically successful Latinas who
experienced family violence in the home as children.

If you meet the following criteria:

 Education level must be a Bachelor‘s degree or higher
 Must have grown up in a physically violent home, defined as having
been victim of, or witness to, assaults with the means to cause
physical harm, sexual aggression, forcible restraint, and threats to kill
or harm.
Your input is of great need to other women in similar situations. This is an
important study that will research why and how Latinas who grew up in
violent homes reap academic success.

―The task of being a Latina and overcoming the effects of experiencing childhood
physical abuse is a great one in and of itself. The act then, of overcoming it, and
at the same time becoming academically successful is a phenomenal one that is
seldom realized‖.

Your experiences and knowledge can be used to help Latina youth and other
women in these situations.

If you are interested in sharing your experiences, or have questions, please
contact Maribel at (818) 859 0828 or latinasx10-research@yahoo.com. All
information/participation is confidential. Interviews will last
approximately 1.5-2.0 hours.
97

Appendix C
PRE-INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

1. Where were you born?

If not in the U.S. at what age did you immigrate into the U.S.

If born in the U.S. what is your ethnic background?

2. How many siblings do you have?

3. What ranking are you (i.e. oldest, 3
rd
, youngest)

4. From where did you receive your Bachelor of Arts?

5. What was your major?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study looks at the combination of two discerning trends in the United States: 1) Latinas as the largest yet, least educated minority group in the United States and 2) Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) as the number one cause of injury for women in the United States. Although research has been done in each of these categories individually, the educational experiences of Latinas growing up with family violence as children have not been researched. This study examined the phenomenon of being a Latina, experiencing family violence as a child, and achieving academic success. The aim of this study was to find useful coping strategies for use with other Latinas in this same situation. Ten academically successful Latinas were individually interviewed. Three major coping strategies emerged from the study: (1) School served as a safe haven

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Asset Metadata

Creator Luna, Maribel (author)

Core Title Strategies of academically successful Latinas who experienced family violence as children

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 03/12/2009

Defense Date 01/21/2009

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic success,college,coping strategies,Family violence,IPV,Latinas,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Sundt, Melora A. (committee chair), Astor, Ron Avi (committee member), Fischer, Linda A. (committee member)

Creator Email lunabel710@hotmail.com,mxl01681@lausd.net

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2014

Unique identifier UC1479575

Identifier etd-luna-2638 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-213554 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2014 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-luna-2638.pdf

Dmrecord 213554

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Luna, Maribel

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu