University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Perceptions of inequality: racism, ethnic identity and student development for a master of education degree

(USC Thesis Other)

Perceptions of inequality: racism, ethnic identity and student development for a master of education degree

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content

PERCEPTIONS OF INEQUALITY:
RACISM, ETHNIC IDENTITY AND STUDENT DEVELOPMENT
FOR A MASTER OF EDUCATION DEGREE

by

Marimas Hosan
_____________

A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION
(POSTSECONDARY ADMINISTRATION AND STUDENT AFFAIRS)

December 2010

Copyright 2010 Marimas Hosan
ii

Dedication
To my mom, with love. You are always in my heart.
To Conrad Mostiller. Thank you for your love, motivation, and passion to achieve
greatness.
To my sister Jamilah Hosan, brother Ros Hosan, and cousins Jamilah Na and Hatefas
Yop. I believe in you as much as you believe in me.

iii

Acknowledgements
Thank you to the following individuals and group for continued support with my
educational pursuits: Chair Dr. Darnell Cole, committee members Dr. Patricia Tobey and
Dr. Kristan Venegas, advisor Sheila Sanchez, professors Dr. Ngoc Bui, Jodie Lara,
Robert Harris and the Annenberg Undergraduate Advising Team.

iv

Table of Contents
Dedication ii
Acknowledgements iii
List of Tables v
List of Figures vi
Abstract vii
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Outline of Paper 7

Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework and Literature Review 8
Theoretical Framework 8
Literature Review 13

Chapter 3: Methods 32

Chapter 4: Results 38

Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion 41
Discussion 41
Conclusion 53

References 55
Appendix: Survey 60

v

List of Tables
Table 1: One-Way ANOVA of Perceptions of Racism on Ethnic Identity
Establishment 39

Table 2: One-Way ANOVA of Established Ethnic Identity on Student
Development 39

Table 3: Crosstab of Perceptions of Racism, Ethnic Identity Establishment
and Student Development 40
vi

List of Figures
Figure 3.1: Ethnicity of Participants 33

Figure 5.1: Categories 44

vii

Abstract
This quantitative study examined the perceptions of inequality among college
students. Undergraduate and graduate students (n = 214) of varying ethnic backgrounds
were surveyed about their experiences of race-based prejudice and discrimination on
campus from their professors, other students, and the campus as a whole. Students
answered questions about their ethnic identity to determine whether they had a formed or
unformed ethnic identity. The following assessment tools were used: Phinney's (1992)
Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure, Marcus, Mullins, Brackett and Tang's (2003)
campus, instructor, and specific questions, and Pascarella and Terenzini's (1980)
Academic and Intellectual Development Scale and Institutional and Goal Commitments.
Several analyses including one-way ANOVA’s and Chi Square were performed to
determine whether there were present relationships between perceptions of racism and
ethnic identity, as well as racism and student development, and ethnic identity and
student development. A significant relationship was found between high levels of ethnic
identity and student development.
1

Chapter 1: Introduction
Colleges can be observed as a miniature version of society (Kent, 1996; Marcus,
Mullins, Brackett & Tang, 2003). Colleges imitate society in several ways. The college
campus is equipped with the physicality of real society. For example, dormitories form
neighborhoods and dining halls are established restaurants. Bookstores are not only used
to purchase books and school supplies, but also other personal items. There are social
services such as the student health center, pharmacy, and counseling center where
students can turn to for professional licensed help. Colleges not only employ licensed and
experienced professionals in their classrooms, but also in their health centers, restaurants,
and campus safety offices. At larger colleges, campus safety officers are often real police
officers on and off campus. This small society comes together to help individuals chase
the American dream in pursuit of happiness in real society. College students work hard to
achieve success by graduating from college. Likewise, both entities face similar issues,
including racism.
Diversity plays a huge role in college society as it does in real society. The Brown
v. Board of Education (1954) decision overturned the separate-but-equal doctrine that
made segregation illegal in schools, which led to the Civil Rights movement in the
1960’s where human rights and equality were fought for. After the Civil Rights
movement, society had to forcibly change its rules and make racism a thing of the past.
Governmental laws and regulations were enacted to generate the stance that people of all
colors should be treated equally. However, perceptions of inequality still exist.
2

It can be argued that colleges across the nation try their best to represent the
diverse make up of real society. Most colleges pride themselves on their diverse student
population, faculty and staff. Annual reviews and rankings of the most diverse colleges
across the nation are even published nationwide. The Princeton Review ranks diverse
colleges by surveying college students on their own socioeconomic statuses (SES), ethnic
groups, religious affiliations, and sexual orientations every year in The Best 368 Colleges.
Historically, ethnic minorities are at a disadvantage in comparison to their White
counterparts in real society. Living in poverty also plays a role in being considered a
disadvantaged individual. According to Boyle (2008) and the 2006 U.S. Census Bureau
American Community Survey, 25.3% Black/African Americans, 21.5% Hispanics, and
26.6% Native Americans and Native Alaskans live under the poverty line (Boyle 2008).
In comparison, 10% of Whites and Asians live under the poverty line (Boyle 2008). The
percentage of Black/African Americans, Hispanics, Native Americans and Native
Alaskans living under the poverty line is doubled in comparison to Whites and Asians.
For every one White or Asian individual living under the poverty line, there are two more
Black/African Americans, Hispanics or Native Americans and Native Alaskans that are
living under the poverty line.
There is no coincidence that individuals living under the poverty line also live in
areas where schools lack resources (Boyle 2008). The percentage of individuals who did
not complete high school and are living under the poverty line is 23.7% (Boyle 2008, US
Census Bureau 2006). In comparison to Whites, most ethnic minority students not only
have a lower SES, but are also living in a single-parent household, and attend public high
3

schools with fewer resources (Cancian, 1998). Ethnic minorities, in most cases, also
perform lower on the SAT’s (Alon & Tienda, 2007). It has also been criticized that
standardized tests like the SAT’s are racially biased (Alon & Tienda, 2007; Nasim,
Roberts, Harrell & Young, 2005) because of incomparable resources that Whites may
have access to due to their SES, living area and better schools. Ethnic groups have
different life experiences in comparison to each other. If test-makers assembled a test
assuming that all ethnic groups have the same life experiences like similar economic and
living conditions, the test-makers will present a bias towards the majority White group.
Thus, individuals living under the poverty line who are more likely to be ethnic
minorities (with the exception of some Asians), are also more likely to attend schools
with fewer resources, finish high school at a lower rate, continue to college at a much
lower rate, and work for lower wages.
Even though the differences between minorities and Whites are apparent, there is
still a difference in perception of Black/White inequality (Hunt 2007). According to the
General Social Surveys in which data was collected from 1977 to 2004, beliefs of
Black/White inequality are changing among Black/African American, Hispanic and
White groups. As late as the 1970’s, most Whites believed that Black/African Americans
were disadvantaged due to their inherent inabilities. Whites believed that Black/African
Americans could only perform menial tasks and could not further themselves with an
education because they were mentally incapable of doing so. This form of thinking was
termed “traditional individualism” (Hunt 2007). As late as the 1980’s there began to be a
shift in thinking among Whites. Whites believed that Black/African Americans were now
4

capable of attaining a comparable life to Whites, however there was a lack of motivation
among Black/African Americans. This form of thinking was termed “motivational
individualism” (Hunt 2007).
A shift in thinking is observable in Black/African American and Hispanic groups
(Hunt 2007). In the past, inequality between minorities and Whites was attributed to
“structural” causes including institutionalized racial discrimination and lack of access to
resources such as education. More currently, Black/African American and Hispanic
groups are also voicing similar views to Whites, attributing inequality between ethnic
minorities and Whites as motivational. Put simply, the belief is that ethnic minorities are
not succeeding because they are unmotivated.
This perception snowballs into the notion that ethnic minorities have the same
access and opportunities in comparison to Whites. This can further snowball into what
some researchers term colorblind racism (Zamudio & Rios, 2006; Neville, Worthington,
& Spanierman, 2001; Ponterotto et. al, 2006, p. 39). A colorblind society is one where
people of all colors are treated equally and are not judged on the basis of their skin color.
With a colorblind society, brings colorblind racism. People are stripped of their
individual qualities including their cultural and ethnic backgrounds.
Even though Black/African Americans, Hispanics, and Whites perceive that
inequality between these groups is a lack of motivation, the perception may be skewed.
For example, Boyle (2008) notes several reasons “Why Americans can’t talk about the
poor.” Among the common reason is that the American Dream of rags to riches is still a
contemporary objective. Furthermore, Americans also have a wide range in perception of
5

the middle class. Boyle (2008) cited a study conducted by the National Opinion Research
Center in 2003 at the University of Chicago, 50% of households producing $20,000-
$40,000, 38% of households producing $40,000-$60,000 and 16.8% of households
producing over $110,000 all considered themselves middle class (Boyle 2008). This
means that a janitor and a CEO working for a large corporation both consider themselves
middle class, even though there is a sizeable gap in produced income (Boyle 2008). This
type of distortion in perception is not limited to economics.
Racism has changed form in the many years passed. As a result, perceptions of
racism have also changed. Prior to the Civil Rights movement, traditional racism, also
known as overt racism, was legal (Sydell & Nelson, 2000). Examples of overt racism
include, but are not limited to, restricting students of color access to attending a public
learning institution or getting into a fight with another individual because of his/her skin
color. Traditional overt racism has evolved to modern subtle racism. In the context of
educational institutions, modern racism can be as simple as being ignored in a classroom
by a professor of a different race or even being avoided in the cafeteria by students also
of a different race (Marcus et al,. 2003). In many cases, it has been found that because of
this type of treatment, students of the same racial and ethnic background are more likely
to associate and befriend other students of the same background (Suarez-Balcazar,
Orellana-Damacela, Portillo, Rowan, & Andrews-Guillen, 2003). This type of behavior is
another form of segregation. However, instead of the government implementing the law,
like what was done in the past, minorities are doing it on their own without the extra
6

push. As a result of modern racism, ethnic minorities have become accustomed to being
second-class citizens (Nora & Cabrera, 1996). Racism has become normalized.
Unlike popular beliefs, students do not enter college with a blank slate (Pascarella
& Terenzini, 1980). The background characteristics and goal commitments that a student
brings into college can affect his/her academic performance (Pascarella & Terenzini,
1980). One of these background characteristics is ethnicity. Furthermore, there are many
factors that contribute to a student’s negative college experience (Nora & Cabrera, 1996).
Specifically, perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination can negatively affect
student development including academic and intellectual development, as well as
academic performance. Negative racial experiences can lead the student to feel
disassociated to the institution and heighten other stressors that are damaging to the
college experience.
Racism can be damaging, however when students understand their own ethnic
background and are aware that racism exists, they are more likely to perform better in
academics (Nasim, Roberts, Harrell, & Young, 2005). Ethnic identity can play a huge
role in how racism is perceived. A strong sense of ethnic identity can lead to a strong
sense of self-identity, which may result in higher satisfaction in other areas of the
individual’s life. On the contrary, students who do not have a strong sense of their ethnic
identity may have a tougher time dealing with racism. The acts of racism a student
encounters, alongside his/her formed or unformed identity can highly impact the
student’s college experience and persistence in college.

7

Outline of Paper
The current study seeks to examine the impact of racism among college students
and its relationship with ethnic identity, as well as how these factors in turn affect student
development. The following research questions are examined:
1. How do perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination affect ethnic identity?
2. How does ethnic identity affect student development?
3. How do perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination and ethnic identity
affect student development?
Because there is no one model that describes the relationship between these three
factors, several models were examined and linked to each other. Specifically, Pascarella
(1985) General Causal Model of Assessing the Effects of Differential Environments on
Student Learning and Cognitive Development was used to examine the college
experience. Phinney’s (1990) Model of Ethnic Identity Development was used to
examine identity formation among all ethnic groups. The following chapter will go into
more depth about the details of these models. The following chapter will also include an
in-depth examination of the history of racism, its effect on individuals, its relationship
with ethnic identity and how these factors contribute to the college experience.
Chapter three describes the methods and procedures used to attain data for the
study. Chapter four describes the findings from the study. Lastly, chapter five includes a
discussion of the findings and in-depth analysis of these findings. Chapter five also
concludes with implications for future studies.

8

Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework and Literature Review
The current chapter is divided into two sections, theoretical framework and
literature review. The theoretical framework section provides more detail about the
theoretical models that discuss several factors that contribute to a student’s college
experience. One major factor is ethnicity. The student’s ethnicity can affect his/her ethnic
identity and in turn affect the perceptions of racism. Furthermore, these perceptions of
racism can have an astounding impact on the student’s college experience and student
development. Because no one theory describes the relationships between ethnic identity,
perceptions of racism, and student development, several theories are considered for this
study. The following subsections include theoretical models for a student’s background
characteristics and goal commitments, and ethnic identity. There is no model in this
section that discusses perceptions of racism. Rather, perceptions of racism are determined
by the student’s own perceived encounters. Following the theoretical framework section,
the literature review section discusses prominent research on racism, ethnic identity, the
student’s college experience and student development.
Theoretical Framework
The current study sought to understand the role that ethnicity plays in a student’s
college experience and student development. Specifically, the researcher sought to find
how ethnic identity influences the perceptions of racism and in turn affect student
development, if at all. There was much speculation that these variables had negative
relationships with one another, however, this is not always true for every individual.
Because human experiences are subject to relativism, there may be individuals who
9

overcome and do well in college despite their disadvantages. The following subsections
include background characteristics and goal commitments, and ethnic identity.
Background Characteristics and Goal Commitments
Pascarella and Terenizini (1980) supported Tinto’s (1975) model of the dropout
process. The model suggests that a student’s background characteristics (gender,
race/ethnicity, academic ability, secondary school performance, family social status) and
his/her goal commitments impact academic performance as well as social interactions in
college. In 1985, Pascarella expanded on this model and assembled the General Causal
Model for Assessing the Effects of Differential Environments on Student Learning and
Cognitive Development. This model was selected to identify variables that affect a
student’s college experience
The assessment tool used in this study included Scale IV: Academic and
Intellectual Development and Scale V: Institutional and Goal Commitments from
Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1980) study. In accordance with Pascarella’s (1985) model,
Scale V: Goal Commitments best fits in the student background/precollege traits variable.
Institutional and goal commitments are a part of the element of aspirations within the
variable. In addition, other elements of the student background/precollege traits variable
include, but are not limited to, aptitude, achievement, personality, and ethnicity.
According to Pascarella (1985), there are five direct and indirect variables. These
variables include the student’s background/precollege traits, structural/organizational
characteristics of institutions, institutional environment, interactions with agents of
socialization, and quality of student effort. The student background/precollege
10

characteristics variable and the structural/organizational characteristics of institutions
variable mold the institutional environment variable. These variables impact the
interactions with agents of socialization variable. The student background/precollege
traits variable affects the quality of student effort variable. All five variables indirectly
and directly affect learning and cognitive development.
The causal model can be grasped in the following scenario. A first-generation
male minority college student enters the university, while meeting the bare minimum of
acceptance including his Standardized Aptitude Test (SAT) scores and high school grade
point average (GPA). Because of the lower than average scores, he feels that he is not as
prepared as his classmates. The university is a large research university and the student is
enrolled in general education classes with an enrollment of hundreds of students in each
class. He thus feels unsupported and refrains from asking for help. He does not interact
with faculty or his classmates because he is afraid that they may judge him on his
shortcomings. Furthermore, he does not invest enough studying time as he should
because he feels despondent. These experiences and feelings can lead to a lowered stage
of learning and cognitive development, as well as dissatisfaction in his overall college
experience, and may also possibly lead to him dropping out of college (Pascarella &
Ternzini, 1980). It is important for college officials to recognize the experiences, support,
or lack of support that all students face while entering college and also continuing
college. These experiences can also have an effect on the student’s persistence in college
(Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980).

11

Ethnic Identity
Phinney’s Model of Ethnic Identity Development (1990) was selected to identify
the stages of ethnic identity development a college student best fits into. Specifically,
Phinney’s (1992) Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) was selected as an
assessment tool because the current research study is not limited to one ethnic group.
Rather, the study includes students of all ethnic backgrounds. According to Phinney
(1990), there are three stages of ethnic identity development: diffusion/foreclosure,
moratorium, and identity achievement.
Stage 1: Diffusion/Foreclosure involves an individual who is unaware or has not
explored his/her ethnic identity.
Stage 2: Moratorium involves an individual who is exploring his/her ethnic
identity.
Stage 3: Identity Achievement involves an individual who has accepted his/her
ethnic identity.
Some elements of ethnic identity include “…self-categorization, commitment and
attachment, exploration, behavioral involvement, ingroup attitudes (private regard),
ethnic values and beliefs, importance of salience of group membership, and ethnic
identity in relation to national identity…” (Phinney & Ong, 2007). Because the MEIM is
open to all ethnic groups, it only specifically addresses the elements of commitment and
exploration. When an individual explores his/her own ethnic identity and becomes
committed to the ethnic group, he/she will have achieved identity. Other ethnic identity
models have focused on only one ethnic group. These models include: Cross’s (1978)
12

model for Black/African Americans, Kim’s (1981) model for Asian Americans, Arce’s
(1981) model for Chicanos, and Helms and Carter’s (1990) model for Whites. The
preceding models have varying stages, however all models incorporate the sense of
exploration and commitment to achieve identity.
An important point about ethnic identity is that it is formed over time (Erikson,
1968, p. 22; Phinney & Ong, 2007). Students do not always enter college with a formed
ethnic identity. Furthermore, the college years are oftentimes characterized as the time in
which a student finds him/herself. However, ethnic identity can ultimately affect
perceptions of racism (Nasim, et. al, 2005), and in turn affect the college experience
(Nora & Cabrera, 1996). This means that the college experience, either negative or
positive, can be influenced both by an unformed ethnic identity or an achieved identity.
Positive college experiences are experienced by students who have been satisfied with
their time in college and are also more likely to complete college. Conversely, negative
college experiences are experienced by students who have not been able to adjust to the
college culture and are in some cases less likely to complete college. It is clear that there
is a relationship between ethnic identity and the college experience.
The following literature review is divided into three sections, racism, ethnic
identity, and the college experience. The racism section describes an in-depth history of
racism in the U.S., as well as the effects that it may cause individuals who may encounter
it. The ethnic identity section provides several models that are used to describe identity
formation among specific ethnic groups. Lastly, the college experience section provides
13

an analysis of the differing experiences of White and minority students as well as their
perceptions of racism, and how it may ultimately affect their college experience.
Literature Review
Racism
In comparison between minority groups, Black/African American students tend to
face more occurrences of differential treatment, or discrimination, than Hispanic, Asian,
and White students (Suarez-Balcazar, et. al, 2003). Furthermore, research suggests that
the darker the complexion of an individual, the more likely the individual will be
discriminated against (Wyatt, 1997; Suarez-Balcazar, et. al, 2003). As discussed in the
previous chapter, there are two distinct forms of racism, traditional overt racism and
modern subtle racism. Prior to the Civil Rights movement in the 1960’s, acts of
traditional overt racism were common and even legal. After the enactment of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964, discriminatory acts based on “race, color, religion, sex, or national
origin” were made illegal. Because racism was a part of everyday culture and society for
so long, racism did not altogether subside (Jordan, 1968; Ponterotto, Utsey, Pederson,
2006, pg. 32). A new form of racism was borne, modern subtle racism.
Traditional overt racism (Ponterotto, et al, 2006). As previously stated, racism
and discrimination was made illegal by the enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
Consequently, prior to 1964 overt racism was found acceptable by society and
lawmakers. The most prominent forms of traditional overt racism include scientific
racism and historical racism.
14

Scientific racism: Darwinism, eugenics, racism in psychology. A major form of
scientific racism can be credited to Charles Darwin, the father of evolution. While
studying evolution and the natural selection of organisms, Darwin inquired that the same
form of evolution would happen among humans (Ponterotto, et. al, 2006, p. 33 ).
Furthermore, in his book The Descent of Man (1871), he claimed that the “Negroid”
(African Americans) were the lowest form of humans and would not survive as a race.
The “Caucasoid” (Whites) were considered to be the most evolved and thus would
survive. Darwin’s beliefs were common among other researchers and individuals of his
time, however, his beliefs did not do as much damage until the concept of eugenics came
into action.
Eugenics, meaning “good genes” (Guthrie, 1998; Ponterotto, et. al, 2006, p. 33) in
Greek, was coined by Sir Francis Galton. Galton believed that genetics played a huge role
in a human’s physical and mental ability. His beliefs were so extreme that he believed
only one superior race, Whites, should be able to reproduce. The reasoning was that
minorities only reproduced inferior beings, thus giving minorities the option of
reproducing, was thought of as a crime of nature. This type of reasoning and belief led to
sterilization among more than 60,000 American minorities in the early 1900’s and
400,000 Jews in the 1930’s (Ponterotto, et. al, 2006, p. 34). Eugenics also led many
followers to practice ethnic cleansing, and exterminate many people who were different
than the majority group. An extreme example of this involved the extermination of Jews
in Nazi Germany during the Holocaust.
15

Other forms of overt racism involved prominent psychologists declaring the
inabilities of minority individuals. Carl Jung, famous for his work in analytical
psychology, publicly claimed that Black/African Americans were inferior to Whites
because “they had less brain matter than Whites” (Guthrie, 1998, Ponterotto, et. al, 2006,
p. 34). Furthermore, many researchers have used minorities in research studies that were
harmful. One example involves the Tuskegee Syphilis Study in the 1930’s (Katz, Green,
Kressin, & Kegeles, 2008). Three hundred and ninety-nine Black/African American men,
two hundred and one of which did not have the disease, were used as subjects conducted
by the U.S. Public Health Service. Individuals who initially did not have the disease were
exposed to it. The study sought to find the stages of syphilis when not treated. However,
when penicillin was discovered to be the best form of treatment and was readily
available, researchers did not get in contact with the human subjects. Rather, treatment
was only given when the human subject asked for it. Because the human subjects were
unaware that they were being mistreated, nearly thirty people died from exposure to the
disease.
U.S. Historical Racism. After the end of the American Civil War in 1865, the
thirteenth amendment was ratified and slavery was abolished. In 1868, the fourteenth and
fifteenth amendments were ratified. The fourteenth amendment gave former
Black/African American slaves U.S. citizenship. The fifteenth amendment gave former
Black/African American slaves the right to vote. Former slaves and other minorities were
seemingly free to live among Whites as citizens with rights. However, this was far from
the truth. The popularization of Jim Crow laws which permitted racial segregation was
16

approved in many local and state governments in 1865, the same year slavery was
abolished. Furthermore, even with the ratification of the fourteenth and fifteenth
amendment, Black/African Americans and other minorities were still treated as second-
class citizens and oftentimes refused the right to vote.
In 1896, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that de jure segregation (racial
segregation) was legal in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). Plessy, who was seven-
eighths White, was refused a seat in the “Whites only” section of a train car in Lousiana,
and was arrested for his resistance. The Supreme Court approved the separation between
Whites and minorities in public and private facilities. The separate-but-equal doctrine
conceded that equal treatment was given to all when substantially equal facilities were
provided for all, even when these facilities were separate. In actuality, the facilities were
not substantially equal.
More cases like Mendez v. Westminster School District (1946), disputing
segregation in schools, appeared in courts. In the Mendez case, Mexican-Americans
fought segregation in southern California schools, and in this particular case, segregation
was found to be illegal. More minorities wanted equal facilities and education. In the
well-known case of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954),
Black/African American students were denied access to White schools. The U.S.
Supreme Court overturned the ruling from the Plessy (1896) case and deemed the
separate-but-equal doctrine unconstitutional. Ten years after the ruling in 1964, the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 was passed. The Act prohibited discriminatory acts based on “race,
17

color, religion, sex, or national origin”. However, modern subtle forms of racism,
oftentimes harder to trace, seemed to take rise.
Modern Racism. According to Sydell and Nelson (2000), a modern racist has four
core beliefs:
1. Discrimination no longer exists because minorities can work among Whites in
the business world and be able to enjoy their livelihood.
2. Minorities are too impelled to change the environment around them.
3. Methods that minorities use to change the environment are not fair.
4. The gains minorities have attained are thus unfair because minorities are
receiving more consideration than they should.
The first belief is common among many individuals, both minorities and Whites.
As discussed in the previous chapter, the term colorblind racism (Zamudio & Rios, 2006;
Neville, Worthington, & Spanierman, 2001; Ponterotto et. al, 2006, p. 39) was coined
because of the belief that a colorblind society existed. Despite its subtlety, racism and
discrimination does in fact exist. It is because racism and discrimination still occur that
the first belief is illogical.
The fourth belief is still very controversial. It is epitomized by the well-known
case of the Regents of the University of California v. Bakke (1978), where affirmative
action was questioned and the racial quota system was found unconstitutional. In this
particular case, Bakke, a White male, charged the Regents of the University of California
with reverse discrimination. A Black/African American male with the same qualifications
18

was accepted into the medical school, instead of Bakke. He believed that he was not
accepted into the medical school because he is White, and thus not a minority.
Types of Racism: Laissez-Faire, Ambivalent, Aversive, Colorblind, White
Privilege. Laissez-Faire racism (Ponterotto, et. al, 2006, p. 38) is referred to the beliefs
that Whites may have about minorities in regards to their economic and political
situations. Whites disregard historical and social factors that attribute to the poor
economic situation many minorities live in. Rather, they attribute the poverty of
minorities to their own inferiority (Ponterotto, 2006, p. 38; Hunt 2007). Ambivalent
racism (Walker, 2001; Ponterotto, 2006, p. 38) is referred to the contradictory beliefs that
Whites may have towards minorities. For example, Whites may believe that minorities
are capable of doing one thing, like being accepted into a prestigious university, and
incapable of doing another, like performing well in a particular job, or vice versa.
Aversive racism (Kovel 1970; Ponterotto, 2006, p. 38) is referred to the conscious or
subconscious belief that Whites are superior to minorities. Colorblind racism (Zamudio &
Rios, 2006; Neville, Worthington, & Spanierman, 2001; Ponterotto, 2006, p. 39) refers to
the belief, both Whites and minorities may have, that racism is no longer in existence,
and race relations are no longer an issue. White privilege is oftentimes the
unacknowledged benefits that Whites receive over minorities. As stated by McIntosh
(1989) White privilege includes unearned entitlements and conferred dominance.
Unearned entitlements are advantages that Whites receive over minorities. These
entitlements can be complex as not having to represent one’s entire racial or ethnic group
at a given situation, or as simple as not getting harassed by a salesperson when entering a
19

business. Conferred dominance refers to the concept that White individuals are ranked
above minorities in most, if not all aspects. In fact, most elected US government officials
and corporate leaders are White males.
The Effects of Racism.
Stereotype Threat. Stereotype threat is the process in which an individual will
underperform due to a negative stereotype about a particular group in which they belong
(Steele, 1992; Aronson, Quinn, & Spencer, 1998, pp. 86; Smith & Hopkins, 2004).
Specifically, ethnic minorities may face stereotype threat in academic situations. There
are three reasons why stereotype type threat plays a role in minorities underperforming in
academics: self-esteem, anxiety, and disidentification (Aronson, et. al, 1998, 86-87).
When a minority student has a low self-esteem and negative perception about the
academic performance of his/her ethnic group, the individual will also feel that he/she
will not do well in academics, which may prompt underperformance. The minority
student may want to do well on a given academic assignment, but may incur performance
debilitating anxiety that can forego underperformance. This can then lead the minority
student to disidentify with academic achievement and perpetuate the stereotype threat
process.
In a study conducted by Smith and Hopkins (2004), participants were
Black/African American students attending an HBCU. These students underwent several
laboratory experiments that undermined their academic ability because of their ethnic
group. In some items the following statement was presented: “We are studying African-
American student performance on standardized tests. This is a test to determine your
20

spelling and math abilities. As you know, African Americans do not do as well on
standardized spelling and math tests as some others do. Please finish as many of these
items as possible” (Smith & Hopkins, 2004). The study found that these particular
students were not affected by stereotype threat and performed well in the given
experiments with stereotype threat active. However, the students’ environment may play
a key role in why they performed well even with stereotype threat present. All students
attended an HBCU, which means that other students like them in physical appearance and
ethnic background, also attended. Students who are surrounded by other students of the
same background tend to do better academically in many negative conditions (Nasim, et.
al., 2005).
Consequently, when minority students are grouped with White students, they tend
to perform lower in academics (Morgan, 2004). Morgan’s (2004) study suggests that
there was not a strong relationship between Black/African American high school
students’ perception of themselves and their academic performance. As a result,
Black/African American students performed lower in academics in comparison to White
students. Stereotype threat was present in the experiences of these students and stereotype
accuracy, when stereotyped beliefs correspond with the group’s characteristics (Ashton &
Esses, 1999), was accomplished. Black/African American students had a lowered self-
concept, which led to a lowered academic performance and thus disidentification from
high academic performance.
Physical and Psychological Effects. Individuals of all races and ethnic
backgrounds can be affected by racism. For White individuals, the acknowledgement that
21

their skin tone and ancestral background is the source of racism can be psychologically
draining (Ponterotto, et. al, 2006, p. 46). Oftentimes, White individuals who are truly
aware that racism exists feel guilty and helpless because they cannot rid it. In some cases,
a White individual who knows that racism is present, but is not truly aware of the
disadvantages that minorities face, will try to rid racism by asserting that all individuals
of different ethnic backgrounds are the same and should be treated equally, which can
then snowball into the acts colorblind racism. As stated by McIntosh (1988), to be truly
aware of racism, is to be aware of White privilege and the difficulties and disadvantages
that minorities face on a daily basis.
Although White individuals may face the guilt of being the oppressor, minorities
face inexhaustible effects of being oppressed. The effects of racism towards minorities
are amplified because they are affected both physically and psychologically on a daily
basis throughout their lifetime. Minorities may face racism-related trauma, fatigue,
anticipatory racism reaction, stress and distress, frustration, and confusion on a daily
basis (Utsey, Bolden & Brown, 2001; Ponterotto, 2006, p. 51). Furthermore, the feelings
of oppression can lead to alienation from the self, significant others, others in general,
one’s culture and history, and creative social praxis (Fanon, 1963; Ponterotto, 2006, p.
50). The feelings of oppression can lead to the following disorders: alien self-disorder
(the denial of racism and the desire to follow the White perspective), anti-self disorder
(the aggression toward one’s own culture in pursuit to follow White culture), self-
destructive disorder (the feelings of failure when unsuccessfully attempting to merge
oneself into White society), and organic disorder (the physical ailments and poor living
22

conditions that individuals may incur because they are minorities) (Akbar, 1984;
Ponterotto, 2006, p. 50).
Unfortunately, minorities have a high probability of loathing themselves at some
point in their lifetime due to their skin tone, ethnic background, and the result of racism
because of these attributes. Instead of blaming the oppressor, many minorities will first
blame themselves for being different. These feelings of cultural misorientation (Kambon,
1998; Ponterotto, 2006, p. 51) may lead to aggressive acts and feelings towards other
individuals who do not follow White culture. Minorities may find that they do not fit in
with White culture and may proceed to find their own identity.
Ethnic Identity
According to Quintana (2007) encounters of racism can lead to ethnic identity
exploration. The exploration can lead to finding and identifying with an ethnic group.
Students who have formed ethnic identities and belong to an ethnic group will not only
feel more comfortable with who they are as individuals but will also adjust better
academically and psychologically than students who have not claimed an ethnic identity.
According to Phinney (1990) claiming an ethnic identity is not necessarily the act of
claiming a racial (physical) group to call one’s own. Individuals can claim an ethnic label
when asked but it does not mean that they fit in with that group. Forming an ethnic
identity involves the process and establishment of a sense of belonging to an ethnic
group.
Quintana (2007) proposed that individuals who have a strong sense of their own
ethnic identity will be more aware that racism exists. Furthermore, these individuals will
23

progress better as individuals throughout their lives. Thus, college students who have not
identified their ethnic identity and are unaware of the differences between ethnic groups
will have difficulty in reacting to a prejudicial or discriminatory act against their physical
race. These unidentified ethnic minorities will have difficulty adjusting to college life
especially if they are attending a predominantly White institution (PWI). This lack of
adjustment may lead to performing lower academically and can thus lead to dropping out
of college.
Students who understand their own racial and ethnic background and are aware
that racism exists are more likely to perform better in academics (Nasim, Roberts,
Harrell, & Young, 2005). In Nasim, et. al’s (2005) study, the feelings of Black/African
American students at two predominantly White institutions (PWI) and two historically
Black colleges and universities (HBCU) were examined. Researchers found that
Black/African American students attending PWI’s felt more oppressed in their own
institutions than students at HBCU’s. It can be reasoned that there is a higher feeling of
oppression among students at PWI’s because these students are not in a community
where the majority of the student population is similar to them in terms of racial and
ethnic backgrounds, like that of the HBCU. Thus, students at HBCU’s feel more liberated
because they are not different than the majority of the student population in their campus
community.
There is also a shown connection between self-esteem and a positive ethnic
identity (Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz, 1997; Skowron, 2004). Differentiated individuals tend
to have higher forms of self-esteem and positive ethnic identity. Differentiation is the
24

skill to discern thoughts from feelings (Skowron & Friedlander, 1998; Skowron, 2004).
Furthermore, individuals who are differentiated can form healthy relationships with other
individuals and also remain independent. Individuals who are not differentiated are
emotionally reactive and can be “emotionally stuck” (in fusion) or emotionally cutoff.
Consequently, differentiated individuals tend to have a stronger sense of identity and
belonging to their ethnic group in comparison to less differentiated individuals.
Ethnic Identity Models
As discussed in the previous section, Phinney (1990) proposed three stages of
ethnic identity development: diffusion/foreclosure, moratorium, and identity
achievement. This specific model could be generalized among all ethnic groups. The
following identity models go into some detail of the process in which an individual
within a specific ethnic group may undergo. A similarity between all models includes the
stages of exploration and commitment.
Asian American identity development model. Kim (1981) proposed five stages of
identity development for Asian Americans.
1. Ethnic Awareness Stage: A young child is aware of family members with
similar ethnic backgrounds and positive or neutral attitudes are formed about
the group.
2. White Identification Stage: A child enters school, becomes aware of the
dominant White group, and wants to identify with the group.
25

3. Awakening to Social Political Consciousness: An individual becomes aware
of the social and political struggles that his/her ethnic group has incurred and
no longer wants to identify with the White group.
4. Redirection: An individual reconnects with his/her original ethnic group and
becomes aware that White society was the cause for feelings of self doubt and
hatred.
5. Incorporation Stage: An individual is able to coexist as an Asian American
and no longer has trouble identifying him/herself.
Black/African American identity of development. Cross (1978) proposed five
stages of identity development among Black/African Americans in a model he called the
Model of Psychological Nigrescence.
Stage 1: The Preencounter stage occurs when an individual believes that race is of
no great concern.
Stage 2: The Encounter stage occurs when an individual is faced with a racist or
discriminatory act that changes his/her view of society.
Stage 3: The Immersion-Emersion stage occurs in two phases. Oftentimes filled
with high emotions, the individual wants to change him/herself and first becomes
completely immersed in Black/African culture. In the second phase, the individual
shifts from being highly emotional to researching and analyzing Black/African
identity.
26

Stage 4: The Internalization stage occurs when an individual has come to terms
with his/her new formed Black/African identity, and high emotional feelings
against the majority White group begin to sink.
Stage 5: The Internalization-Commitment stage occurs when an individual has
formed his/her new identity, becomes aware of other groups that are struggling,
and is actively involved in activities of change.
White identity development model. Helms (1993) proposed six statuses of White
identity development. The statuses fit into two phases, Abandonment of Racism and
Defining a Nonracist White Identity.
Phase I: Abandonment of Racism
Status 1: Contact is when an individual rejects the idea of race playing a
significant part in one’s life. This belief is similar to a colorblind society, where
the color of your skin does not matter.
Status 2: Disintegration is when an individual is confused about the rules of
socialization with minorities in White society.
Status 3: Reintegration is when an individual feels that the White race is
considered to be superior, recognizes the rewards of being White, and is proud to
be a part of it.
Phase II: Defining a Nonracist White Identity
Status 4: Pseudo-Independence is when a White individual begins to see the
hardships that minorities face. Individuals in this status try to empathize with
minorities, however, their efforts are oftentimes still racist.
27

Status 5: Immersion-Emersion is when an individual tries to discover what it
means to be White and is proud to be White, without being a racist.
Status 6: Autonomy is when an individual identifies his/herself as White and is
not a racist.
Chicano and Latino identity Model. Although not specified in stages, Arce (1981)
proposed that there were two forms of self awareness among Mexican Americans,
political awareness and cultural awareness. Political awareness involved Mexican
Americans becoming aware that they have been oppressed as a group. Cultural awareness
involved individuals becoming proud of their heritage and culture. Ruiz (1990)
elaborated on the ethnic identity model for Chicano and Latino groups. He proposed five
stages of identity development.
Stage 1: In the Causal stage, an individual has not connected with his/her ethnic
group.
Stage 2: In the Cognitive stage, an individual has negative views of his/her ethnic
group and believe that he/she must assimilate to be successful.
Stage 3: In the Consequences stage, individuals begin to assimilate to the White
majority group and rejects his/her own ethnic group.
Stage 4: In the Working Through stage, individuals grow tired of being
assimilated into the White majority group and begin to research their own ethnic
group.
Stage 5: In the Successful Resolution stage, individuals accept and claim
themselves as a member of their own ethnic group.
28

Acculturation. Acculturation is important among societies where two or more
ethnic groups coexist (Phinney, 1990). In the U.S, issues of acculturation are oftentimes
faced by minority groups, especially immigrants. According to Berry (1980), there are
four variations of acculturation.
1. Rejection occurs when an individual favors his/her own culture and thus
rejects the dominant White American culture.
2. Assimilation occurs when an individual favors the dominant White American
culture over his/her own racial and ethnic culture.
3. Integration occurs when an individual values both his/her own racial and
ethnic culture as well as the dominant White American culture.
4. Deculturation occurs when an individual rejects both his/her own ethnic and
racial culture as well as the dominant White American culture.
The College Experience
Before entering college. As stated in the previous chapter, what a student brings
into the institution, before he/she even attends the institution can affect his/her student
development, as well as performance. Students do not enter college independently
(Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980). Students have many varying characteristics that can
affect their overall college experience and retention (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980).
These characteristics include their background characteristics and goal commitments.
Background characteristics include gender, race/ethnicity, academic ability, previous
school performance and family social status. Goal commitments are the highest degree
the student would like to pursue and how important graduating college is. Fischer (2007)
29

emphasized that minority students may also have three factors that can affect their
adjustment and completion of college which include their minority status, socioeconomic
disadvantage, and first-generation college student status. This is especially true of
Black/African American and Hispanic students who oftentimes fit into all three of these
categories.
Differing experiences for White and ethnic minority students. Significant
differences were found between students from Black/African American and Hispanic
groups in comparison to Asian and White groups (Fischer, 2007). Black/African
American and Hispanic groups in most cases were more similar to each other, and
likewise Asian and White groups were more similar to each other. Consequently,
Black/African American and Hispanic groups were most dissimilar to Asian and White
groups. Generally, ethnic minority college students face more stress than White students
(Alvan, Belgrave and Zea, 1996). There are many contributing factors that cause stress
for minority students. Not only do ethnic minority students have to deal with academic
concerns like White students, they sometimes also have to deal with higher financial
burdens and being the first person in their family to attend college.
In Fischer’s (2007) study, many differences were found among minority and
White students. For ethnic minority students, being involved in extracurricular activities
on campus played a positive role in academic performance. Ethnic minority students who
were not as involved in college did not perform as well in academics. For White students,
there were no significant relationships in being involved in extracurricular activities and
performing better academically. When ranking their college’s racial climate, White
30

students ranked their college most positively, whereas Black/African American students
ranked their college most negatively. Hispanic students who ranked in the median of
perceptions to racial climate were more negatively affected academically when they had a
negative perception of their college’s racial climate. Interestingly, even though
Black/African American students ranked their college more negatively in racial climate,
this factor did not contribute to their academic performance. However, the negative racial
climate in college can result in more Black/African American students dropping out of
college. Furthermore, the study showed that Black/African American students ranked the
highest in forming connections with professors, with Hispanic students coming in next,
then Asian students, and lastly White students. All students stated that forming a
connection with professors resulted in performing better academically.
Perceptions of Racism
Oftentimes, ethnic minority college students do not feel that they are viewed as
highly in academics when compared to White students (Reid & Radhakrishan, 2003).
Ethnic Minority students do not feel their treatment is equitable with the treatment of
White students. As a result, ethnic minority students may feel less comfortable in the
campus environment (Reid & Radhakrishan, 2003). If a student feels that he/she is being
discriminated against in college, especially by a professor, it will not only affect the
academic performance but also the drive to complete college. As evidenced by Fischer’s
(2007) study, Hispanic students will perform lower academically because of negative
perceptions of the racial climate and Black/African American students will have a higher
chance of dropping out of college because of the same negative perceptions.
31

The tie between discriminatory acts from a professor and racial climate is not
insignificant. If an ethnic minority student feels mistreated in the classroom, he/she will
more than often feel disconnected to other students in the class, especially if these
students are performing better. The student is also less likely to participate in
extracurricular activities with other students because no bonds have been made. The
student will then have an overall negative perception of college life and will be less
satisfied with their college experience. These perceptions and feelings may also lead to
dropping out of college.
In a study conducted by Marcus, et al. (2003), where only White and
Black/African American students were surveyed and compared, it was found that
Black/African American students encountered more acts of racism than White students.
Thus, in comparison Black/African American students had negative perceptions of racial
prejudice and discrimination than White students. Interestingly, Black/African American
students reported racial bias by Whites, and White students reported racial bias by
Blacks/African Americans. However, Black/African American students reported racial
bias by Whites more often than White students reported racial bias by Black students.
Students also felt that they were discriminated more from professors than other students,
and the general campus. Racism by professors was reported as more covert, while overt
racist acts mainly occurred on campus and between students. Negative experiences of
racism in college may be damaging to individuals who encounter these actions, as well as
their college experience.

32

Chapter 3: Methods
Research Questions
1. How do perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination affect ethnic identity?
2. How does ethnic identity affect student development?
3. How do perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination and ethnic identity
affect student development?
Hypothesis one postulates that students with lower levels of perceptions of racial
prejudice and discrimination will have lower levels of established ethnic identity.
Hypothesis two suggests that students with higher levels of established ethnic identity
will have higher levels of student development. Lastly, hypothesis three proposes that
students with high levels of perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination will have
low levels of established ethnic identity and low levels of student development.
Participants
A nonrandom, convenience sample was used for this study. Participants included
undergraduate and graduate students at a large private urban research institution. The
study was limited to college students between the ages of 18 and 24, who had completed
at least one semester of college. 237 individuals visited the website in which the survey
was posted. 214 participants completed the survey. Of the 214 participants, 177
participants stated their gender. Participants included 82 males (38%), 95 females (44%).
179 participants stated their age and class level. Participant ages included 18 (7
participants, 3%), 19 (11 participants, 5%), 20 (16 participants, 7%), 21 (16 participants,
7%), 22 (27 participants, 13%), 23 (54 participants, 25%), and 24 (48 participants, 22%).
Participants included students from the following class levels: freshmen (11 participants,
5%), sophomores (8 participants, 4%), juniors (14 participants, 7%), senior (18
participants, 8%), and graduate students (128 participants, 59%). 178 participants stated
their ethnicity in the following groups: Asians, Asian Americans, Pacific Islanders (93
participants, 43%); White, Anglo, European; Non-Hispanic (32 participants, 15%);
Hispanic or Latino, including Mexican American and Central American (22 participants,
10%); Black, African American or Caribbean (15 participants, 7%); Mixed with parents
from two different groups (12 participants, 6%), other (4 participants, 2%), and unkown
(36 participants, 17%). There were no Native American/American Indian participants.

Measures
Phinney’s (1992) Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure was used to measure ethnic
identity in terms of commitment and exploration for all ethnic groups. In Phinney’s
33

34

(1992) study, a test for reliability was performed and it was reported that Cronbach
alphas ranged between .74 and .90 for their college sample (Phinney, 1992). In the
current study participants were asked to rank twelve statements from a 5-point Likert
scale ranging from strongly disagree to strongly agree. Statements included “I have spent
time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and
customs” and “I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group”. No items were reversed.
Students who scored higher had a higher level of ethnic identity.
Perceived racial prejudice and discrimination was measured through Marcus, et
al. (2003) campus specific questions, instructor specific questions, and student specific
questions. Participants were asked to select the number of times they witnessed or
experienced racial prejudice and discrimination on campus, with instructors and other
students using a 5-point, continuous scale ranging from never to 11+ times. There were
three areas of perception: campus, instructors and students. Sample statements include
“Abusive words directed toward me (by a person of a race other my own) while I walk to
class” and “A student (of another racial group) has made a racist remark to me in class.”
No items were reversed. High scores indicated higher occurrences of witnessing or
experiencing racial prejudice or discrimination.
Student development is characterized by academic and intellectual development,
as well as goal commitments. Academic and intellectual development, and goal
commitments were measured through Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1980) Academic and
Intellectual Development Scale and Institutional and Goal Commitments. In Pascarella
and Terenzini’s (1980) study a test for reliability was performed and it was reported that
35

alphas ranged from .71 to .84. The items in the scale of the current study were measured
using a 5-point, Likert scale ranging from strongly disagree to 5 strongly agree. High
scores indicated that the student is satisfied with his or her academic and intellectual
development, and institutional and goal commitments, where as lower scores indicated
that the student was less satisfied. Statement 4 of the academic and intellectual
development section was reversed. Statements 4, 5, and 6 of the goal commitments
section were reversed.
Hypothesis 1. The independent variable is the level of perceived racial prejudice and
discrimination. The dependent variable is the level of ethnic identity.
Hypothesis 2. The independent variable is the level of ethnic identity. The dependent
variable is the level of student development.
Hypothesis 3. The independent variables are levels of perceived racial prejudice and
discrimination, and levels of ethnic identity. The dependent variable is the level of
student development.
Analyses
A one-way analysis of variance was performed for hypothesis one to determine
whether low levels of perceived racial prejudice and discrimination correlated with low
levels of ethnic identity establishment. A one-way analysis of variance was also
performed for hypothesis two to determine whether high levels of ethnic identity
establishment have a corresponding relationship with high levels of student development.
A chi-square statistical test was performed for hypothesis three to determine whether
36

there was a relationship between low levels of ethnic identity establishment and low
levels of student development.
Procedures
Permission was first obtained by the researchers who created the instruments used
in this study. After approval from the institutional review board, an email was sent to
department heads, program leaders, and student organization leaders. The email was then
directed to students and supplied a link to the survey online. The department heads,
program leaders, and student organization leaders sent the email to their students and
were also given fliers to post in their offices. Fliers were also posted campus-wide by the
researcher.
Before choosing to participate, students were presented with an information sheet
for non-medical research. Reviewing the information sheet obtained consent of the
participant to take part in the study. Before continuing onto the survey, students were
asked if they were interested in being entered in a raffle drawing to win several prizes.
Students did not need to participate to take part in the raffle. Students were then asked to
answer two required questions about whether they qualified to take the survey before
proceeding. Students were required to be between the ages of 18-24 and had to complete
at least one semester of college. Participants were then able to complete the survey. See
appendix for the full survey that was distributed to participants.
Researcher Bias
Because I attend the university in which the study was taken place it can be
deemed as a bias. Furthermore, many participants indicated that they were also graduate
37

students in the program in which I am enrolled in. This bias was combated by sending
emails to the department head, program leader, or student organization leader, rather than
directly to students. This provided anonymity. Furthermore, the study was open to all
students between the ages of 18-24 and who had completed at least one semester of
college. The study was not directly focused on one particular program of study.
Another bias that can be inferred is my own personal background. I am a first-
generation minority student whose parents were immigrants, and have grown up with a
low SES. Therefore, my own perceptions and experiences of racial prejudice and
discrimination have formed my own ethnic identity. In fact, it led to my interest in race
relations and its impact on academics, which further led to this current study. This bias
was reduced by including all ethnic groups within the study, and not limiting the study to
one particular group.

38

Chapter 4: Results
The current study sought to determine whether a relationship between perceptions
of racism, ethnic identity, and student development existed. The following three research
questions were examined in this study:
1. How do perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination affect ethnic identity?
2. How does ethnic identity affect student development?
3. How do perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination and ethnic identity
affect student development?
Research questions one and two were examined by performing a one-way analysis of
variance. Research question three was examined by performing a chi square statistic test.
Participant responses were categorized into two different categories: low and
high. A 5-point Likert scale was used to answer survey questions. Participants who
answered more responses within the low levels of the scale were put in the low category,
whereas students who answered within the high levels of the scale were put in the high
category. Low levels of the scale ranged from 1 through 25 for the perceptions of racial
prejudice and discrimination factor, as well as the ethnic identity factor. High levels of
the scale ranged from 26 through 50 for the perceptions of racial prejudice and
discrimination factor, as well as the ethnic identity factor. Participants who fell into the
low level category of student development ranged from 1 through 20. Participants who
fell into the high level category of student development ranged from 26 through 50.
Hypothesis one stated that students with lower levels of perceptions of racial
prejudice and discrimination will have lower levels of established ethnic identity. A one-
way analysis of variance was conducted to determine whether there was a relationship
between participants’ perceptions of racism and their established ethnic identity. As
displayed in Table 4.1, it was determined that there was no statistical significant
relationship between these two factors.

Table 4.1: One-Way ANOVA of Perceptions of Racism on Ethnic Identity Establishment
Lower Bound Upper Bound
Low Racism 11 1.0000 0.00000 0.00000 1.0000 1.0000 1.00 1.00
High Racism 142 1.0282 0.16604 0.01393 1.0006 1.0557 1.00 2.00
Total 153 1.0261 0.16009 0.01294 1.0006 1.0517 1.00 2.00
Not significant 'Between Groups' F=.315, p=.576 (df, 1)
Mini mum Maximum N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error
95% Confidence Interval for Mean
Hypothesis two stated that students with higher levels of established ethnic
identity will have higher levels of student development. A one-way analysis was
conducted to determine whether there was a relationship between participants’
established ethnic identity and their student development. It was determined that there
was a statistical significant relationship between these two factors. As displayed in Table
4.2, there was significant difference between low and high ethnic identity development
on student development.

Table 4.2: One-Way ANOVA of Established Ethnic Identity on Student Development
Lower Bound Upper Bound
Low Ethnic Identity 2 1.5000 0.70711 0.50000 -4.8531 7.8531 1.00 2.00
High Ethnic Identity 152 1.9342 0.24873 0.02017 1.8943 1.9741 1.00 2.00
Total 154 1.9286 0.25838 0.02082 1.8874 1.9697 1.00 2.00
Significant 'Between Groups' F=5.748, df=1, p<.05
Minimum Maximum N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error
95% Confidence Interval for Mean
39

Hypothesis three stated that students with high levels of perceptions of racial
prejudice and discrimination will have low levels of established ethnic identity and low
levels of student development. A chi-square statistical test was performed to determine
whether there was a relationship between participants’ perceptions of racial prejudice and
discrimination with participants’ established ethnic identity and their academic and
intellectual development and goal commitments. As displayed in Table 4.3, it was
determined that there was no statistical significant relationship between or within the
following variables: student development, perceptions of racism, ethnic identity
development.

Table 4.3: Crosstab of Perceptions of Racism, Ethnic Identity Establishment and Student Development
Ethnic Identity Student Development Low High Total
Low Low 1 1
High 10 10
Total 11 11
High Low 1 0 1
High 135 4 139
Total 136 4 140
X
2
= .863
Racism

40

41

Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion
Discussion
Students enter college with varying personal experiences and backgrounds. These
varying experiences and backgrounds can impact their college experiences (Pascarella &
Terenzini, 1980). Moreover, perceptions of the experiences of racism and discrimination
have played negative roles in academic performance (Nora & Cabrera, 1996). It is
because of these previous analyses, that in this study it was hypothesized that there would
be significant relationships between racism and student development, as well as racism
and ethnic identity. Because prior studies have shown negative relationships with racism
and academic performance, racism was also thought to seemingly have a negative
relationship with student development. Racism was also thought to seemingly have a
fitting relationship with ethnic identity because it is within the general sphere of race
relations. The results of the study suggest that no relationships exist between racism and
student development, as well as racism and ethnic identity. However, the results of the
study suggest that ethnic identity did have a positive relationship with student
development. The current chapter will go into detail about the results that were presented
in the previous chapter. This chapter includes two sections: discussion and conclusion.
The discussion section includes four parts: racism and skewed perceptions, the
normalization of racism, ethnic identity and student development, and possible
relationships. The chapter will then conclude with limitations, applications, future
studies.
42

Racism and skewed perceptions. Racism has shown to have a negative effect on
multiple aspects of an individual’s life including his/her student development and overall
college experience (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980; Nora & Cabrera, 1996). Several
reactions may occur when racism is encountered by an individual. However, this
discussion will limit the reactions to just one, the normalization of racism. An individual
will be unaware of the racism because it has become normalized and is seemingly
unaffected by the racism (Nora & Cabrera, 1996). It is difficult to classify what the norm
for minorities is because racism has evolved from traditional overt racism to modern
subtle racism (Sydell & Nelson, 2000; Jordan, 1968; Ponterotto, Utsey, Pederson, 2006,
pg. 32).
A possible explanation of why hypotheses one and three were found to be
insignificant could be because of the normalization of racism. Individuals may be
unaware that racism exists. A student’s belief may be different than the reality of the
situation. Because racism has changed type, so have the perceptions of racism (Sydell &
Nelson, 2000). The change in racism from traditional overt racism to modern subtle
racism has not only changed the experiences that individuals have, but also their views of
the experiences. Modern subtle racism, such as being ignored in a classroom, may be
overlooked and not considered racism or seen as a high degree of inequality. Because of
modern subtle racism, acts of racial microaggressions have become more common on and
off campus (Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). Racial microaggressions are racially
motivated insults towards ethnic minorities that are seemingly routine for White
individuals (Solorzano, Ceja & Yosso, 2000). Students may have adapted to this type of
43

racism and may no longer find it offensive because it has also become routine (Nora &
Cabrera, 1996).
Although participants may feel that they have not experienced racism, it does not
mean that racism is nonexistent. The views and classification of what racism is has
changed over time, however acts of racism are still current. As Boyle (2008) revealed in a
study conducted by the National Opinion Research Center in 2003 at the University of
Chicago that some households earning $20,000-$40,000 alongside some households
earning over $110,000 both considered themselves middle class despite their substantial
difference in range.
Perceptions of Black/White inequality have also changed over time as shown
from the General Social Surveys (Hunt 2007). As late as the 1970’s, Whites attributed the
failures of Black/African Americans to their inherent inabilities. As late as the 1980’s
views from Whites, Black/African Americans, and Hispanics had changed and the
failures were attributed to a lack of motivation. Nowadays, institutional racism is seen
less as an attribute of the failures of minorities (Hunt, 2007). There is now a belief that
everyone has access to be successful in the U.S. regardless of their skin color. However,
this discounts the reality of White privilege, and perpetuates laissez-faire racism, aversive
racism, and colorblind racism. Despite its irony, the belief that racism does not exist
further enables racism (Zamudio & Rios, 2006; Neville et. al, 2001; Ponterotto et. al,
2006, p. 39).
The normalization of racism. No relationship was found between perceptions of
racism and ethnic identity. Students’ perception of racism did not impact their unformed
or formed ethnic identity. Two reasons can explain this phenomenon. First, some students
may have entered college with an already established ethnic identity and also may not
find subtle racism offensive enough to report or recall. Second, some students may not
have experienced a significant incident of racism to probe their interest in their ethnic
identity. Figure 5.1 show the category in which these students may
belong to.
Figure 5.1: Categories High Perceptions of Racism Low Perceptions of Racism
Established Ethnic Identity X
Unformed Ethnic Identity X

According to Phinney (1990), students with low perceptions of racism and who
have unformed ethnic identities are still currently in Stage 1: Diffusion/Foreclosure of
ethnic identity development. In several ethnic identity models individuals are faced with
a significant incident(s) of racism that leads the individual to explore his/her ethnic
identity. For Asian Americans, this is Stage 3: Awakening to Social Political
Consciousness (Kim, 1981). For Black/African Americans, this is Stage 2: The Encounter
(Cross, 1978). Lastly, for Chicano and Latino groups, this is generally Stage 4: Working
Through (Ruiz, 1990). Once individuals have reached one of these stages, they can
proceed to the following stages of exploration and finally an established ethnic identity.
Because racism has become normalized, incidences of racism do not always result
in ethnic identity exploration and an established ethnic identity. When individuals explore
their ethnicity and form an established ethnic identity, they will have positive attitudes
about their background. Furthermore, when individuals have negative attitudes about
their ethnicity, they will most likely reject their ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990). These
44

45

individuals will further assimilate to dominant White culture and further abandon their
own ethnicity and culture. Contrarily, because of their positive attitudes, some individuals
may also have an established ethnic identity without a significant incident of racism.
These individuals may have grown up in a family or community in which their ethnic
identity was nurtured and flourished. This reasoning can explain why some students in
this study had established ethnic identities, but low perceptions of racism. Individuals
may flow through every stage of their ethnic identity model and form an established
ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990; Kim, 1981; Cross, 1978; & Ruiz, 1990). Other individuals
may skip stages and form an established ethnic identity. Some individuals may remain
stuck in a stage of ethnic identity development and may never reach an established ethnic
identity (Phinney, 1990; Kim, 1981; Cross, 1978; & Ruiz, 1990).
Interestingly, the ethnic identity models for minorities include stages in which an
individual encounters racism and explores his/her own background to counter the racism.
However, for the White identity model, it begins with the individual being unaware that
racism exists and ends with becoming a nonracist individual. The White identity model
includes two phases: “The abandonment of racism” and “Defining a Nonracist White
Identity”. From this model, it is clear that for White individuals being White is the norm.
Consequently, the ethnic identity models for minorities clearly show that they are in fact
the minority because they are encountering a racist act, which makes them different from
the norm.
The current study shows that students belonging to groups of unformed or
established ethnic identities were more likely to have low perceptions of racism. Whether
46

students had achieved an ethnic identity or had not, racism was revealed as the norm. A
student with an unformed ethnic identity may already perceive racism as the norm and
may be aware that racism exists, but feel that their inferiority to Whites is normal. A
student with an established ethnic identity may encounter subtle acts of racism and may
not feel that it is an issue because it is not an overt act. Furthermore, this same student
may not speak up on acts of racism because of the social stigma that it entails. It is also
likely that minority students may not want to be considered the student that cried
“racism” in every occurrence because these subtle acts of racism may be encountered on
daily basis.
Ethnic identity and student development. A significant relationship was found
between ethnic identity and student development. Student development included
academic and intellectual development. High levels of established ethnic identity
correlated with high levels of student development. Low levels of established ethnic
identity correlated with low levels of student development. Students with an established
ethnic identity were more likely to have higher levels of student development, whereas
students with an unformed ethnic identity had lower levels of student development.
Pascarella (1985) explains in his General Causal Model that ethnicity is a student
background/precollege trait. Along with the institutional environment and quality of
student effort, this student background/precollege trait can affect learning and cognitive
development. Furthermore, this student background/precollege trait can impact the
student’s decision in choosing the college he/she wishes to attend
(structural/organizational characteristics of institutions) which can then impact the
47

interactions with agents of socialization and finally impact learning and cognitive
development. For example, a student with an established ethnic identity may decide to
attend a more diverse college, will then feel more confident and comfortable with the
student population and faculty because he/she is culturally familiar with these
individuals, will successfully transition into college, and then become developed
academically and intellectually.
Research has shown that students who have a formed ethnic identity tend to
perform better in academics (Nasim et. al, 2007) which may explain why students felt
that they had developed successfully academically and intellectually. Furthermore, these
students have also shown that they have successfully transitioned to college life because
of their high levels of development. Research has also shown that there is a relationship
between self-esteem and formed ethnic identity (Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz, 1997;
Skowron, 2004). Students with lower self-esteems are more likely to have an unformed
ethnic identity. This can in turn affect students overall college experiences including
student development, as well as socialization. Students with low self-esteem tend to
socialize less often and have fewer meaningful relationships with other individuals.
Students with low self-esteem may also feel less confident in performing well in
academics which can in turn inhibit student development.
Ethnic identity plays a major role in student development because there is a
known positive relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem. Students are
generally more confident when they have high levels of self-esteem. This can impact
48

various parts of the overall college experience including the student’s social and
academic life.
Possible relationships between racism, ethnic identity, and student development
The study suggests that racism did not have a relationship with ethnic identity or
student development. However, ethnic identity and student development did have a
positive relationship. In all ethnic identity models, an individual faces a racist situation
that leads the individual to explore his/her own ethnic identity. According to ethnic
identity models, for most people racism plays a significant role in ethnic identity
development. Individuals do not need to face a racist event to explore their own ethnic
background. If an individual did not encounter a racist event that led to ethnic identity
exploration, they may have achieved their identity at home with the support of their
family and community. The support may have helped nourish the individual’s ethnic
identity development. However, typically individuals encounter the racist act that leads to
exploration of their background.
A student’s background will affect his/her transition into college (Pascarella &
Terenzini, 1980). Students who are confident about their own background enter college
as confident beings, may transition to college life more easily and become successful in
college. Students who enter college with unformed ethnic identities may enter college
confused about who they are. College is deemed the place where one discovers
him/herself, however according to Pascarella and Terenzini (1980) it is not the always
case. Students who enter college with unformed ethnic identities may be unaware of who
they are, how they should fit in, and how to deal with different and new situations. For
49

example, a minority student who has an unformed ethnic identity, who has grown up with
people with the same ethnic background, may still enter college unaware or even reject
his own ethnic background. This same student enters a PWI with the belief that he will
assimilate to the dominant White culture. That student can then be rejected by students of
another background subtly or overtly and may become more ashamed of his culture and
himself. This student may be unable to adjust successfully to college life and will have
lower levels of student development, which may result in dropping out. Students in this
type of situation may have an unformed ethnic identity and may also have low levels of
racism because they have not experienced being in an environment where they are
different. These students do not know how to handle overt or subtle racism because they
may be unaware that it exists. These feelings may lead to anxiety and may become
damaging to the individual’s success as a student, thus, damaging their student
development.
Students in this study may have also entered college with an experience of racist
discrimination and did not report it on the survey because the study strictly asked
questions about experiences in the college campus. This may explain why these students
already had an established ethnic identity, even when ethnic identity had no relationship
with racism. The MEIM instrument asked questions about exploration and determined
whether an individual had reached an established ethnic identity. However, the MEIM
did not ask whether there was a significant experience of racism that may have made
individuals inquire about their own ethnic background. Furthermore, it is difficult for the
MEIM to even ask participants about an experience of racism because the MEIM is open
50

to all ethnic groups, including Whites. As stated previously, the White identity model
begins with an individual already being a racist and unaware that racism exists. Other
ethnic identity models, involve minorities encountering a racist event and then exploring
their identity. Thus, there may still be a relationship between racism, ethnic identity, and
student development.
Implications
Limitations. A limitation from this current study involves the sample size. The
university in which data was collected enrolls nearly 30,000 students each year. The
current study only collected data from a little over 200 students. These 200 students may
not fully represent the 30,000 students enrolled. Furthermore, each ethnic group may not
have been fully represented. Over half of the participants were Asian students. Fewer
Black/African American (7%) and Hispanic students (10%) participated in the study than
White students (15%). There were even fewer mixed race students (6%). Fifty-nine
percent of participants were graduate students who had already completed an
undergraduate degree. Undergraduate students may have differences in development in
comparison to graduate students. The survey was also a self-report so responses may be
over or under reported.
Furthermore, racial microaggressions and other forms of modern subtle racism
were not incorporated in a high degree in this study. The main questions asked in the
study involved overt acts of racism. Therefore, modern subtle racism may have been
encountered by participants and unaccounted for in the study.
51

Application. This study can be useful for college officials. College is marketed as
the institution where young adults are able to find who they truly are and become capable
adults. However, college officials may not take into consideration the life experiences
that students have attained prior to entering the institution. College officials should be
aware of these experiences and differences in experiences between all students. Support
should be provided to students who are having difficulty adjusting to college and finding
a sense of belonging within themselves as well as other groups within college.
For example, admissions officers typically read personal statements from
prospective students and credit these students for their diversity and well-roundedness.
However, these same students are being admitted into an institution that may not meet
their diverse needs. Therefore, programs for minority freshmen and transfer students
should be considered to help these students transition successfully into the institution.
Support programs should not only include academic support, but also personal
development. Furthermore, multicultural centers and additional diversity programs
should be implemented to support the needs of students throughout their college career.
Racism and the general sphere of race relationships should not be taken lightly.
College officials should be aware that racism exists and does affect the lives of students
even inside the safe haven of college walls. Furthermore, the more resistant college
officials are to the openness of speaking about racism, the more likely racism will persist.
If racism and the lack of openness to diversity are not considered, affected students will
continue to be traumatized in college. They will continue to carry over the trauma and
52

hurt to other aspects of their lives including the workplace. Worst of all, affected
individuals will continue to see their worldview as being helpless.
Future Studies
The current study sought to find whether racism existed within college and
whether it affected college life. Even though the study showed no significant
relationships between racism with ethnic identity or student development, prior studies
have shown that there are significant relationships. This current study did not support
earlier claims, however, this could be due to the limitations in sample size and diversity
of participants in the current study.
One section of a future study could include hypothetical scenarios in which
students would classify whether a racist act had occurred. Another section of the future
study could also include questions asking students about real life experiences. The study
could then compare results of the scenarios and student experiences of racism on and off
campus, before and during college. The future study would be more likely to answer the
following questions, “What is the norm for students?”, “What do students consider
racist?”, “Are there more overt or subtle racist acts?”, “Do students consider subtle acts
racism?”, and “How does racism affect social and academic aspects of college?” This
future study may not only establish that racism exists, but also distinguish whether
perceptions of students correlate with actual incidents of racism.
Because this current study was broad and included all ethnic groups, a future
study can be conducted in which only one ethnic group is focused on. Another option
could be to compare ethnic groups to the majority White group because the differences in
53

ethnic identity development. Furthermore, grade point average should be included as a
factor to measure academic performance alongside academic and intellectual
development. The researcher could then compare academic performance with academic
and intellectual development to see if these two factors correlated.
Conclusion
The current study suggests that no relationships exist between racism and ethnic
identity, as well as racism and student development. The current study does suggest that
there is a positive relationship between ethnic identity and student development. Because
of the limitations of the study, it is difficult to generalize a conclusion from the findings.
Ethnic identity models have shown that a significant incident of racism probes ethnic
identity development (Phinney, 1990; Kim, 1981; Cross, 1978; & Ruiz, 1990), which
would suggest that racism has a significant relationship with ethnic identity. Furthermore,
earlier studies have shown that background characteristics such as ethnicity affect student
development and college life (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980), which was supported from
this current study. It can be assumed that experiences of racism would fit under
background characteristics alongside ethnicity and would affect student development. In
this current study, there was no significance between racism and student development.
When conducting a research study that involves a sensitive such as race, the
limitations of this study should be considered. Each ethnic group should be fairly
represented, so that results can be more easily generalized. The personal backgrounds of
individuals play a significant role in how students react and adjust to college life. Some
may transition more easily than others. Others may have difficulty transitioning and even
54

completing college. Thus, college officials should always consider student backgrounds
in all aspects of college.

55

References
Akbar, N. (1984). Chains and images of psychological slavery. Jersey City, NJ: Mind
Productions.

Alvan, S. L., Belgrave, F. Z., & Zea, M. C. (1996). Stress, social support, and college
adjustment among Latino students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority
Psychology, 2(3), 193-203.

Alon, S. & Tienda, M. (2007). Diversity, opportunity, and the shifting meritocracy in
higher education. American Sociological Review, 72(4), 487-511.

Arce, C. (1981). A reconsideration of Chicano culture and identity. Daedalus, 110(2),
177-192.

Aronson, J., Quinn, D. M. & Spencer, S. J. (1998). Stereotype threat and the academic
underperformance of minorities and women. In J. K. Swim & C. Stangor (Ed.),
Prejudice: The target’s perspective (pp. 83-103). San Diego, CA: Academic
Press.

Ashton, M. C., & Esses, V. M. (1999). Stereotype accuracy: Estimating the academic
performance of ethnic groups. Society for Personality and Social Psychology,
25(2), 225-236.

Berry. J. W. (1980). Acculturation as varieties of adaptation. In A. M. Padilla (Ed.),
Acculturation: Theories, models, and some new findings (pp. 9-25). Boulder, CO:
Westview Press.

Boyle, M. J. (2008). Poverty and class in the US elections. Renewal: a Journal of Labour
Politics, 16(2), 81-89.

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954).

Cancian, M. (1998). Race-based verses Class-based affirmative action in college
admissions. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 17(1), 94-105.

Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Pub.L. 88-352, 78 Stat. 241, July 2, 1964)

Cross, W. E., Jr. (1978). Toward a psychology of black liberation: The Negro-to-black
conversion experience. Black World, 20(9), 13-27.

Darwin, C. (1871). The descent of man. New York: D. Appleton and Company.

56

Dionne, S. (2003). To prove-them-wrong syndrome: Voices from unheard African-
American males in engineering disciplines. Journal of Men’s Studies, 12(1), 61.

Erikson, E. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton.

Fanon, F. (1963). The wretched of the earth. New York: Grove Press.

Fischer, M. J. (2007). Settling into campus life: Differences by race/ethnicity in college
involvement and outcomes. Journal of Higher Education, 78(2), 125-161.

Guthrie, R. V. (1998). Even the rat was white: A historical view of psychology (2
nd
ed).
Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Helms, J. E. (1990). Black and White racial identity: Theory, research, and practice.
Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

Hunt. M. O. (2007). African American, Hispanic, and White Beliefs about Black/White
Inequality, 1977-2004. American Sociological Review, 72(3), 390-415.

Jordan, W. D. (1968). Black over white: American attitudes toward the Negro, 1550-
1812. New York: Norton.

Kambon, K. K. K. (1998). African/Black psychology in the American context.
Tallahassee, FL: Nubian Nation.

Katz, K. V., Green, B. L., Kressin, N. R., & Kegeles, S. S. (2008). The legacy of the
Tuskegee syphilis study: Assessing its impact on willingness to participate in
biomedical studies. Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved, 19 (4),
1168-1181.

Kent, N. J. (1996). The new campus racism: What’s going on? Thought & Action, 12(2),
45-57.

Kim, J. (1981). The process of Asian-American identity development: A study of
Japanese American women’s perceptions of their struggle to achieve Positive
identities. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts.

Marcus, A., Mullins, L.C., Brackett, K. P., & Tang, Z. (2003). Perceptions of racism on
campus. College Student Journal, 37(4), 611-626.

McIntosh, P. (1989). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible backpack.

Mendez v. Westminster, 64 F. Supp. 544 (S.D. Cal. 1946).

57

Morgan, S. (2004). Beyond the laboratory: Evaluating the survey evidence for the
disidentification explanation of Black-White differences in achievement.
Sociology of Education, 77(1), 82-101.

Nasim, A., Roberts, A., Harrell, J. P., & Young, H. (2005). Non-cognitive predictors of
academic achievement for African Americans across cultural contexts. The
Journal of Negro Education, 74(4), 344-358.

Neville, H. A., Worthington, R. L., & Spanierman, L.B. (2001). Race power, and
multicultural counseling psychology: Understanding White privilege and
colorblind racial attitudes. In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, L.A. Suzuki, & C. M.
Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (2
nd
ed., pp. 257-288).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Nora, A., & Cabrera, A. F. (1996). The role of perceptions of prejudice and
discrimination on the adjustment of minority students to college. The Journal of
Higher Education, 67(2), 119-149.

Pascarella, E. (1985). College environmental influences on learning and cognitive
development: A critical review and synthesis. In J. Smart (Ed.), Higher
education: Handbook of theory and research (Vol. 1, pp. 1-64). New York:
Agathon.

Pascarella, E., & Terenzini, P. T. (1980). Predicting freshman persistence and voluntary
dropout decisions from a theoretical model. Journal of Higher Education, 51(1),
61-75.

Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896).

Ponterotto, J. G., Utsey, S. O., & Pedersen, P. B. (2006). Preventing prejudice: A guide
for counselors, educators, and parents (2
nd
ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (1978).

Reid, L. D., & Radhakrishnan, P. (2003). Race matters: The relation between race and
general campus climate. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 9(3),
263-275.

Phinney, J. S. (1990). Ethnic identity in adolescents and adults: Review of research.
Psychological Bulletin, 108(3), 499-514.

Phinney, J. S. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with
adolescents and young adults from diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent
Research, 7, 156-176.

58

Phinney, J. S., Cantu, C. L, & Kurtz, D. A. (1997). Ethnic and American identity as
predictors of self-esteem among African American, Latino and White adolescents.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 26, 165-185.

Phinney, J. S. & Ong, A. D. (2007). Conceptualization and measurement of ethnic
identity: Current status and future directions. Journal of Counseling Psychology,
54(3), 271-281.

Quintana, S. M. (2007). Racial and ethnic identity: Developmental perspectives and
research. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54, 259-270.

Ruiz, A. S. (1990). Ethnic identity: Crisis and resolution. Journal of Multicultural
Counseling and Development, 18(1), 29-40.

Skowron, E. A. (2004). Differentiation of self, personal adjustment, problem solving, and
ethnic group belonging among persons of color. Journal of Counseling &
Development, 82, 447-456.

Skowron, E. A., & Friedlander, M. L. (1998). The differentiation of self inventory:
Development and initial validation. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 45, 235-
246.

Solorzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2000). Critical race theory, racial
microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African
American College Students. The Journal of Negro Education, 69, 60-74.

Steele, C. M. (1992). Race and the schooling of black Americans. The Atlantic Monthly,
67-78.

Suarez-Balcazar, Y., Orellano-Damacela, L., Portillo, N., Rowan, J. M. & Andrews-
Guillen, C. (2003). Experiences of differential treatment among college students
of color. Journal of Higher Education, 74(4), 428-444.

Sydell, E. J., & Nelson, E. S. (2000). Modern racism on campus: A survey of attitudes
and perceptions. Social Science Journal, 37(4), 627-635.

The Best 368 Colleges. (2009). New York: Princeton Review.

Tinto, V. (1975). Dropout from higher education: A theoretical synthesis of recent
research. Review of Educational Research, 45, 89-125.

59

Utsey, S. O., Bolden, M. A., & Brown, A. L. (2001). Visions of revolution from the spirit
of Franz Fanon: A psychology of liberation for counseling African Americans
confronting societal racism and oppression. In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, L. A.
Suzuki, & C. M. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (2
nd
ed.,
pp. 311-336). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Walker, I. (2001). The changing nature of racism: From old to new. In M. Augoustinos &
K. J. Reynolds (Eds.), Understanding prejudice, racism, and social conflict (pp.
24-42). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Wyatt, G. (1997). Racism & psychology: Research, resilience, and a call for action.
Presented at the American Psychological Association, Chicago, IL., August 1997.

Zamudio, M. M. & Rios, F. (2006). From traditional to liberal racism: Living racism in
the everyday. Sociological Perspectives, 49(4), 483-501.

Appendix: Survey

University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

Perceptions of Inequality: Racism, Ethnic Identity, Student Development

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by M.Ed. graduate student
Marimas Hosan and Chair Dr. Darnell Cole from the Rossier School of Education at the
University of Southern California. This research study is being conducted as a thesis to
complete a graduation requirement. You were selected as a possible participant in this study
because you have completed at least one semester at this college and are between the ages of
18 and 24. Your participation is voluntary. Please take as much time as you need to read the
information sheet. You may also decide to discuss it with your family or friends. You will be
given a copy of this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
We are asking you to take part in a research study because we are trying to learn more about
college students’ racial/ethnic identity and their perceptions of racism and how it may affect
college academic performance. You will be asked questions about your racial/ethnic identity,
experiences of racism and prejudice, academic and intellectual development, and institutional
and goal commitments.

Completion and return of the questionnaire will constitute consent to participate in this
research project.

PROCEDURES
You will be asked to complete a 40-question survey. The survey should take you
approximately 10 minutes to complete. You will first be asked whether you have completed
at least one semester of college and if you are between the ages of 18 and 24. You will then
be asked to rate your feelings and perceptions on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1-
Strongly Disagree to 5- Strongly Agree and indicate how many times you have had certain
experiences on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1-Never to 5-Eleven or more times
experienced. Sample questions include “I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic
group” (1-Strongly Disagree to 5-Strongly Agree) and “A student (of another racial group)
has made a racist remark to me in class” (1-Never to 5-Eleven or more times).

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks to your participation. You may feel some discomfort while
completing the survey because you are being asked questions about negative experiences you
have encountered in the past. You may also be inconvenience from taking time out of your
day to complete the survey. If at any time, you feel uncomfortable you may skip a question.
You are also not required to complete the survey in its entirety.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
You may not directly benefit from your participation in this research study. However, this
study may benefit future students who may face negative experiences of racism and
prejudice. College officials may also improve support services to better help these students’
needs.
60

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You have the opportunity to be entered into a raffle to win one of seven prizes. You do not
need to participate in the study or answer all of the questions in order to be eligible for the
lottery. 7 winners will be randomly selected to win two movie tickets (3 prizes), a $15
Starbucks gift card (2 prizes) or $15 Jamba Juice gift card (2 prizes). You need to provide
your email address to be entered into the raffle. The odds of winning are dependant upon the
number of entries. If 150 people enter, the odds of winning will be 7 in 150. Winners will be
notified by email no later than April 30, 2009.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Your name will not be associated or linked to you responses. If you enter your email address,
it will be kept separate from the survey.

All information gathered will be numerically coded to maintain confidentiality. Email
addresses will be removed and kept separate from survey responses to protect participant
identity. Only members of the research team will have access to the data associated with this
study. The data will be stored in the investigator’s office in a locked file cabinet/password
protected computer. The data will only be released to the thesis committee that will include
Chair Dr. Darnell Cole, and committee members Dr. Patricia Tobey and Dr. Kristan
Venegas. The data will be stored for three years after the study has been completed and then
destroyed. When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no
information will be included that would reveal your identity.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study, you
may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may also refuse to answer
any questions you don’t want to answer and still remain in the study. The investigator may
withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise which warrant doing so. If you
selected that you have not completed one semester of college and/or are not between the ages
of 18 and 24, you will be withdrawn from the study.

ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your alternative is to not participate.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without penalty.
You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your participation in this
research study. If you have any questions about your rights as a study subject or you would
like to speak with someone independent of the research team to obtain answers to questions
about the research, or in the event the research staff can not be reached, please contact the
University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Stonier Hall,
Room 224a, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1146, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact M.Ed.
graduate researcher Marimas Hosan (714-661-9182 hosan@usc.edu) or Thesis Chair Dr.
Darnell Cole (213-821-4363 darnellc@usc.edu).
Yes, I would like to enter into the drawing. My email address is
61

No, I would not like to enter into the drawing.

Yes, I would like to complete the survey.
No, I would not like to complete the survey.

I have completed at least one semester of college.
Yes
No
I am currently between the ages of 18-24.
Yes
No

Please answer the following general questions about yourself:
Gender:
Male
Female

Age:
18
19
20
21
22
23
24

Class Standing:
Freshman (1-31 units completed)
Sophomore (32-63 units completed)
Junior (64-95 units completed)
Senior (96+ units completed)
Graduate Student

Academic major:

62

Extra-curricular college activities. Check all that apply.
Athletics
Fraternity/Sorority
Honor societies
Student clubs/organizations
Student leadership/activities
Other. Please specify.

MY ethnicity:
Asian, Asian American, or Pacific Islander
Black, African American or Caribbean
Hispanic or Latino, including Mexican American and Central American
White, Anglo, European American; not Hispanic
American Indian/Native American
Mixed; Parents are from two different groups. Please specify.
Other. Please specify.
My FATHER'S ethnicity is:
Asian, Asian, American, or Pacific Islander
Black, African American or Caribbean
Hispanic or Latino, including Mexican American and Central American
White, Anglo, European; not Hispanic
American Indian/Native American
Mixed; Parents are from two different groups. Please specify.
Other. Please specify.
My MOTHER'S ethnicity is:
Asian, Asian American, or Pacific Islander
Black, African American or Caribbean
Hispanic or Latino, including Mexican American and Central American
White, Anglo, European; not Hispanic
American Indian/Native American
Mixed; Parents are from two different groups. Please specify.
Other. Please specify.
63

Below are a number of statements of actions. Please indicate how many times each action
has occurred to you during your college experience.
Never 1-2 times 3-4 times 5-10 times 11+ times
1. Abusive words
directed toward me
(by a person of a race
other than my own)
while I walk to class.
64

2. Abusive words
shouted at me (by a
person of a race other
than my own) from a
car on campus.

3. Found a flier with a
racist message on
campus.

4. Been pushed,
shoved, or elbowed on
campus (by a person
of a race other than
my own).

Never 1-2 times 3-4 times 5-10 times 11+ times
1. Abusive words from
an instructor (of a race
other than my own)
during class.

2. An instructor (of a
race other than my
own) has ignored me
when my hand was
raised in class.

3. An instructor (of a
race other than my
own) has belittled my
intellectual ability
during class.

4. An Instructor (of a
race other than my
own) belittled my
intellectual ability
while talking with me
privately.

5. An instructor (of a
race other than my
own) has been unfair
to me in grading an
exam.

Never 1-2 times 3-4 times 5-10 times 11+ times
1. A student (of
another racial group)
has made a racist
remark to me in class.
65

2. Students (of a
different race) have
ignored me by not
talking to me in class.

3. Students (of a
different race) have
refused to allow me to
study with them.

Below are a number of statements of feelings and attitudes. Please indicate to what degree,
you feel each statement is true for you.
Neither
Agree nor
Disagree
Strongly
Agree
Strongly
Disagree
Agree Disagree
1. I am satisfied with
the extent my
intellectual
development since
enrolling in this
university.

2. My academic
experience has had a
positive influence on
my intellectual growth
and interest in ideas.

3. I am satisfied with
my academic
experience at this
university.

4. Few of my courses
this year have been
intellectually
stimulating.

5. My interest in ideas
and intellectual
matters has increased
since coming to this
university.

6. I am more likely to
attend a cultural event
(for example, a
concert, lecture, or art
show) now than I was
before coming to this
university.

66

7. I have performed
academically as well
as I anticipated I
would.

Neither
Agree nor
Disagree
Strongly
Disagree
Strongly
Agree
Disagree Agree
1. It is important for
me to graduate from
college.

2. I am confident that I
made the right
decision in choosing
to attend this
university.

3. It is likely that I will
register at this
university next fall.

4. It is not important to
me to graduate from
this university.

5. I have no idea at all
what I want to major
in.

6. Getting good grades
is not important to me.

Below are a number of statements of feelings, attitudes, actions. Please indicate to what
degree, you feel each statement is true for you.
Neither
Agree nor
Disagree
Strongly
Agree
Strongly
Disagree
Agree Disagree
1. I have spent time
trying to find out more
about my ethnic
group, such as its
history, traditions, and
customs.

2. I am active in
organizations or social
groups that include
mostly members of
my own ethnic group.

3. I have a clear sense
of my ethnic
background and what
it means for me.

67

4. I think a lot about
how my life will be
affected by my ethnic
group membership.

5. I am happy that I
am a member of the
group I belong to.

6. I have a strong
sense of belonging to
my own ethnic group.

7. I understand pretty
well what my ethnic
group membership
means to me.

8. In order to learn
more about my ethnic
background, I have
often talked to other
people about my
ethnic group.

9. I have a lot of pride
in my ethnic group.

10. I participate in
cultural practices of
my own group, such
as special food, music,
or customs.

11. I feel a strong
attachment towards
my own ethnic group.

12. I feel good about
my cultural or ethnic
background.

Survey Powered By Qualtrics ®

Abstract (if available)

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Ethnic identity development, ethnic student organizations, campus racial climate, cultural integrity, and sense of belonging for Filipino American undergraduate students at a selective predominan...

PDF

Self-perceptions of student identity in community college students with disabilities

PDF

Examining the relationship between students’ pre-college experiences and outcomes in diversity courses

PDF

Exploring student perceptions and experiences regarding the role of diversity courses and service-learning on cross-racial interactions

PDF

Student, staff, and parent perceptions of the reasons for ethnic conflict between Armenian and Latino students

PDF

What is the impact of same-race alumni mentoring on the career development of African American students attending predominantly White Universities?

PDF

Exploring ethnic and academic identity in resilient African American students: an in-depth analysis of the USC TRIO program

PDF

Cultural centers and students: are the diversity needs of students being met?

PDF

An awareness of local identity: influence of Hawaiian, Asian, and Pacific (HAP) issues course at Kapi‘olani Community College

PDF

A case study of the applicability of Chickering’s theory of psychological development of Chinese international students in the American higher education settings

PDF

The college labyrinth: the educational journey of first-generation Latino students in engineering

PDF

Postsecondary faculty attitudes, beliefs, practices, and knowledge regarding students with ADHD: a comparative analysis of two-year and four-year institutions

PDF

Teachers’ perceptions of student behavior and relationship quality: an exploration of racial congruence and self-identity development

PDF

The at-risk student perspective of education in an alternative education program

PDF

Concept mapping of the sources of perceived impact on community college students' identity development: a students' perspective

PDF

Do the perceptions of the usefulness of academic support services influence ethnically diverse students' help-seeking attitudes and behaviors?

PDF

Decision-making and graduate school debt: a focus on master's degree students

PDF

Study abroad and the ethnoracial identity development of Latinx students

PDF

The effect of diversity courses on international students from China and Hong Kong: a focus on intergroup peer relationships

PDF

Students in basic skills mathematics: perceptions and experiences of community college progress and help-seeking

Asset Metadata

Creator Hosan, Marimas (author)

Core Title Perceptions of inequality: racism, ethnic identity and student development for a master of education degree

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Master of Education

Degree Program Postsecondary Administration

Publication Date 12/06/2010

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag College students,ethnic identity,Ethnicity,Inequality,OAI-PMH Harvest,Racism,student development

Place Name California (states), Los Angeles (city or populated place)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Cole, Darnell (committee chair), Tobey, Patricia (committee member), Venegas, Kristan M. (committee member)

Creator Email hosan@usc.edu,mhosan85@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m3585

Unique identifier UC1460860

Identifier etd-Hosan-4186 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-429336 (legacy record id),usctheses-m3585 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Hosan-4186.pdf

Dmrecord 429336

Document Type Thesis

Rights Hosan, Marimas

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu