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Scholar, minister, rebel: Fujiwara no Yorinaga (1120-1156)

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Scholar, minister, rebel: Fujiwara no Yorinaga (1120-1156)

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Content Scholar, Minister, Rebel Fujiwara no Yorinaga (1120-1156) By Jillian Rose Barndt A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (HISTORY) December 2021 Copyright 2021 Jillian Rose Barndt ii Dedication For my parents, Kimberly and Stanley Barndt; thank you for encouraging me to travel halfway around the world and back again, all so I could read and translate little squiggles. And for my late grandfather, Herbert James Barndt, for showing me how cool being a professor could be. iii Acknowledgements This project began with a note during a meeting with my advisor, Joan Piggott, early in my PhD, with a single word: “education?” This led me down a rabbit hole as I tried to grasp the nature of education in Heian Japan, and eventually brought me to Yorinaga. This project has changed and grown over the years, but I would not be able to reach the end without the strong support structure I have built both in Los Angeles and abroad. Professor Joan Piggott welcomed me to USC back in 2013, and I have never regretted that choice. Thank you for all your guidance and advice over the years, and the support to continue conducting my research. Thank you to my committee members, Bettine Birge and Lori Meeks, not only for your feedback on this project, but your guidance through my doctorate. Thank you to my MA advisor, Mikael Adolphson, for encouraging me to continue to a Ph.D., and introducing me to the world of kambun for the first time. I would also like to thank Satoko Shimazaki for introducing me to the fascinating world of Japanese book culture. With the generous funding of the Fulbright Foundation, I was able to carry out research at the Historiographical Institute at the University of Tokyo from 2016-2017. Professor Yamaguchi Hideo was kind enough to sponsor me at the institute and guided me through the available materials at Todai. Professor Kato Tomoyasu welcomed me to his Shoyūki seminar at Meiji University during my time in Japan, expanding my knowledge of reading and understanding Heian kambun texts. I was able to return to Japan for small summer research trips with the generous funding of the ACE-Nikaido fellowship through the USC East Asian Studies Center. iv My time in Japan was made all the better with support from friends and colleagues. Gaynor and Yasu Sekimori were kind enough to open their home to me in Tokyo during my research year. Deirdre Martin and Yoshifumi Ishii kept me sane with karaoke adventures and trips to great restaurants when breaks were needed. Emm Simpson was kind enough to show me around Sendai and all the Date Masamune sites, all while we commiserated about our projects. Andrea Horbinski guided me through the writing process, and also joined me in enjoying Ikebukuro. Megan Gilbert, Szymon Czerkawski, and Vincent Chan shared my office at the Historiographical Institute, and were always ready to chat about our research or share lunch together. I also want to thank the staff at the Otsuka branch of Kara-tetsu for providing a space to relax at the end of a busy research day. The Summer Kambun Workshop at USC was instrumental in my training over the years. Thank you to Professors Kurushima Noriko, Takahashi Shin’ichiro, Yamaguchi Hideo, Yoshida Sanae, and Takahashi Toshiko for spending your summers teaching myself and my colleagues how to read these sources. Special thank you to Professor Onoe Yosuke for leading the 2019 workshop on Taiki, and for focusing on entries related to my project. Professor Onoe was kind enough to continue working with me after the workshop as I read deeper into Yorinaga’s life. I would also like to thank the members of the Project for Premodern Japan who met with me over Zoom during the pandemic as we continued to read through Taiki, including Janet Goodwin, Yoshiko Kainuma, and Yumi Kodama. Thank you to my senpai at USC who provided feedback and guidance over the years: Kristina Burhman, Michelle Damian, Sachiko Kawai, Dan Sherer, Nadia Kanagawa, Haiwei Liu, Jesse Drian, and Angelica Stoddard. I am eternally grateful for the support of my kōhai Emily Warren and Lina Nie, who not only gave feedback for my work, but have been incredible friends v through this entire process. I am also thankful for the support of my colleagues Jeremy Chua, Carlos Parra, Jenna Ross, Laura Dominguez, Lydia Sigismondi, Melissa Chen, Rio Katayama, Lisa Kochinski, Nicolette Lee, Tanya Kostochka, and Matthew Keller. Thank you to the staff at USC: Christine Shaw, Grace Ryu, Lori Rogers, Sandra Hopwood, Simone Bessant, Melissa Calderon, and Jennifer Hernandez, who provided support through the entire process of the PhD and the many paperwork hurdles. None of this would have been possible without the support of my friends and family. Amanda Isajewicz, Becky Frank, Bob Poteete, Ray Lavoie, Alex Eloriaga, and Rachel Judd were amazing support throughout this entire process. Special thank you to Cynthia Chamberlain for not only being a great friend, but a kick-ass editor. Members of the Pillow Book Club were there to celebrate the highs and console me on the lows, especially during the pandemic. Thank you to my parents for supporting me no matter how long it took to get through (27 th grade!!), or how far away my studies took me from home. Finally, I want to thank my boyfriend, Freddy, for his support during the last three years of this process. Even when it felt like this would never end, you helped me push me through. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Dedication............................................................................................................................. .....ii Acknowledgements...................................................................................................................iii Abstract.......................................................................................................................................viii Introduction: The Cruel Minister of the Left..................................................................................1 Why Yorinaga?....................................................................................................................3 Why Biography?..................................................................................................................6 Yorinaga’s Journal, Taiki...................................................................................................10 Structure of the Dissertation..............................................................................................13 Notes on Translation and Dating.......................................................................................15 Chapter One: Yorinaga’s Early Life..............................................................................................16 The Second Son, Yorinaga................................................................................................17 Yorinaga at Court...............................................................................................................22 Yorinaga’s Early Education...............................................................................................24 Yorinaga’s First Reading Ceremony.................................................................................31 Adult Responsibilities and the Horse-Riding Accident.....................................................33 Chapter Two: Reading to Excess: Yorinaga’s Self-Directed Education........................................36 Yorinaga’s Tutors..............................................................................................................37 Early Book Catalogues: What Did Courtiers Read?...........................................................41 Yorinaga’s Book Collection..............................................................................................43 Reading Habits...................................................................................................................50 Yorinaga’s Library.............................................................................................................55 Purchasing Books...............................................................................................................58 Yorinaga as a Young Adult at Court...................................................................................61 Yorinaga’s Studies Beyond the Book List.........................................................................63 Conclusion.........................................................................................................................67 Chapter Three: Yorinaga and the Court..........................................................................................69 Minister of the Left……………......................................................................................70 Tadazane, Tadamichi, and Yorinaga.................................................................................71 Securing the Sekkanke Chieftainship.................................................................................76 Yorinaga and Violence at Temples.....................................................................................79 Offerings to Confucius: Yorinaga’s Revival of Sekiten.....................................................81 Learning from Precedent: Yorinaga and Marriage Politics.................................................88 Conclusion.........................................................................................................................92 Chapter Four: Finale: Yorinaga and the Hōgen Disturbance..........................................................94 The Road to Conflict..........................................................................................................95 The Troops.........................................................................................................................98 The Disturbance............................................................................................................100 vii Aftermath of the Hōgen Disturbance...........................................................................105 Conclusion.......................................................................................................................108 Conclusions: Understanding Yorinaga.........................................................................................110 Bibliography................................................................................................................................116 Appendices................................................................................................................................132 Appendix A: Timeline of Important Moments in Yorinaga’s Life...................................132 Appendix B: Yorinaga’s Reading List..............................................................................144 Appendix C: Taiki Translations........................................................................................152 Appendix D: Hyōhanki Translations............................................................................…202 viii ABSTRACT This dissertation is a study of the courtier and scholar Fujiwara no Yorinaga (1120-1156), the “Cruel Minister of the Left” of the mid-twelfth-century Japanese court. The son of the leader of the Regents’ Line, Fujiwara no Tadazane (1078-1162), Yorinaga’s career was shaped by the interests of his father, as well as a rivalry with his elder brother, Tadamichi (1097-1164). A renowned scholar of the Chinese classics, Yorinaga is most known for his involvement in the Hōgen coup attempt against Go-Shirakawa (1127-1192) in 1156. Through a close examination of entries in Yorinaga’s Taiki journal, as well as other contemporary records, this dissertation focuses on Yorinaga’s life as a window on twelfth-century intellectual and social history in the Japanese court. Beginning with Yorinaga’s youth and early education, the dissertation analyzes the course of Yorinaga’s self-directed scholarship, to his rise as minister of the left and chieftain of the Regents’ Line, and his ultimate fall as a defeated rebel. The copious records Yorinaga left behind concerning his studies provide a rare and detailed glimpse into the scholarly life of a courtier in the late Heian period (794-1185): one who pursued private methods of learning while still adhering to the traditional canon of texts, especially those from early China. Through Yorinaga’s life, one sees the interplay of politics, education, and societal pressures in the late Heian court. The dissertation includes our first English translations of entries from the Taiki journal and from another contemporary record, the Hyōhanki, written by Taira no Nobunori (1112-1187), which provides our best accounts of the context and events of the Hōgen coup. 1 Introduction: The Cruel Minister of the Left, Yorinaga My lord, your knowledge is not inferior to that of the ancients. Even including at the Chinese courts, I think there are few who could rival you. You have likewise surpassed our court’s predecessors since middle antiquity. Your ability has surpassed all in our realm, which is deeply troubling to me. From now on, stop studying the classics. 1 —Shinzei (Fujiwara no Michinori) to Fujiwara no Yorinaga, Taiki, Ten’yō 3 (1145) 6.7. There’s something different about Yorinaga. It is rare to find a scholar in the Heian period (794‒1185) who was told to stop studying because he did it too well. Even rarer is it for a scholar to have been a courtier who rose to the height of power at court, and then saw it all crumble away. Yet this is what happened to Fujiwara no Yorinaga (1120‒1156). A son of the Northern Fujiwara leader Fujiwara no Tadazane (1078‒1162), Yorinaga lived through a tumultuous period of Japanese history. As a second son, Yorinaga was not his father’s heir, yet during his career he managed to take over the role of his elder brother, Tadamichi (1097‒1164), thereby becoming the highest-ranking member in his generation of the Regents’ Line (Sekkanke, 摂関家). Yorinaga was also a renowned scholar of the Chinese classics, but his scholarship, along with his role in the short-lived Hōgen Disturbance (Hōgen no ran, 保元の乱) of 1156, were excoriated. He is even today known as the “Cruel Minister of the Left” (akusafu, 悪左府) for what was seen as his overly strict demeanor. Yorinaga’s life and career were unlike those of other members of the Fujiwara Regent’s Line, both in his own and earlier generations. Even though he only lived to be thirty-seven, Yorinaga accomplished much during a short life. Furthermore, his life also provides a focal point for understanding court society in this complicated era. This dissertation locates Yorinaga’s life 1 Taiki, Ten’yō 2 (1145) 6.7.; Niels van der Salm, trans., “Taiki Ten’yō 2 (1145) 6.7 Entry,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies, last modified August 25, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation- archive/2019/8/25/taiki-teny-2-1145-67-entry. 2 as an important moment in elite intellectual and social history. While much attention has been paid to politics in the years immediately preceding the Gempei War (1180‒1185) and the rise of warrior rule in the early Kamakura period (1185‒1333), this dissertation is concerned with developments in the court society of this transitional time. The twelfth century saw many developments in the “Gates of Power” system (kenmon taisei, 権門体制). This theory by Kuroda Toshio posits that rulership was shared by several elite factions known as “gates of power,” (kenmon, 権門), which cooperated (most of the time) to control the realm. 2 The Sekkanke was, at one point, the most influential of these “gates of power” from the mid-ninth century through the late eleventh century, wherein through marriage politics and private wealth, members of the Sekkanke monopolized the highest posts in the court and directly influenced the throne. 3 But by Yorinaga’s day, the role of Sekkanke leaders had diminished, with members of other courtier families arranging daughters as consorts to the sovereign and gaining high posts previously only held by the Sekkanke. Concurrently, the role of retired sovereigns shifted dramatically in the late eleventh and early twelfth century, with prominent former sovereigns striving to develop their own royal lineage into a “gate of power” in order to lead the realm and court society. Through this study of Yorinaga’s life, we will see the dynamics of this ongoing development in court politics, which would continue to fluctuate with the rise of warrior power and the beginning of dual-polity rule of warriors and the court in the late twelfth century. 2 Mikael Adolphson, The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Premodern Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2017), 10-12. 3 Adolphson, The Gates of Power, 12. 3 This dissertation also specifically re-examines Yorinaga’s life and his legacy in the context of the court led by retired monarchs (Insei period, 1086-1185). While he has often been blamed by historians for his actions during the Hōgen Disturbance, it should be noted that for the most part his political career was guided by his father, Tadazane, who sought to use Yorinaga for his own profit. Yorinaga’s career was also affected by the decisions of the retired sovereign Toba (1103‒1156), who began as Yorinaga’s patron, yet later turned against him and his father, leading to Yorinaga’s rebellion against the status quo. This dissertation will place a special emphasis on Yorinaga’s education and scholarship, an understudied aspect of court society in premodern Japan. The copious records Yorinaga left concerning his studies provide a rare and detailed glimpse into the scholarly life of a courtier in the late Heian period: one who pursued private methods of learning instead of being closely associated with the university, yet who still studied the traditional canon of texts. By the twelfth century, the educational system had already changed considerably from its original form in the early Heian period, yet the fundamentals of classical education remained alive and well, thanks to enthusiastic scholars like Yorinaga. Why Yorinaga? Some of the most interesting figures in the history of Heian Japan are members of the Sekkanke ( 摂関家), the Regents’ Line of the Northern Fujiwara clan. This group of powerful courtiers dominated court politics and monopolized its most powerful positions for years, including those of Regent (sesshō, 摂政) and Viceroy (kanpaku, 関白). The era of aristocratic governance (sekkan seiji, 摂関政治), which began with the tenure of Fujiwara no Yoshifusa (716‒777) and reached maturation during the tenure of Fujiwara no Michinaga (966‒1028), who 4 saw four of his daughters serve as consorts to the tennō (sovereign, 天皇), 4 thereby coming to lead the court for decades. 5 Yet during the twelfth century, this pattern changed significantly; members of the Sekkanke found themselves with less influence at court. There are several reasons for the change, including several deaths at young ages among the leadership of the Sekkanke and the rise to power of willful retired sovereigns. 6 And yet, despite the decline of their power at court, as we shall see here, members of the Sekkanke continued to hold influential posts and produce journals documenting their leadership which their descendants would continue to consult. Most of these Sekkanke courtiers, while formally educated, devoted themselves to politics and were not noted for their scholarship. That is what makes the Yorinaga, a member of the Sekkanke lineage, so surprising: he was known as an intellectual— he even kept a list of every book he read over the course of his adult life. Also unusual for his time, Yorinaga’s career saw him become the Minister of the Left (sadaijin, 左大臣) and chief of his clan after his father Tadazane disinherited the elder brother, Tadamichi. Throughout this trajectory, Yorinaga continued studying diligently, consuming classical texts voluminously, beyond even what was expected of advanced students at the royal university (Daigakuryō, 大学寮). 4 While tennō is commonly translated into English as “emperor,” I use the Japanese word for the ruler of Japan during this period, along with the English word “sovereign,” as Japan was not an actual empire until the Meiji period. 5 For more on Michinaga’s use of marriage politics and the role of his daughters, see Jillian Barndt, “Women of the Rear Palace: Naishi no kami and the Fujiwara Clan,” MA thesis (University of Alberta, 2013). See also G. Cameron Hurst, “Kugyō and Zuryō: Center and Periphery in the Era of Fujiwara no Michinaga,” in Heian Japan Centers and Peripheries, edited by Mikael Adolphson et al., 66-101 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007). 6 Hongō Keiko, “Inseiron,” in Iwanami kōza Nihon rekishi dai 5 kan: chūsei 1, ed. Ōtsu Tōru (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2013), 34. 5 During Yorinaga’s career, he attempted through various means to “return to the past,” to revitalize the court with a return to the ritsuryō-style government that had been prominent during the height of Sekkanke power earlier in the Heian period. While this proved unsuccessful, in exploring Yorinaga’s utilization of his copious classical education in this pursuit provides us a window into how much the court had evolved from the early Heian to Yorinaga’s day, both politically and culturally. Yorinaga is often remembered for his participation in the Hōgen Disturbance of 1156. During this brief rebellion, he supported the effort of the retired sovereign Sutoku (1119‒1164) against the newly chosen tennō, Go-Shirakawa (1127‒1192). The fighting ended, however, in Sutoku’s abject defeat and Yorinaga’s death at a relatively young age from a wound sustained in battle. In later chronicles describing these events, Yorinaga is painted as a tragic figure, whose death was inevitable. Yet when we read his own journal and examine the context of his career, we see that there was much more to the “Cruel Minister of the Left.” Yorinaga was a complicated figure. On the one hand, he was a rebel. In the Hōgen Disturbance, he sought to shake up the court to gain further influence for himself and his family. On the other hand, he was also a fundamentalist who turned to the classical Chinese texts revered by his forebears. He also sought answers from the past through journals written by his predecessors during the height of Sekkanke power. Like his father, he wanted to regain his family’s glory from earlier generations. And certainly, his scholarship was a fundamental aspect of his character, not adequately examined. In the political realm, moreover, he was plagued by his father’s aspirations to regain greater influence at court, and by the ambitions of his brother, Tadamichi, as his father’s nemesis. Because of them, Yorinaga was obliged to make the choices he did at the end of his life. 6 This dissertation seeks to understand Yorinaga and his history on a deeper level than the image of him as “the Cruel Minister of the Left” or the doomed rebel of the Hōgen Disturbance. His father Tadazane used him as a pawn against his elder brother Tadamichi; retired sovereign Toba controlled and ultimately stymied Yorinaga’s future at court; and retired sovereign Sutoku recruited Yorinaga into his rebellion with promises of enhanced influence and power. Yorinaga exercised considerable agency when it came to his studies, but when it came to his political career, his actions were constricted in great part by others around him. This dissertation also seeks to reiterate the importance of Classical education in the late Heian court through Yorinaga’s scholarship. While the Royal University had declined by Yorinaga’s day, his interest in scholarship shaped his career in the court, as well as his legacy. Classical studies were alive and well during the mid-twelfth century, even as the court moved away from a ritsuryō-style educational system. Although the nature of elite education continued to evolve through the Insei period into the Kamakura period, classical studies remained quite relevant for a longer period than some have assumed. By examining Yorinaga, we also turn our attention away from monarchs to ministers. Although Yorinaga never rose to these ranks during his lifetime, his actions during his career greatly affected the court, especially in the last year of his life, with his involvement in the Hōgen Disturbance of 1156. This dissertation shows how influential those surrounding the monarch were in the Insei period, especially a figure such as Yorinaga, who was but a second son, but rose in the ranks to so much more than expected from his birth. Why Biography? This dissertation did not begin as a biography. Rather, the goal was to explore how elite educational practices changed in the late Heian and early Kamakura periods. When designing 7 that original project, I found myself centering chapters around various individuals to contextualize the story I wanted to tell. Originally, one of the chapterswas on the courtier-scholar Yorinaga. As I studied his scholarship and career, however, it became clear that what I really wanted to do was view the shifting political and cultural dynamics of the Insei period through Yorinaga’s experiences. Modern biography had its origins in ancient Greece, where the genre was used “to celebrate the dead and exemplify the morality of the philosophers.” 7 As the genre developed and spread to other cultures, it proved to be popular with audiences and continues to be used by historians, even as other forms of analysis and institutional history grew in popularity during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 8 One benefit of using the biographical approach to historical studies is the ability to contemplate both the public and the private aspects of a person’s life. As Shirley Leckie asserts in her analysis of biographical research by Fawn Brodie, “Attention to a man’s private concerns could illuminate his public life in ways that standard political or military biographies […] had largely ignored.” 9 The genre of biography also brings a human element to a historical subject. By focusing on an individual, we can understand how history molded that individual, and how history was molded by that individual, even if they were not the most prominent figure in that historical moment. A biography allows us to understand an individual on a deeper, personal level, visualizing their world and what contributed to the decisions they made. In a philosophical sense, 7 David Bates, Julia Crick, and Sarah Hamilton, “Introduction,” in Writing Medieval Biography, 750‒1250: Essays in Honor of Frank Barlow, ed. David Bates, Julia Crick, and Sarah Hamilton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 1. 8 Bates, et al., “Introduction,” 6. 9 Shirley A. Leckie, “Biography Matters: Why Historians Need Well-Crafted Biographies More than Ever,” in Writing Biography: Historians and Their Craft, ed. Lloyd E. Ambrosius (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), 5. See too Fawn M. Brodie, Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History (New York: W.W. Norton, 1974), 126‒129. 8 biography is “a way of encountering the personal myths of others, so that we might reflect on our own personal myth-making and perhaps achieve a deeper understanding of ourselves through others.” 10 This is particularly important for premodern Japanese history. In approaching a period of history so far removed from our own, it is important to remember that individuals lived and breathed in that time, and to try to understand their circumstances and beliefs as we come to grips with the larger issues of their world. Approaching the deeper political and cultural issues of a time is also easier when these are seen through the lens of an individual’s life. 11 Despite the important role Yorinaga played in the twelfth century, studies of his life have been limited, even in Japanese. To date, Yorinaga has been the subject of a single biography written by Hashimoto Yoshihiko. This is a general overview of Yorinaga’s life, using his own journal Taiki as its main source. 12 My study here places Yorinaga as courtier and scholar in the broader context of major intellectual and cultural changes in the early twelfth century, a tumultuous period of history. In addition to Hashimoto’s biography, Yanagawa Hibiki’s collection of essays on Yorinaga concentrate on the courtier’s academic and political accomplishments. 13 Yanagawa explores Yorinaga’s Chinese prose and poetry, as well as later narratives about Yorinaga, that established his “cruel” reputation. My focus will be on his education, especially the context of the cultural and political changes of the Insei courtly world. Although I agree with Yanagawa 10 Leckie, “Biography Matters,” 13. 11 For examples, see Robert Borgen, Sugawara no Michizane and the Early Heian Court (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994); Andrew Goble, Kenmu: Go-Daigo’s Revolution (Cambridge, MA, and London: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University Press, 1996); Paul Atkins, Teika: The Life and Works of a Medieval Japanese Poet (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2017). In Japanese, biography is a popular medium. For example, see the series Jinbutsu sōsho, published by Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, which includes Yorinaga’s biography by Hashimoto Yoshihiko. 12 Hashimoto Yoshihiko, Fujiwara no Yorinaga (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1964). 13 Yanagawa Hibiki, Fujiwara no Yorinaga: “Akusafu” no gakumon to gensetsu (Tokyo: Waseda Daigaku Shuppanbu, 2018). 9 that Yorinaga’s scholarship and academic achievements were extraordinary for a member of the Sekkanke, my view is that what we can learn from his life about the world around Yorinaga is the most important reason to study him. 14 In addition to Yanagawa’s study, Yorinaga has been the focus of several essays in Japanese. Of particular note are the works of Yayoshi Mitsunaga and Takahashi Hitoshi, 15 who analyzed Yorinaga’s reading and understanding of Chinese books. These studies have greatly influenced my own analysis of Yorinaga’s reading list, which I compare to what was expected of contemporary students at the royal university, as well as to the known libraries of contemporary courtiers. 16 Beyond these works, much of the research on Yorinaga has been on his involvement in the Hōgen Disturbance. This includes studies of the chronicle The Tale of Hōgen (Hōgen monogatari, 保元物語), which provides a dramatic account of Yorinaga’s actions in the 14 There is no book-length study of Yorinaga in English, although he is mentioned in articles and other works about the late Heian period. See, for example, G. Cameron Hurst, Insei: Abdicated Sovereigns in the Politics of Late Heian Japan, 1086‒1185 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976). Ivo Smits, who has several studies on Heian intellectual culture, provides an excellent examination of Yorinaga’s methods of acquiring books, which I examine in the context of the contents of Yorinaga’s library and its construction, as discussed in Taiki. See, for example, his “Song as Cultural History,” Monumenta Nipponica 55.2-3 (2000): 225‒256; “Way of the Literati: Chinese Learning and Literary Practice in Mid-Heian Japan,” in Heian Japan Centers and Peripheries, ed. Mikael S. Adolphson, Edward Kamens, and Stacie Matsumoto (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007), 105‒28; “Sorting Out Songs: Reconsidering the Classics of Heian Court Culture,” PMJS Papers, July 2015. 15 Yayoshi Mitsunaga, “Nihon kodai no tokusho: Fujiwara no Yorinaga wo chūshin to shite,” Tokusho shigaku 20.1 (1976): 22‒32; Takahashi Hitoshi, “Aru Chūgoku kenkyūsha no hayasugita shi— Fujiwara no Yorinaga no keisho kenkyū wo chūshin to shite,” in Ō chōbito no kon'in to shinkō, ed. Kurata Minoru (Tokyo: Shinwasha, 2010), 266‒ 309. 16 Yorinaga is known to have had male lovers, a few of whom are mentioned in his journal. Tono Harayuki already has provided an excellent discussion. This dissertation will focus on his education and political associations. See Tono Harayuki, “Nikki ni miru Fujiwara no Yorinaga no danshoku kankei— ōchō kizoku no uita sekusuarisu,” Historia 84 (1979): 15‒29. See also Ōishi Mikito, “Inseiki kizoku shakai no danshoku ishiki ni kansuru—kōsatsu— Fujiwara no Yorinaga ni miru danshoku kankei no seikaku,” Fukushima kenritsu hakubutsukan kiyō 14 (1999): 47‒ 60. For further information on same-sex relationships at the court, see Paul Schalow, A Poetics of Courtly Male Friendship in Heian Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006), Ihara Saikaku, The Great Mirror of Male Love, trans. Paul Schalow (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990), and Ihara Saikaku, Five Women Who Loved Love, trans. William Theodore De Bary (London: New English Library, 1962). 10 rebellion, based largely on depictions of the events in the journal Hyōhanki ( 兵範記). As The Tale of Hōgen is a work of literature and was not completed until ca. 1320, I focus more on the historical Yorinaga, as seen through his journal and those of his contemporaries. 17 This biography of Yorinaga also adds to the continually expanding work on the Fujiwara clan. Mimi Yiengpruksawan noted in her 1994 article of the fascination in studies of cultural history with the Fujiwara. 18 The clan has become a marker for the high point of elite culture in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, making it central to our understanding of premodern history. While several studies now exist on important members of the Fujiwara clan, including Muchimaro (680-737), Tadahira (880-949), and Michinaga (966-1028), many prominent members of the clan have not been studied thoroughly in English. 19 This dissertation adds another name to our studies of the Fujiwara, thereby expanding our understanding of what made this group of elites so important in Japanese history. Yorinaga’s Journal, Taiki The main source for studying Yorinaga’s life is his own journal, Taiki ( 台記). The title, Taiki, reflects his post as a senior minister (daijin, 大臣), which was sometimes referred to as (sandai, 三台). The second graph of sandai, 台 was used with the graph ki ( 記) which means “to 17 For a translation and analysis of this literary account in English, see William Ritchie Wilson, trans. and ed., Hōgen monogatari: Tale of Disorder in Hōgen (Tokyo: Sophia University, 1971). 18 Mimi Yiengpruksawan, “What’s in a Name? Fujiwara Fixation in Japanese Cultural History,” Monumenta Nipponica 49.4 (Winter 1994): 423-453. 19 For example, see Joan Piggott and Yoshida Sanae, ed. Teishinkōki: What Did a Heian Regent Do? The Year 939 in the Journal of Regent Fujiwara no Tadahira (Ithaca, New York: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 2008); Mikael Bauer “The Chronicle of Muchimaro: The Lower Part of the History of the Fujiwara House by the Monk Enkei,” Asiatiche Studien 73.2 (2019): 203-218; G. Cameron Hurst, “Kugyō and Zuryō: Center and Periphery in the Era of Fujiwara no Michinaga,” in Heian Japan Centers and Peripheries, edited by Mikael Adolphson et al., 66-101 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007). 11 record.” 20 The surviving portions of the original journal cover the years 1136‒1155, 21 and there are also from the eight surviving scrolls of Yorinaga’s Taiki bekki ( 台記別記), meant to be a supplement to the original journal. 22 Yorinaga’s holograph has been lost, but a copy of one part, made in the Kamakura period (1185—1133), remains, along with a copy of a larger portion from the Edo period (1603—1867). 23 Published editions of extant portions of the Taiki are collected in the Zōho shiryō taisei series of historical sources, 24 and a portion of it has been published in the Zoku gunsho ruijū series of sources as well. 25 Yorinaga’s journal entries follow a formula similar to that of other courtier journals from the Heian period. For each daily entry, he lists the date in the sexagenary calendar system, a sixty-day cycle based on the Chinese zodiac. In many of his entries he describes visits to notable people, such as his father or one of the retired sovereigns, as well as specific events at court and elsewhere, and how they were managed. Unlike other courtiers, however, Yorinaga spends large sections of the journal discussing his own academic endeavors. He includes reports of reading texts with his tutors and students, attending lectures, or purchasing books. 26 Courtier journals were kept in a courtier’s household to teach one’s offspring and later how to perform their inherited roles as ministers and administrators, which accounts for the extensive detail about court events and processes included in many such journals. They were kept for use by the heirs of a single lineage, such as the Sekkanke. In his own writing, Yorinaga 20 At the time Yorinaga began his journal, he was the inner palace minister (naidaijin, 内大臣). He later became the Minister of the Left (sadaijin, 左大臣). See Motoki Yasuo, “Taiki (Fujiwara no Yorinaga)—Gakumon to bu no hazama de,” in Nikki de yomu Nihon chūseishi, ed. Motoki Yasuo (Tokyo: Mineruva Shobou, 2011), 33. 21 There are gaps for 1138, 1140, and 1141, as well as missing entries throughout the remaining years. 22 The Bekki includes longer entries than the original journal for certain topics, and Yorinaga sometimes mentions in Taiki that supplementary entries exist in his Bekki. The supplement often included more private thoughts, as opposed to the actual journal, which was intended to be circulated among his descendants. 23 Motoki, “Taiki,” 34. 24 Taiki. 3 vols. In Zōho shiryō taisei, vols. 23‒25 (Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 1965). 25 Taiki, ed. Hashimoto Yoshihiko (Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijū Kanseikai, 1976). 26 For specific examples and discussions of these entries, see Chapter Two. 12 refers to more than sixteen journals by other courtiers of the Sekkanke, which shows the importance of these texts as reference works. 27 It is thanks to the importance courtiers placed on preserving these journals that so much of Yorinaga’s record survives to this day. In the pages of the journal, which he wrote over nineteen years of his life, Yorinaga notes lessons learned in the course of his studies and he includes a list of all of the books he read from 1136 to 1155. He provides detailed information on the scholars he studied with, discussions of lectures he participated in, and descriptions of how he taught his own students. His intellectual interests come through clearly from his entries, allowing us to enter the mind of this important historical figure. While Yorinaga was but one of many scholars in this period, this detailed information about his intellectual development make him a focal point for studying the elite culture as well as the political dynamics of his time. Much of this dissertation is based on translations of selections from Taiki, that appear in Appendices B and C. I have included the original kanbun, as well as phonetic kundoku readings of these passages to assist those interested in reading Yorinaga’s journal for themselves. 28 In addition to Yorinaga’s own journal, writing this dissertation has required reference to other contemporary records. Of particular note is Chūyūki ( 中右記), 29 the journal of Fujiwara no Munetada (dates unknown), which covers the years 1087-1138. Since Yorinaga did not begin his own journal until 1136, Munetada’s writings provide glimpses of Yorinaga in his youth. 27 Matsuzono Hitoshi, Nikki no ie: chūsei kokka no kiroku soshiki, (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1997), 208. 28 In the sources mentioned above, some of Yorinaga’s journal entries have been translated into modern Japanese. Of particular note are articles by Haramizu Tamiki, who provides a close reading of selected months. See his articles in Genkyo bunka kenkyū. See Haramizu Tamiki, “Taiki chūshaku (Ninjūninen gogatsu, rokugatsu),” Gengo bunka kenkyū 11 (2004): 55‒93; “Taiki chūshaku (Ninjūninen shichigatsu~ hachi gatsu),” Gengo bunka kenkyū 12 (2005): 21-51. 29 Chūyūki. 7 vols. In Zōho shiryō taisei, vols. 9‒15 (Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 1965). Also see the ongoing edition in Dai Nihon kokiroku, vol. 21 (pts. 1-8 to date) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1952‒2008). 13 Additionally, Hyōhanki ( 兵範記), 30 the journal of Taira no Nobunori (1112‒1187), provides details of the last year of Yorinaga’s life, including events of the Hōgen Disturbance and its aftermath. Structure of the Dissertation This dissertation follows a generally linear progression through Yorinaga’s life, facilitating a fuller understanding of the courtier-scholar’s career and studies. Chapter One focuses on Yorinaga the child, introducing Yorinaga and his family background up through 1136. I provide an overview of the political landscape in the twelfth-century court, including the career of Yorinaga’s father, Tadazane. I then explore Yorinaga’s youth to understand the childhood of a male Sekkanke member. Through an overview of basic educational practices for courtiers in the university system (Daigaku-ryo, 大学寮) and with private tutors, I explain how Yorinaga gained his early education. I also discuss Yorinaga’s early positions in court, which were awarded to him as an heir of the Northern Fujiwara family, and were mainly ceremonial in nature. Chapter Two relates Yorinaga’s role as a scholar after a serious riding accident in 1136, and the role of his tutors and scholars. Yorinaga benefitted from the mentorship of prominent scholars of Chinese texts, including members of the Ōe family, which influenced his own approach to scholarship. I also examine Yorinaga’s book collection, placing it in the context of other lists of book holdings we have extant for the Heian period. His catalogue, which contains over a thousand volumes, provides a unique look into the private collection of a member of the Heian elite. I also consider the construction of Yorinaga’s personal book storehouse and how it 30 Hyōhanki. 4 vols. In Shiryō taisei zokuhen, vols. 15‒18 (Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki, 1934‒1944). 14 compares to other libraries of the time. I explore Yorinaga’s role at court through 1146, discussing some early intersections of his scholarship with his political ambitions. Finally, I examine Yorinaga’s reading habits and his involvement in other scholarly activities during his early life. The studies that he began in this period would shape his political views during the rest of his life. Chapter Three explores Yorinaga’s role as the “Cruel Minister of the Left” from 1147 to 1155. It is during this period that his father, Tadazane, pitted Yorinaga against his older brother, Tadamichi, creating a rivalry that continued until Yorinaga’s death. I discuss how Tadazane and Yorinaga removed Tadamichi from leadership of the Sekkanke in 1150, thus allowing Yorinaga to take his brother’s role as chieftain of the lineage and its faction. I explore how Yorinaga gained some notoriety as the “Cruel Minister of the Left” through his strict adherence to the law and how Yorinaga integrated his Chinese learning into court activities. The end of Yorinaga’s life and his role as a rebel in the Hōgen Disturbance of 1156 are the subjects of Chapter Four. I explore the background of the Disturbance, and provide a close reading of the events of the coup through the contemporary journal Hyōhanki, which was used as a basis for later depictions of the fighting. Although Yorinaga was criticized for his part in the Disturbance, contemporary records show that Yorinaga’s choices seemed reasonable at the time. In this dissertation I seek to present an overview of Yorinaga’s life in the world of the Japanese court at the end of the twelfth century. Through Yorinaga’s life one sees the interplay of politics, education, and societal pressures of the Insei period. Though Yorinaga shared some experiences in his career with his predecessors, the unique circumstances of his life and times 15 make him quite different. 31 In the pages to come, I hope to shed new light on Yorinaga, allowing a richer understanding of his role in the changing court culture of that time. Note on Translations and Dating Whenever possible, this dissertation includes an English translation as well as the pronunciation and Chinese graphs for each Japanese term. Except for a few common Japanese terms, I prioritize the English term. Whenever possible, my translation prioritizes the most common terminology, according to the Historiographical Institute at the University of Tokyo’s Online Glossary of Japanese Historical Terms. 32 Life dates are given whenever possible for figures mentioned, as well as for those in the translations of the appendices. The Gregorian calendar system was not formally adopted in Japan until 1873. Dates prior to that year were written with an era name and year (ex. Hōgen 1), the lunar month, and the day. As this is how Yorinaga and his contemporaries dated their journals, I have used this style when dating events in Yorinaga’s life; and I have added the rough Gregorian calendar year for each date in parentheses, to add clarity for modern and especially Western readers—for example, “Hōgen 1 (1156).” 31 See Motoki, “Taiki,” 33. 32 Historiographical Institute at the University of Tokyo, Online Glossary of Japanese Historical Terms, at http://wwwap.hi.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ships/db.html. 16 Chapter One Yorinaga’s Early Life Fujiwara no Yorinaga was born in the fifth month of 1120, the second son of then Sekkanke patriarch, Fujiwara no Tadazane (1078-1162). His mother was a daughter of a provincial governor and loyal Sekkanke houseman, Fujiwara no Morizane. 33 Tadazane already had an heir when Yorinaga was born, his twenty-three-year-old eldest son, Tadamichi (1097- 1164), so Yorinaga did not have the same expectations for his life as would an heir. Instead, Yorinaga was expected, as a second son, to support his father and brother’s careers at court once he came of age. Fortunately, in many cases the lives of prominent Heian-era courtiers are well- documented, thanks to the custom of keeping a journal (nikki, 日記), a courtier’s daily record that was copied and passed down as a major source of information for descendants. Yorinaga continued the tradition of journal-writing in his family, beginning his Taiki ( 台記) in 1136. The problem here, however, is that it leaves the first sixteen years of Yorinaga’s life unaccounted for. Even in the journals of his father and other statesmen, Yorinaga received little mention until his coming-of-age ceremony at age thirteen. We can piece together only some aspects of his earlier years from hints and clues, combining them with what we know of the education of courtiers’ sons in the early twelfth century. Indeed, this topic of courtier education is one of the focal topics of this study. 33 Many women’s names in this period are unknown to scholars, due to a lack of records. As a secondary consort of Tadazane, Yorinaga’s mother did not merit mention by other courtiers, and Tadazane himself does not name his consort in his own journal. 17 The Second Son, Yorinaga As a boy, he was known as Ayawaka and did not receive the name “Yorinaga” until his coming-of-age ceremony in 1130. 34 Even though he was a second son, it was expected that Yorinaga would embark on an ambitious career in the court. The vicissitudes of his father’s career, however, cast the son’s future success into doubt. When Yorinaga was born, his father, Fujiwara no Tadazane, was the patriarch of the Fujiwara clan. This post became Tadazane’s when he was surprisingly young. The previous patriarch, Moromichi (1062-1099), had died of illness in 1099, at the age of thirty-eight, although the monk Jien claimed in his historical treatise Gukanshō that Moromichi’s early demise was due to a curse. 35 This left the position to Tadazane, who was only twenty-two at the time. 36 After the death of Moromichi’s successor, Fujiwara no Morozane (1042-1101), in 1101, Tadazane was not only the chieftain of the Sekkanke, but also the leading courtier among the Fujiwara -family. 37 Due to his youth and lack of experience, Tadazane was not able to hold the same power and influence as his predecessors had. In fact, during his tenure, Tadazane was 34 Courtiers’ children were known by temporary names until they came of age, whereupon they would receive a name, usually one connected to their father’s name. The name Ayawaka comes from ayame (iris), which were in bloom during the month of Yorinaga’s birth. Yorinaga later reused this name for his own son’s temporary childhood name. See Hashimoto Yoshihiko, Fujiwara no Yorinaga (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1964), 1. 35 Jien wrote that during Horikawa Tennō’s reign, a group of monks from Mt. Hiei brought a portable shrine to court to make demands, and Moromichi ordered the monks attacked in retaliation. Jien claimed that Moromichi was cursed by the kami of Hie shrine and died as a result. See Delmer M. Brown and Ishida Ichirō, trans. and eds., The Future and the Past: A Translation and Study of the Gukanshō, an Interpretative History of Japan Written in 1219 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1979), 88. 36 Tadazane received his right of document examination a month prior to being named head of the Fujiwara. Shirakawa withheld this title from Tadazane for a time after Morozane’s death, which prevented him from becoming the clan head, as the right of document examination was required for that position. See Motoki Yasuo, ed., Insei no tenkai to nairan (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2002), 19‒20; Adolphson, The Gates of Power, 81; Denryaku, Kōwa 1 (1099), 8.28 and 10.6. 37 It is important to note that the leader of the Sekkanke was usually chosen from the Northern Fujiwara line, out of convenience rather than strict rules of succession. Despite Tadazane’s limitations of experience and age, he was nonetheless the most convenient choice at the time. See Motoki, Insei no tenkai to nairan, 20. 18 forced to go to Shirakawa’s palace to seek his counsel on affairs, the first Fujiwara clan head to be required to do so. 38 Tadazane was first appointed viceroy (kanpaku, 関白) to the adult sovereign Horikawa Tennō (1070-1107, r. 1087-1107) in 1105. After Horikawa’s death, Tadazane served as regent for the child sovereign (sesshō, 摂政) early in the reign of Toba Tennō (1103-1156, r. 1107- 1123). His title changed back to Viceroy in 1113, as he continued to act as regent to the now- adult sovereign. Relations soured between Shirakawa and Tadazane beginning in 1120, the year of Yorinaga’s birth. At the time, Shirakawa wished Tadazane’s daughter Taishi (1095-1156) to become a consort of Toba. To Shirakawa’s great surprise, Tadazane refused this honor. Why he did so is unclear. Jien noted some years later that “people could not understand this and, in reflecting about it, wondered if Tadazane had not become worried about the report that Toba had been mischievous in his youth, doing such things as shooting an arrow at the face of a palace guard.” 39 Shirakawa also had been planning at the time for Tadazane’s son Tadamichi to marry his adopted daughter, the future Taikenmon-in (1101-1145), but this plan was scrapped due to the disagreement with Tadazane over Taishi. In the tenth month of 1120, Shirakawa made a pilgrimage to Kumano shrine. Someone at the shrine told Shirakawa that Tadazane was not receptive to the proposed wedding of Toba and Taishi. 40 After his return, Shirakawa decided with his kugyō ( 公卿) council to remove Tadazane 38 This was not by Tadazane’s own choice. Shirakawa did not trust the Fujiwara leader to make decisions appropriately, and citing his youth and inexperience, he ordered Tadazane to consult with him regularly before making any important decisions. G. Cameron Hurst, Insei: Abdicated Sovereigns in the Politics of Late Heian Japan, 1086‒1185 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 147‒148. 39 Brown, The Future and the Past, 90. 40 Brown, The Future and the Past, 91. 19 as viceroy. 41 Tadazane was stripped of his posts and went to live in seclusion in Uji, eleven miles south of the palace in Heian. He remained at Uji for the next eleven years. 42 Tadazane’s eldest son, Tadamichi, was appointed as the new viceroy, but like his father, he found his power diminished, compared with that of his predecessors, due to youth and lack of experience. This was the political shadow in which Yorinaga grew up at his father’s villa at Uji. We do not know how much time Tadazane spent with his young second son, but considering he was no longer going to court, he probably spent more time with his child than most other courtiers of the period. Little is known about Yorinaga’s mother, and it is likely that she passed away early in his youth. 43 Yorinaga probably spent much of his early childhood with his nurses. He also would have spent time with his maternal grandfather’s family and retainers. 44 Yorinaga had several half-siblings, through his father’s other wives, yet most of them did not live to adulthood. 45 His closest sibling relationship thus was with his elder brother, Tadamichi (1097‒1164), his father’s heir, who eventually became Yorinaga’s rival. Despite the ups and downs of his father’s career, Tadamichi had an illustrious career at court, in part because he distanced himself from his father’s choices. As stated previously, Tadamichi was appointed viceroy in 1121, replacing his father. In 1123, he was named Regent for the young Sutoku Tennō (1119‒1164, r. 1123‒1142), assuring him a continuous role at court. Tadamichi’s daughter Kiyoko (1122‒1182) was brought into the rear palace as a consort to Sutoku in 1129, resulting in a further connection between the throne and Tadamichi’s direct lineage. In 1129, Tadamichi 41 The kugyō council consisted of senior nobles of the third rank or above, the majority of whom were members of the Sekkanke. Chūyūki, Hōan 1 (1120) 11.12 42 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 11. 43 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 5‒6. 44 These included his uncle, Fujiwara no Akinori, and his cousins Morinori, Norechika, and Tsunenori. Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 7. 45 Technically, Yorinaga was Tadazane’s third son; the first son was born before Tadamichi but passed away in childhood. As this son did not receive an adult name prior to his death, his name is unknown. 20 became the senior member of the Council of State (daijō daijin, 太政大臣), a first-rank post that was only filled when an extraordinary individual was available. 46 The position made Tadamichi an exemplar for the court. 47 Although Yorinaga and Tadamichi were siblings, there was a twenty-three-year age difference between them, and they were not raised together. When Tadazane prevailed on Tadamichi to make Yorinaga his heir, with no legitimate son himself at the time, 48 Tadamichi agreed, and on Tenji 2 (1125) 4.23, when Yorinaga was six years old, he was formally adopted by his elder brother. 49 Yet this did not fundamentally change the distant relationship between the two brothers; Yorinaga remained in Uji, being raised by his father and a series of nurses. The adoption was thus in name only, in the expectation that Yorinaga would one day succeed his elder brother in every way. So, largely sheltered from the political consequences of his father’s tumultuous career at court, Yorinaga grew up in peace at Uji, spending some of his time in “dangerous activities” such as horseback riding and falconry. 50 Yorinaga had his coming-of-age ceremony on Daiji 5 (1130) 4.19 and received the senior fifth rank lower and first post, as chamberlain (jijū, 侍従) at that time. 51 His coming-of-age ceremony (genpuku, 元服) marked his entry at court, and his reception of an adult name. He began wearing adult clothes and had his hair cut. The age at which the coming-of-age ceremony was held varied, but many high-ranked children had their ceremonies at age ten, like Yorinaga. 46 Joan R. Piggott, The Emergence of Japanese Kingship (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997), 309. 47 William H. McCullough and Helen Craig McCullough, trans., A Tale of Flowering Fortunes: Annals of Japanese Aristocratic Life in the Heian Period (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1980), 792. 48 Tadamichi’s first son was not born of his primary consort, and thus could not be made his heir. 49 Chūyūki mokuroku, Tenji 2 (1125) 4.23. 50 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 16. 51 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 18‒21. 21 Thanks to his father’s high rank, he started at the fifth rank, despite his young age and lack of experience. During the ten years Tadazane spent in Uji, he helped raise Yorinaga. Meanwhile, Tadazane’s relationship with his eldest son, Tadamichi, continued to be strained. And yet, Tadamichi had inherited Tadazane’s titles when his father was removed from court: an unusual situation, considering Tadazane had neither passed away nor officially retired. This changed in 1129, when the newly retired sovereign Toba allowed Tadazane to come back to court. Tadazane reassumed leadership of the Fujiwara house, although Tadamichi continued to hold the royally granted title of Regent. 52 This must have been frustrating for Tadazane, who would have expected a filial son and heir to fully support his father upon the latter’s return to court. The relationship between them, already poor, continued to worsen. Yorinaga, meanwhile, watched the conflict between his father and brother grow. Despite Tadamichi’s complaints about this, Toba nevertheless took steps to facilitate Tadazane’s return to court. While we do not know Toba’s exact reasoning for this decision, perhaps he saw an opportunity to build an extremely loyal relationship with a powerful Sekkanke member. In arranging Tadazane’s return, first Toba issued an edict giving Tadazane the right of document examination (nairan, 内覧) in 1132, 53 allowing him the right to view all documents going to and coming from the throne, a power generally reserved for the Viceroy (kanpaku, 関白). Second, Toba made Tadazane’s daughter Taishi his own consort in 1134. 54 Although Tadazane had refused to make Taishi a consort to Toba years before, when Shirakawa requested 52 Hurst, Insei, 160. 53 Chūyūki, Chōjō 1 (1132) 1.14. 54 Chūyūki, Chōjō 3 (1134) 3.19. 22 it, this time it was different. By taking Taishi as one of his consorts, Toba, now a retired sovereign, could raise her to a higher rank and title than Shirakawa had planned for her. He immediately named Taishi as his senior queen-consort (kōgō, 皇后), 55 and in 1139, when Toba took the tonsure, Taishi received the title of a retired queen, Kaya-no-in. 56 This act was unprecedented, as never before had a retired sovereign given his consort such a title after his retirement. The benefits to Tadazane, however, were extraordinary. With his daughter paired with the retired sovereign, Tadazane had succeeded in forging a major connection to the retired monarch as court leader. Through his relationship with Toba, Tadazane had successfully reestablished his influence at court. No doubt he saw that influence eventually passing to his favored son. G. Cameron Hurst theorizes that Tadazane’s strategy was to cooperate with the retired sovereign rather than fighting him. 57 Certainly this arrangement would not return the Regents’ Line to the court leadership they had enjoyed earlier when marriage politics were in their prime in the age of Michinaga. Yet in cooperating with the retired sovereign, as well as with the current tennō, Tadazane likely sought to develop a new place for his progeny at court. During his ten years at Uji, he would have had plenty of time to contemplate that possibility. Additionally, he perhaps saw how he might use his younger son’s position in this new arrangement. If Tadazane himself could not restore the Sekkanke to a place of high leadership at court, maybe Yorinaga could. Yorinaga at Court This newfound partnership between Toba and Tadazane was the foundation of 55 Chūyūki, Chōjō 3 (1134) 3.19. 56 Hōen 5 (1139).7.28; Kugyō bunin p. 419. 57 Hurst, Insei, 161. 23 Yorinaga’s entrance into court life. His rise in the court hierarchy was dramatic. Like other sons of high-ranking officials, Yorinaga benefited from his father’s rank, through the shadow rank (on’i, 蔭位) system. This allowed the sons and grandsons of third-rankers, as well as princes and the sons of fourth- and fifth-rankers, to enter the rank hierarchy at the midpoint, not the bottom. As we’ve seen, Yorinaga initially received the senior fifth rank lower just after his coming-of- age ceremony, on 1130.4.19. The fifth rank was an important defining line at court: only those of fifth rank or higher could have an audience with the monarch—they were nobles (kizoku, 貴族). As a favored son of the head of the Regents’ Line, Yorinaga was expected to start there. He did not receive his first post as chamberlain, however, until the sixth month of the same year. In that position, Yorinaga served as an attendant to the sovereign in his residential palace on the staff of the Ministry of Central Affairs. 58 He was only eleven years old at the time. 59 Nevertheless, on the twenty-third day of the eighth month of the same year, Yorinaga was appointed provisional minor captain of the bodyguards of the right (konoe shōshō, 右近椎少将) and two months later, provisional middle captain (gonchūjō, 権中将), a post long held by heirs of the Regents’ Line. 60 As his brother Tadamichi’s presumptive heir, Yorinaga was following that path. Given his youth, such positions may have been largely ceremonial. Presumably, Yorinaga was busy with his early education and training. 58 Joan R. Piggott, ed., Capital and Countryside in Japan, 300‒1180. Cornell East Asia Series, 129 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 425. This rank and post was often given to sons of the Regents’ Line; his ancestor, Fujiwara no Tadahira (880‒949), also began at the same rank and post, albeit at the age of sixteen, after his coming- of-age ceremony. See Joan R. Piggott, “What Did a Regent Do? Fujiwara no Tadahira in the 930s,” in Teishinkōki: What Did a Heian Regent Do? The Year 939 in the Journal of Regent Fujiwara no Tadahira, ed. Joan Piggott and Yoshida Sanae (Ithaca, NY: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 2008), 30. 59 In the Heian period, people were considered to be one year old at their birth, meaning that in 1130 Yorinaga was officially eleven years old. See Appendix A for Yorinaga’s age each year, based on this system. 60 Motoki Yasuo, “Taiki (Fujiwara no Yorinaga)—Gakumon to bu no hazama de,” in Nikki de yomu Nihon chūseishi, ed. Motoki Yasuo (Tokyo: Mineruva Shobō, 2011), 35. 24 Yorinaga received the senior third rank on 1132.10.17, at the age of thirteen. And in the twelfth month, he became provisional middle counselor (gonchūnagon, 権中納言), his first appointment to the monarch’s ministerial team, the Council of State. We cannot know if actually attended Council meetings; but if so, he would have begun to get training in protocol and discussions of policy. 61 Yorinaga continued to rise in rank, eventually attaining senior second rank in 1134, at the age of fifteen. The same year, he was named provisional senior counselor (gondainagon, 権大納言), and then inner palace minister (naidaijin, 内大臣) in 1136, another post frequently held by a leading member of the Regents’ Line. 62 Yorinaga’s Early Education To be prepared for a future in court, it was imperative that Yorinaga receive a basic elite education. Brian Steininger has identified four major elements of such an education in the Heian court: 1) early education centering on recitation and pronunciation of Chinese characters, 2) interpretation of canonical Chinese texts through glossing, 3) reliance on imported Chinese commentaries as academic aids, and 4) an assumption of the supremacy of textual authority in solving questions of correctness. 63 Yorinaga’s later education would focus on the latter three characteristics, but his early years were spent learning to read and understand the Chinese characters that would be integral to his life as a courtier. 61 Kokushi daijiten. 62 Kokushi daijiten. 63 Brian Steininger, Chinese Literary Forms in Heian Japan: Poetics and Practice (Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Asia Center, 2017), 138. 25 Yorinaga’s education early in life was not recorded in the journals of his father or brother, but we can infer some aspects based on what we know generally about the elite educational system during the twelfth century. Yorinaga would have begun his education when he was five or six years old. While individual education at this age did not follow any particular curriculum or guidelines, there are five texts that were frequently popular for early education: the Thousand Character Classic (Senjimon, 千字文), the Child’s Treasury (Mōgyū, 蒙求), the Hundred-Twenty Compositions (Hyaku nijū, 百二十), Japanese and Chinese Poems to Sing (Wakan rōeishū, 和漢朗詠集), and the New Ballads (Shingafu, 新楽府). The Thousand Character Classic—a rhymed set of one thousand Chinese characters—taught children how to sound out particular characters through its writing scheme, while also instructing them in basic cosmology, history, and morality. The Child’s Treasury also used a rhyming pattern to teach historical anecdotes. The Hundred-Twenty Compositions collected topic poems by the Tang Chinese poet Li Jiao into a format resembling an encyclopedia. These latter two works contained poems that were often memorized by students. Commentaries on each of these texts also circulated, allowing students to receive a broad education from a handful of primers. 64 By the tenth century, in addition to imported Chinese texts, primers written specifically for Japanese users were being produced. For example, Fun by Mouth (Kuchizusami, 口遊), written by Minamoto no Tamenori (?‒1011) for one of his students, included lists for courtier literacy that could be recited like nursery rhymes, arranged in nineteen sections. While aspects of traditional Chinese education were included, such as a list of the Chinese classics, there were 64 Jennifer Guest, “Primers, Commentaries and Kanbun Literacy in Japanese Literary Culture, 950‒1250CE,” Ph.D. diss. (Columbia University, 2013), 35. 26 also sections on the official histories of Japan, collections of decrees and regulations produced by the Japanese court, and references to chapters of the Japanese administrative codes. 65 Such a primer would have taught Yorinaga from a young age about the court, as well as how to read. Compendia of text excerpts were used by more advanced students. One such was the Sezoku gembun ( 世俗諺文). Also written by the scholar-tutor Minamoto no Tamenori, it had been commissioned by Fujiwara no Yorimichi (992‒1074). The work contains several quotations from Chinese books, arranged in categories. Although it is no longer fully extant, remaining portions include references to several Confucian texts as well as to works of history and Taoist texts. Citations from the Nihon Shoki ( 日本書紀) and the ritsuryō are also included, but the true focus appears to be works of Chinese origin, to be easily consulted by the aspiring scholar- courtier. 66 While serious scholars could find time to study a full text, the average student likely made do with the excerpts. Ōraimono ( 往来物), collections of models for letter writing, also first made their appearance in the mid-Heian period. The Letters of Meigō (Meigō ōrai,, 明衡往来)— also known as Meigō shōsoku ( 明衡消息), Unshū ōrai ( 雲州往来), or Unshū shōsoku ( 雲州消息)—was one such ōraimono. Compiled around 1040 by Fujiwara no Akihira (989‒1086), it is drawn from Akihira’s personal and official correspondence, and was used as a primer on letter writing throughout the Heian period. 65 Francine Hérail, Emperor and Aristocracy in Heian Japan, 10th and 11th Centuries, Wendy Cobcroft, trans. (San Bernardino, CA: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2013), 124‒125. 66 Marian Ury, “Chinese Learning and Intellectual Life,” in The Cambridge History of Japan. Vol. 2: Heian Japan, Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 353; Hérail, Emperor and Aristocracy in Heian Japan, 125. 27 Another ōraimono was the Old Primer (ko ōrai, 古往来), which compiled personal correspondence about travel. These letters covered various topics, including landholders requesting loans, cases of trespass, and payments of dues to provincial governors. All would be helpful to Yorinaga in the future, when he would have duties and concerns related to provincial affairs. 67 Yorinaga’s early education likely took place entirely at home, or perhaps at the homes of his teachers and tutors. 68 One of the latter was Fujiwara no Yoshiakira (1074‒1143), a man recognized for his intellect. He had entered the Royal University (daigaku, 大学) in 1106, and held several positions at court during his life. He never advanced to high rank, however; when he passed away in 1143, at the age of 70, he held only the senior fifth rank lower. Fortunately, a bit of information about Yorinaga’s work with Yoshiakira exists in Yorinaga’s Taiki journal entry of 1143.8.22. On that day, hearing of Yoshiakira’s death four days prior, Yorinaga sent one of his lower-ranking associates to Yoshiakira’s residence to mourn for him. It would have been unheard-of for Yorinaga, who held the senior second rank, to go and mourn the man in person. Nevertheless, because he respected his former tutor so much, Yorinaga sent his representative. Yorinaga writes: “Thinking of Yoshiakira, when I was a child I learned the Classic of Filial Piety from him as a private tutor. Later I learned the Wen Xuan from him. I highly respected him.” 69 Clearly the tutor had a profound effect on the young courtier, who remembered him years later. 67 Toda Yoshimi, trans. Janet Goodwin, “Kyoto and the Estate System in the Heian Period,” in Capital and Countryside in Japan, 300‒1180, Joan R. Piggot, ed. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell East Asia Series, 2006), 249‒253. 68 Hérail, Emperor and Aristocracy in Heian Japan, 125‒126. 69 Hanayo Noguchi and Yumi Kodoma, trans., “Taiki: Kōji 2 {1143} 8.28 Entry,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies, last modified August 22, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation-archive/2019/8/22/taiki-kji-2-1143-828- entry. 28 Although Yorinaga did not attend the Royal University, its traditional curriculum nonetheless established the educational program for any aspiring court leader. Texts specified for study included The Book of Changes (ekikyō, 易経), The Book of Documents (shokyō, 尚書), The Rites of Zhou (shurai, 周礼), The Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial (girai, 儀礼), The Book of Rites (raiki, 礼記), The Book of Odes (shikyō, 詩経), The Commentary of Zuo (shunjūsashiden, 春秋左氏伝), The Classic of Filial Piety (kōkyō, 古文孝経), and The Analects (rongo, 論語). 70 These works constitute four of the five Confucian classics, 71 plus three texts commonly added to this category. 72 These texts, long standard in Chinese education, taught not only the skills needed to be a fully developed human being, but also the basic knowledge needed for political, social, and cultural activity. 73 They were the foundation of any courtier’s education. Training for the above-listed works would have been divided among professors from the university, who lectured and directed reading and interpretation of texts and commentaries. Students could choose which texts to specialize in, in categories known as “the Greater Classics” (daikyō, 大経), “the Middle Classics” (chūkyō, 中経), and “the Lesser Classics” (shōkyō, 小経). Students were expected to become experts in two, three, or five classics, depending on how much they wanted to study. Traditionally studies at the university had been organized into ten-day periods. A professor chose a text which students read aloud. They then were lectured to about its significance. After studying the text, students were given a test: where “the professor shall test 70 Ritsuryō, ed. Inoue Mitsusada (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1976), 263. 71 Odes, Documents, Rites, and Changes. The fifth classic, the Spring and Autumn Annals, was taught in the history department. 72 The Commentary of Zuo, The Classic of Filial Piety, and The Analects are often referred to in conjunction with the Five Classics. 73 Michael Nylan, The Five “Confucian” Classics (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 2001), 2. 29 their reading by choosing three [kanji] characters from each thousand [kanji characters] to be read.” 74 Students were expected to be able to read this section of the text aloud, with focus on correct pronunciation. Next, the professor chose one section of the same text for a student to explain. Examinations included three sections in this style—as long as a student answered two correctly, he would pass the exam. Those who failed were to be punished. After such an examination, students were given a day of rest before the cycle began again with a new text. 75 At the end of the year, a larger examination on eight important passages was administered to the best students. While this time students would not be required to read out loud, they were expected to explain the passages’ meanings. Based on how many sections a student explicated correctly, he would be ranked as an upper (jō, 上), middle (chū, 中), or lower (ge, 下) student. Those ranked as lower three years in a row, those who had attended the university for a total of nine years, and those simply judged to be incapable of advancement were asked to leave the university. 76 The university also had a special curriculum for students of literature. Considered the most elite students, they originally numbered only twenty and were nominated by the tennō, regent, or other senior noble. 77 Just being allowed to take the literature curriculum and its examinations was an honor. The first examination, which simply involved reading aloud passages from Records of the Grand Historian, resulted in successful students receiving the prized status of Provisional Student of Literature (gimonjōshō, 擬文章生). A second-level 74 Inoue, Ritsuryō, 264. 75 Inoue, Ritsuryō, 264‒265. 76 Robert Borgen, Sugawara no Michizane and the Early Heian Court (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), 72. 77 Steininger, Chinese Literary Forms, 134. 30 examination (shōshi, 小試) required a student to compose a poem on a prescribed topic, using set rules of poetry, and those who passed were dubbed Students of Literature (monjōshō, 文章生). Only two students of literature could be named as Special Scholarship Students of Literature (monjō tokugōshō, 文章得業生), a qualification that allowed a student to be eligible for certain provincial posts or to sit the highest examination, the hōryaku ( 方略). It which required the candidate to write a parallel-prose essay on a set topic, quoting and explaining various texts from their studies as they made their argument. Very few students of literature, however, ever passed that final examination—most stopped after the second level. 78 And yet another examination in classics included selections from Confucian classics, which the student was required to explicate. Some examinations also included a text with a few characters blocked out; students were expected to fill in the missing characters from memory. The most important aspect of the education system was the examinations. In Tang China, how well a student passed his examinations determined which kind of government position a student ultimately received, either in the capital or outside it. The Japanese code (ritsuryō, 律令) adopted the same system. Students who had mastered two or more classics were qualified to take a civil service examination, this time with ten passages to explain. Those who passed eight or more sections were recommended to the Council of State (daijōkan, 太政官) for appointment to a post. 78 Guest, “Primers, Commentaries and Kanbun Literacy,” 31‒32. 31 It is unlikely, however, that Yorinaga himself ever took such examinations. Indeed, by Yorinaga’s day, it is thought that few courtiers took examinations, even if they studied at the Royal University. 79 As a Sekkanke leader’s favored son, his rank and position were already guaranteed. That does not mean, however, that knowledge of university curriculum was not required for someone who aspired to function at the highest level of court society. And even if not that many students actually took these tests in his day, entries in his journal indicate that later in his life, when he took students, Yorinaga followed a similar testing regime, requiring his own students to use memorization skills to recall the exact wording of passages they had studied. 80 Yorinaga’s First Reading Ceremony Although no records of Yorinaga’s actual early education exist, an account survives of his participation in an important ceremony centered on education, when he was thirteen years old. In addition to introducing the young Sekkanke son to the court, it revealed something of Yorinaga’s reading with a private tutor. That significant event came on 1132.12.5, at Yorinaga’s First Reading Ceremony (dokushohajime, 読書始). 81 During such ceremonies, common for sons of high-ranking courtiers, the youth would exhibit his learning in front of his tutor and invited guests. This ceremony was first instituted in the ninth century. In the Heian period, it proclaimed the beginning of a courtier son’s formal education and was presided over by one of the son’s personal tutors. 79 Controversy occasionally dogged these examinations in the Heian period; for example, in 997, Ōe no Masahira (952-1012) had the failure of one his students in the examinations overturned. See Smits, “Way of the Literati,” 113- 115. Fujiwara no Michinaga was said to have an examiner kidnapped in 988, after one of his friends failed his examinations. See Momo, Jōdai gakusei no kenkyū, 274. 80 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 11.17. 81 Chūyūki, Chōjō 1 (1132) 12.5. 32 In Yorinaga’s case, Fujiwara no Atsumitsu (1063-1144) presided over his First Reading Ceremony. It is unclear how old Yorinaga was when he first began working with a tutor, but records indicate that he was working with Atsumitsu before he turned thirteen. A senior assistant minister (taifu, 大夫) of the Ministry of Ceremonial (Shikibushō, 式部省), Atsumitsu was also involved in the management of the university. 82 He held the fifth rank—like provincial governors and other middling administrators at court—even though he was a highly educated university professor. Atsumitsu had been recognized for his writing in 1135, and at various times he had served as a tutor to the young Horikawa Tennō, Toba Tennō, and Sutoku Tennō. It was expected, of course, that a son of the Sekkanke would also have such a prominent scholar as his tutor. Details of what they worked on together are scarce, but likely Yorinaga would have used the primers described above to prepare for more advanced study and his formal introduction at court. We know from the Chūyūki journal that the ceremony began in the morning, at Tadamichi’s residence. 83 The text for a First Reading Ceremonies was not set; rather, the professor or tutor conducting the ceremony chose it from such classics as the Records of the Grand Historian, The Book of Filial Piety, The Thousand Character Classic, or A Child’s Treasury. In 1132 Atsumitu led Yorinaga through the chosen selection, chapter one from the Records of the Grand Historian (shiki, 史記), “Annals of the Five Emperors” (gotei hongi, 五帝本紀), which discusses the early history of China, beginning with the Yellow Emperor, Huangdi. 84 Yorinaga sat before Atsumitsu, who read the title and selection, one line at a time. Yorinaga repeated after him, focusing mainly on enunciating the characters correctly. 82 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 40. 83 Chūyūki, Chōjō 1 (1132) 12.5. 84 Kokushi daijiten, s.v. “ 読書始,” accessed July 28, 2021, https://japanknowledge- com.libproxy1.usc.edu/lib/display/?lid=30010zz346530. 33 This simple ceremony was symbolic in nature, but the practice of repeating the tutor’s words echoed the system of education used at the university, with its focus on students learning to read and pronounce properly. The style of the ceremony also was modeled on university examinations. 85 As Yorinaga was only just beginning his studies, he was not expected to be able to explicate the meaning of the text he had just read. After Atsumitsu declared himself pleased with his protégé’s reading, the pair rose and left the room. The event was followed by a large banquet for tutor, student, and invited guests. 86 Adult Responsibilities and the Riding Accident A year after Yorinaga’s First Reading Ceremony, in the sixth month of Chōjō 2 (1133), he was married to Kōshi (1112‒1155), the eldest daughter of Fujiwara no Saneyoshi (1096‒1157). At the time of their marriage, Yorinaga was fourteen, while Kōshi was twenty-two. 87 This match was made to strengthen ties between the Sekkanke and the Tokudaiji lineage of the Fujiwara, of which Saneyoshi was patriarch. Political ties between the two families were the foundation of the marriage, and it proved enduring, even though Yorinaga and Kōshi never had children. Yorinaga now had a wife and lived in his father-in-law’s home. Without an official post at court, he likely continued his studies with tutors. Things changed, however, when he was seventeen years old. Although he had been forbidden by his father “to have anything to do with falcons, dogs, cattle, horses, sake, and sex,” 88 he did not heed the warnings and engaged in dangerous activities in his free time. Eventually there was an accident. 85 Steininger, Chinese Literary Forms, 162‒163. 86 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 14‒15. 87 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 28. 88 Taiki, Kōji 1 (1142) 12.30. 34 In a later entry in his journal, 89 Yorinaga reflected on the incident: “With a hawk on my wrist, I saddled a horse and galloped up the mountain. The swift horse ran faster than lightning, and I almost lost my life. Although I lived a little longer because of the merciful help of the buddhas and kami, I still bear the scars on my face till this day.” 90 The accident greatly affected him, and afterwards he no longer continued with sports. During his recovery, he seems to have decided to become a scholar instead. The entry continues: “When I look in the mirror and see [the scars], I want all the more to write down admonitions for my descendants.” 91 After the accident there was a significant change in the young Fujiwara’s demeanor. His father had returned to the palace, having received the right of document examination by royal decree in 1132. 92 Tadazane therefore could support Yorinaga at court, and the young man began his rise at court in earnest. As we have seen, he was the Inner Palace Minister (naidaijin, 内大臣) by 1136. 93 Yorinaga was building up his household through marital alliances at this time. He took several consorts, 94 and by 1138 he had two sons: Moronaga (1138‒1192) and Kanenaga (1138‒ 1158). 95 This is also when he began writing his Taiki journal in Hōen 2 (1136). He continued writing entries in it until the year before his death, 1155. It provides us a window into the 89 Taiki, Kōji 1 (1142) 12.30. Yorinaga was twenty-three when he wrote this entry, although the incident occurred when he was seventeen. 90 Thank you to Janet Goodwin for assistance with this translation. 91 Taiki, Kōji 1 (1142) 12.30. 92 Chūyūki, Chōjō 1 (1132) 1.14. 93 Taiki, Hōen 2 (1136) 12.9. 94 Aside from his principal wife, Kōshi, Yorinaga’s wives were referred to in records by their father’s names. We do not have records as to other names Yorinaga referred to them by. 95 These were the names given to them upon their respective coming-of-age ceremonies. Moronaga’s childhood name is unknown, while Kanenaga had the same childhood name as his father, Ayawaka. 35 activities and thoughts of a court leader who would later come to be known as the “Cruel Minister of the Left.” 36 Chapter Two: Reading to Excess Yorinaga’s Self-Directed Education In Yorinaga’s young adulthood, he became known for his great interest in learning, uncharacteristic of most of his birth status at the time. This interest would shape his career at court. To understand the trajectory of Yorinaga’s life, we must delve into his intense, self- directed education, which began in his young adulthood. As discussed in Chapter One, Yorinaga’s early life was that of a typical son of a high- ranking courtier, with his Coming-of-age Ceremony at age eleven in 1130 and his First Reading Ceremony at age thirteen in 1132. From 1132 onward he received promotions in rank and posts, thanks to the high rank of his father and elder brother. Nevertheless, Yorinaga spent much of his time away from court with his father, Tadazane, who had effectively been banished to Uji. And after the riding accident in 1136, Yorinaga began earnestly studying Chinese classics of his own accord. In this chapter, I explore Yorinaga’s education and his career at court up through 1146. I begin with an introduction to his tutors, those who helped him learn. Next, I consider Yorinaga’s book collection by focusing on his catalogue of 1143, in which he listed over a thousand volumes and left us a unique look not only into his foundation as an intellectual and scholar- minister. I discuss Yorinaga’s reading habits, based on this list and other passages from his Taiki journal that show how he approached both his own study and that of his students. I also look at the library Yorinaga built in 1145 to house his collection, and how he purchased new materials to add to it. I then discuss Yorinaga’s activities at court through 1146, and his increasing interest in court affairs. These glimpses into Yorinaga’s education and intellectual world help us know 37 which texts influenced his political career and understand the enthusiasm he had for classical texts as a font of knowledge for a court leader. Yorinaga’s Tutors When Yorinaga began to take interest in serious scholarship, it was imperative that he find senior scholars to guide him through his efforts. As a son of the Sekkanke chieftain, Yorinaga would have had little trouble finding tutors. His included Fujiwara no Atsumitsu and Fujiwara no Yoshiakira (1074‒1143, discussed in Chapter One), as well as Fujiwara no Narisuke (1107‒1151), Minamoto no Moroyori (1068‒1139), Nakahara no Moroyasu (1088‒1154), and Shinzei (Fujiwara no Michinori, 1106‒1159). 96 While little is known of Moroyasu, we know something about his other tutors from the Taiki and other sources. Yorinaga particularly revered Minamoto no Moroyori, who became one of his first tutors in 1136. 97 Although Moroyori was then in his twilight years, he assisted the young courtier with some difficult texts. For instance, from the tenth month of Hōen 3 (1137) until the twelfth month of Hōen 4 (1138) Yorinaga studied the Book of Han (Kanjo, 漢書), the historical records of the Han dynasty (202 BCE- 220 CE). Yorinaga’s respect for Moroyori is reflected by his use of the appellation “former teacher” (senshi, 先師) 98 for him—he did not use it for any other tutor. His training with Moroyori was also important because it connected Yorinaga to Ōe no Masafusa (1041‒1111), under who Moroyori had studied. Masasfusa had been the most important scholar 96 Yanagawa Hibiki, “Kizoku nikki to setsuwa: Fujiwara no Narisuke wo meguru futatsu no setsuwa to ‘Taiki,’” Waseda daigaku daigakuin bungaku kenkyūka 58 (2013): 127. Shinzei is the name Michinori adopted upon taking the tonsure. I use the name Shinzei throughout this chapter, as it is how Yorinaga would have best known him. 97 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 7.22 98 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 34. 38 to hold high government office after Sugawara no Michizane (845‒903). 99 In fact, there is a particularly interesting connection between Yorinaga and Masafusa—both had deep interests in Taoist writings, which were not included in the university curriculum. 100 Additionally, Masafusa became an enthusiastic supporter of the Tenjin cult, worshipping Sugawara no Michizane. 101 Yorinaga’s connection to Masafusa, and to Michizane through him, places Yorinaga in an intellectual lineage of former scholar ministers. The most influential of Yorinaga’s tutors was Fujiwara no Narisuke (1107-1151). Narisuke spent his early years of study in the program for Chinese letters at the Royal University. He landed a job as a royal secretary (kurōdo, 蔵人) in 1145, likely due to his scholarly abilities. 102 According to Taiki, Yorinaga’s studies with Narisuke had begun before that, on the twelfth day of the tenth month of 1143, when he began reading the Book of Changes. Yorinaga continued to study with him over the next few years, reading such texts as the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqi, 春秋). Yorinaga called himself Narisuke’s protege in his journal, suggesting that these were formative experiences. 103 While not the most prominent teacher in Yorinaga’s life, the most famous of Yorinaga’s tutors was Shinzei (1106-1159). The son of Fujiwara no Sanekane (1085‒1112), Shinzei had been adopted by Takashina no Tsunetoshi, a member of a clan closely tied to retired sovereigns 99 Masafusa’s career as a scholar was quite remarkable. He passed the civil service examination in 1058, at the age of seventeen, an incredibly rare feat at so young an age. He thereafter served as tutor to three crown princes, including the future Go-Sanjō Tennō, and acted as a Confucian lecturer on the canonical writings to the court and leaders of the Sekkanke. See Marian Ury, “The Ōe Conversations,” Monumenta Nipponica 48.3 (October 1993), 362; Kawaguchi Hisao, Ōe no Masafusa (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1968); Shibayama Saeko, ”Ōe no Masafusa and the Convergence of the ‘Ways’: The Twilight of Early Chinese Literary Studies and the Rise of Waka Studies in the Long Twelfth Century in Japan,” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2012.) 100 Francine Hérail, Emperor and Aristocracy in Heian Japan, 10th and 11th centuries, Wendy Cobcroft, trans. (San Bernardino, CA: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2013), 226. 101 Robert Borgen, “Ōe no Masafusa and the Spirit of Michizane,” Monumenta Nipponica 50.3 (Autumn 1995), 358. 102 Yanagawa, “Kizoku nikki to setsuwa,” 131‒132. 103 Taiki, Kōji 1 (1142) 12.18. 39 as provincial governors and advisors; Tsunetoshi himself served under the retired sovereign Shirakawa. 104 Although Shinzei was raised in the Takashina clan and thus took their name in his youth, he started using the Fujiwara name again after the retired sovereign Toba (1103-1156) came to power. Shinzei served as one of Toba’s advisors. Shinzei came from a long line of scholars, including his grandfather, Fujiwara no Suetsuna, who had served as director of the Royal University (daigaku no kami, 大学の守). Eventually, disappointed with his career at court, Shinzei decided to take the tonsure. Toba himself tried to persuade him to reconsider, raising him to senior fifth rank lower in 1143 and appointing him as a Junior Counselor (shōnagon, 少納言) in 1144. Additionally, Toba issued a proclamation to authorize Shinzei’s son, Toshinori (1122‒1167), to take the examination required for appointment as a professor of literature (monjo hakase, 文章博士) and director of the Bureau of Education. Despite these attempts to dissuade him, Shinzei took the tonsure on Ten’yō 1 (1144) 7.22, and formally took the monastic name Shinzei. 105 Although Shinzei’s life and interests would eventually diverge significantly from those of Yorinaga, his days spent studying with Yorinaga were peaceful. Yorinaga read several texts with Shinzei, and there is a famous incident involving the pair, which occurred on Ten’yō 2 (1145) 6.7., when Yorinaga ordered Shinzei to perform a divination concerning Yorinaga’s recent illness. The divination resulted in the interpretation that Yorinaga would recover in ten days, but what ensued was a discussion about divination itself, and whether to perform divination with 104 Nihon jinmei daijiten. 105 Taiki, Ten’yō 1 (1144) 7.22; Hyōhanki, Ten’yō 1 (1144) 7.22. 40 yarrow sticks or tortoise shells first. 106 Yorinaga argued for divining with sticks first, and Shinzei for beginning with shells. The pair discussed several texts, including the Correct Meanings on the Book of Rites and the Commentary of Zuo. Shinzei eventually conceded, but afterwards made the following striking comment: My Lord, your knowledge is not inferior to that of the ancients. Even including at the Chinese courts, I think there are few who could rival you. You have likewise surpassed predecessors at our court since middle antiquity. Your ability has surpassed all in our realm, which is deeply troubling to me. From now on, stop studying the Classics. 107 Yorinaga describes feeling “deeply honored” by this comment, but contemporaries seem to have agreed with Shinzei in finding Yorinaga’s arrogance and self-confidence troubling. 108 One interpretation of Shinzei’s comment is that he was warning Yorinaga about flaunting his knowledge and acting in a superior way that could eventually lead to his downfall. In a passage in Hōgen monogatari attributed to Taiki, Yorinaga does not heed the warning, or his teacher’s disdain of intellectual vanity, at all: “After the interval of the mere four years of our relationship, I have now received his approval of my intelligence. […] I write this now, wiping tears of joy.” 109 106 The process of divining with yarrow sticks involves counting sticks to determine a number from one to eight, which is then assigned to one of the eight trigram symbols, combined with the sixty-four hexagrams that are set out in the Book of Changes (Yijing, 易経). Tortoise shell divination involves writing a question on a shell, then baking the shell and interpreting the resulting cracks to arrive at an answer. For a further description of the types of divination Shinzei and Yorinaga would have been familiar with, see Niels van der Salm, “On Divination,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies website, last modified August 25, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation- archive/2019/8/25/on-divination. 107 Taiki, Ten’yō 2 (1145) 6.7; Translation by Niels van der Salm, “Taiki Ten’yō 2 (1145) 6.7 Entry,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies, last modified August 25, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation- archive/2019/8/25/taiki-teny-2-1145-67-entry. 108 Yanagawa Hibiki, Fujiwara no Yorinaga: “Akusafu” no gakumon to gensetsu (Tokyo: Waseda Daigaku Shuppanbu, 2018), 13‒14. In addition to the reference in Hōgen monogatari, the incident is also recounted in the setsuwa collection Zoku kojitan, as well as in Ainōshō and in Shinten ainōshō. 109 William Ritchie Wilson, trans. and ed., Hōgen monogatari: Tale of Disorder in Hōgen (Tokyo: Sophia University, 1971), 56‒57. 41 Our information about how long and in what manner Yorinaga worked with each of these tutors is limited, but as we shall see Yorinaga provides some notes on what texts he worked on with these scholars. Regardless, through these tutors Yorinaga developed his scholarly network through years of study, forming a group of intellectuals that he could call on as he continued his intellectual pursuits. Early Book Catalogues: What Did Courtiers Read? The largest single source of information about Yorinaga’s scholarly path comes from an unusual record in his journal: a list of every book he had read over a fifteen-year period. Yorinaga kept this meticulous list up to 1143. While it is unknown how many of these texts he owned, considering his resources and love of books, it is likely he owned most or all of them. 110 The list is quite rare; few courtiers have left records of what books they read. Ivo Smits has written that we can recognize what works were known and read in elite circles in the Heian period, 111 but such efforts are limited by the lack of surviving catalogues. Yorinaga’s book list is one of the most extensive records of books privately held by a courtier, and it provides an important glimpse at the reading habits of a twelfth-century courtier. Earlier Japanese intellectuals of the Nara and early Heian periods had had little interest in compiling bibliographical catalogues, even though they were common in China from the Han dynasty (202 BCE to 220 CE) onward. The earliest book catalogue compiled in Japan was the 110 In an entry dated Kōji 2 (1143) 11.3, Yorinaga was excited about procuring a new copy of Correct Meanings on the Book of Changes. While he had a personal copy, he also was impressed by the printed edition owned by Kiyohara no Nobutoshi. Yorinaga had a full copy of the text made by calligraphers on beautiful paper, in the hope that Nobutoshi would take this new copy and he, Yorinaga, could keep the printed copy. Throughout the journal, he mentions several times wanting to purchase new books, and he must have collected many works. 111 See “Chapter Three: The Poetry from China,” in Ivo Smits, The Pursuit of Loneliness: Chinese and Japanese Nature Poetry in Medieval Japan, ca. 1050‒1150. (Stuttgart: F. Sneider, 1995): 35‒66. 42 Catalogue of Books Existing in Japan (Nihon koku genzaisho mokuroku, 日本国現在所目録). Compiled by Fujiwara no Sukeyo (847‒897), the son-in-law of Sugawara no Michizane, it was created after a fire in the Reizei’in palace library in 875. The work was likely completed sometime after 891, since the introduction notes Sukeyo was then the governor of Mutsu province, a position to which he was appointed in 891. It is unclear if the catalogue listed only books that survived the fire, or if it was a reconstruction of records of the original book collection of the palace. 112 The work itself contains notes on almost 19,000 volumes, divided into forty categories, including the always popular Chinese classics, as well as law, medicine, agriculture, warfare, and astronomy. Marian Ury notes that Sukeyo likely chose not to include some books that he did not deem important, such as handbooks that would have appealed to women and children. 113 Nor was this the last time the throne would order the creation of a catalogue before Yorinaga’s day. In 917, Daigo Tennō (885‒930, r. 897‒930) ordered a detailed catalogue compiled of the contents of a palace storehouse. The storehouse contained 197 volumes collected by previous sovereigns, and Daigo Tennō requested the list so that future scholars could easily access the collection. 114 When it comes to the contents of Heian courtiers’ private libraries, the oldest extant guide to a private library is the Catalogue of the Library of the Lay Monk Shinzei (Tsūken nyūdō zōsho mokuroku, 通憲入道蔵書目録). This work catalogued the book collection of Yorinaga’s tutor Shinzei. 115 While there is no information on who compiled the catalogue, it was created around 1160, after Shinzei’s death, and there are many questions about its contents. 116 In addition to 112 Smits, Pursuit of Loneliness, 40. 113 Marian Ury, “Intellectual Life,” in Donald H. Shively, et al.., eds., The Cambridge History of Japan. Volume 2: Heian Japan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 345‒346. 114 Kornicki, The Book in Japan, 425. 115 Kornicki, The Book in Japan, 283, 423‒424. 116 Smits, The Pursuit of Loneliness, 41. 43 Chinese classics, the collection included several works of Japanese history, as well as texts on medicine, music, etiquette, prose, poetry, and legal codes. The contents of 87 chests are listed, over 300 items in total. The compiler of the catalogue noted, however, that 86 chests were missing so this was not a complete record. Like other early catalogues, the one listing Shinzei’s collection is not organized in any particular way. While the first seventeen chests are numbered, the remaining chests were not. Within each chest, Chinese and Japanese books apparently were mixed haphazardly. Volumes of some texts were missing, and several duplicates existed. This disorder indicates that the chests were moved in a hurry, which may explain why some chests went missing. Even in this incomplete state, Shinzei’s catalogue provides insights into the private collection of a late Heian-period courtier besides Yorinaga. It included texts prescribed for study at the university, as well as popular works of poetry and prose. His personal interest in music is also clear from the list. Questions remain, however, as to how Shinzei used his collection or the full extent of the collection. This makes Yorinaga’s list even more valuable as the most extensive and organized reading log available from the Heian period. Yorinaga’s Book Collection Yorinaga’s book list is divided into three sections: Canonical Works (kyōke, 經家), History (shika, 史家), and Works of the Sages (zakka, 雜家). 117 The first two sections correspond to Takahashi’s canonical works and historical works, but the third section includes miscellaneous educational texts, literature, and “strange tales.” 118 Yorinaga focused on canonical texts, likely due 117 The last section, zakka, literally translates as “mixed houses/experts.” This can also be considered Yorinaga’s “miscellaneous” section, comprised of texts that do not fit into his first two categories. 118 Kaii bungaku, 怪異文学, also known as “marvel tales.” The genre first became popular during the Tang dynasty (618‒907). These tales recount a strange event or peculiar phenomenon, often featuring fully developed plots and characters. The genre includes romantic, fantastical, and semi-historical stories. Pu Songling, Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio, trans. John Minford (London: Penguin, 2006), xii‒xiii. 44 to the influence of his tutors, who certainly would have steered Yorinaga toward texts considered foundational in the university system. According to Takahashi Hiroshi, Chinese books from the late Heian period can be divided into four main groups: Chinese canonical works (keibu, 経部), historical works (shibu, 史部), arts (shibu, 子部), and poetry/literature (shūbu, 集部). 119 Yorinaga follows a simple style in each entry. He first lists the title of the work, then the number of volumes. He notes if he only read excerpts, and if he made notes on the text, which he would have written in the margins of the text. 120 If there is something unusual about the text, such as notes written on the reverse side, this is also recorded. Occasionally he will mention specifically with whom he studied the text. Finally, Yorinaga lists the year he read the work, sometimes including specific months or dates if he had previously noted them in his journal. This method allows us a better understanding of how long he spent on each text; and much of the time we can infer whom he studied with based on the years he is known to have worked with a specific tutor. His entire process of describing his reading history is, as far as we know, unique. While some other courtiers’ journals mention specific texts read, none provide such detailed records. The first section, “Canonical Works,” contains standard texts any scholar of the Chinese classics would read. Indeed, according to the Laws on Education, university students were expected to study The Book of Changes (Ekikyō, 易経), The Book of Documents (Shōsho, 尚書), The Rites of Zhou (Shūrei, 周礼), The Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial (Kirai, 儀礼), The Book of Rites (Raiki, 礼記), The Book of Odes (Mōshi, 毛詩), The Commentary of Zuo (Saden, 左傳), 119 Takahashi Hitoshi, “Aru Chūgoku kenkyūsha no hayasugita shi- Fujiwara no Yorinaga no keisho kenkyū wo chūshin to shite,” in Ō chōbito no kon'in to shinkō, ed. Kurata Minoru (Tokyo: Shinwasha, 2010), 267. 120 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 7.13, describes the process of writing marginal headings with his students, which were used to mark sections to excerpt for his own notes, as well as additional notes. The notes would be made in his own copy of a text or added in additional copies that Yorinaga had made for the purpose. 45 The Book of Filial Piety (Kobunkōkyō, 古文孝経), and The Analects (Ronko, 論語). 121 These include the traditional five “Confucian” classics, as well as a commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, as well as The Book of Filial Piety and The Analects. 122 Yorinaga also studied many commentaries on these texts. For example, he looked at several different commentaries on the Book of Odes, The Classic of Filial Piety, and The Analects. Yorinaga also read well-known commentaries. For example, during the first year of Eiji (1141), he read selections from the thirty volumes of the Commentary of Zuo, a parallel version with commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals. In addition to explaining the Annals, the commentary expands the historical narrative of the original work. Although it is often attributed to a fifth-century BCE blind disciple of Confucius, Zuo Qiuming (556 BCE‒451 BCE), the work is now thought to have been begun in the fourth century BCE and then was expanded later into the existing full commentary. With its rich style, it would have served Yorinaga as an easy entry for exploring the Annals. 123 Later that year, he read other commentaries on the Annals, the sixteen volumes of the Commentary of Gongyang (Gongyang zhuan, 春秋公羊伝) and the twelve volumes of the Commentary of Guliang (Guliang zhuan, 春秋穀梁伝). Together the three are known as the “three commentaries.” The former is attributed to Gongyang Gao (4th‒5th century BCE), a disciple of Zixia (Bu Shang, 507 BCE‒ca. 420 BCE), who himself was a disciple of Confucius. It was collected in its final form in the middle of the Former Han period (206 BCE‒9 CE), making it 121 Ritsuryō, ed. Inoue Mitsusada (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1976), 263. 122 While listed separately in Yorinaga’s list, The Rites of Zhou, The Book of Rites, and The Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial are usually treated as a single canon. The Analects and The Book of Filial Piety were considered minor classics until late in the history of Confucian classicism during the Sui-Tang period (581‒907), but today are usually grouped together with the Five Classics. See Michael Nylan, The Five “Confucian” Classics (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 2001), 8-10. 123 Ulrich Theobald, “Chunqiu 春秋 and Zuozhuan 左傳,” ChinaKnowledge.de—An Encyclopedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art, last revised July 24, 2010, http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Classics/chunqiuzuozhuan.html. 46 a central work of Han New Text Confucianism. This school of thought advocated Confucius as a reformer, and therefore viewed the Annals as interpretations of Confucius’s views on political, social, and moral issues, rather than as a work of history. Notably, unlike the Commentary of Zuo, which was a standard text through which elites studied the Confucian classics, the Commentary of Gongyang had fallen out of favor among elites in China, and it did not become a major source for study there until the eighteenth century. 124 That did not stop Yorinaga from wanting to read selections from it. Considering the parts of each commentary that he read suggests that Yorinaga was determined to gain a full scholarly understanding of the Spring and Autumn Annals. He used the same method with other Confucian works, arranging for some of these works to be explained to him by, or read together with, one of his several teachers. His thoroughness was unusual for the time, as most scholars read only essential commentaries. In addition to reading the standard works for university students and commentaries on them, Yorinaga also read lesser-known works such as Rules for Posthumous Titles (Shihō, 謚法) by Su Xun (1009‒1066) during the Northern Song period (960‒1126). The text provides discussion of 168 posthumous honorific titles, a tradition said to have been invented by the Duke of Zhou. 125 While it is unclear why Yorinaga had an interest in this text, he certainly put significant time into studying it, even reading excerpts from a 36-volume commentary and making copies of sections of that commentary. Another unusual text in Yorinaga’s list is Explanations of the 124 Ulrich Theobald, "Gongyangzhuan 公羊傳," ChinaKnowledge.de—An Encyclopedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art, last revied July 24, 2010, http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Classics/gongyangzhuan.html. 125 Ulrich Theobald, “Chinese Literature Shifa 謚法,” ChinaKnowledge.de—An Encyclopedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art, last revised May 29, 2010, http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Historiography/shifa.html. 47 Classics (Jingdian shiwan, 経典釈文). A Tang-period text by the scholar Lu Deming (c. 556‒630), written ca. 582‒589, the work is a guide to the pronunciation of ancient Chinese texts, including Confucian and Taoist works. Lu Deming consulted more than 130 books to create these phonetic commentaries. 126 The book also contains information about commentaries on all the major Confucian texts and might well have been used by Yorinaga to guide his reading. Besides texts on Chinese Classical studies, Yorinaga also included the Taoist treatises Zhuangzi ( 荘子) and Lao-Tzu ( 老子) in this section. While neither text was included in university curriculum, Taoist texts attracted interest in Heian Japan, and had also been included in the aforementioned Explanations of the Classics. Yorinaga notes, regarding his reading of Lao-Tzu, that he was taught this text by Fujiwara no Narisuke, who may have been the one to suggest Yorinaga read the text. Yorinaga notes that he read Lao-Tzu starting on 1140.11.12, and he finished reading excerpts on 1140.12.6. As for Zhuangzi, he read only excerpts that same year. That he read only excerpts again suggests that Narisuke recommended this text, rather than Yorinaga choosing it himself. The history section of his list were also mostly standard works included in the curriculum of the royal university. They included Records of the Grand Historian (Shiki, 史記), the Book of Han (Kanjo, 漢書), the History of the Three Kingdoms (Sangokushiteiki, 三國志帝紀), and the New History of the Tang (Shintōjo, 新唐書). These texts were traditionally read by university students, but the sheer length of the works is impressive, especially if Yorinaga read them in their entirety. The Book of the Later Han (Gokanjo, 後漢書), for example, comprised 100 volumes. 126 Ulrich Theobald, “Chinese Literature Jingdian shiwen 經典釋文,” ChinaKnowledge.de—An Encyclopedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art, last revied June 18, 2012, http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Classics/jingdianshiwen.html. 48 Throughout his list, Yorinaga notes which works he read only in excerpts, but he does not say how many volumes of each work he read. In the final tally of volumes, Yorinaga included all the volumes of every text. Yorinaga’s interest in history came not only from his interest in understanding politics and governance, a necessity for his court career, but also from his intellectual genealogy— his ties to Sugawara no Michizane and Ōe no Masafusa. Both the Sugawara and Ōe lines had dominated historical studies (otherwise known as the School of Letters, Kidendō, 紀伝道) at the royal university, and Ōe no Masafusa himself wrote, “Letters, center of the universe, seed of all virtues, source of the hundred joys, gateway to all things. The ruler who uses them becomes an enlightened ruler, he who cherishes them has a saintly reign.” 127 Yorinaga had no doubt taken such high praise into consideration in choosing his own studies. Moreover, graduates of the School of Letters were often called upon throughout the Heian period to draft edicts, regulations, and other important official documents, skills which Yorinaga used in his own career. 128 Yorinaga’s final section, called “Works of the Sages,” reveals his more eclectic choices. The varied nature of this section of his list is due to Yorinaga’s combining Chinese books traditionally distinguished as “those on art” with “those on literature and poetry.” These were fields of less focal interest to him. Nevertheless, the “Works of the Sages” section contains several interesting titles that were popular among Yorinaga’s contemporaries, as well as some more unusual ones For instance, there were primers like A Child’s Treasury (Mōgyū, 蒙求), which Yorinaga would have been expected to read in his youth, but chose to study in greater depth later in life; 127 Hérail, Emperor and Aristocracy, 221‒222. 128 Hérail, Emperor and Aristocracy, 222. 49 Chinese encyclopedias like Notes on Things Old and New (Saihyōkokonchū, 崔豹古今注), which was a three-volume encyclopedia from the Jin period (265‒420); and works on politics, such as Pathways of Ministers (Chengui, 臣軌), an instruction book compiled by Empress Wu Zetian (624‒705) for her officials. Several of the works are no longer extant, such as Records of Entering the Netherworld (Dōmeiki, 洞冥記). Known as Donming ji in Chinese, the work was a collection of tales of the strange, focusing on the Taoist arts of the immortals and the miraculous. The presence of this volume indicates that Yorinaga had an interest in the genre of “strange tales” (chuanqi, 傳奇), a form of literature that began in China during the Tang dynasty (618‒907). Such works of fiction varied in genre from romance to fantasy to semi-historical accounts and were quite different from the standard poetic fare at the late Heian court. 129 In addition to Records of Entering the Netherworld, Yorinaga also read On Universal Harmony, Continued (Zokuseikaiki, 続斉諧記), in 1139. This three-volume collection was a continuation of a famous collection of tales of the strange from China’s Six Dynasties period. Yorinaga lists no “excerpts” for any of his “strange tales” reading, which implies he read them whole, due to their brevity or his interest. Not surprisingly, given the importance of poetry for courtly life both in China and Japan, Yorinaga included several works of Chinese poetry in his reading list. Selections of Refined Literature (Monzen, 文選) is a sixty-volume collection of poetry and literature from China’s Warring States period (476‒221 BCE) to the early Liang Dynasty (502‒557). 130 While Yorinaga only read selections, he must no doubt have included it because it was a primary source of literary knowledge about Chinese culture. He also read poetry in the New Yuefu (Shingafu, 新楽府), a 129 John Minford, ed. and trans., Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio (London: Penguin Classics, 2006), xii‒xiii. 130 Known as Wen xuan in Chinese, this text was extremely influential in the development of poetry in Japan and influenced several official poetry anthologies. See Jason Webb, “In Good Order: Poetry, Reception, and Authority in the Nara and Early Heian Courts,” Ph.D. diss. (Princeton University, 2005), 49‒50. 50 collection of Bai Juyi’s (772‒846) Chinese poems. One of Yorinaga’s tutors helped him. Even though Yorinaga may not have been personally fond of poetry, these were texts that were carefully read by courtiers in Nara and Heian times, and Yorinaga obviously considered them a necessary part to his education. All told, Yorinaga’s reading over this eight-year period included 1,030 volumes, read “at my own pleasure” (tsugō, 都合). Chinese classics and works of history were commonly read by scholars. What is striking is the number of commentaries and annotations Yorinaga used. With the addition of some literary texts, Yorinaga’s period of independent study into his early twenties provided a very robust education for a late Heian courtier scholar, especially someone from the highest level of the Regents’ Line. Reading Habits As noted earlier, unlike other catalogues of books dating from the Heian and Kamakura periods, Yorinaga’s record of his reading records exactly when he read each work, allowing a close mapping of his reading habits up to 1143. And even beyond that, his meticulous notes in the Taiki show the extent of his reading and even offer hints to the collection as it existed as late as 1155. 131 Yayoshi Mitsunaga’s research on Yorinaga’s reading habits posits four distinct periods in his studies. 132 Yayoshi calls the first stage, from 1136 to 1140, when Yorinaga was seventeen to twenty-one years of age, his “introduction to reading.” Like other young aristocrats of his age, up to 1140 Yorinaga had read several standard texts, to develop the necessary literary skills and background for a career at court. This often meant working with a tutor. As we have seen, he 131 The library was burned along with his villa in retribution for his involvement in the Hōgen Disturbance. According to the later Hōgen monogatari, it was known as the Mibutei villa.. 132 Yayoshi Mitsunaga, “Nihon kodai no tokusho: Fujiwara no Yorinaga wo chūshin to shite,” Tokusho shigaku 20.1 (1976): 22‒32. 51 worked with Fujiwara no Yoshiakira when he was thirteen years old, reading many works of history as part of his early education. It was only after his riding accident at the age of seventeen when he began in-depth study of the Chinese classics, under the guidance of Fujiwara no Narisuke. He began working with Narisuke in Hōen 6 (1140), reading such texts as the Book of Odes, Lao- Tzu, and New Yuefu. 133 When Yorinaga began his work with Narisuke, he did not plan to become a scholar of Chinese classics, as these eclectic choices show. 134 But after working with Narisuke for a few years, Yorinaga became greatly interested in classical texts and wanted to learn more. These texts themselves were not unusual choices for a man of Yorinaga’s status to study. In fact, his brothers undertook similar studies at this age, so his initial readings in the Chinese classics could be considered standard for courtiers of the time. We need to ask too, how did Yorinaga use his studies? During this early period, Yorinaga became involved in more activities in the court that would have allowed him to showcase his scholarship. For example, on Hōen 3 (1137) 12.25, Yorinaga was called on to serve as a lecturer for the essay competition during the First Reading Ceremony for Prince Masahito (later Go- Shirakawa Tennō, 1127‒1192). 135 This was an honored position for a learned individual. Although Yorinaga was only eighteen at the time, his selection for this task suggests that his prowess was already recognized at court. According to Yayoshi, Yorinaga’s second period of study, his “extensive reading period,” extended from 1139 to 1141, from when he was twenty to when he was twenty-two years old. It 133 Yayoshi, “Nihon kodai no tokusho,” 23. Yorinaga references Narisuke as “my teacher” in his book list entry for all three of these titles. See Appendix D. While the latter two works are more widely known, New Yuefu (Shingafu, 新楽府) is a collection of Chinese poems in a folk song style. The term yuefu literally means "Music Bureau," a reference to the imperial Chinese governmental organization originally charged with collecting or writing lyrics. 134 This is reflected in Yorinaga’s own records. While he includes the Book of Odes and Lao-Tzu in the “Classical Works” section of his book list, New Yuefu appears in the final section, “Works of the Sages,” which is Yorinaga’s category for miscellaneous texts. See Appendix D. 135 Taiki, Hōen 3 (1137) 12.25. 52 was in this period that Yorinaga focused on several Chinese classical texts and works of history. They included all of the Confucian classics and their commentaries, such as the Book of the Later Han, History of the Three Kingdoms, Book of Jin (Shinjo teiki, 晉書帝紀), History of the Southern Dynasties (Nanshi teiki, 南史帝紀), History of the Northern Dynasties (Hokushi teiki, 北史帝紀), and New History of the Tang. This was also the period in which Yorinaga briefly delved into Taoist texts. 136 It is unclear when Yorinaga began taking students of his own, but it was likely during this second stage of his studies. On Hōen 5 (1139) 8.17, for instance, Yorinaga was named the official tutor to Crown Prince Narihito (later Konoe Tennō, 1139‒1155). 137 The prince was just a baby, so the title of “official tutor” was a formality, but being named to the post was certainly recognition of his scholarship and his potential to tutor the prince when the latter was older. Yayoshi’s third period of study, Yorinaga’s Intensive Reading Period, spanned the years 1141 to 1144, when he was twenty-two to twenty-five years of age. Continuing under Narisuke’s guidance, and now more familiar with many foundational texts, Yorinaga turned to different commentaries on the same canonical texts. His reading list reveals that he looked at several commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals, as well as works concerning the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects of Confucius. Clearly it was the key Confucian texts that were at the center of Yorinaga’s study during this time, and he increased the amount of time to devoted to reading. For example, on Kōji 2 (1143) 3.10, Yorinaga noted in Taiki that he spent all day looking over Correct Meanings of the Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, a commentary on a commentary. Lamenting 136 Yayoshi, “Nihon kodai no tokusho,” 23. 137 Taiki, Hōen 5 (1137) 8.17. 53 that he was “wasting time not doing anything else while I am eating and drinking,” 138 Yorinaga had his students recite The History of the Southern Dynasties while he had his meals. 139 Despite these efforts, however, his progress was still too slow: “I was thinking about the meaning while reading. I did not get through even half of a volume!” 140 This obsession with reading as many texts as possible continued into the eleventh month of the same year when he recounts that, since spring, he had even ordered students to recite sections of The History of the Southern Dynasties while he bathed. 141 The same students also helped him test his knowledge: the students would recite the beginning of a text, and Yorinaga would recite the second half. This same method of memorizing important texts was a method commonly used at the university. In the 11 th month of 1142, Yorinaga had his students recite 591 sections of The History of the Southern Dynasties. To his deep embarrassment, it turned out he knew only 285 sections. 142 Throughout this third period, Yorinaga continued to be influenced by Narisuke as a tutor. When he began studies of the Book of Changes, he asked Narisuke to annotate a copy of the book for Yorinaga’s studies. Narisuke was also to compare a hand-written version to a printed copy, because Yorinaga suspected the printed copy was more likely to be correct. 143 In his Taiki, Yorinaga listed 97 books that he studied from 1143 to 1155, his fourth and final period of study, when he was twenty-four into his thirties. 144 This was the time where Yorinaga read more works concerning his initial political activities. They are not contained in an 138 Emily Warren, trans., “Taiki: Kōji 2 {1143} 3.30 And 11.17 Entries on Studying History,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies, last modified August 2, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation-archive/2019/8/2/taiki- kji-2-1143-330-and-1117-entries-on-studying-history. 139 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 3.30. 140 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 3.30. 141 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 11.17. 142 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 11.17. 143 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 10.12. 144 Yayoshi, “Nihon kodai no tokusho,” 23. 54 easy-to-find list in Taiki. Rather, some works are listed in the last day of each month, while others are mentioned in passing in other entries, as they related to other activities Yorinaga took part in each day. By this point, Yorinaga had studied the classics deeply. Now Yorinaga turned to the journals of his own courtier predecessors, such as that of the court leader, Fujiwara no Michinaga (966‒1028). 145 While Yayoshi sees this fourth period of study lasting the rest of Yorinaga’s life, I see a further split in this fourth period. In 1147, when he became Minister of the Left, Yorinaga’s time was further split between the court and his personal studies. While he did continue to read and occasionally comment on texts in his journal, the time Yorinaga spent on research dropped significantly once he took on further duties at court. Scholarship continued to be important to him, as we shall see in Chapter Three, but his interests changed as he began to turn his scholarship into practice as he governed. Yorinaga’s reading practices in the first two periods were typical of courtiers at the time. By working with known scholars, Yorinaga was introduced to foundational texts familiar to other courtiers of his age. While not all scholars read as many Chinese classical texts as Yorinaga did, none of his readings in these periods were unusual. Yet the third and fourth periods of his studies were unusual; only scholars read multiple editions of the same work, as well as multiple commentaries on those texts. Indeed, by the end of the twenty-year period that Yorinaga meticulously recorded in 1143, he had read 362 volumes of the Chinese classics, 326 volumes of history, and 342 volumes of “other” works. 146 At the height of his studies, Yorinaga read 135 145 Yayoshi, “Nihon kodai no tokusho,” 31‒32. For a graph of journals Yorinaga examined over the course of his journal, see Matsuzuno Hitoshi, Nikki no ie: chūsei kokka no kiroku soshiki (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1997), 208. 146 Yayoshi, “Nihon kodai no tokusho,” 25, 55 volumes in a single year. Yayoshi notes that he spent about fifty percent less time on studying compared to university counterparts, except when it came to studying the Analects. For example, Yorinaga studied the Book of Odes over a 265-day period, the Analects over a period of 656 days, and the Book of Han over a period of 420 days. University students would have ordinarily spent 480 days on the Book of Odes, 200 days on the Analects, and 770 days on the Book of Han and related texts. Thanks to this intense schedule of scholarly work, Yorinaga became known for his intellect. We know, too, that he taught several students, especially later in life. Unfortunately, we have no accounts by the students themselves describing their experiences, so we can only hypothesize as to what sort of instructor Yorinaga was. As Yayoshi comments, “Whatever Yorinaga did, he was sufficiently strict about it.” 147 If Yorinaga’s reading habits are any indication, he would have expected equal dedication from his students. Yorinaga’s Library Yorinaga’s book list from 1143 serves as the closest thing we have to a catalogue of his collection. After that, by examining the entries in his Taiki journal at the end of each year, we can see generally what Yorinaga read during the year, although he only specifically discusses his own collection a handful of times. Fortunately, we also know something about how he kept his collection of books. In his entry of Ten’yō 2 (1145) 4.2, for instance, Yorinaga describes the process of organizing his new personal book storehouse (fumigura , 文倉) with the help of fellow 147 Yayoshi, “Nihon kodai no kokusho,” 23. 56 scholars. 148 He had commissioned the book storehouse at the New Year, and it had taken three months to complete construction. Yorinaga thoroughly describes the storehouse. It was built on the same lot where Yorinaga’s house stood, and shared part of the roofed wall of the property as protection. It was built eleven feet high, on a one-foot foundation, with dimensions of twenty- three by twelve feet, thus providing 276 square feet of storage space. While it was a wooden structure, the walls were coated with lime and oyster-shell paint to protect it from the elements, and it had a tiled roof, with the entrance on the southeast side. After one of his colleagues had divined an auspicious date and time to begin filling the storehouse, the opening ceremony took place on Ten’yō 2 (1145) 4.2. Yorinaga dressed for it in a semi-formal outfit. He entered the structure and placed a wooden chest containing commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals on the first shelf, giving those Annals pride of place. We learn from the entry that the structure had six levels of shelves on both the eastern and western sides. Yorinaga named the eastern shelves the “yang” (yō, 陽) shelves, while the western shelves were the “yin” (in, 陰) shelves. 149 The chest containing the Spring and Autumn Annals commentaries went on the yang shelves. Then a colleague brought in a wooden chest holding commentaries on the Book of Changes and the Book of Odes, which were placed on the yin shelves. Interestingly, this chest also contained books on waterways, following the advice of a colleague who opined that book storehouses should have books about waterways placed in them first, perhaps to prevent flooding. 150 148 See Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 56, for a description of the vault. 149 The naming of the shelves corresponded with principles of divination that Yorinaga would have been familiar with from his studies of the Book of Changes. Naming the shelves in such a way was considered auspicious, just as the opening ceremony itself was, for protecting the contents of the archive. 150 Taiki, Ten’yō 2 (1145) 4.2. 57 Yorinaga does not go into detail about other books that he placed inside the structure, but on the fourteenth day of the same month, he recorded that his colleagues assisted in writing numbers for the shelves, to organize the collection. 151 The organization of the storehouse began on the eleventh day, likely with a mix of his students, tutors, and others. Each box of books had a number etched on it, and Yorinaga had his colleagues write the same number on a piece of paper to place on the shelves. This meticulous organization is reminiscent of Yorinaga’s book list— he was careful to keep track of his collection for future reading and teaching. This system was not uncommon; Shinzei’s library also used it. The record of Shinzei’s library, however, shows that his books were mixed haphazardly in each chest, although the confusion may have occurred after his death. Shinzei’s library also contained several duplicate titles, which he may have used in his role as a tutor, to lend to students. As Yorinaga also served as a teacher, he too may have had multiple copies of some important works. Yorinaga organized his tomes into four distinct sections: Classical Works (zenkyō, 全経), including commentaries; Works of History (shisho, 史書), which included historical works from China as well as commentaries; Miscellaneous Works (zassetsu, 雑説), which combined both Works of the Sages (shibu, 子部) and Literary Works (shūbu, 集部); and Works in Japanese (honcho, 本朝). While the first three categories were the same as those in his earlier book list, the final section, “Works in Japanese,” was new. While Yorinaga’s earlier studies mainly focused on Chinese works, some Japanese texts had become important for his career as a courtier official. 151 Taiki, Ten’yō 2 (1145) 4.14. 58 Yorinaga’s entry of the fourteenth day of the fourth month mentions the creation of a list of all the books in his storehouse, but unfortunately it is not extant. While we can assume that many, if not all, of the works he recorded in Taiki were in his collection, surely that would not account for other works that Yorinaga may have owned but did not mention in his journal. This is especially troublesome for the “Works from Japan” section: Yorinaga rarely discusses non- Chinese works in Taiki, although he certainly used them in his day-to-day life at court. We do not know much about how Yorinaga used his book storehouse, either. Likely he continued to maintain his organizing system as his book collection grew, accessing the storehouse as needed for teaching and study. Sadly, Yorinaga’s villa and his library were destroyed in 1156, in the same violence that resulted in Yorinaga’s death. Purchasing Books While it is possible that some of the texts Yorinaga read were borrowed from fellow courtiers or tutors, copies of most were in his personal library. As these books were Chinese works predominantly imported from China, we must wonder how Yorinaga went about purchasing them. Like all other courtiers of his period, Yorinaga never traveled outside of Japan, so he would have had to rely on travelers from China to satisfy his scholarly needs. 152 Interactions with people from China were quite limited in Yorinaga’s circles. He recounts, in an entry from 1143, that a monk at Kumano Nachi Grand Shrine claimed to be from Song China, and that the retired sovereign Sutoku (1119‒1164) ordered a report on the monk’s experiences in that country, which he shared with Yorinaga. Although this monk knew the 152 Over the course of the twelfth century, only two dozen individuals are known to have traveled to China. See Ivo Smits, “China as Classic Text: Chinese Books and Twelfth-Century Japanese Collectors,” in Tool of Culture: Japan’s Cultural, Intellectual, Medical, and Technological Contacts in East Asia, 1000‒1500s, Andrew Goble, ed. (Ann Arbor, MI.: Association for Asian Studies, 2009), 185. 59 Analects and the Classic of Filial Piety, his education paled in comparison to that of courtiers. Yorinaga remarks that the monk’s writing was “remarkably poor,” surely a disappointment for a scholar who wished to learn more about Chinese scholarship. 153 Fortunately, Yorinaga had other reliable connections to China: merchants. Particular texts from China could be requested from Chinese merchants, whose services allowed Yorinaga to add new books to his collection of copied books and precious originals. Yorinaga’s purchases from China are reflected in a story from A Collection of Notable Tales Old and New (Kokon chomonjū, 古今著聞集). 154 This book, completed in 1254, contains setsuwa in twenty volumes. There are 726 tales, nearly two-thirds of which take place in the Heian period. 155 According to one story, Liu Wenchong, a merchant from the Song court, brought Yorinaga texts entitled Convenient Maps by Master Dongpo (Dongpo xiangsheng zhizhangtu, 東坡先生指掌圖), Historical Records of the Five Dynasties (Wudai shiji, 五代史記 ), and History of the Tang (Tang shu, 唐書), as well as an official family register. 156 Yorinaga confirmed receipt of these works in his journal. 157 Such works were not part of the classical canon, but rather they were texts that interested Yorinaga enough for him to purchase copies brought to him from China. The first, Convenient Maps by Master Dongpo, is likely the geographical work Convenient Maps in Historical Order (Lidai dili zhizhang tu, 歷代地理指掌圖), 158 a set of historical maps of 153 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 3.8. 154 Smits, “China as Classic Text,” 188. 155 Yoshiko Dykstra, “Tales Old and New: Tachibana Narisue’s Kokon Chomonjū,” Monumenta Nipponica 47.4 (Winter, 1992): 469‒474. 156 According to the story in Kokon chomonjū, these books were a “gift,” but Yorinaga did present the merchant with thirty ryō of gold powder. See Smits, “China as Classic Text,” 203, n. 14. 157 Ukaishō, Ninpyō 1 (1151) 9.24. This text is a selection of entries from Taiki made by Sanjōnishi Kin’eda (1487‒ 1563) in 1517, including entries no longer extant in surviving texts of Taiki. 158 Yorinaga sometimes shortened or changed titles in his journal, so it is possible that he added Dongpo’s name to the title, as no other record of Yorinaga’s version of the title exists. 60 China and surrounding regions ranging from the Zhou (ca. 100‒256 BCE) through the Tang (618‒ 907) dynasties, with commentary. The title is attributed to the poet Sung Su Shi (1036‒1101), also known by his pen name, Dongpo, whose works were banned in China until the 1130s, but later gained popularity. Ivo Smits surmises that this work was compiled before 1160, and peace treaties with the Jurchen around 1150 would have resulted in the works being published. If so, Yorinaga got the text not long after it was published in China. 159 Today, this text is the oldest known extant Chinese historical atlas, and it is possible that the copy currently held in the Tōyō Bunko collection is Yorinaga’s original copy. 160 And the family register, while at first glance a strange addition to Yorinaga’s collection, was actually quite a thoughtful choice, since registers of names were regularly used as primers for writing lessons. 161 It could have been used by Yorinaga himself or by his students. The texts received by Yorinaga from China are striking because they were more or less contemporary. Very few books from Song China were imported to Japan in the twelfth century, as Japanese interest in that country usually was limited to the old canonical texts that remained a popular part of courtiers’ education. Indeed, this trend is reflected in Yorinaga’s second order to the merchant, a “wish list” of over 125 titles. A close examination of this list shows that most of Yorinaga’s requests came from a list included in the New History of the Tang, focusing on classic Chinese texts that Yorinaga did not already have in his personal collection, especially commentaries on the classics. 162 159 Smits, “China as Classic Text,” 189. 160 Smits, “China as Classic Text,” 189. 161 Smits, “China as Classic Text,” 189. 162 Smits, “China as Classic Text,” 190. 61 Overall, the Notable Tales anecdote shows Yorinaga’s interest in collecting recent Chinese reference works. As Yorinaga found poetry less useful than other texts, it is unsurprising that he did not order any works of recent literature, although Smits asserts that his contemporaries had a preference for poetry. 163 Records of other Song-period texts imported at this time consist generally of Song editions of older texts, such as new editions of older commentaries or reprinted editions of Chinese classics. It is not clear when, or if, Yorinaga received the 125 texts he requested, but he clearly remained interested in expanding his personal collection for teaching and study by adding newer works. Yorinaga as a Young Adult at Court While Yorinaga was busy studying, he was also beginning his career at court. During these early years of study, Yorinaga’s involvement in politics was limited. His positions were mainly honorary in nature, given to him due to his familial background. By 1136, when he was just seventeen, Yorinaga was named inner palace minister (naidaijin, 内大臣), an office often held by a member of the Regents’ Line. 164 By late 1139, when he was twenty, Yorinaga was named the general of the left bodyguards (sataishō, 左大将), as a concurrent posting. 165 While he became more active at court only after 1147, when he began working as the acting Minister of the Left, Yorinaga did occasionally find himself involved in matters of politics in these early years. One such instance was on Kōji 2 (1143) 1.14, when Yorinaga was serving as the inner palace minister. On this day, he was consulted about the crime and punishment of 163 Smits, “China as Classic Text,” 190. 164 Kokushi daijiten. 165 Kokushi daijiten. 62 Minamoto no Narimasa, a lesser captain on the Inner Palace Guards. 166 Narimasa had gotten into a fight with the former provincial Governor of Yamashiro, Fujiwara no Yorisuke (1112‒1186), at the Toba palace after an official ritual, and Narimasa had sliced up Yorisuke’s face with a sword. The royal secretary (kurōdo, 蔵人) and junior controller of the left (sashōben, 左少弁), Moroyoshi, had originally sought out the current Minister of the Left, Minamoto no Arihito (1103‒1147), for consultation, but could not reach him, so he met instead with Yorinaga. 167 Moroyoshi reported the incident to Yorinaga and added, “Not only is it no insignificant crime, but there has never yet been anyone at or above the fifth rank to have injured someone with a blade. Narimasa must be quickly dismissed [from his posts and honors].” 168 Retired sovereign Toba had already called for Narimasa’s dismissal from both of his posts. Yorinaga agreed, adding “we should establish a precedent by requesting a royal order to punish unruly subjects and dangerous nobles.” 169 Yorinaga asked Moroyoshi several questions about the proper procedures for getting this royal order issued. While Yorinaga had not been deeply involved in such a matter before this point, the twenty-four-year-old was now in a place to become more interested in matters of governance. And his questions were no doubt inspired by his own readings in canonical texts, commentaries, and histories. The discussion also shows Yorinaga’s concern for precedent: he asked Moryoshi what had been done in similar cases. The entry ends with the royal order: [Concerning] Sir Minamoto no Narimasa of the junior fourth rank lower, holding court posts lower than his rank, as Provisional Junior Captain of the Inner Palace Right Guards 166 Narimasa served as the provisional minor captain of the Inner Palace Right Guards (ushōshō, 右少将) and the provincial governor (zuryō, 受領) of Owari. Narimasa was also Yorinaga’s brother-in-law through his sister, who was one of Yorinaga’s consorts. 167 Moroyoshi served as royal secretary (kurōdo, 蔵人) and junior controller of the left (sashōben, 左少弁). 168 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 1.14; Niels van der Salm, et al., trans., “Taiki Kōji 2 (1143) 1.14 Entry,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies, last modified August 2, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation-archive/2019/8/2/taiki. 169 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 1.14; van der Salm, et al., trans., “Taiki Kōji 2 (1143) 1.14 Entry.” 63 cum Owari Provincial Governor Inner Minister [Fujiwara no Yorinaga] proclaims. “I have received a royal order: ‘On the twelfth day [of this month], the person above, by sword in his own hand, injured Sir Fujiwara no Yorisuke, who had court rank but no post. Even by searching through past precedents, we cannot find such a crime. Remove him from both of his posts.’” 170 As we shall see, in his later work as a court leader, Yorinaga continued to look towards the past for guidance. In this case, Yorinaga shows no mercy for Narimasa even though he was a kinsman. Rather, he followed the letter of the law and the view of his fellow officials and court leaders. In fact, this series of consultations between court officials and leaders in the first month of 1143 shows us how the court operated at that time. Yorinaga’s Studies Beyond the Book List Throughout his Taiki journal, Yorinaga delves deeply into the nature of his studies, giving the reader an insight into his daily life as a courtier-scholar. A prime example of this can be seen in the entry of Kōji 2 (1143) 7.13: The method for studying the Commentary of Zuo: I started by reading the Spring and Autumn Annals once, then I read the Commentary of Zuo [on the Spring and Autumn Annals] once <including putting marginal headings and marking where we should make excerpts.> After that, I had my students excerpt those selections. I compared the excerpts <which had become ten volumes> to my Commentary of Zuo. Then I put marginal headings on the excerpts, read them once again, and inserted detailed indices. I had Fujiwara no Narisuke compare my original printed version and my Commentary of Zuo beforehand. Furthermore, I myself compared and corrected questionable passages in my copies of those books. Also, based on the reference materials Narisuke made, I added my thoughts in my copy of the Commentary of Zuo. Then I read it out loud to check it. Next, I read my Correct Meanings on the Commentary of Zuo and compared it to my original text of the Commentary of Zuo. 171 Then I examined the meaning of each sentence. I put marginal headings on my copy of the Correct Meanings and marked the places that we should excerpt. I had my students excerpt them, and write on the other side of my Correct 170 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 1.14; van der Salm, et al., trans., “Taiki Kōji 2 (1143) 1.14 Entry.” 171 Correct Meanings is a commentary on the Commentary of Zuo. 64 Meanings. Then, I immediately read volumes one and two. 172 The entry illustrates a few salient facts. For one, Yorinaga never names his students in his journal, although we do know he was appointed head tutor (Tōgū no fu, 東宮傅) to Crown Prince Narihito (later Konoe Tennō, 1139‒1155) on Hōen 5 (1139) 8.17. 173 The position of tutor to a Crown Prince was a great honor, although Yorinaga would not have actually taught the boy anything when the latter was still only a baby. Aside from the Crown Prince, Yorinaga’s students probably were young courtiers from the university who wished to undertake further private study, or perhaps other scholars who wanted to learn under Yorinaga. In his usual method of tutoring, Yorinaga chose sections of a text for his students to read. He also had his students copy texts for him, as indicated by his requirement that students copy the sections he had excerpted on the back of his personal copy of Correct Meanings. This was how Yorinaga had worked with his own tutors. Fujiwara no Narisuke, for instance, marked Yorinaga’s errors when he copied a text, in addition to checking the indices and marginal notes that he created. Narisuke also provided “reference materials” (tokoro no zu, 所の図), which likely consisted of genealogies, maps, or chronologies, to advance Yorinaga’s understanding of the text. This entry also shows the integration of commentary texts with main texts in his research. While the Commentary of Zuo is itself a commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, we have seen that Yorinaga also used a commentary on Zuo subtitled Correct Meanings (seigi, 正義). There are many other such commentaries in his book list, which are often as lengthy as the 172 Yumi Kodama, Jitsuya Nishiyama, and Sachiko Kawai, trans., “Taiki: Kōji 2 {1143} 7.13 Entry,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies, last modified August 22, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation- archive/2019/8/22/taiki-kji-2-1143-713-entry. 173 Taiki, Hōen 5 (1139) 8.17. 65 original texts. Correct Meanings of the Commentary of Zuo, for example, is sixteen volumes long, while the original Commentary of Zuo consists of thirty volumes. 174 Yorinaga specifically notes that he “read [the text] out loud” (kōsei ni kore wo yomu, 高声にこれを読む). As Yorinaga read aloud, his own students or tutor listened to how he read each line, with Narisuke correcting any passages that were incorrect. This process of voicing the text was an important technique of education favored at the university and in ceremonies such as the First Reading Ceremony described in Chapter One. While educating his students and himself, Yorinaga still relied on the tried and true practices employed by members of the university and scholars in the past. Finally, this journal entry shows the importance of both writing and reading. Certainly reading the texts for clarity was important, but Yorinaga also copied sections of the Zuo and made his own indices and marginal headings to assist with his studies. His requirement that his students copy assigned texts shows the importance both of reading the text and of being able to write it. The royal university, of course, tested its students in both skills; but beyond the classroom, understanding these texts and being able to write them allowed their integration into day-to-day court life. References to classical texts and commentaries appear throughout courtiers’ journals, often in relation to incidents at court. 175 While some texts that Yorinaga and his students read surely were more useful than others, when it came to their political lives, even 174 Taiki, 1143.9.29. The other main commentaries on Spring and Autumn Annals, the Commentary of Gongyang and the Commentary of Guliang, are shorter, at twelve volumes each, but according to according to Yorinaga’s notes, short interpretive texts on them existed, of equal length. Many of these texts were read by Yorinaga only in excerpted form. 175 For instance, in an entry regarding the annual archery matches, Yorinaga quotes a poem from the Book of Odes to criticize Fujiwara no Saneyoshi, who claimed he was too sick to attend the event but still made a visit to court that same day. See Taiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 1.18. 66 analyzing less popular commentaries helped develop critical thinking skills and understanding they could use, and cite, throughout their careers. Yorinaga’s pride in his studies cannot be denied, as he ends an entry, “I put great effort into the three commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals, so I wrote this entry.” 176 His journal was meant to be read by his heir and other descendants, 177 and because he wished to encourage them to follow the same path in their own future studies, that he expressed pride in his scholarship is unsurprising. While other courtiers mention reading texts, none go into such thorough explanations of how to study a text. of the most important things Yorinaga wished to impart was the importance of his methods of scholarship. There were times, however, when Yorinaga did not follow through on a reading project. He recorded such an instance was recorded on Kōji 2 (1143) 9.30: After I returned home, I finished reading the 138th volume of the Yulan. 178 These days, I am taking these texts in the ox cart to read them. As I was trying to read the text, I consulted [Fujiwara no] Narisuke. He answered that it may be worthwhile. Also, I asked [Fujiwara no] Tomonari. He answered that Yulan might be read occasionally. He continued, however, that even when you study it from the beginning until the end, it will be very difficult to learn something from it. Following Narisuke’s advice, I looked at it but I cannot master anything from it. Among the 138 volumes, I could not find even ten {useful} items. As the saying goes: “It is too late to be sorry.” 179 That is what Tomonari was talking about. Therefore, I will not study the Yulan further. 180 176 Jillian Barndt and Jitsuya Nishiyama, trans., “Taiki: Kōji 2 {1143} 9.30 Entry,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies, last modified August 25, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation-archive/2019/8/25/taiki-kji-2-1143-930- entry. 177 See Taiki, Kōji 1 (1142) 12.30, for his initial note about writing this journal for his descendants. 178 Readings of the Taiping Era, or Xiuwndian Yulan. See Kōjima Kogorō, Kugebunka no kenkyū: tokuni Heian jidai wo chūshin to shite (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1981), 145. Readings of the Taiping Era ( 太平御) 覧 is an encyclopedia compiled in 977‒983, during the Song dynasty. The work consists of one thousand volumes divided into fifty-five sections. It is considered one of the four great books of the Song. Xiuwndian Yulan ( 修文殿御覧) is an encyclopedia of 350 volumes, compiled during the Northern Qi dynasty. (“Hyakkajiten” Nihon Daihyakka Zensho). 179 Essentially, this means it is too late to take back what has been done. 180 Jillian Barndt and Jitsuya Nishiyama, trans., “Taiki: Kōji 2 {1143} 9.30 Entry,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies, last modified August 25, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation-archive/2019/8/25/taiki-kji-2-1143-930- entry. 67 Yorinaga questioned his decision to begin reading the Yulan after not finding anything he considered particularly worthwhile in it. Narisuke’s lukewarm opinion that “it may be worthwhile” led Yorinaga to seek more advice from Fujiwara no Tomonari (dates unknown), likely a scholarly colleague. Tomonari’s advice, that selections might be useful, is in line with what we know about late Heian education: even at the university, usually only selections were read at any given time. There were other instances in which Yorinaga showed pragmatism. He involved himself in poetry contests when necessary, even though he did not respect poetry as much as his peers did. On Hōen 5 (1139) 6.4, Yorinaga attended a poetry contest hosted by his father, Tadazane. In addition to several other scholars, his tutor Narisuke was one of the participants. Yorinaga participated in the first round, but did not include his poem in his journal, although he writes that the topic was, “Gazing at the moon, I forget the summer heat.” 181 In fact, the only poems that Yorinaga recounts in this entry are portions of poems by his father and his tutor, Narisuke. Yorinaga studied poetry only to the extent that it was expected of him. Even for an independent- minded scholar like Yorinaga, some obligations were impossible to dodge. Conclusion Instances of Yorinaga’s scholarship described in his journal allow us a glimpse of his later studies. Although other courtiers of the period describe some scholarly activities, notably poetry competitions and lectures, Yorinaga is the only one to discuss the specifics of how he studied texts and the lengths to which he would go to fit just a bit more learning into each day. 181 Taiki, Hōen 5 (1139) 6.4. The translation of this topic is from Judith N. Rabinovitch and Timothy R. Bradstock, Dance of the Butterflies: Chinese Poetry from the Japanese Court Tradition (Ithaca, NY: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 2005), 187. 68 This is especially remarkable when one considers his tumultuous political career in the following chapter. Yorinaga’s life drastically changed after he embarked on a scholarly path. With a newfound interest in bettering himself for the sake of his own legacy and that of his descendants, Yorinaga delved deep into his studies, almost to an obsessive degree. As he was only the second son to the former patriarch of the Sekkanke, perhaps this was Yorinaga’s way of proving himself. His brother already held the highest non-royal post at the Heian court, and with his own father disgraced, Yorinaga had to prove himself at court in some other way. As noted in chapter one, at this point the university was only a shadow of what it originally was, so Yorinaga sought out private tutors and studied on his own. He was able to gain an unusual education and to delve deep into Chinese texts that interested him. He saw in them not only a means of training his mind, but also guides to governing a society, something the late Heian court sadly needed. We shall see in the following chapter how Yorinaga embraced his place as a scholar-minister at court. 69 Chapter Three: Yorinaga and the Court Although scholarship was of profound importance in Yorinaga’s life, he was, first and foremost, a member of the Sekkanke sub lineage of the Fujiwara clan, which made his position at court ultimately the most important aspect of his life. As a son of the former disgraced Fujiwara Sekkanke leader Tadazane, and an adopted son of Tadazane’s replacement, Yorinaga’s own elder brother, Tadamichi, Yorinaga eventually attained the powerful post of Minister of the Left and even became head of the Sekkanke. Yorinaga’s rise in power, always with his father behind him, demonstrates their efforts to reclaim the hegemony at court formerly held by leaders of the Regents’ Line. Yorinaga is often referred to as the “Cruel Minister of the Left” (akusafu, 悪左府) due to his actions after attaining this high position. It is important to remember, however, that this moniker first appeared in the historical treatise Gukanshō ( 愚管抄), written around 1220 by Yorinaga’s nephew, the monk Jien (1155‒1225), who was Tadamichi’s descendent. 182 We will see here that this characterization vastly oversimplifies the man and his career. In this chapter I follow Yorinaga’s political career from 1147 until the months before the Hōgen Disturbance of 1156. I examine how the rivalry between Yorinaga and his brother Tadamichi came to a head with Tadamichi’s father, Tadazane, and brother, Yorinaga, taking his positions. I will show how Yorinaga took over chieftainship of the family, he had to secure his power in several ways that contributed to his later reputation as the “Cruel Minister of the Left.” I will also discuss some of Yorinaga’s attempts to integrate his classical studies in Chinese into practice after his rise to power. And finally, I look at Yorinaga and Tadazane’s attempts to use 182 Gukanshō, 222. 70 marriage politics to bolster their positions at court, in a political context that was far different from that strategy’s heyday in the mid-Heian period. While Yorinaga’s education was of tantamount importance in his youth, Yorinaga’s rise to court leadership and his dramatic fall define his legacy. His career reflected the new reality of the Sekkanke by the mid- twelfth century, when their influence had diminished. This was due in part to the lack of close familial relations with the royal family, but also due to ongoing changes in the political structure in the age after Fujiwara no Michinaga (966‒1068). Yorinaga’s career was built initially on the political hopes of his father, who wished to return to power. Yet while Yorinaga may have adapted to his father’s desires early in his career, by the end he attempted to revitalize the court in his own way as he tried to return the Sekkanke to their hold on court leadership. Minister of the Left Yorinaga became Minister of the Left (sadaijin, 左大臣) in 1149—it was the post for which he would be remembered for the rest of his life, and after his death. 183 Interestingly, he actually began his work as leading minister earlier in 1147 due to the untimely death of Minamoto no Arihito (1103‒1147). 184 He did not officially receive the posting until two years later. 185 There is no clear documentary evidence as to why he was officially given the post until 1149. 186 183 Honchō seiki, Kyūan 5 (1149) 7.28. 184 Taiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 2.13. 185 Taiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 3.22. Yorinaga was formally named minister of the left on Kyūan 5 (1149) 7.28 and at the same time was awarded the junior first rank. 186 On the same day that Yorinaga was named minister of the left, Fujiwara no Yoshiyuki was made minister of the right, and Minamoto no Masasada was named inner palace minister. The delay may have been due to a wish to grant all these promotions at once. 71 As Minister of the Left, Yorinaga was the leading minister at court. Only one position was superior to his, that of Supreme Minister (daijō daijin, 太政大臣), but this role was unoccupied at the time. There was, however, another powerful court leader, his elder brother Tadamichi, who was Konoe Tennō’s (1139-1155) regent (sesshō, 摂政). 187 And on 1151.1.10, by proclamation, Yorinaga received the right of document examination (nairan, 内覧) to view all documents directed to the throne and from the throne. In the case of an adult tennō, this right had long been the prerogative of viceroys (kanpaku, 関白) a chief advisor for an adult monarch. 188 Tadazane, Tadamichi, and Yorinaga Yorinaga’s career at court was greatly influenced by the relationship between himself, his father, and his elder brother, Tadamichi. Although Yorinaga had had some close ties with his brother in his youth—for example, Tadamichi adopted him while their father Tadazane was in exile in Uji 189 —Yorinaga was raised mainly by his father, and soon became the favored son. Tadamichi had distanced himself from his father after the former patriarch was exiled from court in 1121, in part to protect his own career. Tadamichi watched over Yorinaga’s early career, providing support for his brother when Tadazane could not. Yet after Tadazane’s return to court in 1132, the brothers’ relationship became strained, and only grew worse with time. 187 Taiki bekki, Kyūan 5 (1149) 10.25. This was not Tadamichi’s first time as Chancellor; the elder Fujiwara brother was first named Chancellor in 1128 by royal decree, but resigned the position the following year. See Chūyūki, Daiji 3 (1128) 12.17 and Daiji 4 (1129) 4.10. 188 Piggott, ed., Capital and Countryside in Japan, 433; Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, eds., The Cambridge History of Japan. Vol. 2: Heian Japan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 749. 189 Yorinaga was adopted on Tenji 2 (1125) 4.23, when he was six years old. This was at Tadazane’s request, to make Yorinaga heir to the Regents’ Line after Tadamichi, who had no legitimate heir of his own at the time. Tadamichi renounced Yorinaga as his heir after the birth of his son, Motozane (1143‒1166). 72 Even after Tadazane’s return, Tadamichi retained all the court posts awarded to him after Tadazane’s dismissal. Referred to as zenjō taikō ( 禅定太閤), or simply Zenkō ( 禅閤), “the viceroy’s father who had become a monk,” 190 This placed Tadazane in an anomalous position upon his return to favor, given that his son outranked him. Tadazane must have felt slighted. Perhaps one way to regain some of his power was for Tadazane to undermine his eldest son, using his younger son Yorinaga for his efforts. The twelfth-century court during Yorinaga’s life was divided into many factions, including Tadamichi and his supporters, and Tadazane and his supporters on the other. As one aspect of their rivalry, both brothers sought to have an adopted daughter become a consort to Konoe Tennō, in the hopes she would produce a prince to take the throne. If successful, this strategy in theory would give one of the two high status as the royal grandfather. In the end, however, neither daughter gave birth to an heir prior to Konoe’s early death, leaving the rival brothers to figure out other ways to compete for hegemony. I believe Tadazane played a large role in deepening the conflict between his two sons— upon Tadazane’s return to court, retired sovereign Toba issued an edict allowing him the right of document examination. 191 After receiving the right of document examination, Tadazane had a fairly good relationship with Toba, giving him a number of gifts in order to continue his favor. 192 Tadazane understood the importance of this relationship, not only for his own sake, but for Yorinaga’s as well. As for Tadamichi’s own career, until his father’s removal from court, it had followed a trajectory similar to Yorinaga’s. Tadamichi attained the second rank by 1111, serving as 190 Hurst, Insei, 166. 191 Chūyūki, Chōshō 1 (1132) 1.14. 192 Hurst, Insei, 161, n.18. For example, Tadazane presented a few family shōen to Toba. See Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 10.12. 73 provisional senior counselor (gondainagon, 権大納言) and then inner palace minister (naidaijin, 内大臣) before Tadazane’s dismissal from court. After his father’s banishment, Tadamichi was raised to the first rank, given control of the Sekkanke line, and named Viceroy (kanpaku, 関白), in what was clearly Shirakawa Tennō’s strategy to divide and suppress the Sekkanke lineage We should note here that Yorinaga was also Tadamichi’s adopted son. Tadazane had ordered Tadamichi to adopt Yorinaga in 1125, so that Yorinaga would be Tadamichi’s heir, putting him in line to eventually become head of the Regents’ Line. 193 Meanwhile, Tadamichi was amenable to the arrangement because of two factors. First, he had not yet named an heir in 1125; he had only two sons at that point, both of whom were infants. The eldest, the future Kakuchū (1118‒1177), was the child of a consort whose name is not known, and he later became a monk. 194 The second son, Eshin (1124‒1171), was born of a daughter of Fujiwara no Motonobu (dates unknown); he also became a monk. 195 Tadamichi’s senior consort, Fujiwara no Muneko, also known as Sōshi (1090‒1155), had not yet produced an heir for Tadamichi by 1125, having given birth only to a daughter, Seishi (1122‒1182). Yorinaga was twenty-four years Tadamichi’s junior, and young enough to have been his son. It would not have been surprising for Tadamichi to choose his younger brother as heir, especially at his father’s insistence, at a time when their relationships were not yet completely estranged. This situation changed, however, after Tadamichi’s senior consort gave birth to a son in 1143. Tadamichi now had an heir who could (and likely would) displace Yorinaga as the future regent or viceroy, and as head of the Sekkanke. 196 Given this, the tensions within the Sekkanke 193 Motoki Yasuo, Fujiwara no Tadazane (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2000), 126. 194 Nihon jinmei daijiten. 195 Nihon jinmei daijiten. 196 Motoki, Fujiwara no Tadazane, 127. Even though the boy passed away in 1127 and thus never inherited, the birth of this son allowed Tadamichi to pull away from Tadazane’s wish that Yorinaga become heir to the Sekkanke line. 74 (and between the trio at its apex) would only grow stronger over his second son. Over time, Tadamichi’s defiance only further antagonized Tadazane, who had positioned Yorinaga to become the Sekkanke heir. At the same time, Tadazane’s favoritism for his younger son was clear to all, and would certainly have encouraged Yorinaga’s ambitions to become regent one day. 197 The climax, and Tadazane’s ultimate show of force, finally came on Kyūan 6 (1150) 9.26, when he disinherited Tadamichi and cancelled the latter’s Sekkanke chieftainship, passing that chieftainship to Yorinaga. He is quoted in Taiki as saying: The regent is unfilial towards me, and I am deeply angry. I have endured this for years, and now doubt his loyalty. Many times (maybe ten times, some say) I have said he should pass on his office, without his agreement. Now again he offends propriety. That is why I am now cutting the bonds between father and son. The office of regent is granted by the ruler, and I cannot take it away. The chieftainship of the clan, however, is mine to pass on without a royal command. What is there to fear? 198 Tadazane’s main argument against Tadamichi was his lack of filial piety, a bedrock of protocol that was taught to all courtiers. It was justification enough to remove Tadamichi from Sekkanke leadership. Yorinaga’s record of the event also included omens that justified Tadazane’s removal of Tadamichi: At the home of the regent near Hōjōji, a herd of deer came in and destroyed the shōji screens. And at daylight a fox came in. They penned it up so it could not leave. <It is still that way.> Last night the moon entered the supreme palace asterism, 199 and came in conjunction with Venus. According to the Jingzhō zhan, when the moon is in the supreme palace asterism, royal government cannot function and high-ranked individuals lose power and authority. Perhaps [these omens] are a punishment. 200 197 Motoki, Fujiwara no Tadazane, 128. 198 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 9.26. 199 Area in the sky around the Big Dipper. 200 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 9.26. 75 Removing Tadamichi as head of the Sekkanke was an unprecedented event, and Yorinaga suggested that such omens showed Heaven’s approval for Tadazane’s actions. Tadamichi was thus stripped of his chieftaincy, and several members of Tadazane and Yorinaga’s household “were summoned and ordered to seize and remove the patents of the [regental family] chieftainship: documents, red lacquer trays, tables, and other items.” 201 Transferring these ceremonial items to Yorinaga confirmed his new position as chieftain. One concern, of course, was what the retired sovereign Toba would make of these events. When the news reached retired sovereign Toba, his reaction was mixed. The following day, he sent a messenger to Tadazane: “Regarding what you reported yesterday, I feel a mix of anger and joy. There is good and bad.” 202 While Toba agreed that Tadazane was justified, due to Tadamichi’s unfilial conduct towards Tadazane, Toba also anticipated the conflict his actions would cause. Following Tadamichi’s removal, Yorinaga was appointed viceroy and given the right of document examination as the highest-ranking member of the Regents’ Line. Tadamichi, however, remained regent. Deep seeds of antipathy around the throne only increased. It seems clear that Tadazane elevated Yorinaga not only out of paternal love but also to deprive Tadamichi of the position that Tadazane himself had once held and then lost. Through the elevation of Yorinaga, who was deeply tied to his father and angry with his brother, Tadazane could retain influence through his second son. Yorinaga was generally inclined to assist his father, and mostly their interests were the same. As he was quoted saying, Tadazane did not need retired sovereign Toba’s support to strip Tadamichi of his role in the Sekkanke, but Toba’s indication of support for Tadazane had some purpose. As Motoki Yasuo has noted, Toba’s motivation may well have been to balance 201 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 9.26. 202 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 9.27. 76 interests, influence, and power at court. 203 Once Tadamichi was removed as head of the Regents’ Line, Toba was able to elevate Yorinaga as document examiner, putting him on an equal footing with the viceroy Tadamichi. 204 Yorinaga and Tadamichi both owed their jobs to Toba. And elevating Yorinaga allowed Toba to give Tadazane what the latter wanted, while still maintaining the status quo. Yorinaga, now thirty, became more beholden to the retired sovereign, who could, if he chose, always retract the grant of Yorinaga’s new position and return it to Tadamichi. Both Yorinaga and Tadazane needed Toba’s favor. 205 Putting Yorinaga and Tadamichi on an equal footing like this did, however, increased the angst of the two. And there was yet another player, also full of angst about this situation. At the time of Yorinaga’s posting as document examiner, Toba was senior retired sovereign, and there was also a junior retired sovereign, Sutoku (1119-1164), who was constantly at odds with Toba. As Konoe was the son of Toba’s consort Bifukumon’in, the retired Sutoku had no clear path to court leadership. Likely some as-yet-unborn son of Konoe would be the next tennō, eventually making Konoe the court leader. Sutoku was looking for a way to improve his situation. All these unhappy relations around the court made the situation a dark and dangerous one. Securing the Sekkanke Chieftainship Once Yorinaga became the chieftain of the Sekkane, he had to secure that position. The first step was taking possession of the patents of chieftainship, including the vermillion- lacquered house goods (shuki-daiban, 朱器台盤) that had been treasures of the Sekkanke line held by successive heads of the lineage. These items were removed from Tadamichi’s storehouse on Kyūan 6 (1150) 9.26, with the assistance of several of Yorinaga’s housemen and retainers. 206 203 Motoki Yasuo, “Insei ki seiji shi no kōzō to tenkai,” Nihon shi kenkyū, 283 (1986): 65. 204 Adolphson, The Gates of Power, 128‒129. 205 Adolphson, The Gates of Power, 127‒128. 206 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 9.26. 77 Another aspect of securing power was gathering more retainers. Yorinaga had already begun this process a few years earlier when he had secured Minamoto no Tameyoshi (1096‒ 1156) as his military vassal. The head of the Kawachi-Genji family of the Minamoto, Tameyoshi was the son of Yoshichika (?‒1108), and a descendant of the famous warrior Yoshiie (1039‒ 1106). Tameyoshi had in fact been raised by his grandfather, Yoshiie, after his father was hunted down and killed by Taira no Masamori (?‒1121). 207 Tameyoshi was thus head of the family, and trained by his grandfather. In his early career, Tameyoshi served as a lieutenant of the Left Outer Palace Guards (saemon no jō, 左衛門尉). Later he was appointed to the Kebiishi ( 検非違使) royal police force and given the post of third-level manager of Rokujō (Rokujō no Hangan, 六条判官). Tameyoshi, however, had been dismissed from his posts in 1135, and he subsequently sought the help of the Sekkanke chieftain, Tadamichi, to help him return to power. He gained further favor in 1142, when he was asked to put down a riot at Kōfukuji, the Fujiwara clan temple. Yet when Tameyoshi asked Tadazane for help in regaining his post thereafter, Tadazane refused. Tameyoshi then went to work for Yorinaga in the sixth month of 1143. 208 Thereafter, Tameyoshi served Yorinaga and even provided military support for both Tadazane and Yorinaga in 1150 when they ousted Tadamichi from leadership of the Sekkanke line. 209 Tameyoshi would also later prove a key vassal during the Hōgen Disturbance of 1156. Economic factors were also quite important for Yorinaga’s hold on power. The 207 Yoshichika was exiled to Oki province in 1101 after killing a government official in Kyushu. He later traveled to Izumo province in 1107 and killed another government official and stole tribute goods. Rumors spread after his death that he could not have been killed so easily, and several pretenders calling themselves Yoshichika appeared in following years. Iwanami Nihonshi jiten, 218. 208 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 6.30. 209 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 9.26. 78 management of several estates (shōen, 荘園) allowed for ample tax revenue that could be used to pay retainers and maintain Yorinaga’s residence and responsibilities as a court leader. Tadazane assisted Yorinaga in this respect; on Kyūan 4 (1148) 7.17, he gave eighteen of his estates to Yorinaga. 210 Additionally, Tadazane had passed on his Hioki estate on Kyūan 6 (1150) 7.8, just two months prior to passing the chieftainship over to Yorinaga. 211 Although Tadazane easily passed the estates to Yorinaga, gathering income from them was easier said than done. Yorinaga experienced particular problems with Fujiwara no Motohira (1105‒1157), leader of the Ōshū Fujiwara in Mutsu Province. Motohira ruled the area where five of Yorinaga’s new estates were located: Takakura, Motoyoshi, Yashiro, Ōsone, and Yusa. He was to receive rent from them, but Motohira resisted Yorinaga’s insistence that the amount be increased, from ten ryō (160 grams) of gold dust to fifty ryō (800 grams) as the highest increase. Eventually Motohira agreed the revenue might increase to twenty-five ryō, even if this was still far below what Yorinaga sought. 212 Despite this dispute, Yorinaga was still able to collect two years’ worth of revenue from these estates. 213 As chieftain, Yorinaga also took part in visits to religious sites connected with the Fujiwara clan and Sekkanke lineage. For example, he made his first official visit to the Kasuga Great Shrine on Nimpyō 1 (1151) 8.11. 214 This was the shrine of the Fujiwara clan from early times, and Yorinaga made his status as the family’s new head visible by his visit. On Nimpyō 3 (1153) 10.26, Yorinaga also made his first official visit to Hōjōji, a temple originally built by 210 Taiki, Kyūan 4 (1148) 7.17. 211 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 7.8. 212 Mimi Hall Yiengpruksawan, Hiraizumi: Buddhist Art and Regional Politics in Twelfth-Century Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 1998), 95. 213 Taiki, Nimpyō 3 (1153) 9.14. 214 Taiki, Nimpyō 1 (1151) 8.1. 79 Fujiwara no Michinaga (966-1028). 215 Yorinaga also made a circuit pilgrimage to other shrines in the area, giving further visibility to his role as chieftain. Despite performing these rituals as the new Sekkanke head, there was still tension at court regarding Yorinaga’s advancement. It was considered unprecedented for the chieftainship of the Sekkanke to be forcibly removed from its holder and passed to a second son. Moreover, Tadamichi was still serving as viceroy, leaving Yorinaga with a powerful enemy in court politics. Even as he grew into his roles as minister and clan head, Yorinaga faced many challenges. Yorinaga and Violence at Temples Yorinaga began to earn his later moniker “Cruel Minister of the Left” early in his career. It had two major foundations: his strict enforcement of the law on criminals, and his drive to “revive the past.” Even before he became minister of the left, Yorinaga did not show sympathy to those who had broken the law. 216 And when he became the leading minister, he became even more vocal about having harsh punishments carried out. For instance, on Kyūan 3 (1147) 6.15, a festival was held at the Gion-sha shrine, a branch of Enryaku-ji. During the event, the warrior Taira no Kiyomori (1118‒1181) and several of his retainers fought with shrine associates. One of Kiyomori’s vassals shot an arrow that hit the portable shrine. 217 Violence against shrine people was bad enough, but an armed attack against the shrine’s embodiment, called for punishment. 215 Taiki, Nimpyō 3 (1153) 10.26. 216 See Chapter Two for the incident on Kōji 2 (1143) 1.14 where Yorinaga ordered Minamoto no Narimasa to be stripped of his posts for fighting with a provincial governor. 217 Honchō seiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 6.15; Taiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 6.15. 80 Kiyomori’s father, Tadamori (1096‒1159), accused seven Gion people of starting the fight. 218 But the monks of Enryaku-ji lodged a counter-accusation against Tadamori and Kiyomori. On Kyūan 3 (1147) 6.27, the monks brought a portable shrine to the capital and demanded that both Tadamori and Kiyomori be exiled for their crimes. 219 The situation was complicated by the fact that both Tadamori and Kiyomori were serving Toba, Tadamori as a director in the retired sovereign’s office and Kiyomori in his personal service. 220 Making a decision on what the punishment should be and when it should be carried out took some time. Under pressure from the monks of Enryaku-ji, on Kyūan 3 (1147) 6.30 Toba summoned members of the kugyō ministerial council to discuss the punishment. 221 At the time of the incident, Yorinaga was not yet officially minister of the left but had already begun leading the council, from Kyūan 3 (1147) 3.22. During the discussion, Yorinaga sided with Enryaku-ji’s demands, arguing that in accordance with the letter of the law, Tadamori and Kiyomori should be exiled even when Toba himself was inclined to mercy. 222 Ultimately, Kiyomori was given a light punishment, a fine of thirty kin of copper. 223 Yorinaga did not find this punishment harsh enough, but ultimately the decision was not up to him. As he grew into his role as Minister of the Left, however, he found ways to take the law into his own hands. On Nimpyō 3 (1153) 6.1, Yorinaga ordered some of his retainers to Iwashimizu Hachimangū shrine to chase down a criminal. The chase ended in bloodshed, when the criminal was killed on the grounds of the shrine. 224 In causing the criminal to be killed on temple grounds, 218 Hurst, Insei, 164. 219 Honchō seiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 6.27. 220 Hurst, Insei, 164. 221 Honchō seiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 6.30; Taiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 6.30. The council consisted of senior nobles of the third rank and above. 222 Taiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 6.30. 223 One kin was equivalent to 600 grams of copper, so Kiyomori’s fine was 18,000 grams of copper. Taiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 7.24. 224 Honchō seiki, Nimpyō 3 (1153) 6.1. 81 even inadvertently, Yorinaga showed disrespect to the temple, much as Kiyomori’s man had done years earlier. Still, he now showed no remorse at having caused actual bloodshed on holy ground. And again, on the sixth day of the same month, Yorinaga ordered retainers to Kamo shrine to arrest warrior monks who had taken refuge there. 225 Yorinaga’s stern attitude toward law enforcement was one aspect of his reputation as the “Cruel Minister of the Left.” His unremitting interests in “reviving the past” also contributed to this reputation. Offerings to Confucius: Yorinaga’s Revival of Sekiten As minister of the left and patriarch of the Regents’ Line, Yorinaga sought to revive a handful of ceremonies and events mandated by the ritsuryō codes that had fallen into disuse. For example, on the tenth day of the eighth month of Nimpyō 3 (1153), he revived a ceremony closely tied to the Royal University, the Sekiten (literally “Honoring Confucius,” 釈奠). This ritual had had a long history in Japan, and while Yorinaga was neither the first nor the last person to revive it, his attempt demonstrated his determination to strengthen Classical Chinese studies and respect for Confucius at the late twelfth-century court. According to James McMullen, the Sekiten was first celebrated in China in the Six Dynasties period (220‒589). 226 During the Tang dynasty (618‒906), it became part of the state’s ritual program, as a way for Tang sovereigns to organize and integrate the support of Confucian scholars for their reigns. The Sekiten was meant to integrate the bureaucracy with all educated men in the realm as disciples of Confucius. It was both an academic ritual and a political event, 225 Honchō seiki, Nimpyō 3 (1153) 6.6. 226 James McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2020), 26‒28. 82 with a set role for the sovereign that reminded everyone that the Sage monarch continued the work of Confucius as the cultural hero of the realm. 227 The Sekiten was first held in Japan at the beginning of the 8th century. According to the court annal, the Shoku Nihongi, “The Sekiten hereupon made its first appearance in Japan,” on the fourteenth day of the second month of 701. 228 McMullen notes that diplomatic relations between Japan and Tang China were also reinstated in the sixth month of 701, after a lapse of thirty years, and links the two events. 229 From that time on, the Sekiten became an official ritual in Japan. The ritual was included in the Da Tang Kaiyuan li (Rituals of the Kai-yuan Period, 大唐開元禮) in 732, so after Kibi no Makibi brought that ritual handbook to Japan in 753, its protocols influenced the Japanese form through the Tokugawa period (1600‒1867.) 230 As someone who sought to revive the ritsuryō past while also celebrating classical education, Yorinaga had a strong interest in the Sekiten. Indeed, particulars of the Sekiten ceremony at both the main university and provincial schools were laid out in the Laws on Education (Gakuryō, 学令) in the ritsuryō. The third article states, “The University and provincial universities will, within the first ten days of the middle months of each spring and fall [second and eighth months], hold a Ceremony to Honor Confucius. Food, sake, and garments required [for the ceremony] will be provided by the government.” 231 This article closely resembled its Tang counterpart in the Tang Liu-tien (Tang Manual of Government). 232 227 For more on the political aspects of the ritual, see McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 25‒31. 228 Shoku Nihongi, 701.2.14 229 McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 45. 230 The text was brought back to Japan by Kibi no Makibi (693‒775) in 753. See McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 31‒32, 55. 231 Ritsuryō, ed. Inoue Mitsusada (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1976), 262. 232 “[Universities] will, on the first days of the second and eighth months, sacrifice to the sage Confucius.” J.I. Crump, Jr., “‘Borrowed’ T’ang Titles and Offices in the Yoro Code,” Occasional Papers, Center for Japanese Studies, 2 (1952), 52. 83 While details changed over time, generally the ceremony was held in front of a shrine to Confucius, set up both at the Royal University in the capital and at provincial schools. The head of the university read congratulatory words in front of the image and offered liquor and animal sacrifices, while the professors and students showed their reverence. After the ceremony, a banquet was held for all attendees, with an additional banquet for all those of fifth rank and above. Poems were read during the banquet, and later a series of lectures was established for the event. 233 Yorinaga also had a familial connection: as it had been his Fujiwara ancestor who had first promoted the ritual in Japan in the old capital at Fujiwara. 234 Particularly important was Fujiwara no Muchimaro (680‒737), Yorinaga’s ancestor who himself became a minister of the left and served as assistant head of the university beginning in 704. Muchimaro’s biographer, Enkei, noted that because the capital had been moved to Fujiwara only ten years prior, everyone was too busy to attend to the university, which grieved Muchimaro: When he entered the [University], and saw it empty and deserted, he thought: “This [University] is a place where wisdom and talent are gathered, a place where the sovereign’s influence is valued. It rectifies the state, rectifies the households, and all depend upon its holy teachings. However, loyalty has withered, and filial piety has withered. We have distanced ourselves from the Way. Now, those who study are few, and the wind of [correct ritual practice] does not blow. This is not how one evokes the sacred Way, or supports the authority of the sovereign.” 235 With the need for reform on his mind, Muchimaro sought to revitalize the university by inviting scholars to the institution to debate and lecture, and of course, by reviving the Sekiten ceremony. Muchimaro believed the Sekiten was a necessary element in classical education, and he thought that by memorializing Confucius’s spirit at the University, the teachings of previous generations 233 Abe Takeshi, ed., Heian jidai gishiki nenjū gyōji jiten (Tokyo: Tokyodō Shuppan, 1995), 56. 234 McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 49. 235 Mikael Bauer, “The Chronicle of Muchimaro: The Lower Part of the History of the Fujiwara House by the Monk Enkei,” Asiatiche Studien 73.2 (2019), 201. 84 could be revived. From the early tenth century up through Yorinaga’s day, official performance of the ceremony had declined, but private ceremonies continued, in what Allan Grapard calls the “privatization of ritual activity.” 236 Ōe no Masafusa (1041‒1111), who was also a major influence on Yorinaga, held private Confucian ceremonies in his own home. 237 By reviving the ceremony officially in his own day, Yorinaga emulated his ancestor as a new Muchimaro: a scholar promoting classical education for the court. While Yorinaga did not leave a detailed record of his plans for the revived ceremony in 1153, 238 he did make one for his private version of the event, held on Kōji 2 (1143) 7.22. The directions are much more detailed than that in the law codes. Therein, Yorinaga describes the importance of selecting an auspicious day for the event: Yesterday, the Doctor of the Almanac Norihide was ordered to determine through divination the time and day {for the ceremony}. In the future, the ceremony is to be performed on The Day of the Rat < Confucius’s birthday. Moreover, my birth year is that of the Rat in the sexagenary cycle.> From the first time it was performed, an auspicious day and time has been chosen. 239 Here Yorinaga directly connects himself with Confucius, associating the date chosen for his private Sekiten ceremony with his own birth year. He describes the placement of Confucius’s portrait, “on the northern screen in the first eastern bay of the southern room in the northwestern corridor’s main chamber connected to the Shinden.” 240 The Shinden was a central hall often used as a ceremonial location.. 236 This shift towards private rituals also brought an increase in rituals specifically benefiting individuals. Allan G. Grapard, “Religious Practices,” in The Cambridge History of Japan. Vol. 2: Heian Japan, ed. Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008),541. 237 McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 116‒117. 238 In the entry, Yorinaga simply states that “Today, I and the elders [performed] the Sekiten ceremony for the students of literature.” He also notes that the event was an “official ceremony” (seigi, 晴儀). Taiki, Nimpyō 3 (1153) 8.10. 239 Yumi Kodama et al., trans., “Taiki: Kōji 3 {1143} 7.22 Entry,” The Project for Premodern Japan Studies, last modified July 25, 2019, http://www.uscppjs.org/translation-archive/2019/7/25/taiki-kji-2-1142-722-entry. 240 Kodama, trans., “Taiki: Kōji 3 {1143} 7.22 Entry.” 85 Yorinaga also describes the placement of guests and the requirement that all be ritually pure for the ceremony. The rules included not meeting with anyone in mourning or with menstruating women, not having sex with women, and not bathing or washing one’s hair. These forms of ceremonial purity were common to other rituals as well, not only the Sekiten ceremony. After putting on formal clothes and taking his place, Yorinaga paid his respects to Confucius and to Yan Hui (ca. 521‒481 BCE), a favorite disciple of Confucius. Eight literati from the University attended as well. Fujiwara no Narisuke, a graduate of the University’s Literature Department and one of Yorinaga’s tutors, gave a two-hour lecture on The Commentary of Zuo. Then debates began, in which each participant raised a topic relating to a selected entry from the text. After three rounds of debate, and a further two rounds of debate on a different topic, trays were set out to collect paper submissions—each member in the debate was to write a Chinese poem related to the discussions, from the lowest ranked upward. After the poems were presented, the lecturer and all the discussants were given gifts. 241 All the questions and answers were written down and stored in a cabinet for future reference. Yorinaga’s entry does not give details about the accompanying banquet—perhaps there was no feast following his private ceremony. In addition to his private version of the event, Yorinaga honored Confucius in other ways. The painting used in his 1143 private ceremony was one that he painted himself. 242 Yorinaga also visited the painting of Confucius that hung at the University, and reported to it on his own 241 “For the lecturer: six folding fans, ten writing brushes, and eight [sticks of] ink. < Each of these were bundled in mulberry paper and placed on top of an open fan, which was included in the total number of fans. > For each discussant: two fans, five writing brushes, and three [sticks of] ink.” Kodama, trans., “Taiki: Kōji 3 {1143} 7.22 Entry.” 242 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 7.22. 86 achievements. For example, in 1144 he reported completing his reading of the Correct Meanings on the Five Classics. 243 James McMullen is critical of Yorinaga’s attempts to revive the Sekiten. He believes that while Muchimaro understood the importance of the ritual to Confucian studies, Yorinaga’s motivations were not to “restore a Confucian spirit to the ritsuryō state, but [the] oligarchic government that he idealized.” 244 According to McMullen, although Yorinaga wished to return to an idealized Fujiwara-led court of the past, he did not understand “the dynamics of the original Chinese liturgy or the problems in recreating a Chinese-style Confucianism in Japan.” 245 But if Yorinaga did not understand the original ritual, then who did? As discussed in the previous chapter, Yorinaga’s extensive education in the Chinese classic texts exceeded that of many contemporary scholars. He should have been one of the people most qualified to understand the meaning and significance of Confucius’ ideas. Moreover, the fact that Yorinaga recorded the reasoning behind the Sekiten’s abandonment of animal sacrifices proves that he pondered aspects of the ceremony and argued for appropriate changes. 246 Yorinaga undeniably wished to reinvigorate studies of Chinese classical thought at the Japanese court, much as Muchimaro had in the early eighth century. One aspect of that can be seen through his focus on the term kunshi. As Yanagawa Hibiki argues, Yorinaga wanted to be seen as a “man of virtue” (kunshi, 君子), an ideal of Confucius dating back to the Book of 243 Hashimoto Yoshihiko, Fujiwara no Yorinaga (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1964), 224; McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 121‒122; Yoshio Wajima, Chūsei no jugaku (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1965), 33. 244 McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 122. 245 McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in Japan, 122. 246 Yorinaga commented in his journal that the removal of animal sacrifices from the ceremony was due to an anonymous dream, in which it was stated that because Amaterasu was present at the event, an offering of meat would be inappropriate. See Taiki, Kyūan 2 (1146) 4.1. 87 Odes. 247 Yorinaga uses the term extensively in his journal, from the Kōji period (1142) through the Kyūan period (1145‒1150), years in which he was most involved in his own studies. Yanagawa argues that the term is not often used in other contemporary courtiers’ diaries, and that Yorinaga uses it with a unique, deliberate sentiment. 248 The term kunshi, literally “a ruler’s son,” initially related to one’s pedigree, often referring to a nobleman in Chinese works such as the Book of Documents. 249 Yorinaga’s interest in the term, however, came from his study of the Book of Poetry, where it appears 184 times. As in the Book of Documents, the term often refers to one’s personal qualities of leadership: a kunshi is “the parent of the people,” “the refuge of the people,” and “the support of the people.” 250 Already in Confucius’s time, the term was closely associated with fine moral qualities, Confucian texts declaring the concept of virtue important for any would-be noble. 251 Yorinaga’s use of the term in Taiki is particularly interesting since he employs it to criticize others. For example, in his entry of Kōji 3 (1144) 1.14, he writes, “Those who curse me with misfortune to make me disappear do not follow the path of men of virtue.” 252 His use here is similar to its use in The Commentary of Zuo, which we know Yorinaga studied extensively. 253 Yorinaga saw classical texts as legitimizing his views and he expected all to follow them.. Reviving the Sekiten rite was not the only “return to the ritsuryō past” that Yorinaga enacted. After becoming minister of the left in 1147, he also restored the process of policy 247 Yanagawa Hibiki, Fujiwara no Yorinaga: “Akusafu” no gakumon to gensetsu (Tokyo: Waseda Daigaku Shuppanbu, 2018), 4. 248 Yanagawa, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 26. 249 In the Book of Documents, the term 百君子 is used to refer to “hundreds of noble men” in the Western Zhou section of the book. See Yuri Pines, “Confucius’ Elitism: The Concepts of junzi and xiaoren Revisited,” in A Concise Companion to Confucius, ed. Paul Goldin (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2017), 166. 250 Pines, “Confucius’ Elitism,” 166; Arthur Waley, trans., The Book of Songs, 254. 251 Pines, “Confucius’ Elitism,” 166‒168. 252 Taiki, Kōji 3 (1144) 1.14; Yanagawa, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 21. 253 Yanagawa, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 26‒27. 88 deliberation by the Council of State, 254 which had become formalized and then defunct by the twelfth century. Yorinaga also restored the Prelate’s Office in 1151, 255 a ritsuryō-era office to supervise monastic matters that had become inactive. And in 1150, he reinstated seasonal sutra chanting at the queen-consort’s residence, 256 where his adopted daughter lived as a royal consort. Learning from Precedent: Yorinaga and Marriage Politics From 1068, the Sekkanke strategy of marriage politics—keeping a Sekkanke mother’s son on the throne, with her matriline affine as the sovereign’s main advisors—had lapsed, 257 During Yorinaga’s time as minister of the left, however, he attempted to arrange his adopted daughter’s marriage to the sovereign. “Marriage politics” was still a strategy used by all who sought influence at court, including both Yorinaga and his brother, Tadamichi, albeit with little success, as we shall see. Accordingly, both Tadamichi and Yorinaga sought to have a daughter named as a consort to Konoe Tennō. Their respective daughters were not the rival brothers’ biological offspring, but had been adopted by these successive Sekkanke patriarchs. Tadamichi’s adopted daughter, Teishi (1131‒1176), was the biological daughter of Fujiwara no Koremichi (1093‒1165). Yorinaga’s adopted daughter, Masaruko (1140‒1202), also known as Taishi, was his niece by marriage, the biological daughter of Tokudaijii no Kin’yoshi (1115‒1161), Yorinaga’s brother-in-law. For a young noblewoman to become a royal consort, her entrance to the back palace had to be arranged, usually with the support of the retired sovereign. This process should have been fairly 254 Taiki, Kyūan 3 (1147) 4.1. 255 Taiki, Kyūan 7 (1151) 5.26. 256 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 12.24. 257 By Yorinaga’s time, the relationship between the royal line and the Sekkanke was built more on indirect connections, than on a simple, direct line between relations. See Motoki, Insei no tenkai to nairan, 20‒24. 89 simple for Yorinaga, given his good relationship with Toba via Tadazane, but the process actually proved to be protracted due to several factors. Yorinaga first petitioned for the entrance of his “daughter,” Masaruko, in 1142. 258 His initial connection to this adopted woman came from having married the young girl’s aunt, Fujiwara no Kōshi (1112‒1155), when he was fourteen years old. Since Yorinaga was living with the Tokudaijii family at that time, he had adopted Masaruko at a very young age. And since Konoe was not yet of age and Masaruko was only two years old, nothing was formalized at the time. Only on 1148.6.28 was Masaruko officially named to enter the back palace the following year. 259 On the third day of the seventh month, preparations for the event began. 260 In the eighth month, Yorinaga consulted with other scholars to choose an adult name for his adopted daughter, eventually selecting the character 多 (ta). 261 Subsequently the process was delayed again, when Tadazane’s wife, junior first rank Minamoto no Shishi (1070‒1148), died later in the year. Due to the ritual pollution surrounding death and the required period of mourning, the coming-of-age ceremony for Konoe Tennō and the introduction of consorts into his palace were postponed. Masaruko did not become a royal consort until 1150.1.10. After her entry, however, she was quickly promoted to queen-consort (kōgō, 皇后), the monarch’s highest-ranking wife. 262 Throughout this process of installing Masaruko in the back palace, Yorinaga used his access to previous Sekkanke generations’ journals to elicit information about protocols to be followed. In other words, his research turned to records of court affairs in Japan, not in the 258 Taiki, Kōji 1 (1142) 8.9 259 Taiki, Kyūan 4 (1148) 6.28. 260 Taiki, Kyūan 4 (1148) 7.3 261 Taiki bekki, Kyūan 4 (1148) 8.9. 262 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 3.14. 90 distant continent. In his entry of Kyūan 4 (1148) 7.11, Yorinaga listed which members of the court possessed journals that he could borrow and read. This list was very thorough—it included the names of those who held original copies of several journals. 263 Generally, Yorinaga spent his time reading journals written by members of the Regents’ Line, particularly those of Fujiwara no Norimichi (996‒1075), the Nitōki ( 二東記); Fujiwara no Morozane (1042‒1101), the Kyōgoku kanpaku ki ( 京極関白記); and Fujiwara no Michinaga (966‒1028), the Midō kanpaku ki ( 御堂関白記). 264 As he studied how his predecessors had successfully placed their daughters in the Back Palace as consorts, Yorinaga sought to understand all aspects of the process, and to circumvent further impairment of Masaruko’s entrance despite the death of Tadazane’s wife. Her death was certainly a disappointment, but with careful attention to precedent, Yorinaga was sure that any problems in the process would not arise from circumstances under his own control. Tadamichi’s adopted daughter, who continued the brothers’ rivalry in the Back Palace, had an even more complicated journey, albeit it was resolved more quickly. She too was originally adopted, in 1148, by Bifukumon’in (1117‒1160), who allegedly intended for the girl to become the consort of the future Go-Shirakawa. 265 Yet Tadamichi, persuaded by Bifukumon’in, adopted Teishi about a month after Yorinaga had Masaruko installed as consort in 1150. 266 It took only two months for Teishi’s induction ceremony to be held, putting the newly 263 Matsuzuno Hitoshi, Nikki no ie: chūsei kokka no kiroku soshiki (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1997), 29. Yorinaga began his list of “journal information” in Kōji 1 (1142), keeping track of journals that he located and read. See Matsuzuno, Nikki no ie, 37, n. 1; Taiki, Kōji 1 (1142) 9.14, 10.10, 10.14. 264 Matsuzono, Nikki no ie, 208. Yorinaga referred to these three journals twenty or more times in Taiki. He also referred to journals by other members of the Fujiwara clan generally, as well as to those of the Minamoto clan, but more than half of his references were to journals of members of the Fujiwara Regents’ Line. 265 Taiki, Kyūan 4 (1148) 7.6 266 Hurst, Insei, 167. 91 adopted daughter of Tadamichi in direct competition with Yorinaga’s daughter to give birth to a future monarch. 267 While Masaruko was the queen-consort, Teishi became the chūgū ( 中宮), a “middle- queen consort,” on 1150.6.23. Teishi’s quick entry into the back palace was due to the support of Bifukumon’in. In fact, historians argue that it was not originally Tadamichi’s idea to bring Teishi into the palace, but rather that of Bifukumon’in herself. 268 Since Teishi was already an adult— she was twenty at the time of her installation—there was no need for delay, so a quick and easy installation was allowed. Clearly there was already tension between Yorinaga and Bifukumon’in. Yorinaga did not think the retired consort was worthy of respect, due to her father’s low rank (fifth rank, provincial governor), even though she was the mother of Konoe Tennō. 269 Tadazane and Yorinaga also despised Bifukumon’in’s alleged lover, the retired sovereign Shirakawa, who was also hated by his son, Toba, whom Tadazane and Yorinaga served. Moreover, Bifukumon’in’s brothers were constantly competing with Yorinaga, which thickened the animosity between them. 270 The goal of both Yorinaga and Tadamichi, of course, was for their adopted daughters to give birth to sons, one of whom would become sovereign. Neither brother succeeded. The two women were wed to Konoe Tennō for less than five years before the sovereign died on 1155.7.23, without an heir, leaving Tadamichi’s and Yorinaga’s hopes to benefit from marriage politics unfulfilled. 267 Taiki, Kyūan 6 (1150) 4.21. 268 Hashimoto Yoshihiko, “Hōgen no ran zenshi shōkō,” Nihon rekishi no. 174 (November 1962), 27. 269 Taiki, Kōji 3 (1144) 1.1. 270 Yorinaga referred to her brothers as shodaibu, a derogatory term for middle-ranking courtiers. Taiki, Kōji 3 (1144) 2.8. See Hurst, Insei, 168. 92 After Konoe’s death, Masaruko left the palace to live in seclusion. Unusually, she was recalled to the palace in 1160, to become a consort to Nijō Tennō (1143‒1165), thereby earning her nickname as “queen-consort for two generations [of monarchs]” (nidai no kisaki, 二代后). Eventually, she became Grand Empress Dowager (taikō taikō,太皇太后), the last in Japan until the twenty-first century. Teishi also left the palace in 1155, due to illness, becoming a nun and taking the name Shōjōkan. This episode was but one of many such “battles” between the brothers, this one essentially ending in a draw. Conclusion Ultimately the death of Konoe Tennō in the year 1155 proved to be disastrous for Yorinaga. Despite his earlier successes in installing his adopted daughter in the Back Palace and reviving the past in various ways, his political situation had now become precarious. His relationship with Bifukumon’in was strained, to say the least; animosity between them continued even after both Yorinaga’s and Tadamichi’s daughters were installed in the Back Palace. His only direct relationship to the royal house had been via his adopted daughter Masaruko’s admission to the back palace. But because she and Konoe did not produce an heir, and Konoe Tennō passed away at a young age, Yorinaga no longer had a direct connection to the throne. A day after Konoe’s death, Go-Shirakawa (1127‒1192), a son of Toba and Taikenmon’in (1101‒1145), became the sovereign. At that time, Yorinaga was dealing with a personal loss that kept him away from court: on the first day of the sixth month of 1155, his wife, Kōshi, passed away. 271 Yorinaga immediately went into mourning, with her funeral not occurring until a week 271 Taiki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 6.1. 93 later. 272 His absence due to mourning kept Yorinaga away from court during the critical process of deciding the succession. His absence gave his rivals the opportunity to make trouble for him. A rumor began to circulate that Konoe’s death was due to a curse laid on him by Yorinaga and Tadazane, who both were known to have had little love for the late sovereign. 273 According to Jien’s later narrative, even the retired sovereign Toba began to think the rumor was true. 274 When Yorinaga resigned his titles in due form following Konoe’s death, expecting to receive the position of viceroy for the new sovereign, he was informed instead that he merely would continue to hold only the position of minister of the left. 275 Then yet another death deepened Yorinaga’s troubles. On 1155.12.16, his sister Kaya-no-in died. 276 Tadazane, due in part to this death and in part to old age, retired again to Uji, 277 leaving Yorinaga at court with very little support. Meanwhile his brother Tadamichi began getting close to Go-Shirakawa, building new alliances while Yorinaga’s star declined. Although his father had planned all along to have Yorinaga wrest control of the Sekkanke from Tadamichi, when Yorinaga needed him most, Tadazane was nowhere to be found. 272 Taiki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 6.8. 273 Taiki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 8.27. 274 Brown, The Future and the Past, 97. 275 Taiki, Kyūju 3 (1156) 2.2. 276 Taiki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 12.16. 277 Hurst, Insei, 175. 94 Chapter Four: Finale Yorinaga and the Hōgen Disturbance Yorinaga’s final months were unhappy and tumultuous. Following the enthronement of Go-Shirakawa on 1155.9.23, Yorinaga found himself out of favor with his long-time patron, Toba (1103‒1156). The Minister of the Left retreated to his father’s estate in Uji during the new tennō’s early reign to lick his wounds, observing the growing tension at court from afar. During Yorinaga’s self-imposed isolation in Uji, Toba’s health declined. With his death imminent, the junior retired sovereign, Sutoku, began to plot, hoping to gain the leadership of the court as senior retired monarch, an honor he felt he was owed. Upon Toba’s death on 1156.7.2, Sutoku encouraged a rebellion against Go-Shirakawa. Known as the Hōgen Disturbance (Hōgen no ran, 保元の乱), after the era name Hōgen, it split the court during the seventh and eight months of 1156. The short eruption of violence in capital streets not only resulted in Yorinaga’s early death but also tainted his achievements up to that point as a prominent scholar and court leader who had tried to create a new model for courtier education. This chapter examines Yorinaga’s involvement as a rebel in the short-lived Hōgen Disturbance. While our earlier discussions of Yorinaga’s life drew mainly on his own writings, unfortunately the portion of his journal covering this period is not extant. 278 Reconstructing his story forces us to draw on journals by his contemporaries. The disturbance is examined through the contemporary journal Hyōhanki, which is the most in-depth contemporary source for the conflict. 278 Entries in the extant version of Taiki cover through the end of Kyūju 2 (1155), seven months before the events of the conflict. Moreover, many entries from 1155 refer to expanded entries in his supplemental journal, the Taiki bekki, of which only a few years’ entries survive. 95 The Road to Conflict Tensions between different factions at court were already very high in 1155, but if one were to point to a single reason for an explosion of military force in 1156, it would be the accession of the new tennō. With the untimely death of Konoe Tennō on 1155.7.23, the question of who would succeed was paramount in everyone’s minds. Sutoku wanted his son Shigehito (1140‒1162) to inherit, whom many saw as the most logical choice as Konoe himself had no children. Bifukumon’in, however, pushed for her own favorite, Morihito (1143‒1165, later Nijo Tennō), the son of Toba’s fourth prince, Masahito. Morihito had been adopted by Bifukumon’in, after his mother’s death. 279 She supported him at court and prevented his entrance into the priesthood in order to preserve his potential to eventually take the throne. 280 Morihito had been named Crown Prince while Konoe was still alive, but there was a problem: Morihito’s father had not reigned as tennō. According to the Gukanshō, Tadamichi convinced Toba that Morihito should not succeed because there had never been a case where a son passed over his living father to become the sovereign. 281 Acknowledging such doubts about the appropriateness of Morihito’s succession, Toba wavered as to who should take the throne. 282 Meanwhile, the junior retired monarch Sutoku bore a grudge against both Toba and Bifukumon’in, since the pair had forced him to abdicate years earlier to make way for Konoe. Sutoku therefore watched Toba’s deliberations with scorn. The two were at odds too due to rumors that Sutoku was really the son of Shirakawa by Toba’s consort Shōshi.. 283 279 Taiki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 9.8. 280 Taiki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 9.8; Hurst, Insei, 171‒172. Entering the priesthood was common for younger sons of the sovereign and courtiers. Doing so, however, would have prevented Morihito from ever ascending the throne. 281 Gukanshō, 216; Hurst, Insei, 172‒173; Brown, The Future and the Past, 98. Hurst and Hashimoto argue it is quite unlikely that Tadamichi ever said this, as Tadamichi had petitioned three times to have Konoe abdicate in favor of Morihito, due to his illness. See Hurst, Insei, 173; Hashimoto, “Hōgen no ran,” 32‒33. 282 Jien adds that Konoe’s elder sister, Hachijō in, was also considered for the throne, but I have not found this claim confirmed by other sources. See Brown, The Future and the Past, 98. 283 Hurst, Insei, 166. 96 In 1155 Sutoku hoped his son would become sovereign, making himself court leader as the senior retired monarch. Toba, however, faced with pressure from Bifukumon’in and Sutoku, sought a third option. As Toba’s advisor, Shinzei suggested a compromise. Toba named his own son Masahito as the next ruler, with Morihito as Crown Prince. 284 Yorinaga was left out of these discussions, due to mourning for his wife Kōshi. 285 With only Tadazane in attendance on Toba to represent the Sekkanke—and with both Tadazane’s and Yorinaga’s influence in decline—the thoughts of either of them were not considered in the decision. The accession of Masahito, who became Go-Shirakawa, was devastating for Yorinaga’s future. While Yorinaga’s role as chieftain of the Sekkanke could not be cancelled by a new sovereign, the new monarch immediately took away Yorinaga’s right of document examination (nairan, 内覧). 286 Adding fuel to the fire, a rumor began circulating that Yorinaga and Tadazane had cursed Konoe—it was well known that the pair had always disdained the late sovereign because of his mother’s status as the daughter of a middling courtier. According to Yorinaga’s own journal: Chikataka 287 came and told me that the reason His Cloistered Majesty [Toba] hates Zenkō [Tadazane] and me is because, after the late sovereign [Konoe] died, a person was possessed by the late sovereign and said “Last year, in order to curse me [Konoe], a person went to Mt. Atago and pounded nails into the eyes of the statue of the deity [of Mt. Atago]. 288 For that reason, I lost my sight. And I died.” When His Cloistered Majesty [Toba] heard this, he sent people to look at the statue, and the nails were there. Immediately he called the resident monk on Mt. Atago and questioned him. The monk 284 Farris, Heavenly Warriors, 265. 285 Taiki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 6.1 Interestingly, Yorinaga spends most of this entry on the death of Koma no Norisuke (1114‒1155), leaving a note of his wife’s passing only in the no longer extant Bekki. Traditionally, a high-ranking courtier would offer to resign from his positions when a new sovereign came to power, but usually these titles were returned to him shortly after the new sovereign’s accession. In this case, however, Yorinaga was asked to remain as Minister of the Left, a position that was confirmed during his self-imposed exile in Uji (see Taiki, Hōgen 1 [1156] 2.2), but he did not retain the right of document examination. 286 Hyōhanki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 7.24. Yorinaga notes in Taiki that he discusses the succession in his addendum (Taiki bekki), but the latter entry is not extant. 287 Fujiwara no Chikataka (1099‒1165), courtier and poet. 288 A mountain in the northwestern part of Ukyo-ku in Kyoto. 97 related that, five or six years prior, in the middle of the night, [missing characters]. 289 Bifukumon’in and the Viceroy [Tadamichi] suspected Tadazane and the Minister of the Left. That is why the Retired Sovereign [Toba] hates us. Although it is difficult to believe, it is what all the monks and laity are talking about. The other day, Lord Naritaka [said] more or less the same thing. Listening to both of these accounts, I am full of dread. While Zenkō and I traveled to the deity on Mt. Atago, we did not know that the statue existed. What to do? I am praying. Blue skies are above, the sun is bright, [...] I am full of dread. 290 It is not surprising that Tadamichi and Bifukumon’in, both rivals of the Sekkanke leaders, promoted these rumors. Konoe had been sickly throughout his life, so his early death was not a complete surprise, but the rumor that his death was due to their curse put Tadamachi and Yorinaga’s political careers in jeopardy. How much influence this rumor had is unclear, 291 but regardless, Yorinaga and his father were no longer favored by the royal house under the leadership of Go-Shirakawa. Yorinaga was also snubbed by his former patron, Toba. After ending the official period of mourning for his wife on the eighth day of the ninth month, Yorinaga lost another official duty. The new Crown Prince, Morihito, was ready to begin his education. The position of head tutor originally was to be assigned to Yorinaga, but that plan was cancelled by Toba on 1155.9.8, when he stated “Since I came to power, the Minister of the Left has not been loyal to the Crown Prince and the royal retired lady [Bifukumon’in]. Why would he want to be the Crown Prince’s head tutor?” 292 To be so denied by his own former patron indicated his deep fall from favor. As Go-Shirakawa settled into his new role as sovereign and Toba’s health continued to decline, Yorinaga began meeting with Sutoku. Despite these meetings, I hesitate to call him 289 Over time, the pages of some journals have developed holes, usually from insect activity, which has resulted in missing characters. If there are few extant copies, these characters may never be recovered, and only through context can we guess what might have been written here originally. 290 Taiki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 8.27. 291 Jien’s Gukanshō also mentions this curse but does not go into detail. See Gukanshō, 214; Brown, The Future and the Past, 97. 292 Taiki, Kyūju 2 (1155) 9.8. 98 Sutoku’s adviser, as some historians have done. There is little evidence as to how much influence Yorinaga had on Sutoku’s actions; and while Yorinaga shared Sutoku’s angst at the circumstances, in fact, Sutoku would have ignited the conflict even without Yorinaga’s support. 293 The Troops To attempt a coup, Yorinaga and Sutoku needed allies, especially military ones. As they recruited, the Sekkanke itself as well as the Minamoto and Taira warrior clans split between the two sides. Minamoto no Tameyoshi (1096‒1156), head of the Kawachi Genji warriors, and Taira no Tadamasa (?‒1156) of the Ise Taira (Heike) sided with Sutoku and Yorinaga. Tameyoshi had been a loyal retainer of Yorinaga since 1143, 294 and as leader of the Kawachi Genji, he had resources that Yorinaga could use to gather forces. Meanwhile, Go-Shirakawa gained the support of Yorinaga’s older brother, Fujiwara no Tadamichi (1097‒1164), as well as Minamoto no Yoshitomo (1123‒1160) and Taira no Kiyomori (1118‒1181), head of the Heike warrior clan. Kiyomori’s allegiances in the conflict were a bit complicated. He was close to retired sovereign Toba, having spent much of his youth visiting Fujiwara no Ienari (1107‒1154), one of Toba’s closest retainers. Kiyomori’s stepmother, Ike no Zenni (dates unknown), was Ienari’s cousin, but she also served as a nurse (onmenoto, 御乳母) to Prince Shigehito (1140‒1162), Sutoku Tennō’s son. By the time of the conflict, Kiyomori had risen to be patriarch of the Ise branch of the Taira clan, and the conflict served to bring unity to his following. By the time of Hōgen Disturbance, Kiyomori had established himself as an eminent military strategist. Commanding three hundred horsemen, he had the 293 Andrew Goble, “The Kamakura Shogunate and the Beginnings of Warrior Rule,” in Japan Emerging: Premodern History to 1850, ed. Karl F. Friday (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2012), 190. 294 Taiki, Kōji 2 (1143) 6.30. Tameyoshi’s entry into Yorinaga’s service is discussed in Chapter Three. 99 greatest number of cavalry of any war leader in the conflict, even though he was not the main general of Go-Shirakawa’s forces. The generals, having chosen sides, now rested on their military followers, the troops. In twelfth-century Japan, there was no such thing as a “national army” for Go-Shirakawa to order into battle. Provincial regiments, including conscripted troops, had been disbanded long ago in 792. 295 Throughout the Heian period, armies had been mustered as needed, from a number of sources. Commanders assembled bands of fighting men who were dependent on them directly. Other troops might be the commander’s relatives, or men conscripted from provinces or properties they administered. 296 It is important to note that the number of fighting men on both sides in 1156 was modest. While the much later war tale The Tale of the Hōgen ( Hōgen monogatari , 保元物語) describes Go-Shirakawa having 4,500 warriors with him, 297 but William Wayne Farris and other scholars argue it was more likely that his force had about 2,000 soldiers. 298 One reason for this calculation was the sheer lack of space during the penultimate battle; the Shirakawa royal palace, where the fighting occurred, measured only 0.15 square kilometers. 299 The tennō’s troops reportedly included forces from seventeen provinces, led by Go-Shirakawa’s Heike and Genji generals, as well as officers from the royal guards and police. 300 Only a small number would have been 295 Karl F. Friday, Samurai, Warfare and the State in Early Medieval Japan (New York: Routledge, 2004), 35. 296 Friday, Samurai, Warfare and the State, 39. 297 Hōgen monogatari is an anonymous tale completed in the late Kamakura period, ca. 1320. Existing in both written and oral traditions, the tale provides elaborations and dramatizations of the Hōgen Disturbance, often altering history to appeal to a wide audience. While some of these interpretations are quite interesting, they should not be considered historical fact. For more information, see Varley, Warriors of Japan, 46‒66. For an English translation and analysis of the tale, see Wilson, trans. and ed., Hōgen monogatari: Tale of Disorder in Hōgen, (Tokyo: Sophia University, 1971). 298 Farris, Heavenly Warriors, 269; Ishii Susumu, Nihon no rekishi 7: Kamakura bakufu, 133; Uwayokote, “Insei no Genji,” 175‒76. 299 Farris, Heavenly Warriors, 270. 300 Farris, Heavenly Warriors, 268. 100 mounted warriors—their followers were foot soldiers. 301 While later accounts blamed Yorinaga for the ultimate defeat of Sutoku’s forces, several factors worked against them before the battle even began. Sutoku’s forces were no match for the might of Go-Shirakawa’s larger army. Although we do not know the full tally of Sutoku’s forces, his ability to recruit support was quite limited. According to Uwayokote Masataka, Yorinaga and Sutoku’s forces came mainly from four sources: Sutoku’s confidantes, followers of the Sekkanke, Tameyoshi and his sons (those who had not sided with Go-Shirakawa), and monks from Kōfukuji. 302 Moreover, Tameyoshi was unable to recruit warriors from the Kanto, where he had conducted several battles against Yoshitomo, in what has been called by Uwayokote “a rehearsal for the Hōgen Disturbance.” 303 As Farris notes, “the losing side probably had a small army from a narrow geographical base, which relied on the personal resources of its leaders.” 304 And not only did Sutoku lack manpower, but his men also had less experience. By contrast, according to Hyōhanki, Go-Shirakawa had more than six hundred cavalry to attack the Shirakawa palace, thanks to the combined efforts of Kiyomori and Yoshitomo. 305 In addition to Yoshitomo and Kiyomori, five other Ise Taira and Genji chieftains fought for him. 306 Nonetheless, Yorinaga and Sutoku pressed on in their attempt to claim what they felt they were owed by Go-Shirakawa and the court. The Disturbance Besides war tales, our major source for events of the Hōgen Disturbance is the 301 Friday, Samurai, Warfare and the State, 40. 302 Uwayokote “Insei ki no Genji,” 173‒175. 303 Uwayokote, “Insei ki no Genji,” 172. 304 Farris, Heavenly Warriors, 268. 305 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.11; Farris, Heavenly Warriors, 267. 306 Farris, Heavenly Warriors, 268. 101 contemporary courtier’s journal Hyōhanki ( 兵範記). 307 Written by the aristocrat Taira no Nobunori (1112‒1187), the journal covers the years from 1132 to 1171 in striking detail. 308 As the second son of Taira no Tomonobu (?‒1144), Nobunori was not of particularly high rank, but his court career put him in the right place at the right time. At the start of the Hōgen Disturbance in 1156, Nobunori was a junior counsellor ( hōnagon, 少納言) working with the Board of Controllers (Benkan, 弁官). A daughter of his older brother Tokunobu (?‒1149) was a consort to Go-Shirakawa, providing Nobunori with connections to the sovereign. 309 And in the seventh month of 1156, Nobunori was also a houseman (keishi, 家司) of the Regents’ Line, when Go- Shirakawa and Tadamichi were discussing the fighting to come. Only three kilometers away was the Shirakawa palace, where two days later the battle would occur. 310 Nobunori learned information about ongoing events one after another, which he recorded in his journal. Tensions between Sutoku and Yorinaga’s faction and that of Go-Shirakawa reached the tipping point upon the death of Toba in the seventh month of 1156. After battling illness for two months, Toba passed away on the second day. Yoshitomo and one of his kinsmen, along with other warriors, had been guarding the palace from the beginning of the sixth month, due to the atmosphere of angst that permeated court society. 311 On the fifth day of the seventh month, Nobunari writes: “After His Cloistered Majesty [Toba] passed away, His Retired Majesty [Sutoku] and the Minister of the Left [Yorinaga] were of the same mind, to use military force to overturn His Majesty’s [Go-Shirakawa’s] rule. 307 See Appendix D for full translations of entries from this journal. 308 Today only a seventeen-year span of the diary is extant. Nihon kokugo daijiten. 309 Sako Aimi, “Hyōhanki (Taira no Nobunori)—fude maena nori ga egaita gekidō no Sekkanke,” in Nikki de yomu Nihon chūseishi, ed. Yasuo Motoki (Kyoto: Mineruba shobō, 2011), 49‒50. 310 Sako, “Hyōhanki,” 56. 311 Farris, Heavenly Warriors, 267. 102 Because of this rumor, all precautions are being taken.” 312 Indeed, the rumor led to Go- Shirakawa to issue a royal decree halting the movement of warriors within the capital on the same day. He also began to gather his own warriors for protection. These precautions were not unjustified. On the following day, one of Yorinaga’s vassals, Minamoto no Chikaharu (dates unknown), was captured by one of Go-Shirakawa’s men. Nobunori notes that there were questions as to “why a strongman of Yamato Province is secretly staying in the capital. Even though the Minister of the Left is secluded at Uji, that he [Yorinaga] called him, and that he [Chikaharu] is living in Kyoto. All are saying it is very suspicious.” 313 While Yorinaga’s own intentions are not clear from these entries, that there were strong concerns about his role is evident. Even secluded away from the capital in Uji, Yorinaga was preparing for the fight to come. On the eighth day of the month, fears about Yorinaga’s activities grew. According to Nobunori, “Today, Royal Secretary and Middle Controller of the Left Lord Masanori received a royal edict to be sent out to the various provincial governors: ‘There is a rumor that the former prime minister [Tadazane], along with the Minister of the Left [Yorinaga], are mobilizing fighting men from estates. Certainly this should be halted.’” 314 As a result, Yorinaga’s Higashi Sanjō precincts were searched, and a ritualist monk from the Fujiwara temple at Uji, the Phoenix Hall (Byōdō-in), reportedly was found “performing secret rites.” Details are not given, but nefarious intent was suspected. The monk was bound and questioned by court authorities, and the main image and documents used by him were confiscated. 315 Sutoku moved to the Shirakawa Palace in the dead of night on the ninth day, a very 312 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.5. 313 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.6. 314 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.8. 315 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.8. 103 strange occurrence, according to Nobunori’s record. 316 Yorinaga finally entered the capital on the tenth. He met with Sutoku while their forces were prepared for battle, having put on their armor. Nobunori notes that Go-Shirakawa too met with his generals, Kiyomori and Yoshitomo. 317 On 1156.7.10, the forces supporting Sutoku and Go-Shirakawa faced off. While Minamoto no Tameyoshi’s son, Tametomo (1139‒1170), had urged a night attack on the enemy, Yorinaga rejected the strategy. On the other side, however, Yoshitomo suggested the same tactic and had it accepted. So on the night of 1156.7.11, Kiyomori and Yoshitomo led 600 horsemen into battle at “the siege of the Shirakawa Palace.” The building ultimately burned to the ground amid the fighting. Although Tametomo was able to resist Kiyomori’s forces for a time, thanks to his archers, Sutoku’s men ultimately were forced to flee, leaving Go-Shirakawa’s army victorious. While Nobunori goes into extensive detail about the battle, he mentions Yorinaga only briefly, likely due to the latter’s limited participation. On the eleventh day, Nobunori recounts, “the Minister of the Left was injured by an arrow. Whether he is alive or dead is unknown as of today.” 318 He provides no details about who shot Yorinaga. Yorinaga’s fate remained unknown for several days after the battle: “It is unknown whether His Cloistered Majesty [Sutoku] and the Minister of the Left are alive or dead, and their whereabouts is unclear. They are being chased down.” 319 On the thirteenth day, Sutoku reappeared, having sought sanctuary at Ninna-ji in western Kyoto. His request to remain there, however, was denied by the monks, and he was held under guard in a cloister at the temple. Meanwhile, one of Yorinaga’s followers was tied up and 316 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.9. 317 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.10. 318 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.11. 319 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.12. 104 questioned, but he was unable to say where Yorinaga had gone. 320 Yorinaga’s father, Tadazane, however, was found and questioned on the fourteenth day. Nobunori provides no details about that interrogation, although Yorinaga was known to have traveled to Tadazane’s Uji residence to see him after the battle. 321 Yorinaga’s death was finally confirmed only on the twenty-first day of the month. Nobunori admits that, of those questioned, “each one has their own story, but there is a lot of doubt.” 322 One of Yorinaga’s comrades, Fujiwara no Haruaki, 323 was called to court to make a statement: On the eleventh, on the field of battle, [Yorinaga] was injured by an arrow. On the twelfth he wandered around the western mountains. On the thirteenth he boarded a ship on the Ōi River. On the same day, at the hour of the monkey, he arrived at Kizu. First he thought to report the situation to Nyūdo [Tadazane], but [Tadazane] would not see him. Those helping [Yorinaga] transported him to the home of Master of Discipline Sengaku. Afterwards he was in anguish all night, and on the fourteenth day, around the hour of the snake, [Yorinaga] passed away. On the same night, we rode in a palanquin and held a secret funeral near Mt. Hannya. His whole body was buried, with no mistakes, directly we gave him a provisional burial. 324 Haruaki’s account was accepted, and no effort was made to reclaim Yorinaga’s body from this secret burial. Efforts by court authorities instead focused on capturing and punishing those who had survived the conflict. 325 With this entry by Nobunori, our knowledge of Yorinaga’s life comes to an end. Death followed pain and anguish, with him surrounded only by a few close followers. He had been spurned by his father, and his dreams of returning the Regents’ Line to its former glory were 320 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.13. 321 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.14. Tadazane was brought to Go-Shirakawa’s palace under guard, and after being questioned, was sent to stay at the residence of a fourth-level official, Kaneshige, who was given custody of him. 322 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.21. 323 Fujiwara no Haruaki was a son of Fujiwara no Akinori (1098‒1151). 324 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.21. 325 In the same entry, Nobunori notes that Haruaki’s brother, Seiken (Fujiwara no Morinori), was tortured and questioned. Haruaki himself was sent to Nara, supposedly to await further punishment. See Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.21. 105 shattered. Aftermath of the Hōgen Disturbance After Yorinaga’s death was confirmed, his posts were cancelled and his lands forfeited to Go-Shirakawa. 326 Once back in control of the family, Tadamichi sought to do damage control, especially when it came to the Sekkanke’s properties. Several estates controlled by the line had, over the years, been ceded by Tadazane to Yorinaga, including lands connected to family- sponsored temples. Tadamichi had to work quickly to transfer ownership to himself and his son. 327 As a result, only twenty-nine estates were ceded to Go-Shirakawa. 328 After Sutoku was discovered at Ninna-ji, he remained under guard until his exile to Sanuki province on the twenty- third day of the seventh month. 329 Sutoku died in exile at the age of fort-five, never to return to the capital. While Yorinaga avoided direct punishment by the court due to his untimely death, the same cannot be said for his family. On the third day of the eighth month, Yorinaga’s children were exiled, perhaps for fear that, like their father, they would rebel against Go-Shirakawa. 330 Yorinaga’s second son, Kanenaga, was sent to Izumo province, where he succumbed to an illness only two years after being exiled, passing away at the age of twenty-one. 331 The third son, Takanaga, was also sent to Izumo, where little is known of his later life. 332 His fourth son, the monk Hanchō, was sent to Awa province, and disappears from the sources. 333 Only Yorinaga’s eldest son, Moronaga, was granted eventual respite. He was exiled to 326 Yorinaga’s estates were later added to the territory of the retired sovereign. See Hyōhanki, Hōgen 2 (1157) 3.25. 327 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.11. 328 For further discussion of Tadamichi’s attempts to keep control of family estates, see Hurst, Insei, 179‒180. 329 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.13 and 7.23. 330 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 8.3. 331 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 191. 332 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 195. 333 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 196. 106 Tosa province, where he spent the next eight years. Then, in 1164, he was pardoned and allowed to return to Kyoto, where he was restored to the junior second rank and given the post of provisional senior counselor (gondainagon, 権大納言) in 1168. Thereafter, his political career flourished, and he eventually even gained the right of document examination (nairan, 内覧). Unfortunately, however, he somehow gained the ire of Taira no Kiyomori, who after his coup d’état in 1179 exiled Moronaga again, this time to Owari province. During his second exile, Moronaga chose to take the tonsure. He returned to Kyoto two years later, where he died in 1192, at the age of fifty-five. 334 Like his father’s, his life was a tumultuous one. Repercussions were even more pronounced for the warriors who fought for Sutoku’s side of the Hōgen Disturbance. Leaders of the Minamoto forces including Tameyoshi,\ were beheaded. 335 In total, seventy-four warriors from both the Minamoto and Taira clans were executed. 336 Shinzei is said to have insisted on this—a reinstatement of Chinese-style law that called for execution of traitors. Yorinaga remained a concern for the court, even in death. Several years after his demise, it was believed that his vengeful spirit (onryō, 怨霊), was abroad, working vengeance on the court. Vengeful spirits were those “who died without Buddhist right-mindfulness in their last moments.” 337 Often they were those who had died in exile, by suicide or murder, or from anything other than a natural death. They were thought to exist in a liminal space between this world and the next, which enabled them to wreak havoc on those who had done them wrong. It 334 Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 193‒194. 335 Hyōhanki, Hōgen 1 (1156) 7.28‒30. This punishment had long been in disuse for aristocrats, but was revived at Shinzei’s suggestion on this occasion. See Hurst, Insei, 181. 336 Yamada Yūji, Sutoku-In onryō no kenkyū (Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan, 2001), 70. 337 Naoko Gunji, “Horrified Victors: Spirit Pacification of Heike Losers,” in Mikael Adolphson, et al., eds., Loveable Losers; The Heike in Action and Memory, 171. 107 was feared too that the realm itself could be endangered by malevolence. To appease their vengeful spirits, on 1177.7.29 Sutoku and Yorinaga were both awarded posthumous titles: Yorinaga was promoted to the Senior First Rank and named viceroy (kanpaku, 関白), while Sutoku was posthumously given the status of senior retired sovereign. 338 Other small gestures were made by those involved in the Hōgen Disturbance to appease the two spirits. For example, Kiyomori’s copy of the Heike nōkyō, donated to Itsukushima Shrine in 1164, is thought to have been donated in part to appeal for the diety’s protection from Sutoku, who had died in exile just a month prior to Kiyomori’s completion of the text. 339 Moreover, in 1184 a shrine was built for both Sutoku and Yorinaga. Jien’s Gukanshō says the decision to build the shrine was prompted by an attack on Go-Shirakawa’s Hōjō-ji palace by Minamoto no Yoshinaka (1154‒1184), “thought to be the work of demons [and vengeful souls].” 340 The shrine, known as the Awata-gū, was built on the banks of the Kasuga River, where the main battle of the Hōgen Disturbance had been fought. 341 Jien also notes a rumor that an official had a dream in which messages from both Sutoku and Yorinaga were received. 342 Even with these methods of pacification in place, Yorinaga and Sutoku continued to be blamed for terror in the realm. For instance, after the Bunji Great Earthquake in 1186, Go- Shirakawa commissioned 10,000 miniature stupas to pacify the casualties of warfare since the 338 Prior to this, Sutoku had been known officially as Sanuki-no-in, a name attributed to the province he was exiled to. Hyakurensho, Jijō 1 (1177) 7.29; Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 231; Brown, The Future and the Past, 141. 339 Monika Dix, “Heike Nokyō as Repertoire: Contextualizing Kiyomori’s Devotional Practice of Copying Sutras,” in Loveable Losers, Mikael Adolphson, et al., eds. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2015), 114. 340 Brown, The Future and the Past, 142. 341 The Awata-gū was originally built in 1177 and contained a mirror and a statue of the bodhisattva Fugen. The temple burned down in the fifteenth century. See Michael Plutschow, Matsuri: The Festivals of Japan (London: Routledge, 2018), 80‒81. 342 Brown, The Future and the Past, 141. Urabe Kanetomo was said to have had this dream, although no details of it were included in Jien’s description. 108 Hōgen Disturbance. This commission was dedicated not only to Yorinaga and Sutoku, but also to the late Antoku Tennō and members of the Heike warrior family who had perished. 343 Conclusion Yorinaga’s death in a monk’s cottage, alone but for a few loyal followers, was a stark contrast to his earlier days as the second son of the Sekkanke leader. In his attempt to regain the prestige his family had held in times past, Yorinaga’s own future was cut short. His many triumphs as a scholar and as Minister of the Left and his brief tenure as patriarch of the Sekkanke and Minister of the Left were colored by bloodshed and accusations of coup-plotting for reasons of personal ambitions in the Hōgen coup attempt. It is ironic that, for a man who was a prolific writer and who began keeping a journal to pass on knowledge to his descendants, 344 Yorinaga could not leave behind his own record of his final months. We can only surmise Yorinaga’s state of mind in the period leading up to the Hōgen Disturbance, and we still grapple with how we can understand his place in Heian history. The Hōgen Disturbance may have been a very short conflict, but it marked the beginning of the military age, the first of a series of military conflicts that would change the course of Japan’s government and society. Yorinaga’s participation therein led to his death. Yet it is important to remember that the Hōgen Disturbance was only one act—the last act—in Yorinaga’s life. As we have seen, Yorinaga was not just an enemy of Go-Shirakawa Tennō, and thus a “rebel.” He was also an acknowledged scholar, with great skills as well as a minister who hoped to reform leadership at the late Heian court with a new synthesis of ascription and scholarly shifting, as well as by retaining the leadership of the Regents’ Line. Through his life, we can view the myriad of changes in elite intellectual and social history, which should not be 343 Gunji, “Horrified Victors,” 174; Sankaiki, Bunji 1 (1186) 8.23. 344 Taiki, Kōji 1 (1142) 12.30. 109 dismissed for the rebellious nature of his last few months of life. 110 Conclusions: Understanding Yorinaga The final months of Yorinaga’s life culminated in a war that proved as a foreshock of the unrest that would rock the court and realm through the end of the twelfth century. Having done away with Sutoku (1119‒1164) and his forces, Go-Shirakawa (1127‒1192) served as tennō for three years, and then abdicated abruptly in 1158 to become the retired sovereign. 345 Not long after his retirement, however, he had to deal with another coup attempt and armed uprising in the streets of the capital, the Heiji Disturbance (Heiji no ran, 平治の乱) of 1160. This violent outbreak meant to reconfigure power at court sprang from anger at the influence of Shinzei (1106‒1160), Yorinaga’s one-time teacher, who had continued to wield great influence over the throne after Go-Shirakawa’s retirement. Shinzei’s paramount adversaries were Fujiwara no Nobuyori (1133‒1160) and Minamoto no Yoshitomo (1123‒1160). Nobuyori felt spurned by Shinzei, who had blocked his advancement to a higher position at court. Yoshitomo, meanwhile, resented his lack of rewards after the Hōgen victory. Moreover, Yoshitomo had offered his daughter to marry one of Shinzei’s sons, but Shinzei instead had his son marry a daughter of Taira no Kiyomori (1118‒1181). Filled with animosity, Nobuyori and Yoshitomo joined forces to try to eliminate Shinzei, hoping to organize the court to favor their own interests. They managed to capture both His Retired Majesty (Go-Shirakawa) and His Majesty (Nijō) while Kiyomori and his family were away on pilgrimage. They banished Shinzei’s family and had themselves appointed to high offices. In the meantime, Kiyomori returned to the capital and awaited royal orders on how to proceed, while Yoshitomo awaited the arrival of his warriors. Tensions that arose among 345 Go-Shirakawa retired with the intention of controlling court politics as the senior (and only) retired sovereign, putting his son, Morihito, on the throne as Nijō Tennō. See Mikael Adolphson, The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Premodern Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000), 130‒131. 111 aristocrats who had sided with the rebels subsequently gave Go-Shirakawa a chance to escape to Ninna-ji (the same temple where Sutoku had sought sanctuary only a few years earlier.) Kiyomori finally received a royal arrest order for Nobuyori and Yoshitomo and defeated them in battle. Nobuyori was beheaded, as well as Yoshitomo, along with all his adult sons, leaving alive only the thirteen-year-old Minamoto no Yoritomo (1147‒1199). It is he who would later defeat Heike forces in the later Genpei War (1180‒1185). 346 The Heiji Disturbance was one of the incidents that worsened the court’s worries about Yorinaga and Sutoku’s vengeful ghosts. As the court grappled with the rising power of its warrior enforcers, its leaders also had come to terms with the memory and legacy of the scholar-minister Fujiwara no Yorinaga. So, in conclusion we ask: who was Yorinaga? One answer can be found in the precepts he left behind for his sons upon their appointment to the Council of State in 1153: Kanenaga, Moronaga; you have both been made advisors on the Council of State, and from today on you should decide on the number of your days of service at court (which will be noted in what is called the Council secretaries' record, and in the monthly report to His Majesty). This is not because you are my sons, or because of your age, or because of your own predisposition (likes or dislikes). Appointment to posts go to those recommended for having served the most days. If you do not receive such a recommendation for your loyal service, it is just as if you are betraying me! Do not look to the beauty of someone's clothes or the number of servants they have: look to their loyal service. Do not make fun of people or belittle them. [Instead] maximize your loyal service, putting your effort into leaving your name behind for future generations. Absolutely do not seek your lord's grace—the sages of the past scolded those who sought their lord's regard through their good service. Do your best! After my death, should my spirit remain behind, it will be in the vicinity of the guardpost room [of the royal palace, where the Council of State held their discussions] and the Council offices. Even when you do not feel well, or when there is no official business, put on your formal robes and proceed there. If you would be filial to me, then serve the ruler well! That is how you should express your debt of gratitude to me. There is nothing else I would ask, even after I die. 346 Paul Varley, Heavenly Warriors as Portrayed in the War Tales (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), 271‒272. 112 My two sons, remember and follow these words, and never ignore them! 347 Here we see the height of Yorinaga as a scholar and a statesman. Yorinaga’s emphasis on loyalty and filial piety in these precepts ties into his extensive education in classical learning, wherein he took the lessons of these texts that he cherished to heart. Indeed, he expected the same adherence to these principles for his own progeny. Even when he was no longer around, Yorinaga wanted his sons to support the throne, as it would be the way of a virtuous gentleman that he strived to be. Despite his deep emphasis on loyalty in this writing, however, Yorinaga still chose to rebel against the reigning sovereign. There is no simple answer as to why this was the case. Under ordinary circumstances, Yorinaga would likely never have risen as high at court as he did. It was largely due to the encouragement and machinations of his father, Tadazane, that he was able to take the role of leader of the Sekkanke from his elder brother. His filial piety towards his father rewarded him with influence at court that he would not have built on his own. As long as he enjoyed the patronage of the retired sovereign Toba, Yorinaga was able to maintain his high position for several years. Having lost Toba’s favor, however, if he wanted to regain his previous power and status, he had only one choice: to make common cause with Sutoku against Go-Shirakawa. While Tadazane’s strong influence on Yorinaga’s career is clear, it did not mean that Yorinaga had no strong will of his own. By installing his adopted daughter as a consort to Konoe Tennō, Yorinaga gained a chance to become Regent. And if his daughter had succeeded in producing an heir, allowing Yorinaga to become regent, he would have finally achieved influence over the throne by his own right, beyond that wielded by his father or Toba. That roll 347 Taiki, Nimpyō 3 (1153) 9.17. Translation by Joan Piggott. 113 of the dice, unfortunately, did not work out. Furthermore, it was likely Yorinaga who took the initiative in allying himself with Sutoku in 1156. That did not work either. Yorinaga’s pursuit of scholarship in his young adulthood, and the energy he used for it over the years, were also choices that he made on his own. Yorinaga set out to be the most learned scholar in the realm, an ambition that led him to devour commentaries and supplemental materials on the classics. As a second son of a lesser wife, Yorinaga found a way to distinguish himself in the Sekkanke and at court. Although it was not common for Sekkanke members to be prominent scholars, Yorinaga used his education as an asset; it helped him form and express opinions on how to shape policies while portraying himself as a wise leader in a factious and unruly court society—a Muchimaro of his own day. Yorinaga’s self-directed studies proved instrumental to his success at court in another way as well. His scholarship gave him entrée to the network of scholars active at and around the court, through both tutor-student relationships and as a patron and colleague. These scholars were supporters of the idea that excellence in learning should rule, a perspective Yorinaga shared with them. Without his exceptional educational achievements, Yorinaga was just another blue- blooded Sekkanke son moving his way through the court as his father’s (illustrious, but also tainted) heir. In later years from the thirteenth century, Yorinaga was dubbed the “Cruel Minister of the Left,” referring to his strict, stern demeanor. Over time, this sobriquet was also taken to signify that he was “evil”—the modern reading of the kanji 悪 is just that. Having studied Yorinaga’s life, however, I find that while Yorinaga was strict when it came to his studies, his attitude regarding the ways of court society were shared by other prominent courtiers of the time. 114 Indeed, how could one condemn Sutoku as “evil” for wanting to exercise his rights as a senior retired monarch? The best way to understand Yorinaga is to see his life in the context of the late Heian- period court. Over the course of the later eleventh and twelfth centuries, the rise to power of retired sovereigns reconfigured the political sphere, altering the relationship between courtiers and the throne. Economic changes also played a part, as the royal house to be built up its own land holdings and clientele. Sekkanke influence waned, due to untimely deaths, inexperienced leadership, and the success of Shirakawa and his heirs in building up the authority, wealth, and power of the royal line and its faction. Sekkanke power was declining before Tadazane’s own challenged tenure as viceroy, and Yorinaga faced an impossible task in trying to reclaim some semblance of his ancestors’ political influence and clout in this new courtly world and realm. While I have attempted to paint a fuller picture of Yorinaga’s life, more work remains to be done. Taiki contains a multitude of insights into this time, and through future reading and translation, my plan going forward is to investigate more aspects of Yorinaga’s life and career into discussion of the retired monarch-led court (Insei). Although I have mostly steered clear, in this project, of thirteenth-century literary depictions of Yorinaga, an examination of how his character is portrayed in subsequent setsuwa and war chronicles would provide both deeper insights into the what, why, and how of his later reputation in the context of the Heian and Kamakura-era court. One factor that became very visible through this study was the effects that the actions of important figures around Yorinaga had on his life and career. Tadazane’s ambitions shaped not only Yorinaga’s career, but the prospects of the Sekkanke as well. Further reading of Tadazane’s journal, Denryaku ( 殿暦), will provide more insight into the how and why of his decision to pit 115 his sons one against the other, and thus offers us more perspective on Yorinaga’s tumultuous career. Fujiwara no Yorinaga was but one important figure at the twelfth-century court, yet certainly one of the most intriguing. 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Kanazawa bunko to Ashikaga gakkō. Tokyo: Shinbundō, 1966. 132 Appendix A Timeline of Important Moments in Yorinaga’s Life 348 Era Name Year Age 349 Events Other Events Hōan 1 1120 1 Born in the fifth month. 11.12: Viceroy 350 Fujiwara no Tadazane’s 351 right of document examination 352 is suspended. Hōan 2 1121 2 1.22: Tadazane resigns from title of Viceroy. Fujiwara no Tadamichi becomes Viceroy. Hōan 4 1123 4 1.28: Toba abdicates and becomes retired sovereign; Sutoku installed as sovereign. Tenji 2 1125 6 4.23: Adopted by Tadamichi. Daiji 4 1129 10 1.9: Tadamichi's daughter, Kiyoko, 353 becomes Sutoku’s consort. 7.7: Shirakawa passes away, Toba becomes senior retired sovereign and leader of the court. Daiji 5 1130 11 1.3: Given the name Yorinaga. 354 Also allowed access to the court, the retired sovereign’s residence, and the back palace. 4.19: Coming of Age Ceremony; awarded Senior Fifth Rank Lower. 6.23: Named Chamberlain. 355 8.23: Named Provisional Minor Captain of the Bodyguards of the Right. 356 348 This timeline was translated and adapted from Hashimoto, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 221‒231. 349 Age in this period began in the year of birth, so Yorinaga would be considered two years old on his first birthday. 350 Kanpaku 関白. 351 1078-1162. Junior first rank. 352 Nairan 内覧, the right to view all memorials and royal orders issued from the throne. 353 1122‒1182. 354 Prior to this point, Yorinaga was referred to by his childhood name, Ayawaka. 355 Jijū 侍従. 356 Ukonoe shōshō 右近椎少将. 133 10.5: Named Provisional Middle Captain. 357 11.9: Given responsibility at the Kasuga Festival. 358 Daiji 6 (Tenjō 1) 1131 12 1.2: Awarded Junior Fourth Rank Lower. 8.17: Awarded Senior Fourth Rank Lower. 12.2: Awarded Junior Third Rank. 11.17: Tadazane visits the retired sovereign (Toba). Tenjō 2 (Chōjō 1) 1132 13 10.17: Awarded Senior Third Rank. 12.5: First Reading Ceremony takes place. 12.25: Named Provisional Middle Counselor. 359 1.15: Tadazane receives right of document examination by royal decree and returns to the court. 360 Chōjō 2 1133 14 1.2: Awarded Junior Second Rank. 2.9: Assumes responsibility for the Kasuga Festival. 6.19: Marries the daughter 361 of Fujiwara no Saneyoshi. 362 6.29: Tadazane’s daughter, Taishi, 363 is installed in the back palace by the retired sovereign. Chōjō 3 1134 15 1.5: Awarded Senior Second Rank. 2.22: Named Senior Provisional Counselor. 364 3.19: Named Head of the Consort’s Residence 365 as a concurrent post. This year: Yorinaga visits his nurse in her sickbed, and she dies. 357 Gonchūjō 権中将. 358 Annual festival at Kasuga Taisha shrine in Nara. Also known as the Monkey festival (saru matsuri), due to the timing of the festivities. This was an important event for members of the Fujiwara clan, as rituals specific to their clan were performed during the festival. (Kokushi daijiten) As Yorinaga was only eleven at the time, he had minimal responsibilities and this was more a formality. 359 Gonchūnagon 権中納言. 360 At this time, Tadazane retained his Junior First Rank, but was not returned his previous posts. 361 1112‒1155. She later received the name Kōshi, but her previous name is unknown. 362 1096‒1157. Patriarch of the Tokudaiji family. Junior Fifth Rank Lower. Served as the Superintendent of the Royal Police (kebiishi no betto, 検非違使別当). 363 1095‒1156. 364 Gondainagon 権大納言. 365 Kōgōgū daibu 皇后宮大夫. 134 Chōjō 4 (Hōen 1) 1135 16 1.6: The Nijō Karasuma residence, where Yorinaga lived with Saneyoshi and his daughter, burns down. After this he moves to the Ōinomikado Takakura mansion. 2.8: Named General of the Right Bodyguards 366 as a concurrent post. 12.4: Fujiwara no Tokushi 367 gives birth to a princess. Hōen 2 1136 17 11.13: Named the chief of Toba- in. 368 12.9: Named Inner Palace Minister. 369 This year: studies Child's Treasury. Hōen 3 1137 18 1.20: Yorinaga places the traditional cap in the coming-of- age ceremony for Saneyoshi’s second son, Kinyoshi. 370 12.25: Participated in the First Reading Ceremony for Prince Masahito. 371 Yorinaga serves as the lecturer for the essay competition. This year: studies The Analects and Records of the Grand Historian. Hōen 4 1138 19 2nd Month: The daughter of Minamoto no Nobumasa gives birth to Yorinaga’s son Moronaga. 372 5th Month: The daughter of Minamoto no Morotoshi gives birth to Yorinaga’s son Kanenaga. 373 This year: Writes Rekken kō teishō. Studies Book of Han. 2.26: Fujiwara no Munetada 374 resigns as Minister of the Right. 366 Udaishō 右大将. 367 1117‒1160. Consort to Toba and the mother of Konoe. Later takes the name Bifukumon-in. 368 Bettō 別当. An honorary post as Yorinaga was only 17. 369 Naidaijin 内大臣. Also an honorary post. 370 1115‒1161 371 The future Go-Shirakawa Tennō. Yorinaga was not the prince’s tutor, but rather a guest scholar as a lecturer. 372 1138‒1192. His consort was unnamed and considered a lesser consort. 373 1138‒1158. This consort was also unnamed and considered a lesser consort. 374 1106‒1141, author of the journal Chūyūki. 135 Hōen 5 1139 20 5.20, 22, 24: Banquet held for the birth of Prince Narihito. 375 8.17: Becomes tutor to the Crown Prince. 376 12.16: Named to the concurrent positions of Major Counselor and General of the Left Bodyguards. 377 This year: studies Classic of Filial Piety, Pathways of Ministers, and Exemplary Sovereigns. 5.18: Tokushi gives birth to Prince Narihito. 7.28: Tadazane’s daughter, Queen Consort Taishi, named Kaya-no-in. 378 8.17: Narihito named Crown Prince. 12.4: Yorinaga’s tutor, Minamoto no Moroyori, 379 passes away. Hōen 6 1140 21 2.22: Resigns from position of Major Counselor and General of the Left Bodyguards. This year: studies Book of Documents, Book of Odes, and Book of the Later Han. This year: Yorinaga’s consort, the daughter of Minamoto no Tamemune, has a daughter. 10.2: Saneyoshi takes the tonsure. 10.22: Tadazane takes the tonsure. Hōen 7 (Eiji 1) 1141 22 12.7: Due to Konoe’s 380 enthronement as sovereign, Yorinaga resigns as tutor to the crown prince. This year: reads the three commentaries of Spring and Autumn Annals, Rites of Zhou, Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, and Book of Rites. This year: Yorinaga’s concubine, the daughter of Minamoto no Morotoshi, gives birth to his son Takanaga. 381 3.10: The retired sovereign (Toba) takes the tonsure. 12.7: Sutoku abdicates and Konoe inherits the throne. 12.27: Sutoku’s consort Tokushi is named queen consort. Eiji 2 (Kōji 1) 1142 23 3.15: Visits the priest Saigyō. 382 8.9: Informal consent is given for Yorinaga’s adopted daughter, 2.26: Taikenmon-in 384 takes the tonsure. 375 The future Konoe Tennō. 376 As the prince was a baby, this was an honorary title. Yorinaga likely did not teach him at all. 377 Sakon’e no daishō, 左近衛大将. 378 1095‒1155. 379 1068‒1139. 380 1139‒1155, r. 1142‒1155. 381 1141‒? 382 1118‒1190, born Satō Norikiyo. Previously served Toba as a guard, but took the tonsure in the tenth month of 1140. 384 1101‒1145 136 Masaruko, 383 to be made a consort of the sovereign, Konoe. 12.30: Writes an admonition to his descendants in his journal about what they should do in their lives. This year: studies Correct Meanings of the Book of Documents and Correct Meanings of the Book of Odes. Kōji 2 1143 24 6.30: Minamoto no Tameyoshi 385 visits Yorinaga to pay his respects as a retainer for the first time. 8.24: Messenger sent to Yorinaga to inform him of the death of his Classics teacher, Fujiwara no Yoshiakira. 386 10.2: Sends items to Yoshiakira’s heirs. 12.8: Studies divination for the first time. This year: studies the Commentary of Guliang. Kōji 3 (Tenyō 1) 1144 25 2.11: Studies bamboo stick divination with Shinzei 387 for the first time. 4.20: The tutor who led Yorinaga's First Reading Ceremony, Fujiwara no Atsumitsu, 388 succumbs to illness. 7.27: Shinzei enters the priesthood. This year: studies Book of Changes and Correct Meanings of the Book of Rites. Tenyō 2 (Kyūan 1) 1145 26 1.4: Yorinaga’s second son is given the name Kanenaga. 4.2: Builds his library on the grounds of his home. 8.22: Taikenmon-in dies. 383 1140‒1202 385 1096‒1156 386 1074‒1143 387 1106‒1160 388 1063‒1144 137 4.18: Receives an inheritance of documents from Tadazane. This year: studies Lao-Tzu. This year: Yorinaga’s concubine, the daughter of Minamoto no Morotoshi, gives birth to his son Hanchō. 389 Kyūan 2 1146 27 This year: studies Considerations on the Book of Changes and Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. Kyūan 3 1147 28 1.27: Receives a message about the illness of Minamoto no Arihito. 390 3.22: Begins work of Minister of the Left, but not yet awarded the post. 391 6.17: Becomes Superintendent of the Secretariat’s Office. 392 6.29: Visits his maternal grandmother to inquire about her illness. 6.30: Visits the retired sovereign’s palace, writes about a scuffle at the Gion shrine involving Taira no Kiyomori. 9.11: Maternal grandmother passes away. 12.1: Studies hetuvidya 393 for the first time. This year: studies the Rites of Zhou. 2.13: Minister of the Left Minamoto no Arihito dies. Kyūan 4 1148 29 6.28: Yorinaga’s adopted daughter, Masaruko, plans to enter the palace the next year. 7.3: Preparations for Masaruko’s entrance begin. 7.6: Queen Consort Fujiwara no Tokushi 395 adopts the daughter of Fujiwara no Koremichi, 396 Teishi. 397 389 1145‒? 390 1103‒1147 391 Sadaijin, 左大臣. Yorinaga took over the duties after Arihito’s death but did not officially become the Minister of the Left until two years later. 392 Kurōdo dokoro no bettō, 蔵人所別当. 393 Buddhist logic. Yorinaga studied the topic for the rest of his life. 395 1117‒1160. 396 1093‒1165. 397 1131‒1176. 138 7.17: Receives eighteen estates from Tadazane. Same day: His wife is given the name Kōshi. 8.5: Kōshi awarded the Junior Third Rank. 8.9: Adopted daughter given the name Masaruko and raised to Junior Third Rank. 11.7: Writes the text Chronicle of Entering the Palace. 12.14: Tadazane’s wife, junior first rank Minamoto no Shishi, 394 dies. Therefore, the coming-of-age ceremony for the sovereign next year and the entrance of consorts into his back palace is postponed. This year: studies Detailed Commentary on the Rites of Zhou. Kyūan 5 1149 30 7.28: Promoted to Junior First Rank and named Minister of the Left. 10.16: Gives the name Moronaga to his eldest son. 12.25: Writes “Commentary for Correct Rites of the Tennō.” 8.2: Yorinaga’s son Kanenaga raised to Junior Third Rank. 8.3: Queen Consort Tokushi named Bifukumon-in. Kyūan 6 1150 31 1.1: Third son is given the name Takanaga. 1.4: Serves as the “barber” for Konoe’s coming-of-age ceremony. 1.10: Adopted daughter Masaruko enters the palace as a consort. 3.14: Masaruko named queen consort. 4.12: Resigns as Minister of the Left; asks the retired sovereign to be promoted to Prime Minister. 398 2.11: Fujiwara no Teishi adopted by Tadamichi. 4.21: Tadamichi’s adopted daughter Teishi enters the palace as a consort. 6.23: Teishi is named middle queen consort. 9.25: Tadamichi rejects transfer of regency. 10.12: Tadazane recovers estates from Tadamichi and presents it to the retired sovereign. 394 1070‒1148. 398 Daijō daijin, 太政大臣. Toba refused this request. 139 7.8: Tadazane transfers the estate Hioki no shō to Yorinaga. 9.26: Travels with Tadazane to the Higashi Sanjō. 399 Tadazane disowns Tadamichi; Yorinaga becomes the patriarch of the Sekkanke. 11.5: Yorinaga’s paternal grandmother, first rank Fujiwara no Zenshi, 400 passes away. At the command of his father, he arranges the funeral. Same day: informed of the illness of his former tutor, Fujiwara no Narisuke. 401 12.24: Reinstates the seasonal sutra chanting at the queen consort’s residence. 12.28: His son Hanchō is adopted by Tadazane’s consort Kyūan 7 (Nimpyō 1) 1151 32 1.3: Tadamichi temporarily gives Yorinaga possession of the journals of their great grandfather, Morozane, 402 and grandfather, Moromichi. 403 1.10: Named document examiner by proclamation. 1.22: Yorinaga given escorts and armed soldiers befitting of a regent. 2.18: His wife Kōshi begins her household office. 3.3: Transfers residences from the Higashi Sanjō to the Tsuchimikado. 5.26: Restores obligations of the Prelate’s Office. 8.11: For the first time since becoming head of the clan, visits Kasuga shrine. 1.1: Fujiwara no Narisuke dies. 2.21: Yorinaga’s son Moronaga made Council of State advisor. 404 399 This is the residence for the head of the northern Fujiwara clan. 400 1060‒1150. 401 1107‒1151. 402 1042‒1101. 403 1062‒1099. 404 Sangi, 参議. 140 11.4: Sends a messenger with a report about the shrine of Confucius to the administration of the clan. Nimpyō 2 1152 33 1.26: First Shūki banquet occurs. 6.7: The royal police are sent to Ninnaji and search the grounds. 8.18: Following the precedent of Fujiwara no Michinaga, arranges a seasonal sutra chanting in the Higashi Sanjō. 1.10: Moronaga marries Fujiwara no Akiyori’s daughter. Nimpyō 3 1153 34 5.28: Named director of Toba-in. 6.1: Sends the Chief of the Stables to Iwashimizu Hachimangū to chase down a criminal, causing bloodshed. 6.6: Orders attendants to Kamo shrine, arrests Nara monks. 8.10: Revives the Sekiten rite for Confucius in an official capacity. 8.17: Tadazane gives him Uji Jorakunin. 9.14: The Annual collection of taxes from Ōshū estate is successful, with three years’ worth of taxes collected. 9.17: Kanenaga and Moronaga’s two children are given Yorinaga’s admonitions. Same day: tribute of gold dust from Ōshū is given to the retired sovereign. 10.18: Tadazane and Yorinaga ordered to attend to the affairs of the shrine Hōjō-ji. 10.26: For the first time since becoming clan head, Yorinaga visits Hōjō-ji and does the circuit pilgrimage to various shrines. 11.5: Listens to the theory of hetuvidya. 4.27: Yorinaga’s daughter dies. 405 9.14: Yorinaga’s son Kanenaga is named an advisor on the Council of State. 12.6: Yorinaga’s half-brother (through his mother), Kakuhōhō, 406 dies. 12.28: Yorinaga’s son Hanchō enters Daijō-in in Nara to study under Jinpan. Inserted day 12.23: Kanenaga is named Middle Counselor. This year: Tadamichi does not allow Konoe to abdicate in favor of Prince Masahito. 407 405 ?‒1153. 406 ?‒1153. 407 1127‒1192, later Go-Shirakawa. 141 Nimpyō 4 (Kyūju 1) 1154 35 4.3: For the first time since becoming the head of the clan, presents poetry at a poetry event. 5.18: Fujiwara no Norinaga 408 becomes the intermediary for Yorinaga for two of Tadazane’s estates. 6.12: The project Yorinaga had undertaken a year prior, to take excerpts for the 21 volumes of the Private Records of Hetuvidya, is completed. 7.15: The monk Zōshun 409 is summoned. Yorinaga begins reading the first volume of Discourse on Hetuvidya. 7.16: Orders sent by the retired sovereign for the promotion of the senior on the Council of State, Fujiwara no Munesuke, 410 to Senior Counselor. 9.1: Reinstates the hundred lectures on the Lotus Sutra at Hōjō-ji, which had been abolished in recent years. 11.2: Moronaga is promoted to Provisional Middle Counselor. 11.26: Because of the bad conduct of Minamoto no Tametomo, 411 his father, Minamoto no Tameyoshi, is dismissed. Kyūju 2 1155 36 3.11: Zōshun is summoned, begins to read the middle volume of Discourse on Hetuvidya. 4.27: Guards, title of Minister of the Left, and right of document examiner all declined by Yorinaga. Same day: titles restored to Yorinaga. 5.3: Again refuses guards and title of Minister of the Left. Same day: receives prompt answer that the refusal would not be permitted. 7.23: Konoe dies. 7.24: Go-Shirakawa becomes the sovereign. 9.23: Morihito 412 named Crown Prince. 10.20: Fujiwara no Kinyoshi’s daughter enter the palace. 12.16: Kaya-no-in dies. 408 1109‒1180. He was in charge of managing the estates and collecting taxes. 409 1084‒1165. 410 1077‒1162. 411 1139‒1170. 412 1143‒1165; later Nijō. 142 5.10: Once again refuses guards and title of Minister of the Left, receives no answer. 6.1: His wife, Kōshi, passes away. 6.8: The funeral for Kōshi occurs. 8.27: According to a rumor there was a curse placed on Konoe Tennō, and Yorinaga and Tadazane were known to disdain him. 9.8: The Retired Sovereign (Toba) asks that Tadazane and Yorinaga be appointed as the Crown Prince’s private tutors, but is refused by the court. 12.29: Zōshun is called, begins reading the last volume of Discourse on Hetuvidya. Kyūju 3 (Hōgen 1) 1156 37 2.2: Order for Yorinaga to remain as Minister of the Left is sent from the court. 5.18: Finishes research on final volume of Discourse on Hetuvidya. 5.21: Memorial service held in the Amida Hall of Hōjō-ji for the one-year anniversary of the death of Yorinaga’s wife. 7.8: Yorinaga’s mansion in Higashi Sanjō is taken over by force, due to an order from Go- Shirakawa Tennō. 7.9: Sutoku orders forces to his Shirakawa palace. 7.10: Sutoku’s forces move to the Northern Shirakawa palace. Yorinaga proceeds to the capital from Uji and enters the same palace, conscripts armed forces. 7.11: Minamoto no Yoshitomo 413 leads a siege of the Northern Shirakawa Palace. 6.1: Toba is in critical condition. After this day, armed forces gather at the retired sovereign’s palace (Sutoku) and the royal palace (Go-Shirakawa). 6.12: Bifukumon-in takes the tonsure. 7.2: Toba dies. Sutoku learns of Toba’s demise and enters the Tanaka palace. 415 7.5: The court, under Go- Shirakawa, sends armed forces to enforce peace in the capital. 7.11: Go-Shirakawa names Tadamichi as head of the Northern Fujiwara. 7.13: Sutoku enters Ninna-ji. 7.23: Sutoku is moved to Sanuki Provinces. 7.28-30: The forces under Minamoto no Tameyoshi are ordered to be beheaded 413 1123‒1160. 415 One of Toba’s palaces. 143 Sutoku and those under Yorinaga flee. During this battle, Yorinaga is gravely injured. 7.13: Yorinaga travels from Ōgawa to Kizu, enters the home of the monk Sengaku. 7.14: At the hour of the snake, 414 Yorinaga passes away from his injuries. On the same night, buried near Mt. Hannya. 9th month: the fighting ceases by royal decree. 8.3: Yorinaga’s children are exiled. 8.26: Minamoto no Tametomo is captured. Hōgen 2 1157 3.25: The court adds Yorinaga’s 29 estates to the retired sovereign’s holdings. Angen 3 (Jishō 1) 1177 7.29: The court awards a posthumous title to Sutoku. Yorinaga posthumously is given Senior First Rank and named Prime Minister as a response to fear of angry ghosts. Juei 3 1184 4.15: Believing itself haunted by the ghosts of Sutoku and Yorinaga, the court has them deified on the historic battlefield of the Hōgen Disturbance, at the Awata Shrine. 416 414 9-11 a.m. 416 Today this is more commonly referred to as Shōren-in, and serves as the temple of the abbot of the Tendai sect. Jien, the author of Gukanshō and Yorinaga’s nephew, served as head priest of this temple during his lifetime. 144 Appendix B Yorinaga’s Reading List Yorinaga included the names of books he read at the end of some entries of his journal Taiki. He began this practice on 1143.9.30, when he made a list of all the books he had studied until this point. The list includes 1,030 volumes. the year he worked with the text is recorded. Works that were read with a tutor are noted as well. 417 Some texts included the note “attached appendix,” which are notes made by a tutor to help Yorinaga read “Writing on reverse side” means further notes were written on the back side of the text, which normally would be left blank. Mizunoto no hitsuji. 418 At dawn, a person told me that the residence of Taikenmon-in [Fujiwara no Shōshi] 419 in the Muromachi Third Ward {Mansion} burned. <Taikenmon-in moved into that mansion this year on the eleventh day of the seventh month.> I immediately rushed there, but before my arrival, [Taikenmon-in] had gone to the mansion at Sanjōnishi Tōin, the residence of the junior retired monarch [Sutoku Jōkō]. 420 [Cloistered] Senior Retired Monarch [Toba] 421 went there, and Senior Captain of the Right [Fujiwara no Saneyoshi] 422 and his subordinates were already there. Around the Hour of the Dragon, 423 the Senior Retired Monarch returned home, and I withdrew. 417 Translation based on Zōho shiryō taisei, vol. 23, pp. 98‒100 and Shiryō sanshū Taiki vol. 1, pp. 216‒221. The first three paragraphs were translated at the 2019 USC Kambun Workshop, led by Professor Ōnoe Yōsuke of the University of Tokyo. The original kambun, kundoku, and modern Japanese translations can be found at http://www.uscppjs.org/translation-archive/2019/8/25/taiki-kji-2-1143-930-entry. 418 Twentieth day of the sexagenary cycle. 419 Fujiwara no Shōshi (1101‒1145). 420 Sutoku Tennō (1119‒1164, r. 1123‒1142). 421 Toba Tennō (1103‒1156; r. 1107‒1123). 422 Fujiwara no Saneyoshi (1096‒1157). 423 About 7 a.m. 145 After I returned home, I finished reading the 138th volume of the Yulan. 424 These days, I am taking texts in the ox cart to read them. As I was trying to read their text, I consulted [Fujiwara no] Narisuke [about it]. 425 He answered that it may be worthwhile. I asked [Fujiwara no] Tomonari as well. He answered that Yulan might be consulted occasionally. [Then he continued,] even when you study it from the beginning to the end, it is exceedingly difficult to learn something from it. Following Narisuke’s advice, I looked at it, but I could not master anything from it. In the 138 volumes, I could not find even ten [useful] points. As the saying goes: “It is too late to be sorry.” This is what Tomonari was talking about. Therefore, I will not study the Yulan [more]. Today, I finished reading my 1,030th volume. So, I will make a catalogue of works I have read up to this point. From now on, I will record the titles I have read during the year on the last day of the twelfth month. I will continue to add them at the end of my annual journal record. From now and hereafter, on the last day of the twelfth month, I will record the works that I have studied over the year. The Classics, 362 volumes Book of Documents. 13 volumes, excerpts. Hōen 6th Year (1140). 426 Commentary on the Book of Documents. 427 2 volumes. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Correct Meanings of the Book of Documents. 20 volumes. Attached appendix. Writing on the reverse side of the text. Kōji 1st Year (1142). 424 Taiping in this diary entry may be Compendium of the Taiping Era or Xiuwndian Yulan. See Kojima, Kuge bunka no kenkyū, (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1981), 145. 太平御覧 Compendium of the Taiping Era is an encyclopedia compiled from 977‒983 during the Song dynasty. The work contains one thousand volumes divided into fifty-five sections. It is considered one of the four great books compiled in the Song dynasty. 修文殿御覧 Xiuwndian Yulan is an annotated and edited version of the encyclopedia containing 350 volumes, compiled during the Northern Qi dynasty. (See “Hyakkajiten” Nihon Daihyakka Zensho.) 425 Fujiwara no Narisuke (1107-1145) As noted in the dissertation, Narisuke served as one of Yorinaga’s personal tutors. 426 Occasionally Yorinaga includes exact reading dates, but in general only provides the year. 427 Literally “Commentary on the same text.” Yorinaga follows this style for records with commentaries on previously mentioned sources. For ease of understanding, titles have been reinserted into the translation. 146 Book of Odes. 20 volumes, excerpts. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Taught by my teacher. 428 Began reading on the 9th day of the twelfth month, completed on the 29th day of the same month. Correct Meanings of the Book of Odes. 30 volumes. Attached appendix. Writing on the reverse side of the text. Kōji 1st Year (1142). Rites of Zhou. 12 volumes, excerpts. Eiji 1st Year (1141). In the ninth month, references were recorded by myself, attached to the text. References for passages written on the reversed side of the text. Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. 14 volumes, excerpts. Eiji 1st Year (1141), 6th month, References recorded by my myself. References for passages written on the reverse side of the text. Book of Rites. 20 volumes, excerpts. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Taught to me by my teacher. Began reading in the fourth month, completed on the 12th day of the same month. New Edition of Three Rites with Drawings. 20 volumes, Kōji 2nd Year (1143). Commentary of Zuo. 429 30 volumes, excerpts. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Interpretations of the Commentary of Zuo. 16 volumes. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Rules for Posthumous Titles. 430 1 volume, Eiji 1st Year (1141). Correct Meanings of the Rules for Posthumous Titles. 36 volumes, excerpts. Kōji 1st Year (1142). Commentary of Gongyang. 431 12 volumes, excerpts. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). 428 Referring to Fujiwara no Narisuke. 429 Zuo zhuan. One of the “three commentaries.” Attributed to Zuo Qiuming (556 BCE‒451 BCE), a blind disciple of Confucius. Serves as both a commentary and parallel version of the Spring and Autumn Annals. 430 Originally a Han-period text. Reconstruction made during the Qin dynasty. 431 Gongyang zhuan. One of the “three commentaries.” Attributed to Gongyang Gao (4th‒5th century BCE). Important text for New Text Confucianism, which advocated Confucius as a reformer rather than a scholar. Reads the Annals as Confucius’ views of political, social, and moral issues, rather than as a work of history. 147 Good interpretation of the Commentary of Gongyang. 12 volumes. Attached appendix. Writings on the reverse side of the text. Kōji 1st Year (1142). Commentary of Guliang. 432 12 volumes. Attached appendix. Writings on the reverse side of the text. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Notes on the Commentary of Guliang. 12 volumes. Attached appendix. Writings on the reverse side of the text. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Classic of Filial Piety. [1 volume]. Hōen 5th Year (1139). Explanation from the personal copy of my teacher. 433 Studied on the 7th day of the 10th month. Annotated Classic of Filial Piety. 1 volume. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Explanation from the personal history book of my teacher. Studied on the same 9th day of the 5th month. Relating on matters of the Classic of Filial Piety. 5 volumes. Attached appendix. Writings on the reverse side of the text. Kōji 1st Year (1142). Clarifications for the Classic of Filial Piety. 1 volume. Kōji 1st Year (1142). Analects of Confucius. 10 volumes. Hōen 3rd Year (1137). Explanation from the personal history book of my teacher. Began on the 16th day of the 10th month, Hōen 5th Year (1139). On the 9th month, 10th day, completed. Writings of Ōgan 434 on the Analects of Confucius. 10 volumes. Attached appendix. Writings on the reverse side of the text. Kōji 1st Year (1142). Lao-Tzu. 2 volumes, excerpts. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Taught by my teacher. 435 Began in the 11th month, 12th day, finished the same year, 12th month, 6th day. 432 Guliang zhuan. One of the “three commentaries.” Attributed to Guliang Chi (4th‒5th century BCE). Written in a question-and-answer style like the Commentary of Gongyang, but in a much simpler style. 433 Fujiwara no Narisuke. 434 488‒555, scholar of the Liang dynasty. Wrote many commentaries on the Confucian classics. 435 Again referring to Fujiwara no Narisuke. 148 Zhuangzi. 33 volumes, excerpts. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Textual Explanations of Classics and Canons. 436 7 volumes. Kōji 2nd Year (1143). Histories, 326 volumes Records of the Grand Historian. 11 volumes. Hōen 3rd Year (1137). History of the Former Han Dynasty. 92 volumes. Hōen 4th Year (1138). Descriptive examples from the History of the Former Han Dynasty. 1 volume. Hōen 4th Year (1138). History of the Later Han Dynasty. 100 volumes, excerpts. Hōen 6th Year (1140). History of the Three Kingdoms. 10 volumes. Attached appendix. Excerpts. Eiji 1st Year (1141). History of the Jin Dynasty. 10 volumes. Attached appendix. Excerpts. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Records on the History of the Jin Dynasty. 30 volumes. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). History of the Southern Dynasties. 12 volumes, excerpts. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). History of the Northern Dynasties. 12 volumes, excerpts. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). New History of the Tang. 10 volumes. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Works of the Sages, 342 volumes A Child’s Treasury. 437 3 volumes, Hōen 2nd Year (1136). Book of Crown Prince Dan. 438 3 volumes. Hōen 3rd Year (1137). Miscellaneous Notes from the Western Capital. 439 2 volumes. Hōen 5th Year (1139). 436 c. 582‒589; exegetical dictionary or glossary, edited by Tang scholar Lu Deming. Contains pronunciations of characters in ancient Chinese texts, including Confucian and Taoist ones. Also cites some ancient books that are no longer extant but may have still existed in Yorinaga’s time. 437 See Jennifer Guest, “Primers, Commentaries and Kanbun Literacy in Japanese Literary Culture, 950-1250 CE,” PhD diss., Columbia University, 2013 for information. 438 Crown Prince Dan was a prince of the State of Yan during the Warring States period in China. 439 History of the former Han dynasty. 149 Notes of Things Old and New. 440 3 volumes. Hōen 5th Year (1139). Admonishments on Succeeding in Life. 1 volume. Attached appendix. Hōen 5th Year (1139). Records of Entering the Netherworld. 441 4 volumes. Hōen 5th Year (1139). Record of the Annual Seasons in Jing and Chu. 442 1 volume. Hōen 5th Year (1139). Records of the Golden Valley. 443 1 volume. Hōen 5th Year (1139). Biographies of Exemplary Immortals. 444 2 volumes. Hōen 5th Year (1139). Pathways of Ministers. 445 2 volumes. Hōen 5th Year (1139). An Exemplary Sovereign. 446 2 volumes. Hōen 5th Year (1139). Mukuruma Mirror. 3 volumes. Hōen 5th Year (1139). On Universal Harmony, Continued. 447 3 volumes. Attached appendix. Hōen 5th Year (1139). 440 Gujinzhu. Chinese encyclopedia originally attributed to the Jin period (265‒420). Ulrich Theobald, " Gujinzhu 古今注 "Notes to Things Old and New" and Zhonghua gujin zhu 中華古今注," ChinaKnowledge.de—An Encyclopedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art, last revised July 17, 2010, http://chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Science/gujinzhu.html. 441 Donming ji. Lost collection of tales of the strange. The book is known to have discussed the Daoist arts of the immortals and miraculous things. Dejitaruhan shūeisha sekai bungaku daijiten. 442 Jingchu Suishiji. A description of holidays in central China during the 6th and 7th centuries. No longer extant. Nihon daihyakka zensho. 443 Lost Tang text, a love story. 444 Liexian Zhuan. Oldest extant Chinese hagiography of Daoist transcendentals, immortals, saints, or alchemists. The text, which compiles about 70 stories of historical Daoists, was traditionally attributed to the Western Han dynasty editor and imperial librarian Liu Xiang (77‒8 BCE). Internal evidence dates it to the 2nd century CE, during the Eastern Han period. Ulrich Theobald, "Liexianzhuan 列仙傳 "Biographies of Immortals"," ChinaKnowledge.de—An Encyclopedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art, last revised July 24, 2010, http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Daoists/liexianzhuan.html. 445 Chengui. An instructional text for state officials compiled by Empress Wu Zetian in the Tang period. Discusses how administrators should function. Ulrich Theobald, "Chengui 臣軌,” ChinaKnowledge.de—An Encyclopedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art, last revised July 24, 2010, http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Historiography/chengui.html. 446 Chinese political book. Created in 648, an anthology from the reign of Taisō (597-649), a Tang emperor. 447 Continuation of the Qixieji, anthology of strange tales from the Six Dynasties period. It was one of the earliest examples of the genre of works which came into popularity during the Southern Dynasties period (420‒589.) The original Qixieji was already lost by Yorinaga’s day, so this collection was likely made with fragments from the original text. Ulrich Theobald, "Qixieji 齊諧記 "On Universal Harmony",” ChinaKnowledge.de—An Encyclopedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art, last revised July 12, 2012, http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Novels/qixieji.html. 150 Selections of Refined Literature. 448 60 volumes. Copied in my own hand. Excerpts. Hōen 6th Year (1140). New Yuefu. 449 2 volumes. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Explanation taken from my teacher. 450 Master of the Valley of Ghosts. 451 3 volumes, excerpts. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Instructions on Misfortunes of Talented People. 4 volumes, excerpts. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Stories of Emperor Han Wudi. 452 2 volumes. Attached appendix. Hōen 6th Year (1140). The Prince’s Year with the Record of Gleanings. 453 10 volumes. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Gan Family Precepts. 454 7 volumes. Attached appendix. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Domestic Instructions of the Grand Duke. 455 1 volume. Attached appendix. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Rough Sketches of Huang Shidong. 1 volume. Hōen 6th Year (1140). 448 Wen Xuan. Anthology of Chinese poetry and literature from the Warring States period to the early Liang dynasty (300 BCE‒500 AD). One of the primary sources of literary knowledge for educated Chinese in Yorinaga’s day. It was particularly popular during the Tang dynasty and in Japan from Nara times on. See Jason Webb, “In good order: Poetry, reception, and authority in the Nara and early Heian courts,” Ph.D. diss., (Princeton University, 2005), 49- 50. 449 Collection of Chinese poems in a folk song style. The term yuefu literally means "Music Bureau," a reference to the imperial Chinese governmental organizations charged with collecting or writing lyrics. 450 Reference to Fujiwara no Narisuke. 451 Guiguzi. A group of writings thought to have been compiled between the late Warring States period and the end of the Han Dynasty. Discusses techniques of political lobbying based on Daoist thinking. The contents cover the relationship between persuasion techniques and the theory of yin and yang, techniques of political evaluation of the state, evaluation of political relationships between state leaders and ministers, psychological profiling of targets, and rhetorical devices. Nihon kokugo daijiten. 452 Han Wu gushi. Collection of stories about Emperor Wu (157 BCE-87 BCE) of the Han Dynasty, traditionally attributed to the Later Han period scholar Ban Gu. First categorized as miscellaneous history, it was later put into the novella category. It might have been compiled during the Southern Dynasties period, and probably by the Qi period. Includes 53 stories. Ulrich Theobald, "Han Wu gushi 漢武故事 "Stories of Emperor Han Wudi",” ChinaKnowledge.de—An Encyclopedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art, last revised November 28, 2010, http://chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Novels/hanwugushi.html. 453 Shi Yi Ji. The text is a Chinese mythological/historical treatise written by the Taoist scholar Wang Jia (d. 390). Nihon daihyakka zensho. 454 Family precepts written by Ganshisui (531‒591), aka warnings and admonitions for his descendants. 455 Tai-gong-jia-jiao. Refers to the Grand Duke, a legendary advisor to King Wen of Zhou, who was the eponymous patron figure of a substantial body of didactic texts from ancient to early medieval times. The book digests and incorporates material from more venerable works, such as Liji and Lunyu, and covers topics such as moral self- cultivation, the education of sons, the service of children to their parents and teachers, the conduct of newly married wives, neighborly behavior, and moderation in drinking. Paul R. Goldin, ed., A Concise Companion to Confucius (Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2017), 65. 151 Annotations of the Thousand Character Classic. 1 volume. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Annotations of the Hundred Poems. 1 volume. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Vital Governance of the Jōgan Era. 456 10 volumes. Attached appendix. Hōen 6th Year (1140). The School Sayings of Confucius. 457 20 volumes. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Teachings of Different Pleasant Conditions. 1 volume. Attached appendix. Hōen 6th Year (1140). Liu Shi. 458 10 volumes. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Erya. 3 volumes. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). The Miscellaneous Records. 459 5 volumes. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Mencius. 14 volumes. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Readings and Meanings of the Mencius. 2 volumes. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). The Book of Azuma. 12 volumes. Attached appendix. Eiji 1st Year (1141). Principles of the Five Elements. 460 5 volume. Kōji 1st Year (1142). Taiping Yulan. 138 volumes, examined Kōji 1st Year (1142). At my own pleasure, one thousand and thirty volumes [read]. 456 Collection of arguments about politics from the Tang era. 457 Kongzi Jiayu. A collection of sayings of Confucius, written as a supplement to the Analects. Nihon kokugo daijiten. 458 An educational text from the Tang period. 459 Song period text, still extant. Discusses works of history and several Confucian texts, including Spring and Autumn Annals, The Book of Changes, and The Analects. 460 Gokyodaigi. A Chinese encyclopedia. Nihon daihyakka zensho. 152 Appendix C Taiki Translations 康治二年六月三十日原文乙卯、払暁参宇治、頃之依召参御前、自辰刻權少僧都覚豪祷之、午刻摂政殿参給、参御前給、禅閤仰云、今日帰洛歟、曰、明々後之間可帰洛、仰云、六月秡如何、曰、今朝為之了者、有御讃経等、申刻、＜先々時、＞令発給、君子曰、覚豪之登于僧都可謂寵、不可謂験矣＜寵摂政之寵也、＞殿宿給宇治、予依病者帰洛、于時戌刻、為義＜武士在共、＞未称臣于余、以臣于禅閤、所傭具也、歸家仰爲義云、＜以季通朝臣傅之、＞今日吉日也、以之可用初参、更不可初参者、爲義云唯、読み下し乙卯（きのとのう）。払暁（ふつぎょう）宇治に参（まい）る。頃之（しばらくして）、召（め）しにより御前（ごぜん）に参る。辰（たつ）の刻（こく）自（より）、權小僧都（ごんしょうそうず）覚豪（かくごう）祷（いの）る。午（うま）の刻（こく）摂政（せっしょう）殿（どの）参（まい）り給（たま）い、御前（ごぜん）に参（まい）り給（たま）う。禅閤（ぜんこう）仰（おお）せて云（い）わく、今日帰洛 153 （きらく）する歟（か）。曰（いわ）く、明々後（しあさって）の間、帰洛（きらく）すべし。仰（おお）せて云（い）わく、六月祓（なごしのはらえ）如何（いかん）。曰（いわ）く、今朝（けさ）之（これ）を為（な）し了（おわんぬ）者（てえり）。御読経（みどうきょう）等（ら）有り。申（さる）の刻（こく）＜先々（さきざき）の時。＞、発（おこ）ら令（し）め給う。君子（くんし）曰（いわ）く。覚豪（かくごう）の僧都（そうず）に登（のぼ）るは寵（ちょう）と謂（い）うべし。験（げん）と謂（い）うべからず。＜寵（ちょう）は摂政（せっしょう）の寵（ちょう）也（なり）。＞殿（との）は宇治（うじ）に宿（しゅく）し給（たま）う。予（よ）は病者（びょうしゃ）たるにより帰洛（きらく）す。時（とき）に戌（いぬ）の刻（こく）。為義（ためよし）＜武士（ぶし）、共（とも）に在（あ）り。＞いまだ余（よ）に臣（しん）と称（しょう）さず。禅閤（ぜんこう）に臣（しん）たるを以（もっ）て、傭具（ようぐ）する所（ところ）也（なり）。家（いえ）に歸（かえ）り爲義（ためよし）に仰（おお）せて云（いわ）く、＜季通（すえみち）朝臣（あそん）を以（もっ）て之（これ）を傅（つた）う。＞今日（こんじつ）吉日（きちじつ）也（なり）。之（これ）を以って初参（しょさん）に用（もち）うべし、更（さら）に初参（しょさん）すべからず者（てえり）。爲義（ためよし）云（い）わく、唯（い）。 154 Translation Kōji 2 (1143) 6 th Month 30 th Day Tsuchinotono u. 461 At daybreak I went to Uji. After awhile, I was called to visit my father. At the hour of the dragon, 462 Provisional Junior Prelate 463 Kakugō 464 offered prayers. At noon, Lord Regent arrived and went to my father. Zenkō [Tadazane] asked: “Today will you return to the capital?” I replied, “I will return to the capital after three days.” [He] said, “What about the sixth month purification?” I replied, “This morning it was completed, I heard.” There was a sutra reading. At the hour of the monkey, 465 [rewards] were ordered sent. A wise man 466 would say, Kakugō’s advancement to junior prelate is due to favor, not merit 467 < the regent’s favor.> [Tadazane] stayed at Uji. returned to the capital due to illness. At the hour of the dog 468 [Minamoto no] Tameyoshi 469 <[arrived] together with his warriors>. He is not yet my retainer, but because he is a retainer of Zenkō, I can employ him. I returned home and sent an order to Tameyoshi <Lord [Fujiwara no] Suemichi 470 transmitted it.> “Today is a favorable day, perhaps we should use it for you to join my service?” Tameyoshi agreed. 461 The sixteenth day of the sexagenary cycle. 462 7-9 AM 463 A second-rank prelate 464 Kakugō (????-1148) Fourth son of Minamoto no Akinaka. Appointed as head of Hōjō-ji in 1147 prior to his death. 465 3-5 PM 466 I think Yorinaga is referring to himself here. He uses the term kunshi extensively in the journal from 1142-1150. Yanagawa Hibiki notes that Yorinaga uses the term with a “unique, deliberate sentiment,” often in reference to his own merits. See Yanagawa Hibiki, Fujiwara no Yorinaga, 26. 467 Kakugō had served Tadazane’s daughter in 1141. Tadazane was also involved in the priest’s appointment to Hōjō-ji in 1147. 468 7-9 PM 469 Minamoto no Tameyoshi (1096-1156) 470 Fujiwara no Suemichi was a courtier and waka poet. He was the son of Fujiwara no Munemichi. Due to rumors of an affair with Takenmon’in in his youth while working as her tutor, he had an unfavorable reputation at court. Yorinaga felt sorry for him, as Suemichi had a lower court rank than his brothers. That is whyYorinaga helped his career. Nihon jinmei daijiten. 155 康治二年十月十二日原文乙未、成佐来、余云、明年甲子革令也、將有仗儀、豫可學其事、成佐對云、革令、其事出自易、不學易、難議其事、爰仰成佐、令點周易、又可校摺本之由仰之、次参院、読み下し乙未（きのとのひつじ）、成佐（なりすけ）来（きた）る。余（よ）云（い）わく、明年（みょうねん）甲子（かっし）革令（かくれい）也（なり）。將（まさ）に仗儀 471 （じょうぎ）有（あ）るべし。豫（あらかじ）め其（そ）の事（こと）を學（まな）ぶべし。成佐（なりすけ）對（こた）えて云（い）わく、革令（かくれい）、其（そ）の事（こと）易（えき）より出（い）づ。易（えき）を學（まな）ばざれば、其（そ）の事（こと）議（ぎ）し難（がた）し。爰（ここ）に成佐（なりすけ）に仰（おお）せて、周易（しゅうえき）に點（てん）ぜしめ、又（また）摺本（すりほん）を校（こう）すべきの由（よし）之（これ）を仰（おお) す。次（つい）で参院（さんいん）す。 471 「陣定」と同じ意味。 156 Translation Kōji 2 (1143) 10 th Month 12 th Day Kinoto no hitsuji. 472 [Fujiwara no] Narisuke 473 came. I said “Next year is the first year of the sexagenary cycle, [and is] kakurei. 474 A Council discussion 475 should be held. In advance, [I] should learn about these things.” Narisuke replied: “Kakurei; it comes from The Book of Changes, and you have not learned [the text yet]. It is difficult [for us] to discuss such things.” So I ordered Narisuke to mark up and annotate The Book of Changes. I also ordered him to compare it to a printed edition. 476 Next [I] visited the retired sovereign [Toba]. 康治二年十二月十八日原文庚子、南京高陽院御堂供養云々、無賞、准御齋會云々、余作式、午剋歸洛、依例講禮記、今度有儀禮、禮記一部、置文宣王御前、後可効之、講師成佐、問者俊通、先例問一部内事、人別問一事、今度被議定二巻、＜今度第五・六、＞豫被仰講師・問者、又人別問二事、＜問答不異僧、伹不引聲、＞後可効之、先例問者二人、今夜所在、俊通・實長・余也、實長及余、成佐弟子也、仍俊通一人問之、不可爲例、事了、講師・問者、出 472 The thirty-second day of the sexagenary cycle. 473 Fujiwara no Narisuke (1107-1151) was Yorinaga’s most influential tutor. 474 A common name for the first year of the sexagenary cycle. Many calamities are said to occur during this year. Nihon kokugo daijiten. 475 The meeting would be about the era name change due to the fact it was to be a kakurei year. 476 In general, Yorinaga trusted the printed book copies more than handwritten copies, thus his desire to have Narisuke compare the two editions. 157 論義、依被遅怠、今度有議以實長爲注記、論義間書之、後可効之、今夜論義、一、月令誰作哉、一、文王世子篇稱文王如何、詩三首、＜俊通不進、四首有憚故也、＞献如例、無料紙、以美紙廿五枚、爲料紙一巻代、豫所定仰之講師、直講中原師長也、豫定仰巻第一・二・三・四、問者二人、成佐・實長也、今夕、師長参申云、助教祐隆＜師也、又下官舅也。＞受重病、欲出家者、仍改成佐、翌日祐隆卒云々、読み下し庚子（かのえね）、南京（なんきょう）高陽院（かやのいん）御堂（みどう）供養（くよう）と云々（うんうん）。賞（しょう）無（な）し。御齋會（ごさいえ）に准（じゅん）ずと云々（うんうん）。余（よ）式（しき）を作（つく）る。午（うま）の剋（こく）歸洛（きらく）す。例（れい）に依（よ）り禮記（らいき）を講（こう）ず。今度（こんど）儀禮（ぎらい）有（あ）り。禮記（らいき）一部（いちぶ）、文宣王（ぶんせんのう）の御前（おんまえ）に置（お）く。後（のち）は之（これ）に効（なら）うべし。講師（こうし）成佐（なりすけ）、問者（もんじゃ）俊通（としみち）。先例（せんれい）は一部（いちぶ）の内（うち）の事（こと）を問（と）う。人別（にんべつ）一事（いちじ）を問（と）う。今度（こんど）は二巻（にかん）を議定（ぎじょう）せらる。＜今度（こん 158 ど）は第五・六。＞豫（あらかじ）め講師（こうし）・問者（もんじゃ）を仰（おお）せらる。又（また）人別（にんべつ）二事（にじ）を問（と）う。＜問答（もんどう）僧（そう）に異（ことな）らず。伹（ただ）し聲（こえ）を引（ひか）ず。＞後（のち）は之（これ）に効（なら）うべし。先例（せんれい）は問者（もんじゃ）二人（ふたり）。今夜（こんや）在（あ）る所（ところ）は、俊通（としみち）・實長（さねなが）・余（よ）也（なり）。實長（さねなが）及（およ）び余（よ）は、成佐（なりすけ）の弟子（でし）也（なり）。仍（より）て俊通（としみち）一人（ひとり）之（これ）を問（と）う。例（れい）と為（な）すべからず。事（こと）了（おわり）て、講師（こうし）・問者（もんじゃ）、論義（ろんぎ）を出（いだ）す。遅怠（ちたい）せらるに依（よ）り、今度（こんど）議（ぎ）有（あ）り、實長（さねなが）を以（もっ）て注記（ちゅうき）と為（な）し、論義（ろんぎ）の間（あいだ）之（これ）を書く。後（のち）は之（これ）に効（なら）うべし。今夜（こんや）の論義（ろんぎ）、一（ひとつ）、月（つき）は誰（だれ）が作（つく）らしむか。一（ひとつ）、文王（ぶんおう）世子（せいし）篇（へん）を文王（ぶんおう）と稱（しょう）するは如何（いかが）。詩（し）三首（さんしゅ）、＜俊通（としみち）進（すす）めず。四首（よんしゅ）は憚（はばか）り有（あ）る故（ゆえ）也（なり）。＞献（けん）ずるこ 159 と例（れい）の如（ごと）し。料紙（りょうし）無し。美紙（びし）廿五枚（にじゅうごまい）を以（もっ）て、料紙（りょうし）一巻（いっかん）代（だい）と為（な）す。豫（あらかじ）め定（さだ）め仰（おお）する所（ところ）の講師（こうし）、直講（ちょっこう）中原師長（なかはらのもろなが）也（なり）。豫（あらかじ）め巻（まき）第一（だいいち）・二（に）・三（さん）・四（し）を定（さだ）め仰（おお）す。問者（もんじゃ）二人（ふたり）、成佐（なりすけ）・實長（さねなが）也（なり）。今夕（こんゆう）、師長（もろなが）参（まい）り申（もう）して云（い）わく、助教（じょきょう）祐隆（すけたか）＜師（し）也（なり）。又（また）下官（げかん）の舅（しゅうと）也（なり）。＞重病（じゅびょう）を受（う）け、出家（しゅっけ）せんと欲（ほっ）す者（てへり）。仍（より）て成佐（なりすけ）に改（あらた）む。翌日（よくじつ）祐隆（すけたか）卒（そっ）すと云々（うんうん）。 Translation Kōji 2 (1143) 12 th Month 18 th Day 160 Kanoe ne. 477 It is said that Kaya-no-in 478 held a dedication service in her royal chapel at Nara. There were no awards. It was just like the Gosaie 479 ceremony. I drew up the plan for the rite. 480 At the hour of the horse 481 I returned to the capital. According to precedent a lecture was held on the Book of Rites. We paid our respects, and one section of the Book of Rites was placed before [the image of] Bunsen-ō. 482 Later I should inquire into this. The lecturer was [Fujiwara no] Narisuke. The questioner was Toshimichi. 483 [According to] precedent, one part should be questions [from the questioner], and one part should be questions from other attendees. This time, we agreed upon two sections. <This time, chapters 5 and 6. ＞First I ordered the lecturer and questioner to proceed. Each person asked two questions. <There was no difference from what is always said nothing interesting.> Later I should inquire into this. According to precedent, the two questioners came to [my] residence— [there were] Toshimichi, Sanenaga, 484 and I. Sanenaga and myself are pupils of Narisuke. Consequently, Toshimichi asked questions alone. This should not become a precedent. The lecturer and questioner entered debate. Whenever there was a problem, we all discussed it. Sanenaga wrote notes during the debate. Later I should inquire into this. 477 The thirty-seventh day of the sexagenary cycle. 478 Kaya-no-in (1095-1155), also known as Fujiwara no Taishi. The wife of Toba and Yorinaga’s older sister. 479 An event in which monks recited the Golden Light Sutra to pray for security and good harvests in the realm. It generally occurs in the first month between the 8th and 14th days for a week. Wooden images of the Hindu- Buddhist deities Kichijōten and Bishamonten were the focus, with images brought in during the ceremony. For more about the ceremony and its history, see Chari Pradel, “A Female Deity as the Focus of a Buddhist Ritual: Kichijō Keka at Hōryūji,” in Women, Rites, and Ritual Objects in Premodern Japan, ed. Karen M. Gerhart (Leiden: Boston: Brill, 2018): 141-181. 480 Possibly the rite that Kaya-no-in just performed. 481 11AM-1PM 482 The posthumous name for Confucius. 483 Shiryō sanshū glosses this as Minamoto no Toshimichi (dates unknown), but I believe it is actually Fujiwara no Toshimichi (1128-????), who had a close relationship with Tadazane and Yorinaga. 484 Fujiwara no Sanenaga (1128-1183) was the eldest son of Fujiwara no Kinyuki. 161 During tonight’s discussion, [we talked about] who should make [the copy] for the first month. How about the section on the descendants of the King Wen of Zhou 485 . There were [also] three Chinese poems. <Toshimichi had four poems that he did not put forward because he had doubts.> There was a round of drinking. There was no new paper, but twenty five pieces of beautiful paper, and a volume of writing paper were bound together. The lecturer chosen in advance was the student of Confucian studies Nakahara no Moronaga. The texts chosen in advance texts were scrolls 1, 2, 3, and 4. There were two questioners, Narisuke and Sanenaga. In the evening Moronoga came and told me about the assistant professor [Kiyohara no] Suketaka, who is my follower. [Suketaka] has a serious illness and wants to become a monk. Therefore, I replaced him with Narisuke. The following day I heard that Suketaka died. 久安二年四月一日原文庚子、依例講毛詩、講師広季、問者季能、成佐、各二重、問答皆無失、可謂優、注記頼業、有詩、題云、我有嘉賓、依祭礼、今日不入鹿於家中、又当日食之者不入家中、昨食者無妨相逢、注古釈奠供肉、＜見式＞、中古以来止之、或者云、人夢云、文宣王云、太神宮常来臨莫供肉、因止之、今日准彼又止之、 485 King Wen of Zhou (1112-1050 BCE) Section 8 of the Book of Rites refers to King Wen and his descendants. 162 読み下し庚子（かのえね）。例に依（よ）り毛詩（もうし）を講（こう）ず。講師（こうし）広季（ひろすえ）、問者（もんじゃ）季能（すえよし）、成佐（なりすけ）。各（おのおの）二重（にじゅう）。問答（もんどう）皆（みな）失（しつ）無（な）く、優（すぐる）と謂（い）う可（べ）し、注記（ちゅうき）頼業（よりなり）。詩（し）有（あ）り、題（だい）に云（い）わく、我（われ）に嘉賓（かひん）有（あ）り。祭礼（さいれい）に依（よ）り、今日（こんにち）鹿（しか）を家中（かちゅう）に入（い）れず。又（また）当日（とうじつ）之（これ）を食（しょく）する者（もの）家中（かちゅう）に入（い）れず。昨（きのう）食（しょく）する者（もの）は妨（さまたげ）無（な）く相（あい）逢（あ）う。注古（おうこ）は釈奠（せきてん）に肉（にく）を供（そな）う。＜式（しき）に見（み）る。＞、中古（ちゅうこ）以来（いらい）は之（これ）を止（とど）む。或（ある）者（もの）云（い）わく、人（ひと）の夢（ゆめ）に云わく、文宣王（ぶんせんおう）云（い）わく、太神宮（たいじんぐう）常（つね）に来臨（らいりん）す、肉（にく）を供（そな）うること莫（なか）れ。因（よ）りて之（これ）を止（とど）む。 163 今日（きょう）彼（かれ）に准（じゅん）じて又（また）之（これ）を止（とど）む。 Translation Kyūan 2 (1146) 4th Month 1st Day Kanoe ne. 486 According to precedent, The Book of Odes 487 was lectured on by [Nakahara no] Hirosue. 488 The questioners were Sueyoshi [and] Narisuke. 489 There were two rounds for each. There were no flaws in anyone’s discussion. This should be called excellent. Explanatory notes [were recorded] by [Kiyohara no] Yorinari. 490 There were poems. The theme was, “I have joyful guests.” Due to ritual protocol, venison cannot be brought into the residence today, nor can those who have eaten venison enter the residence. If anyone ate [venison] yesterday [however], there is no problem and I can let them in. The old commentaries say that in olden times [they] offered meat during the Sekiten 491 <see Engi shiki>. This [practice] ended stopped in mid-antiquity. Elsewhere it says that [someone] had a dream where Confucius said that Daijingū [Amaterasu] 492 regularly attends the service, so the practice was stopped. Today, following this, we omitted [offering meat]. 久安四年七月十一日原文 486 The thirty-seventh day of the sexagenary cycle. 487 The term used here is mōshi, which is an alias for The Book of Odes (Shikyō) 488 Nakahara no Hirosue was a professor of Confucian studies. 489 Fujiwara no Narisuke (1107-1151) Yorinaga’s tutor 490 Kiyohara no Yorinari (1122-1189) A Confucian scholar. 491 Referring to deer, rabbit, or boar. 492 The shrine where the Sun Goddess, Amaterasu, is enshrined. 164 丙申、依去二日夢、詣稲荷、＜下、上、中、＞春日、稲荷報賽、春日祈女子無妨入内之事、具在別記、読み下し丙申（ひのえさる）。去（さる）二日（ふつか）の夢（ゆめ）に依（よ）り、稲荷（いなり）、＜下（しも）、上（かみ）、中（なか）。＞春日（かすが）に詣（もう）ず。稲荷（いなり）に報賽（ほうさい）し、春日（かすが）に女子（じょし）の妨（さまた）げ無（な）く入内（じゅだい）の事（こと）を祈（いの）る。具（つぶさ）に別記（べっき）に在（あ）り。 Translation Kyūan 4 (1148) 7th Month 11th Day Hinoe saru. 493 Given my dream on the second day, [I] visited Inari <lower, upper, and middle> and Kasuga [shrines]. 494 I paid my respects to Inari and Kasuga so that my daughter 495 would meet no obstacles preventing her entry into the Back Palace. 496 Details are in my additional notes (bekki). 497 493 The thirty-third day of the sexagenary cycle 494 Kasuga Shrine in Nara, Japan, the Fujiwara family shrine. 495 Fujiwara no Masaruko/Tashi (1140-1201). She was Yorinaga’s adopted daughter—her real father was Fujiwara no Kinyoshi (1115-1161). Tashi was made a consort of Konoe Tennô on 1148.6.28, and preparations for her entry began on 1148.7.3. 496 Specifically, he was praying for Tashi’s entry into the Back Palace as a consort. 497 The Taiki bekki is an addendum to Taiki containing more detailed records for some entries. Unfortunately, most of the Bekki is no longer extant. 165 久安六年九月二十一日原文甲午、晴、辰時、詣聖霊院奉灯明、讀誦観音品三遍、真言三千遍、巳時、参御所、午時、両院詣金堂、奉灯明、修諷誦、礼舎利、余及三卿、依仰同礼、次両院詣聖霊院、奉灯明修諷誦、次法皇、御西門念仏、余従之、女院還御所、乗車出御、法皇至鳥居外、乗輿先出、余依仰不従行、帰金堂、奉灯明修諷誦、此間、別当権僧正来談曰、蒙可有賞之仰者、頃之、於西鳥居外、乗輿至大渡移舟、沿流至西海眺望、更泝流至大渡之間、入夜猶不停舟、終宵移棹、伝聞、今夜両院宿冨島、読み下し甲午（きのえうま）。晴（はれ）。辰（たつ）の時、聖霊院（しょうりょういん）に詣（もう）で、灯明（とうみょう）を奉（たてまつ）る。観音品（かんのんぼん）三遍（べん）、真言（しんごん）三千（さんぜん）遍（べん）を讀誦（どくじゅ）す。巳（み）の時、御所（ごしょ）に参（まい）る。午（うま）の時（とき）、両院（りょういん）金堂（こんどう）に詣（もう）づ。灯明（とうみょう）を奉（たてまつ）り、諷誦（ふじゅ）を修（しゅう）し、舎利（しゃり）を礼（らい）す。余（よ）及（およ）び三卿（さんきょう）、仰（おお）せに依（よ）り同（おな）じく礼（らい）す。 166 次（つい）で両院（りょういん）聖霊院（しょうりょういん）に詣（もう）づ。灯明（とうみょう）を奉（たてまつ）り諷誦（ふじゅ）を修（しゅう）す。次（つい）で法皇（ほうおう）、西門（にしもん）に御（ぎょ）し念仏（ねんぶつ）す。余（よ）之（これ）に従（したが）う。女院（にょいん）は御所（ごしょ）に還（かえ）り、車（くるま）に乗（の）り出御（しゅつぎょ）。法皇（ほうおう）は鳥居（とりい）の外（そと）に至（いた）りて、輿（こし）に乗（の）り先（さき）に出づ。余（よ）は仰（おおせ）に依（よ）り従行（じゅうこう）せず、金堂（こんどう）に帰（かえ）り、灯明（とうみょう）を奉（たてまつ）り諷誦（ふじゅ）を修（しゅう）す。此（こ）の間（あいだ）、別当（べっとう）権僧正（ごんのそうじょう）来（きた）り談（だん）じて曰（いわ）く、賞（しょう）在（あ）るべきの仰（おおせ）を蒙（こうむ）る者（てえり）。頃之（しばらくして）、西（にし）の鳥居（とりい）の外（そと）に於（お）いて輿（こし）に乗（の）り、大渡（おわたり）に到（いた）り舟（ふね）に移（うつ）り、流（ながれ）に沿（そ）い、西海（さいかい）に至（いた）り眺望（ちょうぼう）す。更（さら）に流（なが）れを泝（さかのぼ）り大渡（おおわたり）に至（いた）る間 167 （あいだ）、夜（よる）に入（い）るも猶（なお）舟（ふね）を停（とど）めず、終宵（しゅうしょう）棹（さお）を移（うつ）す。伝聞（でんぶん）す、今夜（こんや）両院（りょういん）冨島（とみしま）に宿（しゅく）す。 Translation Kyūan 6 (1150) 9th Month 21st Day Kinoe uma. 498 Clear. At the hour of the dragon 499 [I] visited Shōryō-in 500 and lit a lamp. 501 [I] 502 recited the Kannon Scripture 503 three times and [recited] the mantra three thousand times. At the hour of the serpent 504 [I] went to the palace. 505 At the hour of the horse 506 [I] visited the main hall with both retired majesties [Toba, Bifukumon’in]. 507 They lit lamps, performed recitations, and worshipped the relics. 508 Three other senior nobles 509 and I performed the ritual as ordered. Next the two retired majesties went to the Shōryō-in, lit lamps, and performed recitations. Then His Cloistered Majesty [Toba] chanted the nembutsu at the west gate. I followed him. Her 498 The thirty-first day of the sexagenary cycle. 499 7am-9am. 500 A sub-temple in Shitennōji. The party left for this temple on the ninth day of the month, and were still there for this date. 501 Tōmyō denotes the lighting of a candle—sometimes a metal lamp was used. In pre-Nara times, a wick was placed in oil and lit. Kadokawa kōgo daijiten 502 Usually someone else would do the recitations for a courtier, but Yorinaga did it himself. He likely spoke very quickly to get through all of these recitations. 503 Also known as the Fumonbon, this is Chapter Twenty-five of the Lotus Sutra. 504 9am-11am. 505 Likely the palace of Toba, who appears in the next paragraph. 506 11am-1pm. 507 According to Shiryo sōran, this is Toba (1103-1156) and Bifukumon-in (1117-1160). The latter was a consort of Toba and the mother of Konoe Tennō. 508 Shari literally means “relic,” and almost always refers to relics of Shakayamuni. 509 Kyō could refer to the directors of the eight ministries, but likely Yorinaga is referring to three ministers of the third-rank or above. It is not specified who exactly they were. 168 Retired Majesty [Bifukumon’in] returned to her palace—she went by carriage. His Cloistered Majesty arrived outside the torii gate, got into his palanquin, and departed before me. According to his order, I did not follow him. I went back to the main hall, lit lamps, and performed recitations. In the interim, the temple director who is also the provisional senior prelate came to say “There has been an order that I should receive an award.” Around that time, I got in a palanquin outside the west torii gate to travel to Ōwatari, 510 where I transferred to a boat. As we drifted I gazed toward the western sea. While we travelled upstream to Ōwatari, it turned evening. We could not stay in the boat, and late in the evening they used the oars. I heard that tonight the two retired majesties stayed at Tomishima. 久安六年九月二十二日原文乙巳、戌時、参着宇治、伝聞、両院着鳥羽、読み下し乙巳（きのとのみ）。戌（いぬ）の時（とき）、宇治（うじ）に参着（さんちゃく）す。伝（つた）え聞（き）く、両院（りょういん）鳥羽（とば）に着（ちゃく）す。 Translation Kyūan 6 (1150) 9th Month 22nd Day 510 In the vicinity of Hachiman city and Ōyama, southwest of Kyoto, according to Nihon kokugo daijiten 169 Kinoto nomi. 511 At the hour of the dog 512 [I] arrived at Uji. Someone told me that the two retired majesties arrived at Toba. 久安六年九月二十三日原文丙申、伴三位中将詣小川、自今日三ケ日、詣成楽院烏瑟沙摩所御之舎、為所求成就也、読み下し丙申（ひのえさる）。三位中将（さんみちゅうじょう）を伴（ともな）い小川（おがわ）に詣（もう）づ。今日（きょう）より三ケ日（さんかにち）、成楽院（じょうらくいん）の烏瑟沙摩（うすさま）御（おわ）す所（ところ）の舎（しゃ）に詣（もう）づ。求（もと）むる所（ところ）成就（じょうじゅ）の為（ため）也（なり）。 Translation Kyūan 6 (1150) 9th Month 23rd Day Hinoe saru. 513 I visited Ogawa with the third-rank captain. 514 Starting today for three days we will [pay homage] to the Seirakuin Ususama [Myôô], 515 a place where what one wishes for will be fulfilled. 511 The sixth day of the sexagenary cycle. This could be an error on Yorinaga’s part or by the editor of Shiryǒ taisei, as it should be 乙未 (kinoe hitsuji), which would be the thirty-second day of the cycle. 512 7pm to 9pm. 513 The thirty-third day of the sexagenary cycle. 514 A mid-level commander in the Left or Right Inner Palace Guards (Konoefu), who frequently held a concurrent appointment as a commander of yet another guard unit as well. The post of chûjô was often held by an advisor (sangi) on the Council of State. 515 A vidyaraja (wisdom king) in the Vajrayana tradition of Buddhism. 170 久安六年九月二十四日原文丁丙、自十一日至今日、毎日、誦不空羂索陀羅尼七遍、＜無言、＞又有他念誦、読み下し丁西（ひのとのとり）。十一日（じゅういちにち）より今日（きょう）に至（いた）り、毎日（まいにち）、不空羂索（ふくうけんじゃく）陀羅尼（だらに）七遍（しちへん）を誦（じゅ）す。＜無言（むごん）。＞又（また）他（た）の念誦（ねんじゅ）有（あ）り。 Translation Kyūan 6 (1150) 9th Month 24th Day Hinoto no tori. 516 From the eleventh day until today, everyday [I have] recited of the Fukukenjakū 517 Darani 518 seven times. 519 <silently.> I have also chanted other prayers for aid. 久安六年九月二十五日原文 516 The thirty-fourth day of the sexagenary cycle. 517 A manifestation of Kannon, as at the Hokkedô at Tôdaiji in Nara. 518 A darani is a Sanskrit multi-syllable chant, meant to retain the meaning of lengthier texts, so that those who chant them gain the same benefits as if they chanted the longer texts. See The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism. 519 Hen could refer to sections but is often used to indicate the number of times a darani is recited. 171 戊戌、法皇手書、副攝政報状、賜禪閤、攝政報状曰、可被收公、不能讓與云々、禪閤見之大怒、丑時許、禪閤使人傅仰曰、只今上洛、可相伴者、読み下し戊戌（つちのえいぬ）。法皇（ほうおう）の手書（しゅしょ）、攝政（せっしょう）の報状（ほうじょう）を副（そ）えて、禪閤（ぜんこう）に賜（たまわ）る。攝政（せっしょう）の報状（ほうじょう）に曰（いわ）く、收公（しゅうこう）せらるべし、譲与（じょうよ）能（あた）わずと云々（うんぬん）。禪閤（ぜんこう）之（これ）を見（み）て大（おお）いに怒（いか）る。丑（うし）の時（とき）許（ばかり）、禪閤（ぜんこう）人（ひと）をして伝（つた）え仰（おお）せしめて曰（いわ）く、只今（ただいま）上洛（じょうらく）す、相伴（しょうばん）すべし者（てえり）。 Translation Kyūan 6 (1150) 9th Month 25th Day 172 Tsuchinoe inu. 520 Zenkō received His Cloistered Majesty’s handwritten note, with a notice from the regent. 521 The notice said “It should be confiscated, it cannot be inherited.” 522 Seeing this, Zenkō was very angry. Around the hour of the Ox, 523 Zenkō sent his man to tell me his command: we shall go to the capital together. 久安六年九月二十六日原文己亥、雞嗚後参西殿、＜禪閤居處、＞頃之、乗輿出御、余乗車從之、＜兼長同車、＞棹船渡河、於東岸、禪閤移車、余連車、此間降雨、比至二子陵邊天曙、過此陵、未至櫃川、見禪閤御車、右邊有一鹿、再見之忽然不見、奇問僕從、各答不見、疑春日明神守禪閤歟、辰時入洛、自京極北行、近年、禪閤上洛、御高陽院所御之土御門宮、仍陪従上下、皆存其由、至「二」條御車西行、入御東三條、左右奇之、無知所以、寝殿與東對之間渡廊爲御所、禪閤使仲譽申高陽院曰、依疾急不能参向、侍東三條者、報命曰、御悩何事乎、多所不審、白晝參入、不可見苦者、今間可參者、重被申可渡御之由、此間、左衞門尉爲義、＜五位、撿非違使、＞依召參入、奉仰屯兵御倉町、巳時天顔快晴、閤大説 520 The thirty-fifth day of the sexagenary cycle. 521 Fujiwara no Tadamichi (1097-1164), Yorinaga’s elder brother. 522 It is unclear what Tadamichi is referring to here. It could be in reference to Tadazane’s land holdings (shōen) which he had transferred some of to Yorinaga two months prior. 523 About 1-3 am. 173 之、未時許、禪閤曰、攝政於我不孝、我心深怨、而年来忍之無報、今媚謟、暗可讓攝政之由、數度、＜十許度云々、＞非唯無許諾、亦有不義之報命、是以將絶父子之義、攝政者天子所授、我不得奪之、氏長者我所讓、無有勅宣、然則取長者官授爾、何有所怖憚矣、余且諫且辭、禪閤不聽、即召仲行、賴賢、仲賢等、仰可取出長者官渡左券、朱器、臺盤、權衡等之由、賴賢言、此物所納之倉鎰、置攝政殿下々家司宅、爲之如何、禪閤作色曰、早破鎖、即仲行等率向、須臾賴賢来言、試覔倉邊、自得舊鎰、可以開此倉鏁、禪閤説曰、天授印爾也、此間、賀陽院渡御、持参朱器等、戌時、有成朝臣、持来朱器等、授祿謝之、先之、禪閤上書法皇曰、攝政不従愚臣之命、不孝尤甚、是以既絶父子義、仍授長者官於左大臣畢、戌時、報書到来曰、攝政不孝不可盡、人伝、廼者、攝政法性寺邊家、麇鹿亂入、破障子、又狐白晝入来、追禁不去、＜于今猶如此、＞去夜、曉月入太微中、犯太白荆州、占曰、月行太微中、君政不行、貴人失勢奪權、若所由成刑、＜泰親奉密奏、＞去夏、勸學院藤不華、攝政令占曰、長者及辨別當可愼、＜或曰、件藤、件年不華、＞無動寺律師實寛語曰、去比、多武峰廟木主自裂申、長者無所驚怖、先例有此恠時、必有祈祷、今無其事、遂有此凶、＜或曰、件木主去々年裂、＞去十九日、＜辰、＞ー條堀川橋占、＜左近府生秦公春注進、＞ 174 このはしの、べたうにならん人は、おなじつかさといふとも、めでたきつかさかな、こめをつちとふまんには、又いま、ひとつのたび、とくこ、いきつかんままに、よろてびあらんずるぞ、去年三月夜、賴業夢、賴業送消息於大外記師長家、于時八月三十日、師長報狀曰、朱器、臺盤、自攝政殿下渡内大臣殿、師長奉仕御使、因之、忩々不能他營矣、其奥書曰、九月重陽日、去二十四日夜、賢覺法眼夢、虚空有人、誦曰、得一切如来智官、＜理趣經文、賢覺、日来承禪閤仰祈請余所求成就、受長者仰後、語此夢、在信不信之間矣、＞是夜、二位、今麻呂来宿、大外記師業来賀、今日依權僧正行慶讓、＜天王寺詣賞、＞能慶＜内大臣子、＞叙法眼、別記、受長者仰事、＜禪閤授之、＞読み下し己亥（つちのとのい）。雞嗚（けいめい）の後（のち）西殿（にしどの）に参る。＜禪閤（ぜんこう）の居處（きょしょ）。＞頃之（しばらくして）、輿（こし）に乗（の） 175 り出御（しゅつぎょ）。余（よ）は車（くるま）に乗（の）り従（したが）う。＜兼長（かねなが）同車（どうしゃ）す。＞船（ふね）に棹（さおさ）し河（かわ）を渡（わた）る。東岸（とうがん）に於（お）いて、禪閤（ぜんこう）車（くるま）に移（うつ）り、余（よ）は車（くるま）を連（つら）ぬ。此（こ）の間（あいだ）降雨（こうう）。二子陵（ふたごりょう）の邊（あたり）に至（いた）る比（ころ）天（てん）曙（あ）く。此（こ）の陵（りょう）を過（す）ぎ、未（いま）だ櫃川（ひつがわ）に至（いた）らずして、禪閤（ぜんこう）の御車（おくるま）を見（み）る。右（みぎ）の邊（あたり）に一（ひと）つの鹿（しか）あり、再（ふたた）び之（これ）を見（み）るに忽然（こつぜん）として見（み）えず。奇（あやし）み僕従（ぼくじゅう）に問（と）うに、各（おのおの）見（み）ずと答（こた）う。疑（うたがうらくは）春日（かすが）明神（みょうじん）禪閤（ぜんこう）を守（まも）る歟（か）。辰（たつ）の時（とき）入洛（にゅうらく）し、京極（きょうごく）より北行（ほっこう）す。近年（きんねん）、禪閤（ぜんこう）上洛（じょうらく）し、高陽院（かやのいん）御（おわ）す所（ところ）の土御門（つちみかど）の宮（みや）に御（おわ）す。仍（より）て陪従（べいじゅう）上下（じょうげ）、皆（みな）其（そ）の由（よし）を存（ぞん）ず。「二」條（「に」じょう）に至（いた）り御車（おくるま）西行（せいこ 176 う）し東三條（ひがしさんじょう）に入御（にゅうぎょ）す。左右（さゆう）これを奇（あや）しむ。所以（ゆえん）を知（し）ること無（な）し。寝殿（しんでん）と東（ひがし）の對（たい）との間（あいだ）の渡廊（わたりろう）を御所（ごしょ）と為（な）す。禪閤（ぜんこう）仲譽（ちゅうよ）をして高陽院（かやのいん）に申さしめて曰（いわ）く、疾（しつ）の急（きゅう）なるによって参向（さんこう）能（あた）わず、東三條（ひがしさんじょう）に侍（さぶら）う者（てえり）。報命（ほうめい）に曰（いわ）く、御悩（ごのう）何事（なにごと）乎（か）、多（おお）く不審（ふしん）の所（ところ）、白晝（はくちゅう）の參入（さんにゅう）、見苦（みぐる）しかるべからざれば、今（いま）の間（あいだ）に參（まい）るべし者（てえり）。重（かさ）ねて渡御（とぎょ）すべきの由（よし）を申（もう）さる。此（こ）の間（あいだ）、左衞門（さえもん）の尉（じょう）爲義（ためよし）、＜五位（ごい）、撿非違使（けびいし）。＞召（めし）に依（よ）り參入（さんにゅう）し、仰（おおせ）を奉（うけたまわ）り兵（へい）御倉町（おくらまち）に屯（たむろ）す。巳（み）の時（とき）天顔（てんがん）快晴（かいせい）、閤大（こうたい）之（これ）を説（と）く。未（ひつじ）の時（とき）許（ばかり）、禪閤（ぜんこう）曰（いわ）く、攝政（せっしょう）我（われ）に於（おい）て不孝（ふこう）、我（わ）が心（こころ）深 177 （ふか）く怨（うら）む。而（しか）して年来（ねんらい）之（これ）を忍（しの）ぶも報（むくい）無（な）し。今（いま）媚（こ）び謟（へつら）い、暗（あん）に攝政（せっしょう）を譲（ゆず）るべきの由（よし）、數度（すうど）なり。＜十（じゅう）許（ばかり）度（ど）と云々（うんぬん）。＞唯（ただ）許諾（きょだく）無（な）きに非（あら）ず、亦（また）不義（ふぎ）の報命（ほうめい）有（あ）り。是（これ）を以（もっ）て将（まさ）に父子（ふし）の義（ぎ）を絶（た）つべし。攝政（せっしょう）は天子（てんし）の授（さず）く所（ところ）、我（われ）之（これ）を奪（うば）うを得（え）ず。氏長者（うじのちょうじゃ）は我（われ）が讓（ゆず）る所（ところ）、勅宣（ちょくせん）有（あ）ること無（な）し。然（しか）らば則（すなわ）ち長者（ちょうじゃ）の官（かん）を取り爾（なんじ）に授（さず）くに、何（なん）ぞ怖（お）じ憚（はばか）る所（ところ）の有（あ）らんや。余（よ）且（かつ）は諫（いさ）め且（かつ）は辭（じ）するに、禪閤（ぜんこう）聽（ゆる）さず。即（すなわ）ち仲行（なかゆき）、賴賢（よりかた）、仲賢（なかかた）等（ら）を召（め）し、長者（ちょうじゃ）の官（かん）の渡（わた）り左券（さけん）、朱器（しゅき）、臺盤（だいばん）、權衡（けんこう）等（ら）を取（と）り出（いだ）すべきの由（よし）を仰（おお）す。賴賢（よりかた）言（い）わく、此（こ）の物（も 178 の）を納（おさ）むる所（ところ）の倉（くら）の鎰（かぎ）、攝政（せっしょう）殿下（でんか）の下家司（しもけいし）の宅（たく）に置（お）く。為之（はた）如何（いかん）。禪閤（ぜんこう）色（いろ）を作（な）して曰（いわ）く、早（はや）く鎖（くさり）を破（やぶ）れ。即（すなわ）ち仲行（なかゆき）等（ら）率（ひ）き向（むか）う。須臾（しゅゆ）にして賴賢（よりかた）来（き）たりて言（い）わく、試（こころ）みに倉（くら）の邊（あたり）を覔（もと）むるに、自（おの）ずから舊（ふる）き鎰（かぎ）を得（う）。以（もっ）て此（こ）の倉（くら）の鏁（かぎ）を開（ひら）くべし。禪閤（ぜんこう）説（と）きて曰（いわ）く、天（てん）の印爾（いんじ）を授（さず）くる也（なり）。此（こ）の間（あいだ）、賀陽院（かやのいん）に渡御（とぎょ）し、朱器（しゅき）等（など）を持参（じさん）す。戌（いぬ）の時（とき）、有成（ありなり）朝臣（あそん）、朱器（しゅき）等（など）を持（も）ち来（きた）る。祿（ろく）を授（さず）けて之（これ）を謝（しゃ）す。之（これ）より先（さき）、禪閤（ぜんこう）法皇（ほうおう）に上書（じょうしょ）して曰（いわ）く、攝政（せっしょう）愚臣（ぐしん）の命（めい）に従（したが）わず、不孝（ふこう）尤（もっと）も甚（はなはだ）し。是（これ）を以（もっ）て既 179 （すで）に父子（ふし）の義（ぎ）を絶（た）つ。仍（より）て長者（ちょうじゃ）の官（かん）を左大臣（さだいじん）に授（さず）け畢（おわん）ぬ、と。戌（いぬ）の時（とき）、報書（ほうしょ）到来（とうらい）して曰（いわ）く、攝政（せっしょう）の不孝（ふこう）盡（つ）くすべからず。人（ひと）伝（つた）えるに、廼者（このごろ）、攝政（せっしょう）の法性寺（ほっしょうじ）邊（あたり）の家（いえ）、麇鹿（びろく）亂入（らんにゅう）し、障子（しょうじ）を破（やぶ）る。又（また）狐（きつね）白晝（はくちゅう）入（はい）り来（きた）り、追（お）い禁（きん）ずるも去（さ）らず。＜今（いま）に猶（なお）此（かく）の如（ごと）し。＞去（さんぬ）る夜（よる）、曉月（あかつきづき）太微（たいび）中（ちゅう）に入（い）り、太白（たいはく）荆州（けいしゅう）を犯（おか）す。占（せん）に曰（いわ）く、月（つき）太微（たいび）中（ちゅう）に行（い）き、君（きみ）の政（まつりごと）は行（い）かず。貴人（きじん）勢（せい）を失（うしな）い權（けん）を奪（うば）う。若（も）しは所由（しょゆ）刑（けい）を成（な）さん。＜泰親（やすちか）密奏（みっそう）を奉（たてまつ）る。＞去（さんぬ）る夏（なつ）、勸學院（かんがくいん）の藤（ふじ）華（はなさか）ず。攝政（せっしょう）占（うらな）わしめて曰（いわ）く、長者（ちょうじゃ）及（およ）び辨別當（べんべっとう） 180 愼（つつし）むべし。＜或（ある）いは曰（いわ）く、件（くだん）の藤（ふじ）、件（くだん）の年（とし）は華（はなさか）ず。＞無動寺（むどうじ）律師（りっし）實寛（じつかん）語（かた）りて曰（いわ）く、去（さ）る比（ころ）、多武峰（とうのみね）廟（びょう）の木主（もくしゅ）自（おの）ずから裂（さ）け申（もう）すも、長者（ちょうじゃ）驚（おどろ）き怖（おそ）るる所（ところ）無（な）し。先例（せんれい）此（こ）の恠（かい）有（あ）る時（とき）、必（かなら）ず祈祷（きとう）有（あ）り。今（いま）其（そ）の事（こと）無（な）く、遂（つい）に此（こ）の凶（きょう）有（あ）り。＜或（ある）いは曰（いわ）く、件（くだん）の木主（もくしゅ）去々年（きょきょねん）裂（さ）くる、と。＞去（さんぬ）る十九日（じゅうくにち）、＜辰（たつ）。＞ー條（いちじょう）堀川（ほりかわ）の橋占（はしうら）。＜左近府生（さこんのふしょう）秦公春（はたのきみはる）注進（ちゅうしん）す。＞この橋（はし）の、別当（べっとう）にならん人（ひと）は、同（おな）じ官（つかさ）といふとも、めでたき官（つかさ）かな、米（こめ）を土（つち）と踏（ふ）まんには。 181 又（また）今（いま）一（ひと）つの度（たび）、早（と）く来（こ）、息（いき）つかんままに、喜（よろこ）びあらんずるぞ。去年（きょねん）三月（さんがつ）の夜（よる）、賴業（よりなり）夢（ゆめ）む。賴業（よりなり）消息（しょうそく）を大外記（だいげき）師長（もろなが）の家（いえ）に送（おく）る。時（とき）に八月（はちがつ）三十日（みそか）なり。師長（もろなが）報狀（ほうじょう）に曰（いわ）く、朱器（しゅき）、臺盤（だいばん）、攝政（せっしょう）殿下（でんか）より内大臣（ないだいじん）殿（どの）に渡（わた）し、師長（もろなが）御使（おつかい）を奉仕（ほうし）す。之（これ）に困（よ）り、忩々（そうそう）他（た）の營（いとな）み能（あた）わず。其（そ）の奥書（おくがき）に曰（いわ）く、九月（くがつ）重陽（ちょうよう）の日（ひ）。去（さ）る二十四日（にじゅうよっか）夜（よる）、賢覺（けんかく）法眼（ほうげん）夢（ゆめ）む。虚空（こくう）に人（ひと）有（あ）り、誦（じゅ）して曰（いわ）く、得（とく）一切（いっさい）如来（にょらい）智印（ちいん）。＜理趣經（りしゅきょう）の文（ふみ）。賢覺（けんかく）、日来（ひごろ）禪閤（ぜんこう）の仰（おお）せを承（うけたまわ）りて余（よ）の求（もと）むる所（ところ）の成就（じょうじゅ）を祈請（きしょう）す。長者（ちょうじゃ）の仰（おお）せを受（う）くる 182 後（のち）、此（こ）の夢（ゆめ）を語（かた）る。信（しん）不信（ふしん）の間（あいだ）在（あ）るか。＞是（こ）の夜（よ）、二位（にい）、今麻呂（いままろ）来（きた）り宿（しゅく）す。大外記（だいげき）師業（もろなり）来（きた）り賀（が）す。今日（きょう）權僧正（ごんのそうじょう）行慶（ぎょうけい）の讓（ゆず）りに依（よ）り、＜天王寺（てんのうじ）詣（もうで）の賞（しょう）。＞能慶（のうけい）＜内大臣（ないだいじん）の子（こ）。＞を法眼（ほうげん）に叙（じょう）す。別記（べっき）、長者（ちょうじゃ）の仰（おお）せを受（う）くる事（こと）。＜禪閤（ぜんこう）之（これ）を授（さず）く。＞ Translation Kyūan 6 (1150) 9th Month 26th Day Tsuchinoto i. 524 After the roosters crowed [I] went to the western hall. <Zenkō was there.> Around then, [Tadazane] left in a palanquin. I got in a carriage and followed him. <Kanenaga 525 rode with me.> Poling the boat we crossed the river, and when we reached the eastern bank, Zenkō moved to a carriage. I joined him. Rain began to fall. When we reached the 524 The thirty-sixth day of the sexagenary cycle. 525 Fujiwara no Kanenaga (1138-1158) Yorinaga’s second eldest son. At the time of this entry, Kanenaga held the junior third rank. 183 Futago royal tomb, the heavens cleared. Past that mausoleum, but not yet at Hitsugawa, 526 I looked at Zenkō’s carriage. To the right side was a deer. Then when I looked again, suddenly I couldn’t see it. How strange! When I questioned the servants, they all answered they didn’t see it. I wondered if it was the Kasuga deity protecting Zenkō? At the hour of the Dragon, 527 [we] entered Kyoto. From Kyōgoku, [we] headed north. In recent years, when Zenkō is in the capital, he stays at the Tsuchimikado Palace where Kaya-no-in resides. The servants <upper and lower> all know this. So, when the carriage went west to Higashisanjō, they thought it strange and did not know the reason why. Zenkō made his quarters between the main hall and the eastern wing. Then Tadazane’s messenger Chūyo was sent to Kayanoin and related, “Because I am suddenly unwell, I cannot go to you.” She answered, “What is the trouble? There are many things unclear. Don’t do anything untoward. When it is light I will come to you.” In the meantime, Tameyoshi, third-level manager of the Left Palace Gate Guards 528 <Fifth rank, Royal Police> was summoned and arrived. He had received an order to gather troops from the guards’ lodgings. At the hour of the snake, 529 the heavens cleared. At the hour of the sheep, 530 Zenkō proclaimed: “The regent is unfilial towards me, and I am deeply angry. I have endured this for years, and now doubt his loyalty. Many times (maybe ten times, some say) I have said he should pass on his office, without his agreeing. Now again he offends propriety. That is why I am now cutting the bonds between father and son. The office of 526 In Yorinaga’s day, it was in the Uji district of Yamashiro province. 527 7-9 AM 528 Minamoto no Tameyoshi (1096-1156). He first paid his respects to Yorinaga as his retainer on 1143.6.30. 529 9-11 AM 530 1-3 PM 184 regent is granted by the ruler, and I cannot take it away. The chieftainship of the clan, however, is mine to pass on without a royal command. What is there to fear?” If I [Yorinaga] admonish him or decline, Zenkō will not permit it. At once Nakayuki, 531 Yorikata, 532 and Nakakata 533 were summoned and ordered to seize and remove the patents of the [regental family] chieftainship: documents, red lacquer trays, tables, and other items. Yorikata said, “The key needed to get these things is kept in the residence of one of the housemen. What should we do?” Zenkō got mad and said, “Quickly smash the lock.” Nakayuki and the others immediately set off together. Shortly Yorikata returned to report, “We searched around the storehouse and were able to find an old key. We used the key to open it.” Zenkō said: “It is a sign from heaven.” At this time, Kaya-no-in came, carrying the lacquerware [and other patents of the chieftainship.] At the hour of the dog, 534 Lord Arinari 535 brought in the red lacquerware [and other treasures]. I gave him a reward and my thanks. Before that, Zenkō wrote to His Cloistered Majesty and said, “The Regent has not followed the orders of this humble minister, and due to his tremendous lack of filial piety, I have cut the bonds between father and son. The office of chieftainship has been given to Minister of the Left [Yorinaga].” Also, at the hour of the dog, a reply came: “You should not bear the Regent’s lack of filial piety. There is a rumor. At the home of the regent near Hōjō-ji, a herd of deer came in and destroyed the shōji screens. And at daylight a fox came in. They penned it up so it couldn’t leave. <It is still there.> Last night the moon entered the supreme palace asterism 536 and came in 531 Takashina no Nakayuki (1121-1179) An official in Yorinaga’s household who at the time served as the supervisor of his children’s tutors. 532 Minamoto no Yorikata (??-1156) served in the Left Palace Gate Guards. 533 Minamoto no Nakakata was a son of Minamoto no Sukekata (1113-1188). 534 7-9 PM 535 Fujiwara no Arinari (dates unknown) 536 Area in the sky around the Big Dipper. 185 conjunction with Venus. According to the Jingzhō zhan, when the moon is in the supreme palace asterism, royal government cannot function, and high ranked individuals lose power and authority. Perhaps [these omens] are a punishment. <Yasuchika 537 memorialized this to the throne.> Last summer the wisteria did not bloom at the Kangakuin. 538 The Regent ordered a divination, [for which the result was]: “The chieftain as well as the head of the controller’s office should take great care. <Some say the wisteria did not bloom this year either.>” The Buddhist priest Shinkan from Mudō-ji 539 reported: “Previously, in the Tōnomine 540 mausoleum a mortuary tablet split on its own, and yet the chieftain [Tadamichi] was not surprised. When a strange thing like this happens, the precedent is that there should be prayers— but this time there were none. There will be bad luck.” <Some say that the tablet split again two years ago.> 541 On the previous 19th day <tatsu 542 >, there was a divination at the Ichijô Horikawa Bridge, 543 at Horikawa. 544 <Left Inner Palace Guard Hata no Kimiharu 545 wrote this down:> On this bridge the person who did not become the director will have a dispute with that same office, and rice will be stamped into the earth. There will be another journey. Wherever they arrive they will not be happy. 537 Abe no Yasuchika (1110-1183) An onmyōji and famous diviner. Appears in the Kakuichibon Heike monogatari. 538 Headquarters of the Fujiwara clan. 539 Mudôji on Mount Hiei, part of Enryakuji [A Shingon temple in Mie prefecture Nabari city.] 540 Hill in the city of Sakurai, Nara Prefecture. On the southern slopes is the Danzan Shrine, known for its ornate architecture and dedicated to Fujiwara no Kamatari. Encyclopedia of Japan. 541 The fact that it split in this mausoleum means that Kamatari does not approve of what is happening. 542 Referring to the second kanji for this date on the sexagenary cycle, mizunoe tatsu 壬辰, the twenty-ninth day of the sexagenary cycle. 543 Divination at the foot of a bridge, where the words of passersby are written down. A diviner then uses this for divining. 544 Also known as the Komogawa river, it runs southward through the center of Kyoto. 545 Hata no Kimiharu (??-1153) An official who served under Yorinaga. He helped with management of Yorinaga’s estates, and was known to be involved in assassinations on his behalf. Kimiharu was also one of Yorinaga’s sexual partners. Nihon jinmei daijiten. 186 Last year in the third month in the evening, Yorinari had a dream, and sent a letter to the home of the senior secretary of the Council of State via Moronoga. 546 In the eighth month on thirty-first day Moronaga brought the reply: “The lacquerware and other treasures should be passed from the regent to His Lordship, the lord Inner Palace Minister (Yorinaga).” Moronaga was the emissary. Because of this, do it quickly. It’s not good to do anything else. The postscript read “Ninth month, Chrysanthemum Day.” On the previous twenty-fourth day, Genkaku Hōgen 547 had a dream. There was a person in the sky who chanted the first line of a sutra, <the Rishu-kyō. 548 > Genkaku received Zenkō’s order to talk about this dream. This dream was related to me after I had assumed the chieftainship. I’m not sure whether to believe it or not.> That night, the Second-Ranker and Imamaro 549 came to stay over. Senior Secretary of the Council of State Moronari came to give congratulations. Today Senior Prelate Gyōkei 550 retired. <He received a reward [for his help with the In’s recent visit to Shitennōji.]> Nōkei <son of the inner palace minister > was promoted to the monastic rank of Hōgen. See additional notes: Regarding my receiving of the order to become chieftain, <Granted to me by Zenkō.> 久安六年九月二十七日原文 546 Fujiwara no Moronaga (1138-1192) was Yorinaga’s second son. 547 Genkaku (1080-1156) “Hōgen” is an honorary Buddhist title. Lit. “eye of the law.” 548 Principle of Wisdom Sutra. It would be a good omen that this was chanted in the dream. 549 Fujiwara no Takanaga (1141-??) was Yorinaga’s third son. He did not have his coming-of-age ceremony until Nimpyō 1 (1151), so he is referred to by his childhood name here. 550 Gyōkei (1101-1165) A high priest of the Tendai sect. 187 庚子、晴、上皇使教長卿賀長者事、又藤大納言、＜宗輔、＞顯親、師能等朝臣来賀、又太相國、右相府、送使示賀、上書法皇、奏昨日事、恐喜相交、難辨善悪之状、手書曰、昨日事、尤可喜悦、来月二日、必可参云々、禪閤曰、法皇手書曰、攝政不義、公之所爲、可謂得理、高陽院、禪閤、余、二位、兼長卿、今麻呂、皆在東三條、依例講儀禮、於大炊第行之、余不臨之、講師成佐、問俊通、須有詩、依敦任謬説止之云矣也、訓読庚子（かのえね）。晴（はれ）。上皇（じょうこう）教長（のりなが）卿（きょう）を使（つか）わして長者（ちょうじゃ）の事（こと）を賀（が）す。又（また）藤大納言（とうだいなごん）、＜宗輔（むねすけ）。＞顯親（あきちか）、師能（もろよし）等（ら）の朝臣（あそん）来賀（らいが）す。又（また）太相國（だいしょうこく）、右相府（うしょうふ）、使（つかい）を送（おく）り賀（が）を示（しめ）す。法皇（ほうおう）に書（ふみ）を上（たてまつ）り、昨日（さくじつ）の事（こと）を奏（そう）す。恐（おそ）れと喜（よろこ）び相（あい）交（ま）じりて、善悪（ぜんあく）の状（じょう）を辨（べん）じ難（がた）し。手書（しょし）に曰（いわ）く、 188 昨日（さくじつ）の事（こと）、尤（もっと）も喜悦（きえつ）すべし。来月（らいげつ）二日（ふつか）、必（かなら）ず参（まい）るべしと云々（うんぬん）。禪閤（ぜんこう）曰（いわ）く、法皇（ほうおう）手書（しゅしょ）に曰（いわ）く、攝政（せっしょう）不義（ふぎ）なり。公（きみ）の為（な）す所（ところ）、理（り）を得（う）と謂（い）うべし。高陽院（かやのいん）、禪閤（ぜんこう）、余（よ）、二位（にい）、兼長（かねなが）卿（きょう）、今麻呂（いままろ）、皆（みな）東三條（ひがしさんじょう）に在（あ）り。例（れい）に依（よ）り儀禮（ぎらい）を講（こう）ず。大炊（おおい）の第（だい）に於（お）いて之（これ）を行（おこな）う。余（よ）は之（これ）に臨（のぞ）まず。講師（こうし）成佐（なりすけ）、問（もん）俊通（としみち）。須（すべから）く詩（し）有（あ）るべきに、敦任（あつとう）の謬説（びゅうせつ）に依（よ）り之（これ）を止（とど）むと云（い）う也（なり）。 Translation Kyūan 6 (1150) 9th Month 27 th Day Kanoe ne. 551 Clear weather. His Cloistered Majesty through Lord Norinaga 552 sent me congratulations on my becoming chieftain. Also, Fujiwara Senior Counselor <Munesuke 553 >, 551 The thirty-seventh day of the sexagenary cycle. 552 Fujiwara no Norinaga (1109-??) A poet and calligrapher, third rank state counselor. 553 Fujiwara no Munesuke (1077-1162) Courtier. Became Minister of the Right in 1156. 189 Lord Akichika, 554 and Lord Moroyashi came. Also, the Viceroy conveyed his congratulations through the Minister of the Right. The Retired Sovereign sent a message. “Regarding what you reported yesterday, I feel a mix of anger and joy. It is both a good and bad thing and difficult to say.” In his own hand it was written: “Yesterday should have been a joyous event. Next month on the second day, come visit me.” Zenkō said that this message acknowledged the Regent’s significant violation of propriety, 555 and that Tadazane’s actions are reasonable— his claims are legitimate. The Second- Ranker, 556 Lord Kanenaga, Imamaro, and I were all at Higashi-Sanjō. According to precedent, a lecture meeting was held on the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. 557 The venue was the Ōi Palace. 558 I did not attend. The lecturer was Narisuke. The questioner was Toshimichi. 559 There should have been a Chinese poem, but because of Noritō’s 560 faulty argument, there wasn’t [a poem]. 久安六年九月二十九日原文壬寅、入夜、禪閤臨東河、除故華山左大臣女之喪、雖欠日、依有先例除之、余依欠日不浴櫛、＜禪閤仰、＞賀陽院、於本宮所行之懺法例時、自今日、渡行東三條、訓読 554 Minamoto no Akichika (1088-1160) Courtier. 555 Specifically, one of the great eight crimes, for not paying attention to the proper roles. 556 One of the nyobo. 557 One of the three sanrai (three rites) books of the Confucian classics. 558 Kayanoin’s palace. 559 Fujiwara no Toshimichi (1128-??) Courtier, eldest son of Munesuke. 560 Fujiwara no Noritō (dates unknown) Second eldest son of Yoshiaki. 190 壬寅（みずのえとら）。夜（よる）に入（い）り、禪閤（ぜんこう）東河（とうか）に臨（のぞ）み、故（こ）華山（かざん）左大臣（さだいじん）の女（むすめ）の喪（も）を除（のぞ）く。欠日（かんにち）と雖（いえど）も、先例（せんれい）有（あ）るに依（よ）り之（これ）を除（のぞ）く。余（よ）欠日（かんにち）に依（よ）り浴櫛（よくしつ）せず。＜禪閤（ぜんこう）の仰（おお）せ。＞賀陽院（かやのいん）、本宮（ほんぐう）に於（お）いて行（おこな）う所（ところ）の懺法（せんぼう）例時（れいじ）、今日（きょう）より、東三條（ひがしさんじょう）に渡（わた）し行（おこな）う。 Translation Kyūan 6 (1150) 9th Month 29th Day Mizunoe tora. 561 When it became evening, Zenkō looked out over the eastern river [Kamo river]. The mourning for the late daughter of Kazan Minister of the Left was eliminated. It was a Water Trigram Day. 562 According to precedent, as this was the Water Trigram Day, it was to be cancelled. Because it was a [Water Trigram Day], I did not bathe or brush my hair <It was Zenkō’s order. >Kayanoin had a confession rite carried out at the usual time at the residence. From today, I will move to Higashi-Sanjō. 仁平三年八月十日 561 The thirty-ninth day of the sexagenary cycle 562 The term Yorinaga uses is kan’nichi 欠日, a shortened form of the calendrical notation 坎日 or kyūkan 九坎. 191 原文丁卯、法性寺御八講始也、職事高基行事、明日以後、重範可行事、今日、依為文章生故人、余〔参カ〕釈奠、仍以高基為代、別記、官政事、三省申政、釈奠事、晴儀、読み下し丁卯（ひのとのう）。法性寺（ほっしょうじ）御八講（みはっこう）を始（はじ）むる也（なり）。職事（しきじ）高基（たかもと）行事（ぎょうじ）す。明日（みょうにち）以後（いご）、重範（しげのり）行事（ぎょうじ）すべし。今日（きょう）、文章生（もんじょうしょう）故人（こじん）為（た）るに依（よ）り、釈奠（せきてん）に参（まい）る。仍（より）て高基（たかもと）を以（もっ）て代（だい）と為（な）す。別記、官政（かんせい）の事（こと）、三省（さんしょう）申政（しんせい）、釈奠（せきてん）の事（こと）、晴儀（せいぎ）。 192 Translation Nimpyō 3 (1153) 8th month 10th Day Hinoto u. 563 At Hosshōji, the Eight (Lotus) Lectures 564 began. The house secretary 565 overseeing the event was [Minamoto no] Takamoto. After tomorrow, the manager [of the event] will be [Minamoto no] Shigenori. 566 Today, I and the elder veterans 567 [performed] the Sekiten 568 ceremony for the students of literature. Therefore [the Eight Lectures] will be left to Shigenori. See additional notes: Regarding the deliberation of the Council of State, 569 the three ministries 570 were included. As for the Sekiten, it was an official rite. 571 久壽二年六月一日原文丁丑、今朝左近將曹狛則助死、＜年卅二、＞深更病者氣、＜〇以下恐闕文、＞別記、夫人薨事、＜自受病育周闋、＞読み下し 563 The fourth day of the sexagenary cycle. 564 Mihakkou was a lecture where the eight sections of the Lotus Sutra were discussed over five days. A memorial service was also held for good health and for the deceased. Kadokawa kogo daijiten. It is possible that the event was held as a memorial for Fujiwara no Tadahira (880-949). Hosshō-ji was his memorial temple. 565 A secretary for Yorinaga’s household staff. 566 Official in the household of Kaya-no-in. Hyohanki jinmei sakuin (Shibunkaku, 2007) 567 Veteran students of literature. 568 Ceremony for Confucius. 569 Specifically, the governing authority of the Council of State. 570 Ministry of Personnel, Ministry of Popular Affairs, and Ministry of Military Affairs. 571 Literally it was defined as an ceremony in the royal court, as opposed to a privately held ceremony. 193 丁丑（ひのとのうし）。今朝（けさ）左近將曹（さこんのしょうそう）狛則助（こまののりすけ）死（し）す。＜年（とし）卅二（さんじゅうに）。＞深更（しんこう）に病者（びょうしゃ）の氣（き）。別記（べっき）、夫人（ふじん）薨（こう）ずる事（こと）。＜病（やまい）を受（う）くより周闋（しゅうけつ）育（はぐく）む。＞ Translation Kyūju 2 (1155) 6 th Month 1 st Day Hinotono ushi. 572 This morning, Sakon no jō Koma no Norisuke 573 died. <Thirty-two years old. 574 > He became ill in the middle of the night. <The following has omitted parts.> See additional notes: My wife passed away. <Since she had become sick, it was apparent she was not long for this world.> 575 久壽二年七月廿三日原文戊辰、天子崩、年十七、余幷大將、中納言中將參内、次余參宿高陽院、鶏鳴後、禪閤渡御、＜自宇治參鳥羽、自鳥羽渡御也、＞別記、 572 The fourteenth day of the sexagenary cycle 573 Koma no Norisuke (1114-1155) 574 Actually forty-two years old. Haramizu Tamiki notes that it appears to be written as forty-two in various shahon versions of Taiki. “Taiki chūshaku (Ninjū ni nen go gatsu, roku gatsu),” Gengo bunka kenkyū 11 (2004): 91. 575 Yorinaga does not elaborate on his wife’s death. 194 読み下し戊辰（つちのえたつ）。天子（てんし）崩（ほう）ず。年（とし）十七（じゅうしち）。余（よ）幷（なら）びに大將（たいしょう）、中納言中將（ちゅうなごんちゅうじょう）參内（さんだい）す。次（つ）いで余（よ）高陽院（かやのいん）に參宿（さんしゅく）す。鶏鳴（けいめい）の後（のち）、禪閤（ぜんこう）渡御（とぎょ）。＜宇治（うじ）より鳥羽（とば）に參（まい）り、鳥羽（とば）より渡御（とぎょ）也（なり）。＞別記（べっき）。 Translation Kyūju 2 (1155) 7 th Month 23rd Day Tsuchinoe tatsu. 576 His Majesty [Konoe] passed away. He was 17 years old. Senior Captain [Kanenaga], 577 Middle Counselor and Middle Captain [Moronaga], 578 and I visited the palace. Then I stayed at Kaya-no-in’s residence. After dawn, Zenkō arrived. <He visited Toba from Uji, and from Toba came here.> See additional notes. 久壽二年七月廿四日原文 576 The fifth day of the sexagenary cycle. 577 Fujiwara no Kanenaga (1138-1158) Yorinaga’s second son. 578 Fujiwara no Moronaga (1138-1192) Yorinaga’s eldest son. 195 己巳、三品雅仁親王受寳位、年廿九、別記、踐祚事、読み下し己巳（つちのとのみ）。三品（さんぽん）雅仁（まさひと）親王（しんのう）寳位（ほうい）を受（う）く。年（とし）廿九（にじゅうく）。別記（べっき）、踐祚（せんそ）の事（こと）。 Translation Kyūju 2 (1155) 7th Month 24th Day Tsuchinotono mi. 579 Prince Masahito ascended the throne. Twenty-nine years old. See additional notes. About the succession for the throne. 580 久壽二年八月廿七日原文 579 The sixth day of the sexagenary cycle. 580 Unfortunately this part of the Taiki bekki is no longer extant. 196 壬寅、親隆朝臣来語曰、所以法皇悪禪閤及殿下＜余＞者、先帝崩後、人寄帝巫口、巫曰、先年人爲詛朕、打釘於愛宕護山天公像目、故朕目不明遂以即世、法皇聞食其事、使人見件像、既有其釘、即召愛宕護山住僧問之、僧申云、五六年之前、有夜中 □□□□□□□□ 、美福門院及關白疑入道及左大臣所爲、□ 法皇悪之、雖難取信、天下道俗所申如此、先日成隆朝臣略□ 此事、今聞兩人説、□ 〔怖〕畏不少、但禪閤及余、唯知愛宕護山天公旅行、未知愛宕護山有天公像、何况祈請乎、蒼天在上、白日照□ 〔下〕、□ 〔可〕怖々々、或人□□□□ 源義賢、爲其兄下野守義朝之子、於武藏國見殺、読み下し壬寅（みずのえとら）。親隆（ちかたか）朝臣（あそん）来（き）たり語（かた）りて曰（いわ）く、法皇（ほうおう）の禪閤（ぜんこう）及（およ）び殿下（でんか）＜余（よ）。＞を悪（にく）む所以（ゆえん）は、先帝（せんてい）の崩後（ほうご）、人（ひと）帝（てい）を巫（かんなぎ）の口（くち）に寄（よ）すに、巫（かんなぎ）曰（いわ）く、先年（せんねん）人（ひと）朕（ちん）を詛（のろ）う爲（ため）に、釘（くぎ）を愛宕護山（あたごやま）の天公（てんこう）像（ぞう）の目（め）に打（う）つ。故（ゆえ）に朕（ちん）の目（め）明（あき）らかならず、遂（つい）に以 197 （もっ）て即世（そくせい）す。法皇（ほうおう）其（そ）の事（こと）を聞（き）こし食（め）し、人（ひと）をして件（くだん）の像（ぞう）を見せしむに、既（すで）に其（そ）の釘（くぎ）有（あ）り。即（すなわ）ち愛宕護山（あたごやま）の住僧（じゅうそう）を召（め）し、之（これ）を問（と）う。僧（そう）申（もう）して云（い）わく、五六年（ごろくねん）の前（まえ）、夜中（よなか）に□□□□□□□□ 有（あ）り。美福門院（びふくもんいん）及（およ）び關白（かんぱく）入道（にゅうどう）及（およ）び左大臣（さだいじん）の為（な）す所（ところ）を疑（うたが）う。 □ 法皇（ほうおう）之（これ）を悪（にく）む。信（しん）を取（と）り難（がた）しと雖（いえど）も、天下（てんか）道俗（どうぞく）の申（もう）す所（ところ）此（かく）の如（ごと）し。先日（せんじつ）成隆（なりたか）朝臣（あそん）略（ほぼ）此（こ）の事（こと）を□ 。今（いま）兩人（りょうにん）の説（せつ）を聞（き）くに、怖 581 畏（ふい）少（すく）なからず。但（ただ）し禪閤（ぜんこう）及（およ）び余（よ）、唯（ただ）愛宕護山（あたごやま）の天公（てんこう）旅行（りょこう）するを知（し）る。未（いま）だ愛宕護山（あたごやま）に天公（てんこう）像（ぞう）の有（あ）るを知（し）らず。何（なん）ぞ况（いわん）や祈請（きしょ 581 Haramizu Tamiki notes this kanji appears in another edition of Taiki. “Taiki chūshaku (Ninjū ni nen nana gatsu~ shichi gatsu),” Gengo bunka kenkyū 12 (2005): 34. 198 う）せん乎（か）。蒼天（そうてん）は上（かみ）に在（あ）り、白日（はくじつ）は下（した）を照（てら）す。怖（おそ）るべし怖（おそ）るべし。或（あ）る人（ひと）□□□□ 源義賢（みなもとのよしかた）、其（そ）の兄（あに）下野守（しもつけのかみ）義朝（よしとも）の子（こ）の爲（ため）に、武藏國（むさしのくに）に於（お）いて殺（ころ）さるを見（み）る。 Translation Kyūju 2 (1155) 8th Month 27th Day Mizunoe tora. 582 Chikataka 583 came. He relayed the reason that His Cloistered Majesty hates Zenkō and I. It is because after the late sovereign [Konoe] died a person was possessed by the late sovereign. [Through] the medium, the spirit said “Last year, in order to curse me [Konoe], someone went to Mt. Atago 584 and pounded nails into the eyes of the deity [of Mt. Atago.] So I lost my sight and then I died.” When His Cloistered Majesty [Toba] heard this, he sent people to examine the image, and the nails were there. Immediately he called upon the resident monk on Mt. Atago and questioned him. The monk reported that five or six years prior, in the middle of the night, [missing characters]. Bifukumon’in and Viceroy [Tadamichi] suspected Tadazane and the Minister of the Left. That is why the Retired Sovereign hates us. Although it is difficult to believe, it is what all the monks and the secular world are talking about. The other day, Lord Naritaka [reported] approximately the same thing. Now, listening to both of these accounts, I am full of dread. While Zenkō and I traveled to the deity on Mt. Atago, we did 582 The thirty-fifth day of the sexagenary cycle. 583 Fujiwara no Chikataka (1099-1165) Courtier and poet. 584 Mountain in the northwestern part of Ukyo-ku in Kyoto. 199 not know that the statue existed. What to do? I am praying. Blue skies are above, the sun shines down. 585 <The following is omitted.> A certain person [missing characters]. Minamoto no Yoshikata 586 was killed by the son 587 of his older brother, the Shinotsuke provincial governor, in the sight of Yoshitomo in Musashi province. 588 久壽二年九月八日原文壬子、除服、＜猶服心喪、＞参皇后宮、次参高陽院、禪閤仰曰、院御返事如此、即披見、曰、當今一宮、女院＜美福、＞所養育也、仍立太子事、女院掌之、而此三年以来、左大臣不勤女院事、料朕即世之後、左大臣爲太子女院等不盡忠、何故望傅乎、深更歸五條、伝聞、今旦禪閤渡御東三條、奉幣春日、被申寄垂氷西杉之由、午刻還御土御門、読み下し壬子（みずのえね）。除服（じょふく）す。＜猶（なお）心喪（しんそう）に服（ふく）す。＞皇后宮（こうごうぐう）に参（まい）り、次（つい）で高陽院（かやのい 585 This is possibly a metaphor for Yorinaga’s innocence. 586 Minamoto no Yoshikata (????-1155) Second son of Tameyoshi 587 Minamoto no Yoshihira (1141-1160) 588 The largest province at the time in the Kanto region, today it encompasses the Tokyo metropolis area, most of Saitama prefecture, and part of Kanagawa prefecture. 200 ん）に参（まい）る。禪閤（ぜんこう）仰（おお）せて曰（いわ）く、院（いん）の御返事（おへんじ）此（かく）の如（ごと）し。即（すなわ）ち披見（ひけん）す。曰（いわ）く、當今（とうぎん）一宮（いちのみや）、女院（にょいん）＜美福（びふく）。＞養育（よういく）する所（ところ）也（なり）。仍（より）て立太子（りったいし）の事（こと）、女院（にょいん）之（これ）を掌（つかさど）る。而（しか）るに此（こ）の三年以来（さんねんいらい）、左大臣（さだいじん）女院（にょいん）の事（こと）を勤（つと）めず。料（はか）るに朕（ちん）即世（そくせい）の後（のち）、左大臣（さだいじん）太子（たいし）女院（にょいん）等（ら）の爲（ため）に忠（ちゅう）を盡（つ）くさざらん。何故（なにゆえ）に傅（ふ）を望（のぞ）む乎（か）。深更（しんこう）五條（ごじょう）に歸（かえ）る。伝（つた）え聞（き）く、今旦（こんたん）禪閤（ぜんこう）東三條（ひがしさんじょう）に渡（わた）り御（おわ）す。春日（かすが）に奉幣（ほうべい）し、垂氷西杉（たるひのにしすぎ）を寄（よ）するの由（よし）を申（もう）さる。午（うま）の刻（こく）に土御門（つちみかど）に還（かえ）り御（おわ）す。 Translation Kyūju 2 (1155) 9th Month 8th Day 201 Mizunoe ne. 589 Coming out of mourning, <now I mourn in my heart.> I visited the Queen-Consort’s 590 residence. Next I visited Kaya-no-in. Zenkō ordered “A reply came from the retired sovereign [Toba]. Immediately open it and read it.” [The message] said: “The first prince 591 of the current sovereign [Go-Shirakawa] is being raised by Retired Queen Consort <Bifukumon’in>. Therefore, she will take charge of the rites of investiture. Over the last three years, the Minister of the Left has not served the Retired Queen Consort. Since I came to power, the Minister of the Left has not loyally served the Crown Prince and the Retired Queen Consort. Why would he now want to be the crown prince’s premier tutor?” Deep in the night I returned to Gojō. I heard that this morning Zenkō went to the Higashi Sanjō. He sent offerings to Kasuga Shrine and ordered that the Tarumi no Nishimaki 592 Estate be given to the shrine. At the hour of the horse, 593 [Zenkō] returned to Tsuchimikado. 594 589 The orty-ninth day of the sexagenary cycle. 590 Fujiwara no Masaruko (1140-1201) Also read as Tashi. The daughter of Tokudaishi no Kin’yoshi (1115-1161). She was adopted by Yorinaga, who first petitioned for her entry into the back palace in 1142 as a consort for Konoe. She entered the palace on 1150.1.10. There is another kōgō at this time who it could possibly be, but Haramizu Tamiki thinks it is Masaruko. 591 Prince Morihito (1143-1165) later reigned as Nijō tennō. His mother, Minamoto no Ishi (1116-1143), passed away while giving birth, so Bifukumon’in adopted the child. 592 A shōen (estate) of the Sekkanke line in the Teshima province set up in the 11th century. While Yorinaga ordered the estate be given to Kasuga Shrine, it was not actually given to the shrine until 593 11am-1pm 594 Alternate name for Kaya-no-in, and it is on the fifth ward avenue. 202 Appendix D Hyōhan ki Translations 保元元年七月五日原文甲辰、藏人大輔雅賴奉勅、召仰檢非違使等、令停止京中武士、左衛門尉平基盛、右衛門尉惟繁、源義康等、参入奉了、去月朔以後、依院宣、下野守義朝幷義康等、参宿陣頭守護禁中、又出雲守光保朝臣、和泉守盛兼、此外源氏平氏輩、皆悉率隨兵祗候于鳥羽殿、蓋是法皇崩後、上皇左府同心發軍、欲奉傾國家、其儀風聞、旁被用心也、訓読甲辰（きのえたつ）、藏人（くろうど）の大輔（たいふ）雅賴（まさより）勅（ちょく）を奉（うけたまわ）り、檢非違使（けびいし）等（ら）に召仰（めしおお）せて、京中（きょうちゅう）の武士（ぶし）を停止（ていし）せしむ。左衛門尉（さえもんのじょう）平基盛（たいらのもともり）、右衛門尉（うえもんのじょう）惟繁（これしげ）、源義康（みなもとのよしやす）等（ら）、参入（さんにゅう）し奉（うけたまわ）り了（おわん）ぬ。去（さんぬる）月（つき）朔（ついたち）以後（いご）、院宣（いんぜん）に依り、下野守（しもつけのかみ）義朝（よしとも）幷（ならび）に義康（よしやす）等（ら）、陣頭（じんとう）に参宿（さんしゅく）し禁中（きんちゅう） 203 を守護（しゅご）す。又（また）出雲守（いずものかみ）光保（みつやす）朝臣（あそん）、和泉守（いずみのかみ）盛兼（もりかね）、此（こ）の外（ほか）源氏（げんじ）と平氏（へいし）の輩（ともがら）、皆（みな）悉（ことごと）く隨兵（ずいひょう）を率（ひきい）て鳥羽殿（とばどの）に祗候（しこう）す。蓋（けだ）し是（これ）法皇（ほうおう）の崩（かくる）る後（のち）、上皇（じょうこう）と左府（さふ）同心（どうしん）して軍（ぐん）を発（は）っし、國家（こっか）を傾（かたむ）け奉（たてまつ）らんと欲（ほっ）す。其（そ）の儀（ぎ）風聞（ふうぶん）し、旁（かたが）た用心（ようじん）せらるる也（なり）。 Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 5th Day Kinoe tatsu. 595 Royal secretary and second-level manager of the Royal Secretariat, [Minamoto no] Masayori 596 received a royal decree ordering the Royal Police to suppress the presence of warriors in the capital. Third-ranking manager of the Gate Guards of the Left Taira no Motomori 597 , third-ranking manager of the Gate Guards of the Right [Taira no] Koreshige, and Minamoto no Yoshiyasu 598 went to the palace to receive it. Since the first of the last month, by an order of His Cloistered Majesty, Governor of Shimotsuke Province 599 [Minamoto no] 595 The forty-first day of the sexagenary cycle. 596 Minamoto no Masayori (1127-1190) 597 Taira no Motomori (1139-1162) was the second son of Kiyomori. 598 Minamoto/Ashikaga no Yoshiyasu (????-1157) 599 Located in present-day Tochigi Prefecture. 204 Yoshitomo 600 and Yoshiyasu, are to take up residence in the guardroom to guard the royal palace. Also, the Governor of Izumo Province 601 Lord [Minamoto no] Mitsuyasu, 602 the Governor of Izumi Province 603 [Taira no] Morikane, as well as other Minamoto and Taira clans, all will mobilize their followers to protect and serve at the Toba palace. Since His Cloistered Majesty [Toba] passed away, His Cloistered Majesty [Sutoku] and Minister of the Left [Yorinaga] were of the same mind about using military force to take over court government. Because of this rumor, all precautions are being taken. 保元元年七月六日原文乙巳、左衛門尉平基盛、於東山法住寺邊、追捕源親治身、件男賴治孫、親弘男也、大和國有勢者、竊住京、爲被尋由緒也、左府雖籠居宇縣、召件親治被住京、尤有疑云々、訓読乙巳（きのとのみ）、左衛門尉（さえもんのじょう）平基盛（たいらのもともり）、東山（ひがしやま）法住寺（ほうじゅうじ）の邊（あた）りに於（お）いて、源親治（みなもとのちかはる）の身（み）を追捕（ついぶ）す。件（くだん）の男（おのこ）は賴治（よりはる）の孫（まご）、親弘（ちかひろ）の男（なん）也（なり）。大和国（や 600 Minamoto no Yoshitomo (1123-1160) His father, Tameyoshi, sided with Sutoku and Yorinaga during the rebellion, resulting in Yoshitomo’s promotion to head of the clan after defeating his father in battle. 601 Located in the present-day eastern part of Shimane Prefecture. 602 Minamoto no Mitsuyasu (????-1160) 603 Located in the present-day south-western part of Osaka Prefecture. 205 まとのくに）の有勢者（ゆうせいしゃ）にして、竊（ひそ）かに京（みやこ）に住（す）む。由緒（ゆいしょ）を尋（たず）ねられんが爲（ため）也（なり）。左府（さふ）宇縣（うけん）に籠居（ろうきょ）すと雖（いえど）も、件（くだん）の親治（ちかはる）を召（め）して京（みやこ）に住（すま）わる、尤（もっと）も疑（うたが）い有（あ）りと云々（うんぬん）。 Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 6th Day Kinotono mi. 604 Third-ranking manager of the Gate Guards of the Left Taira no Motomori, in the vicinity of Higashiyama Hōjū-ji, chased down and captured Minamoto no Chikaharu. 605 The man is the grandson of Yoriharu 606 and the son of Chikaharo. The reason [for capturing Chikaharu] is to find out why a strongman of Yamato Province is secretly staying in the capital. All are saying that even though the Minister of the Left is secluded at Uji, that he [Yorinaga] called Chikaharo and that [Chikaharu] is living in Kyoto is very suspicious. 保元元年七月八日（抄本）原文今日藏人頭左中辨雅教朝臣、奉勅定、以御教書仰諸國司云、入道前太政大臣幷左大臣、催庄園軍兵之由、有其聞、慥可令停止者、 604 The forty-second day of the sexagenary cycle. 605 Minamoto no Chikaharu (1116-1186) was a vassal of Yorinaga. 606 Minamoto no Yoriharu (dates unknown) was founder of the Yamato Genji line. 206 今日藏人左衛門尉俊成幷義朝隨兵等、押入東三條檢知沒官了、東藏町同前、卽被仰預義朝了、其間、平等院供僧勝尊修祕法在彼殿中、＜中門南廊、＞直搦召、被尋問子細、於本尊幷文書等者、皆悉被召了、是依左府命日来居住云々、子細難盡筆端、訓読今日（きょう）藏人頭（くろうどのとう）左中辨（さちゅうべん）雅教（まさのり）朝臣（あそん）、勅定（ちょくじょう）を奉（うけたまわ）り、御教書（みぎょうしょ）を以（もっ）て諸國司（しょこくし）に仰（おお）せて云（いわ）く、入道（にゅうどう）前太政大臣（さきのだいじょうだいじん）並（ならび）に左大臣（さだいじん）、庄園（しょうえん）の軍兵（ぐんびょう）を催（もよお）すの由（よし）、其（そ）の聞（き）こえあり。慥（たし）かに停止（ちょうじ）せしむべしてへり。今日（きょう）藏人（くろうど）左衛門尉（さえもんのじょう）俊成（としなり）并（ならび）に義朝（よしとも）の隨兵（ずいひょう）等（ら）、東三條（ひがしさんじょう）に押入（おしい）り、檢知（けんち）して沒官（もっかん）し了（おわん）ぬ。東藏町（ひがしくらまち）同前（どうぜん。卽（すなわ）ち義朝（よしとも）に仰（おお）せ預（あず）けられ了（おわんぬ）。其（そ）の間（かん）、平等院（びょう 207 どういん）の供僧（ぐそう）勝尊（しょうそん）祕法（ひほう）を修（しゅう）して彼（かの）殿中（でんちゅう）に在（あ）り。＜中門（ちゅうもん）の南廊（なんろう）。＞直（ただち）に搦（から）め召（め）して、子細（しさい）を尋問（じんもん）せらる。本尊（ほんぞん）并（ならび）に文書（もんじょ）等（など）に於（お）いては、皆（みな）悉（ことごと）く召（め）され了（おわんぬ）。是（これ）左府（さふ）の命（めい）に依（より）日来（ひごろ）居住（きょじゅう）すと云々（うんうん）。子細（しさい）筆端（ひったん）に盡（つ）くし難（がた）し。 Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 8th Day (Selection) Today, Royal Secretary and Middle Controller of the Left Lord Masanori 607 received a royal edict to be sent out to the various provincial governors: “There is a rumor that Former Viceroy [Tadazane] and Minister of the Left [Yorinaga] are mobilizing fighting men from estates. Certainly, this should be stopped.” Today, Royal Secretary and Third-ranking Manager of the Gate Guards of the Left Toshinari 608 together with Yoshitomo and his followers broke into the Higashi Sanjō, searched it, and confiscated [the property.] The same [thing occurred] in the vicinity of the eastern storehouses, of which Yoshitomo was ordered to take charge. Shōson, a ritualist monk of the Byōdō-in, was [found] performing secret rites in the [Higashi Sanjō] palace. <Middle Gate 607 Fujiwara no Masanori (1113-1173) 608 Fujiwara no Toshinari (1114-1204) was later known as Shunzei. 208 southern corridor.> They promptly arrested and bound him up, and questioned him for details about the main image and documents. It was all confiscated. Lately [Shōson was living there] by order of the Minister of the Left. I can’t write down all the details. 保元元年七月九日原文戊申、夜半、上皇自鳥羽田中御所、密々御幸白川前齋院御所、＜齋院去二日渡御鳥羽殿了、＞上下成奇、親疎不知云々、訓読戊申（つちのえさる）、夜半（やはん）、上皇（じょうこう）鳥羽（とば）田中（たなか）の御所（ごしょ）自（よ）り、密々（みつみつ）白川（しらかわ）前（ぜん）齋院（さいいん）の御所（ごしょ）に御幸（ごこう）す。＜齋院（さいいん）去（さんぬる）二日（ふつか）鳥羽殿（とばどの）に御渡（おわた）り了（おわんぬ）。＞上下（じょうげ）奇（き）と成（な）す。親疎（しんそ）知（し）らずと云々（うんうん）。 Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 9th Day 209 Utsunoe saru. 609 In the dead of night, His Cloistered Majesty [Sutoku] went secretly from the Toba Tanaka palace to the former Sai-in 610 [Tōshinai] 611 in Shirakawa. < She had travelled to the Toba Palace on the recent second day. > This is very strange. People say they were not known to have had this kind of familiar relation. 保元元年七月十日原文己酉、上皇於白川殿被整軍兵、是日来風聞、已所露顯也、散位平家弘・大炊助同康弘・右衛門尉同盛弘・兵衛尉同時弘・判官代同時盛・藏人同長盛・源爲國等、各祗候、又前大夫尉源爲義、前左衛門尉同頼賢・八郎同爲知・九郎冠者等引率初参、頃年以来、依故院勘責各籠居、今当此時懇切被召出也、晩頭、左府自宇縣参入、前馬助平忠正・散位源賴憲、各發軍兵、偏爲合戰儀、于時上皇左府合額議定、左京大夫教長卿同候御前、家弘・爲義忽補判官代、直被召御前、賴賢又被補六位判官代了、禁中＜于時高松殿、＞依彼僉議、同被集武士、下野守義朝・右衛門尉義康、候于陣頭、此外安藝守清盛朝臣・兵庫頭賴政・散位重成・左衛門尉源季實・平信兼・右衛門尉平惟繁、依勅定参会、漸及 609 The forty-fifth day of the sexagenary cycle. 610 A Sai-in was an unmarried princess who had served as a priestess at Kasuga Shrine. 611 Princess Tōshinai (1126-1189) was later Jōsaimon-in. She was a daughter of Toba and sister to Sutoku and Go- Shirakawa. 210 晩頭軍如雲霞、關白殿幷中納言殿令参内給、此間清盛朝臣・義朝等、依召参朝餉、執奏合戰籌策、入夜清盛朝臣以下各着甲胄、引率軍兵、清盛朝臣着紺水干小袴、紫革＜□□□□ ＞冑、常陸守頼盛・淡路守教盛・中務少輔重盛、同備武装相従、義朝着赤地錦水干小袴、頼政以下各々思々、多用紺水干小袴、或用生絹、皆蒙冑折烏帽子、付骸宛、着革冑、僮僕負胡籙持甲、今夜下官依殿下仰、參東三條檢知寢殿以下、俄可有行幸故也、読み下し己酉（つちのととり）、上皇（じょうこう）白川殿（しらかわどの）に於（お）いて軍兵（ぐんびょう）を整（ととの）えらる。是（これ）日来（ひごろ）の風聞（ふうぶん）、已（すで）に露顯（ろけん）する所（ところ）也（なり）。散位（さんい）平家弘（たいらのいえひろ）・大炊助（おおいのすけ）同（どう）康弘（やすひろ）・右衛門尉（うえもんのじょう）同（どう）盛弘（もりひろ）・兵衛尉（ひょうえのじょう）同（どう）時弘（ときひろ）・判官代（ほうがんだい）同（どう）時盛（ときもり）・藏人（くろうど）同（どう）長盛（ながもり）・源爲國（みなもとのためくに）等（ら）、各（おのおの）祗候（しこう）す。又（また）前大夫尉（さきのたいふのじょ 211 う）源爲義（みなもとのためよし）、前左衛門尉（さきのさえもんのじょう）同（どう）頼賢（よりかた）・八郎（はちろう）同（どう）爲知（ためとも）・九郎（くろう）冠者（かんじゃ）等（ら）を引率（いんそつ）し初参（しょさん）す。頃年（けいねん）以来（いらい）、故院（こいん）の勘責（かんせき）に依（よ）り各（おのおの）籠居（ろうきょ）す。今（いま）此（こ）の時（とき）に当（あた）りて懇切（こんせつ）に召出（めしいだ）さる也（なり）。晩頭（ばんとう）、左府（さふ）宇縣（うけん）自（よ）り参入（さんにゅう）す。前馬助（さきのうまのすけ）平忠正（たいらのただまさ）・散位（さんい）源賴憲（みなもとのよりのり）、各（おのおの）軍兵（ぐんびょう）を發（はっ）し、偏（ひとえ）に合戰（かっせん）の儀（ぎ）を為（な）す。時（とき）に上皇（じょうこう）左府（さふ）と額（ひたい）を合（あわ）せて議定（ぎじょう）す。左京大夫（さきょうのだいぶ）教長（のりなが）卿（きょう）同（おなじ）く御前（ごぜん）に候（こう）ず。家弘（いえひろ）・爲義（ためよし）忽（たちま）ち判官代（ほうがんだい）に補（ぶ）し、直（じき）に御前（ごぜん）に召（め）さる。賴賢（よりかた）又（また）六位（ろくい）判官代（ほうがんだい）に補（ぶ）され了（おわんぬ）。 212 禁中（きんちゅう）＜時（とき）に高松殿（たかまつどの）。＞彼（か）の僉議（せんぎ）に依（よ）り、同（おな）じく武士（ぶし）を集（あつ）めらる。下野守（しもつけのかみ）義朝（よしとも）・右衛門尉（うえもんのじょう）義康（よしやす）、陣頭（じんとう）に候（こう）ず。此（こ）の外（ほか）安藝守（あきのかみ）清盛（きよもり）朝臣（あそん）・兵庫頭（ひょうごのかみ）賴政（よりまさ）・散位（さんい）重成（しげなり）・左衛門尉（さえもんのじょう）源季實（みなもとのすえざね）・平信兼（たいらののぶかね）・右衛門尉（うえもんのじょう）平惟繁（たいらのこれしげ）、勅定（ちょくじょう）により参曾（さんかい）す。漸（ようや）く晩頭（ばんとう）に及（およ）び軍（ぐん）雲霞（うんか）の如（ごと）し。關白殿（かんぱくどの）并（ならび）に中納言殿（ちゅうなごんどの）参内（さんだい）せしめ給（たま）う。此（こ）の間（あいだ）清盛（きよもり）朝臣（あそん）・義朝（よしとも）等（ら）、召（めし）に依（よ）り朝餉（あさがれい）に参（まい）り、合戰（かっせん）の籌策（ちゅうさく）を執奏（しっそう）す。夜（よる）に入（い）り清盛（きよもり）朝臣（あそん）以下（いか）各（おのおの）甲胄（かっちゅう）を着（ちゃく）し、軍兵（ぐんびょう）を引率（いんそつ）す。 213 清盛（きよもり）朝臣（あそん）は紺（こん）の水干（すいかん）小袴（こばかま）、紫（むらさき）の革（かわ）の冑（かぶと）を着（ちゃく）す。常陸守（ひたちかみ）頼盛（よりもり）・淡路守（あわじのかみ）教盛（のりもり）・中務少輔（なかつかさのしょうゆう）重盛（しげもり）、同（おなじ）く武装（ぶそう）を備（そな）え相（あい）従（したが）う。義朝（よしとも）は赤地（あかじ）錦（にしき）の水干（すいかん）小袴（こばかま）を着（ちゃく）す。頼政（よりまさ）以下（いか）各々（おのおの）思々（おもいおもい）、多（おお）く紺（こん）の水干（すいかん）の小袴（こばかま）を用（もち）い、或（あるい）は生絹（すずし）を用（もち）う。皆（みな）冑（かぶと）に折烏帽子（おりえぼし）を蒙（かぶ）り、骸宛（すねあて）を付（つ）け、革（かわ）の冑（かぶと）を着（ちゃく）す。僮僕（どうぼく）は胡籙（やなぐひ）を負（お）い甲（かぶと）を持（も）つ。今夜（こんや）下官（げかん）殿下（でんか）の仰（おお）せに依（よ）りて、東三條（ひがしさんじょう）に參（まい）り寢殿（しんでん）以下（いか）を檢知（けんち）す。俄（にわか）に行幸（ぎょうこう）有（あ）るべき故（ゆえ）也（なり）。 214 今夜（こんや）下官（げかん）殿下（でんか）の仰（おお）せによりて、東三條（ひがしさんじょう）に參（まい）り寢殿（しんでん）以下（いか）を檢知（けんち）す。俄（にわか）に行幸（ぎょうこう）有（あ）るべき故（ゆえ）也（なり）。 Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 10th Day Kinotono tori. 612 His Cloistered Majesty [Sutoku] prepared his forces at the Shirakawa Palace. What was a recent rumor is now clear. The guard Taira no Iehiro, 613 third-ranking manager at the Bureau of the Royal Palace Kitchens Taira no Yasuhiro, third-level manager of the Left Gate Guards [Taira no] Morihiro, Inspector of the Middle Palace Guards [Taira no] Tokihiro, Supervisor [Taira no] Tokimori, Royal Secretary [Taira no] Nagamori, 614 and Minamoto no Tamekuni 615 all reported for service. Additionally, the former fifth-rank inspector Minamoto no Tameyoshi, 616 the former third-ranking manager of the Left Gate Guards [Minamoto no] Yorikata, 617 the eighth son [Minamoto no] Tametomo, and his ninth son, assembled and entered the palace. Recently, the late sovereign [Konoe] had ordered them [to be kept] under house arrest. Now in these uncertain times they have been urgently called upon. 612 The twenty-second day of the sexagenary cycle. 613 Taira no Iehiro (????-1156) 614 Taira no Nagamori (????-1156) was the eldest son of Tadamasa. The 「長」in his name was taken from Yorinaga. He was executed after the rebellion. 615 Minamoto no Tamekuni (dates unknown) was the adopted son of Akikiyo. Interestingly he did not receive much punishment after the rebellion due to being the son-in-law of Shinzei. 616 Minamoto no Tameyoshi (1096-1156) was head of the Minamoto clan. He took the tonsure and was executed by his son after the rebellion. 617 Minamoto no Yorikata (????-1156) was Tameyoshi’s fourth son. He was executed along with his brothers after the rebellion. 215 In the evening, the Minister of the Left [Yorinaga] proceeded [to Sutoku In’s palace] from Uji. The former second-ranking manager of the stables Taira no Tadamasa 618 and Minamoto no Yorinori 619 (without post) mobilized their soldiers. They are ready for battle. The retired sovereign and the Minister of the Left are consulting. Director of the Left Capital Bureau Lord [Fujiwara no] Norinaga 620 is also serving before His Majesty. Iehiro and Tameyoshi were appointed as inspectors and called before His Majesty. Yorikata was also made a sixth-rank inspector. At the royal palace for this discussion <currently the Takamatsu palace, 621 > warriors were called up in the same way. The governor of Shimotsuke [Minamoto no] Yoshitomo and Third-Ranking Manager of the Right Gate Guards Yoshiyasu were the commanders. In addition, the governor of Aki Lord [Taira no] Kiyomori, the head of military stores Yorimasa, the guard Shigenari, the Third-Ranking Manager of the Left Gate Guards Minamoto no Suezane, Taira no Nobukane, and Third-Ranking Manager of the Right Gate Guards Taira no Koreshige all gathered by royal order. By evening the army gradually gathered like clouds and mist. Viceroy [Tadamichi] along with Middle Counselor [Fujiwara no Shigemichi] 622 were called to see His Majesty. At the same time Lord Kiyomori and Yoshitomo were called to His Majesty’s breakfast quarters where they announced their battle strategy. In the middle of the night Lord Kiyomori and the others each had put on armor and helmets and prepared their forces. 618 Taira no Tadamasa (????-1156) was the son of Masamori. 619 Minamoto (Tada) no Yorinori (????-1156) was part of Sutoku’s main force. He was decapitated after the battle along with his eldest son. 620 Fujiwara no Norinaga (1109-????) 621 A palace located in the northern part of the central ward of Kyoto. Originally built for Daigo tenno, it was the residence of Go-Shirakawa. It was burned down in the Heiji Disturbance of 1159. 622 Fujiwara no Shigemichi (1099-1161) was the fifth son of Munemichi. 216 Lord Kiyomori wore an indigo-washed silk hakama 623 and a purple leather helmet. Governor of Hitachi [Taira no] Yorimori, 624 Governor of Awaji [Taira no] Norimori, 625 and Second-in-command 626 of the Ministry of Central Affairs [Taira no] Shigemori 627 each equipped themselves with similar arms and followed [Kiyomori]. Yoshitomo wore a red brocade-washed silk hakama. [Minamoto no] Yorimasa 628 and those below him were clad colorfully, many with indigo-washed silk or raw-silk hakama. Everyone received black-lacquered leg guards. 629 Young male servants carried quivers and helmets. Tonight, following His Majesty’s orders, I went to the Higashi-Sanjō to check if the main residence is ready for the sudden royal visit. 保元元年七月十一日（抄本）原文左府雖中矢被疵、其命存否、今日不分明云々、読み下し 623 Suikan is silk that has been dried after being washed in water and stretched out. Kobakama were traditionally worn by warriors with short-hemmed hakama tied with a knot. 624 Taira no Yorimori (1131-1186) Tadamori’s son and Kiyomori’s little brother. 625 Taira no Norimori (1128-1185) Tadamori’s son and Kiyomori’s little brother. 626 Shiyō is below vice-minister (taifu). 627 Taira no Shigemori (1138-1179) was Kiyomori’s eldest son. 628 Minamoto no Yorimasa (1106-1180) was a friend of Kiyomori. 629 Literally to protect their tibias. 217 左府（さふ）矢（や）に中（あた）り疵（きず）を被（こうむ）ると雖（いえど）も、其（そ）の命（いのち）の存否（ぞんぴ）、今日（きょう）分明（ぶんめい）ならずと云々（うんうん）。 Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 11th Day (Selection) Although the Minister of the Left was injured by an arrow, whether he is alive or dead is unknown as of today. 保元元年七月十二日原文辛亥、上皇幷左府存否、幷在所不分明、仍所々被追捕、知足院寺中房舎、一條北邊、公晴奮宅、檢非違使季實・資良等奉行之、読み下し辛亥（かのとのい）、上皇（じょうこう）幷（ならび）に左府（さふ）の存否（ぞんぴ）、幷（ならび）に在所（ざいしょ）分明（ぶんめい）ならず。仍（より）て所々（ところどころ）追捕（ついぶ）せらる。知足院（ちそくいん）寺中（じちゅう）の房舎（ぼうしゃ）、一條（いちじょう）の北邊（ほくへん）、公晴（きみはる）の奮宅 218 （きゅうたく）なり。検非違使（けびいし）季實（すえざね）・資良（すけよし）等（ら）之（これ）を奉行（ぶぎょう）す。 Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 12th Day Kanatono i. 630 It is unknown whether the Retired Sovereign [Sutoku] and the Minister of the Left are alive or dead, as well as their whereabouts. They are being pursued in the various cloisters of the Chisoku temple, 631 to the north of Ichi-jō, and at the old house of [Hata no] Kimiharu. 632 The Royal Police officers Suezane and Sukeyoshi are in charge. 保元元年七月十三日原文壬子、上皇出御仁和寺五宮、五宮此間御坐鳥羽殿、上皇自仁和寺被獻御札於五宮、被申内、卽可被奉守護由、被申彼宮、彼宮固辭、仍移居寬遍法務土橋舊房、式部大夫源重成、依勅定奉守護之、左府職事、藏人大夫清賴被搦出、彼合戰日扈従者也、副武士、自殿下被獻内、於禁中、藏人俊成召問云々、彼在所幷死生猶不分明云々、爲義在大津邊由、座主被申上、仍義朝以下、武士數百騎馳向、夜半歸洛、無實云々、 630 The forty-eighth day of the sexagenary cycle. 631 Tendai temple in Kyoto, a branch temple of Onjōji. 632 Hata no Kimiharu (??-1153) An official who served under Yorinaga. He helped with management of Yorinaga’s estates and was known to be involved in assassinations ordered by Yorinaga. Kimiharu was also one of Yorinaga’s sexual partners. See Nihon jinmei daijiten. 219 読み下し壬子（みずのえね）、上皇（じょうこう）仁和寺（にんなじ）五宮（ごのみや）に出御（しゅつぎょ）す。五宮（ごのみや）此（こ）の間（あいだ）鳥羽殿（とばどの）に御坐（おわ）す。上皇（じょうこう）仁和寺（にんなじ）より御札（ごさつ）を五宮（ごのみや）に獻（けん）ぜらる。内（うち）に申（もう）され、卽（すなわ）ち守護（しゅご）し奉（たてまつ）らるべき由（よし）、彼（か）の宮（みや）に申（もう）さるに、彼（か）の宮（みや）固辭（こじ）す。仍（よっ）て寬遍（かんぺん）法務（ほうむ）の土橋（つちばし）の舊房（きゅうぼう）に移居（いきょ）す。式部（しきぶ）大夫（たいふ）源重成（みなもとのしげなり）、勅定（ちょくじょう）に依（よ）り之（これ）を守護（しゅご）し奉（たてまつ）る。左府（さふ）の職事（しきじ）、藏人（くろうど）大夫（たいふ）清賴（きよより）搦（から）め出（いだ）さる。彼（か）の合戰（かっせん）の日に扈従（こしょう）する者（もの）也（なり）。武士（ぶし）を副（そ）え、殿下（でんか）より内（うち）に獻（けん）ぜらる。禁中（きんちゅう）に於（お）いて、藏人（くろうど）俊成（としなり）召（め）し問（と）うと云々（うんぬん）。彼（か）の在所（ざいしょ）幷（ならび）に死生（しせい）猶（なお）分明（ぶんみょう）ならずと云々（うんぬん）。爲 220 義（ためよし）大津（おおつ）の邊（へん）に在（あ）るの由（よし）、座主（ざす）申（もう）し上（あ）げらる。仍（よっ）て義朝（よしとも）以下（いか）、武士（ぶし）數（すう）百（ひゃく）騎（き）馳（は）せ向（むか）い、夜半（やはん）に歸洛（きらく）す。無實（むじつ）と云々（うんぬん）。 Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 13th Day Mizunoene. 633 His Cloistered Majesty visited the fifth prince (Go-no-miya) 634 at Ninna- ji. 635 Go-no-miya had recently been at the Toba Palace. The Retired Sovereign was alone at Ninna-ji. He presented his request to Go-no-miya in order to promptly gain protection. The Prince declined so [Sutoku] was moved into the old cloister of Tsuchibashi that belonged to prelate Kanpen. The head of the Ministry of Personnel, Minamoto no Shigenari, 636 having received a royal decree, will serve as guard. Regarding the Minister of the Left’s follower, Royal Secretary and Controller [Fujiwara no] Kiyoyori of the fifth rank, was tied up. On the day of the battle, he followed Yorinaga. The warriors who had accompanied Kiyoyori were sent by the Viceroy [Tadamichi] to His Majesty [Go-Shirakawa.] It said that at court, Royal Secretary [Fujiwara no] Toshinari 637 questioned him. He replied that, “we do not know his [Yorinaga’s] whereabouts or whether he is alive or dead.” Because Tameyoshi is in the area of Ōtsu, the head abbot [of Mt Hie] reported that a hundred 633 The forty-ninth day of the sexagenary cycle. 634 Cloistered Prince Kakushō (1129-1169) was Toba’s fifth son. 635 A shingon temple in Western Kyoto. 636 Minamoto no Shigenari (????-1159) was Shigezane’s second son. 637 Shunzei (1114-1204) was also known as Fujiwara no Toshinari. 221 horsemen under Yoshitomo galloped there and that in the dead of night they returned to the capital. But others say it’s a falsehood. 保元元年七月十四日原文癸丑、皇后宮權亮成隆朝臣出来、去十一日隨順左府、被追散御方軍、日来逃隠於仁和寺邊、一昨日出家、卽日向別當亭、大理奏聞了、入道歸住八條家、今日志兼成、依勅定、奉別當宣、向八條相具参内、入道乗車、随兵・下部圍繞、於内裏陣頭＜西御藏町、＞蔵人判官俊成・志兼成等召問云々、次下給兼成、兼成相具向私宅、付郎従云々、又右京大夫教長卿、同於広隆寺辺出家、今同参上、左衛門尉季実召具之、其儀如成隆、但不被召問、可有議定云々、読み下し癸丑（みずのとのうし）、皇后宮（こうごうぐう）權亮（ごんのすけ）成隆（なりたか）朝臣（あそん）出来（しゅったい）す。去（さんぬる）十一日（じゅういちにち）左府（さふ）に隨順（ずいじゅん）するに、御方（みかた）の軍（ぐん）を追（お）い散（ち）らされ、日来（ひごろ）仁和寺（にんなじ）の邊（へん）に於（お）いて逃（に）げ隠（かく）れる。一昨日（いっさくじつ）出家（しゅっけ）し、卽日（そくじつ）別當（べっとう）の亭（てい）に向（むか）う。大理（だいり）奏聞（そうもん） 222 し了（おわん）ぬ。入道（にゅうどう）は八條（はちじょう）の家（いえ）に歸住（きじゅう）す。今日（きょう）志（さかん）兼成（かねしげ）、勅定（ちょくじょう）に依（よ）り、別當宣（べっとうせん）を奉（うけたまわ）り、八條（はちじょう）に向（む）かい相具（あいぐ）して参内（さんだい）す。入道（にゅうどう）車（くるま）に乗（の）り、随兵（ずいひょう）・下部（しもべ）囲繞（いにょう）し、内裏（だいり）の陣頭（じんとう）に於（お）いて＜西（にし）御藏町（おくらまち）。＞蔵人判官（くろうどほうがん）俊成（としなり）・志（さかん）兼成（かねしげ）等（ら）召（め）し問（と）うと云々（うんぬん）。次（つい）で兼成（かねしげ）に下（くだ）し給（たまわ）る。兼成（かねしげ）相具（あいぐ）して私宅（したく）に向（むか）い、郎従（ろうじゅう）に付（ふ）すと云々（うんぬん）。又（また）右京大夫（うきょうのだいぶ）教長（のりなが）卿（きょう）、同（おな）じく広隆寺（こうりゅうじ）の辺（へん）に於（お）いて出家（しゅっけ）し、今（いま）同（おな）じく参上（さんじょう）す。左衛門尉（さえもんのじょう）季実（すえざね）之（これ）を召（め）し具（ぐ）す。其（そ）の儀（ぎ）成隆（なりたか）の如 223 （ごと）し。但（ただ）し召（め）し問（と）われず、議定（ぎじょう）あるべしと云々（うんぬん）。 Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 14th Day Mizunotono ushi. 638 Provisional Assistant Director of the Queen-Consort’s Household Lord [Fujiwara no] Naritaka 639 arrived. On the eleventh he had followed the Minister of the Left. His Cloistered Majesty’s [Sutoku’s] army was scattered, and afterwards he [Naritaka] escaped to Ninna-ji. The day before yesterday [Naritaka] took the tonsure. On the same day he went to the director’s mansion. [So did] the director of the Royal Police’s Office memorialize the throne. [Meanwhile] Nyūdo [Tadazane] returned to his residence at Hachi-jō. Today the fourth-level Inspector Kaneshige, 640 following a royal order, is delivering an order from the head of the Royal Police Office. He went to Hachi-jō and accompanied [Tadazane] to the palace. Nyūdo rode in a carriage, and his outriders and manservants surrounded him. At the palace guard post, <western storehouses> Inspector and Royal Secretary Toshinari and the fourth-level officer Kaneshige questioned him. Next, he was handed over to the custody of Kaneshige. Kaneshige accompanied [Tadazane] to his [Kaneshige’s] home, 641 and his vassals were told to guard him. Also, Director of the Left Capital Bureau Lord Norinaga came to Kōryū-ji and took the tonsure. Third-ranking manager of the Gate Guards of the Left Suezane accompanied him. Similarly, Naritaka was summoned, but he was not questioned. There should be a discussion about this [in the Council of State.] 638 The fiftieth day of the sexagenary cycle. 639 Fujiwara no Naritaka (dates unknown) was Yorinaga’s cousin on his mother’s side. He served as Yorinaga’s attendant and was quite close with him. He traveled with Yorinaga after he was hurt during the battle. 640 Sakanōe no Kaneshige (1114-1162) He presented a number of documents against Sutoku after the rebellion. 641 A private house. 224 保元元年七月廿一日原文庚申、左府生死日来未定、被召出之輩、各称申趣、皆有疑殆、顕憲息玄顕申云、十一日合戦庭被疵、十二日経廻西山辺、十三日於大井川辺乗船、同日申刻付木津辺、先申事由於入道殿、依不知食、扶持輩渡申千覚律師房、其後一夜悩乱、十四日巳刻許薨去、即夜乗輿、竊葬於般若山辺、骨肉五体併雖不違、直殯了者、依此申状、今朝差定官使史生并滝口三人、相具彼玄顕遣南京了、今日盛憲法師、於左衛門府廳、拷訊覆問、＜杖七十五度、＞読み下し庚申（かのえさる）、左府（さふ）の生死（せいし）日来（ひごろ）未（いま）だ定（さだ）まらず。召（め）し出（い）ださるの輩（ともがら）、各（おのおの）称（しょう）し申（もう）す趣（おもむき）、皆（みな）疑殆（ぎたい）有（あ）り。顕憲（あきのり）の息（そく）玄顕（げんけん）申（もう）して云（い）わく、十一日（じゅういちにち）合戦（かっせん）の庭（にわ）に疵（きず）せられ、十二日（じゅうににち）西山（にしやま）の辺（へん）を経廻（へめぐ）り、十三日（じゅうさんにち）大井川（おおいがわ）の辺（へん）に於（お）いて船（ふね）に乗（の）り、同日（ど 225 うじつ）申（さる）の刻（こく）木津（きづ）の辺（へん）に付（つ）く。先（ま）ず事（こと）の由（よし）を入道（にゅうどう）殿（どの）に申（もう）すに、知（し）ろし食（め）さざるに依（よ）り、扶持（ふじ）の輩（ともがら）千覚（せんがく）律師（りっし）の房（ぼう）に渡（わた）し申（もう）す。其（そ）の後（のち）一夜（いちや）悩乱（のうらん）し、十四日（じゅうよっか）巳（み）の刻（こく）許（ばかり）に薨去（こうきょ）す。即夜（そくや）輿（こし）に乗（の）せ、窃（ひそか）に般若山（はんにゃやま）の辺（あたり）に葬（ほうむ）る。骨肉（こつにく）五体（ごたい）併（しかしなが）ら違（たが）わずと雖（いえど）も、直（ただち）に殯（ほうむ）り了（おわん）ぬ者（てへり）。此（こ）の申状（もうしじょう）に依（よ）り、今朝（けさ）官使（かんし）史生（ししょう）并（ならび）に滝口（たきぐち）三人（さんにん）を差（さ）し定（さだ）め、彼（か）の玄顕（げんけん）を相具（あいぐ）して南京（なんきょう）に遣（つか）わし了（おわん）ぬ。今日（きょう）盛憲（せいけん）法師（ほうし）、左衛門府（さえもんふ）の廳（ちょう）に於（お）いて、拷訊（ごうじん）覆問（ふくもん）す。＜杖（じょう）七十五（しちじゅうご）度（ど）。＞ Translation Hōgen 1 (1156) 7th Month 21st Day 226 Kanoe saru. 642 Until recently, whether the Minister of the Left is alive or dead was unknown. As for those who have been called in, each one has their own story, but there is a lot of doubt. The son of [Fujiwara no] Akinori, 643 Haruaki, came and stated: “On the eleventh in the field of battle, [Yorinaga] was injured by an arrow. On the twelfth he wandered around the western mountains. On the thirteenth he boarded a ship on the Ōi River. On the same day at the hour of the monkey, 644 he arrived at Kizu. First, he thought to report the situation to Nyūdo [Tadazane], but [Tadazane] would not see him. Those helping [Yorinaga] transported him to the home of the Master of Discipline Sengaku. 645 Afterwards he was in anguish all night, and on the fourteenth day, around the hour of the snake, 646 [Yorinaga] passed away. On the same night, they rode in a palanquin and had a secret funeral near Mt. Hannya. His whole body was buried with no mistakes—we quickly gave him a provisional burial.” Because of this statement, this morning officials and secretaries and three guards were dispatched with Haruaki, who had accompanied [Yorinaga], to the southern capital [Nara]. Today the Buddhist priest Seiken 647 at the Left Gate Guards Headquarters was tortured and repeatedly questioned. <He was caned seventy-five times.> 642 The fifty-seventh day of the sexagenary cycle. 643 Fujiwara no Akinori (1098-1151) 644 3-5 pm 645 Sengaku (1101-????) was Yorinaga’s uncle on his mother’s side. 646 9-11 am 647 Seiken (dates unknown) was also known as Fujiwara no Morinori. He was Haruaki’s brother.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This dissertation is a study of the courtier and scholar Fujiwara no Yorinaga (1120-1156), the “Cruel Minister of the Left” of the mid-twelfth-century Japanese court. The son of the leader of the Regents’ Line, Fujiwara no Tadazane (1078-1162), Yorinaga’s career was shaped by the interests of his father, as well as a rivalry with his elder brother, Tadamichi (1097-1164). A renowned scholar of the Chinese classics, Yorinaga is most known for his involvement in the Hōgen coup attempt against Go-Shirakawa (1127-1192) in 1156. Through a close examination of entries in Yorinaga’s Taiki journal, as well as other contemporary records, this dissertation focuses on Yorinaga’s life as a window on twelfth-century intellectual and social history in the Japanese court. Beginning with Yorinaga’s youth and early education, the dissertation analyzes the course of Yorinaga’s self-directed scholarship, to his rise as minister of the left and chieftain of the Regents’ Line, and his ultimate fall as a defeated rebel. The copious records Yorinaga left behind concerning his studies provide a rare and detailed glimpse into the scholarly life of a courtier in the late Heian period (794-1185): one who pursued private methods of learning while still adhering to the traditional canon of texts, especially those from early China. Through Yorinaga’s life, one sees the interplay of politics, education, and societal pressures in the late Heian court. The dissertation includes our first English translations of entries from the Taiki journal and from another contemporary record, the Hyōhanki, written by Taira no Nobunori (1112-1187), which provides our best accounts of the context and events of the Hōgen coup.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Barndt, Jillian Rose (author)

Core Title Scholar, minister, rebel: Fujiwara no Yorinaga (1120-1156)

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

School College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program History

Degree Conferral Date 2021-12

Publication Date 09/22/2021

Defense Date 09/02/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag book culture,Education,Fujiwara,Fujiwara no Yorinaga,Heian period,Hōgen Disturbance,Hyōhanki,Insei period,kambun,Minister of the Left,OAI-PMH Harvest,premodern Japan,Sekiten,Sekkanke,Taiki

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Advisor Piggott, Joan (committee chair), Birge, Bettine (committee member), Meeks, Lori (committee member)

Creator Email jbarndt@usc.edu,jillbarndt@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC15921259

Unique identifier UC15921259

Legacy Identifier etd-BarndtJill-10092

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Barndt, Jillian Rose

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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