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Asian critical theory: Southeast Asian transfer student experiences at a predominantly White institution
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Content
ASIAN CRITICAL THEORY:
SOUTHEAST ASIAN TRANSFER STUDENT EXPERIENCES AT A PREDOMINANTLY
WHITE INSTITUTION
by
Alyson Thach
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION
(EDUCATIONAL COUNSELING )
December 2021
Copyright 2021 Alyson Thach
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………………..iv
Abstract ……………………………………………………………………………………….......v
Chapter 1: Introduction …………………………………………………………………………...1
Brief Description of the Theoretical Framework………………………………………….3
Statement of the Problem ………………………………………………………………....4
Purpose and Significance of the Study…………………………………… ………………6
Brief Description of the Methodology ……………………………………………………7
Overall Organization of the Thesis ……………………………………………………….7
Chapter 2: Review of Relevant Literature …………………………………………………… …..8
AAPI and Southeast Asian Students ……………………………………………………...8
Transfer Students…………………………………………………………………… …...13
Asian American Transfer Students ……………………………………………………...18
Southeast Asian Transfer Students ………………………………… …………………...18
Discussion of AsianCrit ……………………………………………………………...….20
Connections Between Framework and Current Study……………………………...……21
Chapter 3: Research Methods …………………………………………………………………...22
Relevant Studies Related to Method …………………………………………………….22
Method ……………………………………………………………………………… .….23
Data Analysis …………………………………………………………………...……….24
Trustworthiness of Data and Researcher Bias ………………………………… ….…… 25
Limitations ………………………………………………………………… …...……….25
Connections to Methods and Data ……………………………...………………… …….26
Chapter 4: Presentation of Data ……………………………………………… ...……………….27
Participant Demographics ……………………………………………………………….27
Participant Biographies ………………………………………………………………….28
Salient Themes ………………………………………………………………….……….35
Awareness of Stereotypes ……………………………………………………………….36
Historical Violence, Immigration and Value Towards Education ………………………37
Educational Experiences Informed by Ethnic Identity ………………….………………38
Educational Experiences Informed by Transfer Student Identity ………….……………44
Utilization of Ethnic and Transfer Student Support … …………… …………………….47
Summary of Findings ……………………………………………………………………50
Chapter 5: Discussion of Findings and Implications ………………………………… …………52
Discussion of Findings ………………………………………………………….……….52
Asianization: The Model Minority Myth……………………………………………..….53
Transnational Contexts: Historical Violence and Education…………………………… ……….58
Story, Theory, and Praxis: Representation and Student Support………………………..……….60
Final Reflections …………………………………………………..………… ………….62
Implications for Practice and Policy …………………………………...……… ………..63
Implications for Future Research ………………………………………………………..64
Conclusion.……………………………………………………………...…… ………….65
References ……………………………………………………………………….………………67
iii
Appendices ………………………………………………………………………………………73
Appendix A: Interview Protocol…………………………………………………………73
Appendix B: Qualtrics Demographic Survey…………………… ………………………74
iv
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Participants’ Demographics
v
ABSTRACT
The educational experiences of Southeast Asian (SEA) students are commonly
aggregated with their East (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, etc.) and South Asian (Indian,
Bangladeshi, Pakistani, etc.) peers. Researchers have stated that this lack of disaggregation
contributes to the invisibility and homogenization of SEA students within the larger Asian
American community, particularly through stereotypes from the model minority myth (Her,
2014; Lee, 2007). In particular, there is an insufficient amount of research available on Southeast
Asian transfer students. Limited research on SEA transfers has only identified two significant
factors for students in this population, immigrant status and importance of ethnic student
organizations (Wagoner & Lin, 2009). The purpose of this study is to explore the racialized
experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students and examine its impact on their experiences at a
predominantly white private four-year university. This study uses a qualitative approach, through
semi-structured interviews to understand the racialized experiences of five Southeast Asian
transfer students through a lens of Asian Critical theory. Personal narratives documented in this
study include awareness of stereotypes, educational experiences informed by ethnic and transfer
student identity, and utilization of ethnic and student support. Findings guided by Asian Critical
theory focus on elements of Asianzation, transnational contexts, (re)constructive history, and
story, theory, and praxis. Implications for practice and policy are offered in order for
predominantly white private four-year institutions to better address the racialized and educational
experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students. Additionally, implications for future research
are also offered to provide guidance on understanding Southeast Asian transfer students in a
more holistic and nuanced manner.
1
Chapter 1: Introduction
According to the Postsecondary National Policy Institute (2020), there are over 50
different ethnic groups within the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) population which
have various differences in language, immigration patterns, socioeconomic status, etc. Within the
large AAPI population, individuals from Southeast Asian (SEA) descent make up the Southeast
Asian ethnic category (i.e., Vietnamese, Cambodian, Laotian, Hmong, Thai, Indonesian, etc.).
Prior research on Asian American college students has illustrated the various forms of racism
AAPI individuals face, such as racial harassment, vicarious racism, racial isolation, pressure to
racially segregate, pressure to racially assimilate, racial silencing, the perpetual foreigner myth,
the model minority myth, and the inferior minority myth (Museus & Park, 2015). However,
Southeast students are oftentimes aggregated with their East Asian (Chinese, Japanese, Korean,
etc.) and South Asian (Indian, Bangladeshi, Pakistani, etc.) peers. Moreover, providing
inaccurate information about the needs of individual AAPI ethnic subgroups to higher education
professionals and policymakers (Lee, 2007). Researchers have argued that this lack of
disaggregation renders the educational experiences of SEA students to be invisible and perceived
as homogeneous with other AAPI ethnic subgroups, particularly through the model minority
myth (Her, 2014; Lee, 2007).
The model minority myth negatively impacts Southeast Asian students as stereotypes
procured from this myth wrongfully assume that all Asian Americans do not experience
oppression and are academically, socially, economically, and psychologically healthy (Shih et
al., 2019). Data shows that SEA students have lower educational attainment rates in comparison
to other AAPI ethnic subgroups. According to the National Commission on Asian American and
Pacific Islander Research in Education (CARE), only 12.4% of Laotian, 14.1% of Cambodian,
2
14.7% of Hmong, and 25.8% of Vietnamese adults older than the age of 25 obtained a bachelor’s
degree or higher (2013). In contrast, 74.1% of Taiwanese, 71.1% of Asian Indian, and 51.5% of
Chinese individuals reported to have a Bachelor’s degree or higher (CARE, 2013). Given these
stark differences in educational attainment within the AAPI population, it is more important than
ever to provide equitable support in the retention and persistence efforts of Southeast Asian
students with respect to their transfer student identity.
The transfer student population is made up of a diverse group of students as there are
multiple pathways of transfer (Bahr, 2009; Goldrick-Rab & Pfeffer, 2009; Taylor & Jain, 2017;
Townsend, 2001). Additionally, transfer students hold multiple intersecting identities as they
may identify as an underrepresented racial minority, first-generation, nontraditional, parenting,
veteran, etc. Given this variance in overlapping and intersecting identities, it is important that
researchers and higher education professionals account for the disaggregation of data when all
possible and acknowledge the diversity of educational experiences and success within this
population. Prior research on the transfer student experience has found that transfer students face
challenges of transfer stigma and transfer shock throughout the transition into a four-year
institution (Hills, 1965; Shaw et al., 2019). Transfer students of color face additional challenges
as there is a presence of a racial transfer gap in which white students have higher rates of transfer
to four-year universities than African American and Latinx students (Crisp & Nunez, 2014).
Additionally, previous studies have highlighted the use of transfer student capital in navigating
the transition and adjustment into four-year institutions (Laanan et al., 2010; Lukszo & Hayes,
2020; Moser, 2014).
Although the body of literature on transfer students has grown over time, there is a
paucity of research available on Asian American transfer students. Although not disaggregated
3
by ethnic subgroups, data on the 2012-2013 cohort provided by California Community Colleges
Chancellor’s Office (2013) shows that only 498 out of 13,998 (3.5%) Asian students successfully
transferred to a four-year university within two years. From the same cohort, only 4,921 out of
13,998 (35%) of Asian students successfully transferred within four years (California
Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office, 2013). Notably, research has shown that Southeast
Asians have educational outcomes similar to Black and Latinx students (Valliani & Byrd, 2015).
Given these statistics, researchers and higher education professionals must give attention to
experiences and educational outcomes of Southeast Asian transfer students as racialized
underrepresented minorities.
Brief Description of the Theoretical Framework
This thesis uses an Asian Critical (AsianCrit) framework to analyze the student
experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students at a predominantly white private institution.
Informed by Critical Race Theory (CRT), AsianCrit is a conceptual lens used to understand the
racial realities and experiences of Asian American college students (Museus, 2014). The
AsianCrit framework consists of seven tenets (a) Asianization, (b) transnational contexts, (c)
(re)constructive history, (d) strategic (anti) essentialism, (e) intersectionality, (f) story, theory,
and praxis, and (g) commitment to social justice (Museus, 2014).
The first tenet, Asianization, refers to the racialization of Asian Americans through
stereotypes, such as the model minority myth, perpetual foreigner, or yellow peril. This process
of racialization influences laws, policies, and racial identity development relevant to Asian
Americans. The second tenet, transnational contexts, acknowledges the economic, political, and
social processes that shape the lives and experiences of Asian Americans in the United States. As
the third tenet, (re)constructive history highlights the importance of incorporating Asian
4
American voices in understanding the history and current conditions of this population. The
fourth tenet, strategic (anti)essentialism, acknowledges that the concept of race is a social
construct and that the process of racial categorization of Asian Americans is constantly
influenced by economic, political, and social oppression. The fifth tenet considers how the
intersectionality of multiple forms of oppression, such as race, gender, class, etc., intersect with
one another to create certain conditions and experiences in society. The sixth tenet emphasizes
how stories, theory, and praxis are related and inform one another in creating transformative
change for the Asian American community. Lastly, with a commitment to social justice, the
seventh tenet aims to abolish societal oppression, such as racism (Museus, 2014). Viewing
Southeast Asian transfer students through an AsianCrit framework allows for a greater
understanding of this population as racialized students of color. Moreover, allowing higher
education professionals to better understand the unique experiences and needs of this population
through the voices of Southeast Asian transfers themselves.
The following research question helped guide my research:
● How do the racialized experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students impact their
experiences at a predominantly white institution?
Statement of the Problem
Historically, Southeast Asian transfer students have been underrepresented and under
researched in higher education. Attention must be given to this population as aggregated data and
stereotypes derived from the model minority myth have rendered the marginalization and
educational experiences of Southeast Asian students nearly invisible (Lee, 2007; Shih et al.,
2019). Although commonly aggregated with their East Asian and South Asian peers, SEA
students face lower rates of educational attainment and satisfaction in higher education. National
5
data shows that four out of five and East and South Asian students successfully earned a college
degree. However, 33.7 % of Vietnamese, 42.9% of Cambodians, 46.5% of Laotians, and 47.5%
of Hmong adults reported that they attended college, but did not successfully earn a degree
(CARE, 2011). Additionally, Southeast Asian students reported to have the weakest sense of
belonging on campus and experienced feelings of invisibility and marginalization (CARE, 2016).
Research on broader Asian American I student populations alludes to additional experiences of
racism through the inferior minority myth, forever foreigner myth, and racial silencing and
marginalization, etc. (Kwan, 2015; Museus & Park, 2015).
In relation, transfer students come from a multitude of diverse backgrounds and research
has touched upon the common challenges of transfer stigma and transfer shock (Hills, 1965;
Shaw et al., 2019; Taylor & Jain, 2017). Researchers have also examined the importance of
accumulating and using transfer student capital in navigating four-year institutions (Laanan et al.,
2010; Lukszo & Hayes, 2020; Moser, 2014). However, there is a lack of research available on
the experiences of Southeast Asians in the transfer student population. Liu (2013) highlighted the
experiences of the model minority myth, transfer shock, and academic performance of AAPI
transfer students. However, Liu’s (2013) findings were not disaggregated by ethnicity, which
demonstrates a lack of disaggregation of Southeast Asian transfer student data. Wagoner and
Lin’s (2009) study called attention to the two elements of immigrant status and importance of
ethnic student organizations specifically for Southeast Asian transfer students. However,
Wagoner and Lin’s (2009) research has been the only study focused on the lived experiences and
policy implications of this student population.
Common aggregation practices inaccurately marginalizes and homogenizes the academic
experiences of Southeast Asian students. High rates of attrition and low rates of satisfaction
6
signifies how a lack of disaggregated data fails to acknowledge the challenges and needs of
Southeast Asian transfer students. Thus, in order to better support the retention and persistence of
Southeast Asian transfer students, research and higher education professionals must take the
ethnic identities and racialization of these students of color in consideration when striving to best
support transfer student success.
Purpose and Significance of the Study
The purpose of this study is to address the gap in the literature on Southeast Asian
transfer students by highlighting their racialized experiences as underrepresented minorities and
its impact on their experiences at a predominantly white private four-year university. This study
focuses on experiences associated with the model minority myth, inferior minority myth, and
racial marginalization in relation to experiences of transfer shock/stigma, and utilization of
student support services. Moreover, addressing the salience of this population's racialized
experiences and illustrating the unique stories and narratives of SEA students that are not
represented within the larger Asian American and transfer community. This study brings
attention to the importance of disaggregating the data of Southeast Asian students from their
fellow AAPI peers and adds to the body of literature available on both transfer students and
Asian American students. Additionally, this study informs higher education professionals on
how to better understand and support Southeast Asian students navigating the transfer process at
four-year institutions in a more holistic manner.
Brief Description of the Methodology
For this study, I used a qualitative approach and interviewed students who identify as
Southeast Asian using a semi-structured interview protocol. These interviews included five
Southeast Asian transfer students from Collegiate Coast University (CCU) who had been
7
enrolled at the University for at least two years or recently graduated. Data was coded through
ATLAS.ti, a qualitative data analysis software that helps organize and sort emergent themes
from participant interviews (Creswell, 2018). Interviews were conducted online and precautions
to protect confidentiality were upheld using the latest Institutional Review Board (IRB)
protocols. Additional details about the methodology of this study are included in Chapter 3.
Overall Organization of the Thesis
Chapter 2 presents background information on relevant studies conducted on the
experiences of AAPI, Southeast Asian, and transfer students in higher education. Additionally,
this chapter provides an in depth discussion of the AsianCrit framework. Chapter 3 discusses the
research design, method, and limitations of this study. Presentation of the data and summary of
findings are provided in chapter 4. Lastly, this thesis concludes with chapter 5 which includes the
analysis of findings, research and policy implications, and final conclusions.
8
Chapter 2: Review of Relevant Literature
The purpose of this chapter is to provide an overview of literature on Southeast Asian
transfer students. In this chapter the racialized experiences of AAPI students, such as the model
minority myth, forever foreigner myth, and racial marginalization, and intersectionality between
race and class are explained. Due to the lack of disaggregation of research on AAPI students, this
literature review also presents studies on the broader Asian American student population, in
community colleges and four-year institutions, and discusses findings specifically related to
Southeast Asians students. Additionally, this chapter presents relevant studies on the transfer
student experience, including transfer pathways and the racial gap, transfer shock, transfer
stigma, and transfer student capital. Following these sections, the limited amount of research
available on AAPI transfer students is reviewed. Lastly, this chapter concludes with a discussion
of the application of AsianCrit to higher education and its utility in advancing the research and
understanding of Asian American students.
AAPI and Southeast Asian Students
Model minority myth
A significant amount of research has discussed the pervasiveness of the model minority
myth on Asian American college students (Assalone & Fann, 2017; Her, 2014; Lee, 2007;
Museus & Park, 2015; Museus & Truong, 2009; Shih et al., 2019). The model minority myth
inaccurately stereotypes Asian Americans as having overcome barriers of oppression and having
achieved academic, social, and economic success through the concept of merit. Additionally, this
myth perpetuates the assumption that all Asian American students are hardworking, attend elite
universities, and academically excel in science, technology, engineering, and math subjects
(Assalone & Fann, 2017; Shih et al., 2019). Past research on aggregated data of Asian American
9
students revealed that participants felt pressure to fulfill the stereotypical expectations of being
smart and accomplished, which negatively affected their mental health (Lee et al., 2009).
Although aggregated data of Asian American students suggests that this population is
academically successful, disaggregated data of this racial group shows that educational
achievement varies across ethnic subgroups (Lee, 2007). As such, the model minority myth
diverts attention away from the educational variations within the Asian American student
population and leads educators and policy makers to inaccurately use stereotypes to influence
their actions and understanding of these students (Lee, 2007).
The limited amount of research available on Southeast Asian students reveals that
individuals from this ethnic subgroup do not fall under stereotypes of the model minority myth
(Her, 2014; Museus & Park, 2015). Participants from Her’s (2014) study demonstrated that
Southeast Asian students face challenges in education due to migration experiences, English
proficiency, and socioeconomic status. Her (2014) argues that the model minority myth
disregards the educational needs and challenges of Southeast Asian students as Cambodian,
Hmong, and Laotian American students lacked college readiness for English and math courses at
higher proportions than their white counterparts. Although, Vietnamese American students
exhibited higher levels of college preparation in comparison to their Southeast Asians peers, they
had lower levels of preparation than their East Asian peers (Chinese, Japanese, and Korean
American).
Inferior Minority Myth
Museus and Park (2015) found that the experiences of Southeast Asian students are
shaped by both the model minority myth as well as the inferior minority myth. The inferior
minority myth places assumptions that Southeast Asian American students come from deficient
10
cultures and stereotypes individuals from this ethnic background as inferior (Museus & Park,
2015). As such, Southeast Asian students discussed being placed under assumptions that they
were genetically predisposed to excel in subjects such as math and science due to their race.
While simultaneously being stereotyped as “ghetto, ” poor, and having cultural deficiencies due
to their ethnic subgroup (Museus & Park, 2015). As a result, participants reported to face social
challenges as their peers refrained from socializing with them due to such negative stereotypes.
Most importantly, these findings further emphasize how Southeast Asian students have unique
experiences in comparison to the larger aggregated group of Asian Americans.
Forever Foreigner Myth
Past literature has also discussed the presence of the forever foreigner myth on Asian
American college campuses (Kwan, 2015; Museus & Park, 2015). The forever foreigner myth
shapes the racialized experiences of Asian Americans as they are continuously portrayed as
foreigners, despite having been born or raised in the United States. Asian American students
from Museus & Park’s (2015) study shared that individuals assumed they had a lack of English
proficiency and had their citizenship or presence in the United States continuously questioned by
others. Similarly, Hmong American college students in Kwan’s (2015) study faced
microaggressions of objectification that exoticized their ethnicity, which further alluded to
negative perceptions of the forever foreigner myth. Additionally, Asian American students
reported to feel pressure to racially assimilate to the dominant white culture on campus.
However, assimilation led to feelings of internal conflict which were demonstrated by a Hmong
student who described feeling like they were a different person on campus (Museus & Park,
2015). In relation, Hmong students from Kwan’s (2015) experienced racial microaggressions of
assumed inadequacy, which lead individuals to believe that their cultural heritage was deficient.
11
Furthermore, leading to the feelings of shame, pressure, to assimilate, and loss of cultural
maintenance. Significantly, Hmong American college students concluded that despite their level
of assimilation, through demonstration of English proficiency and level of participation (or lack
of) in Hmong traditions, they would never be fully perceived as American (Kwan, 2015). As
such, Kwan (2015) argues that pressures to assimilate can lead students to adopt a negative
attitude towards their ethnic identity and further perpetuate the forever foreigner myth.
Racial Marginalization
Southeast Asian students are marginalized in higher education as demonstrated by the
underrepresentation and invisibility of SEA students on college campuses (Kwan, 2015; Museus
& Park, 2015). Southeast Asian students have reported perceptions of feeling like one of the very
few, or only, individuals from their ethnic subgroup on their campus, despite the presence of an
Asian student body (Museus & Park, 2015). Racism, enacted through racial silencing, is also
present on campuses which leads to further marginalization of this population. A Vietnamese
American student from Museus & Park’s (2015) study stressed that there was a lack of access to
Vietnamese authors and literature at their campus library. In relation, participants from Kwan’s
(2015) study noted that there was a lack of curriculum available on Hmong history and lack of
access to Hmong studies courses. Kwan (2015) argues that feelings of invisibility, due to lack of
representation, can lead students to adopt a negative attitude towards their ethnic identity.
Furthermore, contributing to the marginalization and lack of racial identity development of
Southeast Asian students.
Intersectionality: Race and Class
Although not specifically disaggregated between ethnic subgroups, past research on
AAPI students has touched upon the salience of intersectionality between race and class (Museus
12
& Truong, 2009; Teranishi et al., 2015). Teranishi et al. (2015) highlighted the unique
demographics of low-income AAPI students from a study of 336 community college students.
From this study, 83.4% percent of respondents identified as an immigrant or as a child of
immigrant parents. 17.4% of this proportion reported to have at least one parent with a college
degree; however, 70.7 % of parents were granted a degree in a country outside of the United
States. Furthermore, underscoring how AAPI students share experiences and challenges of first-
generation college students. Additionally, research has demonstrated that Asian American
college students attending a predominantly white institution perceived their racial climate
differently based on prior geographic location (Museus & Truong, 2009). Findings showed that
Asian Americans who previously attended predominantly minority high schools had less
satisfaction with their campus racial climate, were more likely to emphasize their experiences of
racial prejudice and discrimination, and were more likely to report that stereotypes had a
negative impact on their educational experiences in comparison to Asian Americans who
attended a predominantly white high school (Museus & Truong, 2009). As such, prior research
provides insights into the unique experiences present within the Asian American community due
to factors related to race and class.
Research also shows that financial constraints impact the decision making and
experiences of AAPI community college students (Teranishi et al., 2015). Findings showed
financial constraints influenced 85.4% of participants reasoning in attending a community
college due to affordability and proximity to family. Teranishi (2015) found 64.3% of students
reported to be employed while enrolled in community college. Notably, half of this population
reported to work more than 40 hours per week due to family and financial responsibilities. These
circumstances were noted to directly affect learning experiences as 60.7% of participants
13
reported to forgo studying, 24.9% had a lack of punctuality, 16.6% missed class, and 7.1%
dropped their classes entirely due to their work responsibilities. Teranishi et al. (2015) argues
that financial vulnerability of AAPI community college students impacts their college related
decision and creates challenges of successfully transferring and earning a college degree. This
relates to Southeast Asian transfer students as 37.8% of Hmong, 29.3% of Cambodian, 18.5% of
Laotian, 16.6% of Vietnamese individuals reported to have an income below the federal poverty
line (CARE, 2008). Furthermore, calling attention to receiving institutions to gain a better
understanding of this population and their lived experiences.
Transfer Students
Transfer Pathways and Racial Gap
Transfer students enter four-year institutions through multiple pathways (Bahr, 2009;
Goldrick-Rab & Pfeffer, 2009; Taylor & Jain, 2017; Townsend, 2001). Vertical transfer students,
or students who attend community college first, may enter four-year institutions with or without
an Associate of Arts degree (Townsend, 2001). Lateral transfer students transition from one
institution to another of the same type, such as a four-year to a four-year or two-year to two-year
(Bahr, 2009; Goldrick-Rab & Pfeffer, 2009). However, studies have shown that minoritized
students have lower rates of transfer and persistence than white students (Crisp & Nunez, 2014;
Laanan, 2007; Wood et al., 2001). Crisp & Nuñez (2014) argued that there is a transfer racial gap
of underrepresented students as 45% of white students successfully transferred compared to only
31% of African American and Latinx students (Crisp & Nuñez, 2014). Similarly, past research
has found that white students were roughly 71% more likely to transfer than students of color
(Wood et al., 2001). Notably, these studies do not specifically analyze the transfer rates of AAPI
students. However, the rates of transfer may be similar to other minoritized students as prior
14
research on the educational attainment of Southeast Asian students has been found to be similar
to Black and Latinx students (Valliani & Byrd, 2015).
Transfer Shock
Past research has discussed the experiences of transfer shock, which transfer students
initially face when transitioning into four-year institutions (Hills, 1965; Ishitani, 2008, Laanan,
2007, Lui, 2013). Hills (1965) defined transfer shock as a phenomena in which incoming transfer
students experience a significant drop in their academic performance, as demonstrated through
their grade point average (GPA). Research findings showed that community college transfer
students experienced a dip in their GPA upon transferring and were less academically successful
than non-community college transfers. Community college transfers also had lower grades,
higher rates of attrition, and longer times until graduation in comparison to traditional freshmen
or first year students. Additionally, Ishitani (2008) found that transfer students who experienced
transfer shock in their first semester were significantly less likely to return the following
semester. Findings showed that returning second year transfers, who maintained lower levels of
academic achievement, were at higher risk for attrition. Particularly for minority transfer
students, Ishitani (2008) stated that they were 68% more likely to depart from college than their
white transfer counterparts by their third semester (Ishitani, 2008). Furthermore, studies have
stated that transfer students were more likely to face challenges of academic adjustment if they
had negative perceptions about their receiving institution, perceptions of a competitive
environment, low GPAs, and difficulty approaching faculty members (Laanan, 2007).
Transfer Stigma
Transfer students experience feelings of transfer stigma, which can further affect their
transition and adjustment into four-year institutions (Laanan et al., 2010). Laanan et al. (2010)
15
contended that when transfer students feel stigmatized by faculty members or their campus
environment, their course learning experiences and academic adjustment can be negatively
impacted. Notably, recent studies have found that high achieving transfer students still report
feelings of transfer stigma, despite academic success (Schmertz & Carney, 2013; Shaw et al.,
2019). Shaw et al. (2019) found that community college transfers felt stigmatized due to their
past institutional background. Although participants from their study maintained a good GPA
and successfully applied and transitioned in a four-year institution, they reported feelings of
inadequacy and uncertainty of their academic ability. In relation, Schmertz and Carney (2013)
found that high achieving, low income, students experienced similar feelings of self-doubt,
despite having demonstrated academic success in community college through a GPA of 3.5 or
higher. From their study, two-thirds of 111 transfers reported to doubt their academic abilities,
choice of major, and abilities to compete academically with their peers during their first year.
These participants also experienced feelings of being unprepared, overwhelmed, lonely, and a
sense of disconnection from their peers as transfer students. Furthermore, highlighting challenges
of internal barriers, stemming from transfer stigma, which can affect individual college student
success.
Baccalaureate Attainment
In terms of baccalaureate attainment, Mooring and Mooring (2016) underscored the
variation of underrepresented minority community college graduation rates at different four-year
institutions. These authors found that Black and Latinx transfer students have a higher
probability of timely graduation at public institutions in comparison to private for-profit
institutions. In contrast, Asian students were found to have a better chance of timely graduation
at private for-profit institutions. However, these authors also found that Black, Latinx, and Asian
16
students have a better chance of timely baccalaureate attainment at private nonprofit institutions
in comparison to public. Although this study did not present the disaggregated graduation rates
of Asian Americans by ethnic subgroup, the findings offers insight into the performance of AAPI
populations at private nonprofit institutions. However, disaggregated data would provide more
accurate information about Southeast Asian students and their educational outcomes.
Transfer Student Capital
Previous studies on transfer students have focused on transfer student capital (TSC) in
relation to navigating the transfer process (Laanan et al., 2010; Lukszo & Hayes, 2020; Moser,
2014). Transfer student capital refers to how community college students acquire relevant
knowledge that can assist them in the transfer process (Laanan et al., 2010). Significantly, Moser
(2014) argues that accumulating TSC during community college is necessary for transfer
students to transition into receiving four-year institutions. Laanan et al. (2010) originally
established that transfer student capital consists of community college academic experiences,
perceptions of the transfer process, experiences with community college faculty, and acquired
learning and study skills at the two-year level. Moser (2014) expanded prior research on TSC
and examined additional factors of staff validation and faculty validation, faculty mentoring,
formal collaboration with faculty, financial knowledge, coping style (active and social),
motivation and self-efficacy, and social support.
Findings from Moser (2014) stated that transfer student capital is a significant predictor
of GPA at the four-year level, which alludes to the connection of higher rates of academic
success with higher levels of TSC. Findings from Laanan et al. (2010) showed that the academic
adjustment of transfer students was positively influenced by learning and study skills obtained in
community college. Such skills include note taking, problem solving, and time management
17
skills. Transfer students from Moser’s (2014) study derived high levels of TSC from formal
collaboration and informal contact with community college faculty as well as motivation to
transfer and self-efficacy. Community college faculty members were noted to play a large role in
student success as positive student-faculty mentorship predicted students’ abilities to actively
cope with challenges related to transitioning into a four-year institution. In relation, Laanan et al.
(2010) found that faculty interaction and student satisfaction of campus environment at the four-
year level was positively associated with social adjustment. Additionally, transfer students with
TSC gained from rigorous community college classes and financial knowledge of funding and
scholarships reported to have greater levels of satisfaction at the four-year level (Moser, 2014).
Lastly, Laanan et al. (2010) stated that factors of student motivation to transfer, academic
counseling experiences at the two-year level, and stigmatization from faculty members and
campus environment negatively influenced the academic adjustment of transfer students.
In addition, Lukszo and Hayes (2020) studied how transfer student capital was acquired
and used in the process of transferring into a four-year institution. Results from this study
highlighted that peers, family members, and high schools served as origins of TSC. Both peers
and family members were noted to have played a role in shaping students' decisions to transfer
and offering guidance and insight into the transfer process. Whereas high schools played a role in
informing students about the transfer pathway for degree attainment. Findings also showed that
TSC was used to help students understand course transferability, the application process, and
post-transfer expectations. Lukszo and Hayes (2020) also highlighted that advisors and faculty
members hold a role in promoting the self-efficacy and confidence of students to transfer through
acts of encouragement. Significantly, this study underscored how the accumulation of TSC can
begin as early as high school for community college students.
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Asian American Transfer Students
Limited research available on Asian American transfer students shows that students from
the population experience transfer shock (Liu, 2013). On average, the GPA of AAPI transfers
from Liu’s (2013) study decreased by more than one full point following the transition into a
four-year university. Additionally, Liu (2013) claimed that AAPI transfer students at a land grant
institution challenged the model minority myth as previous community college students who
transferred to a non-Ivy league institution. In relation, research on community college students
found that Asian American students reported to feel stigmatized for attending a community
college due to the fact that the model minority myth implied that they should be enrolled in four-
year institutions (Assalone & Fann, 2017). Participants stated that their peers assumed they chose
to attend community college in order to improve their English proficiency and were often
questioned about their college choice (Assalone & Fann, 2017). Although more research has yet
to be conducted on the implications of the racialization and academic success of Asian American
transfer students, these findings call attention to the ethnic identities of Southeast Asian transfers
and their experiences at four-year institutions.
Southeast Asian Transfer Students
One case study available from the limited amount of research available on Southeast
Asians showed that SEA community college transfer students hold two unique circumstances of
immigrant status and importance of ethnic student organizations (Wagoner & Lin, 2009).
Findings from 20 SEA transfers at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA)
highlighted that most students were children of refugees and had a narrative linked to the
immigrant status of their families. More specifically, student’s families had military affiliation
with the Vietnam War or experienced displacement, which resulted in immigration challenges
19
such as reduced social status (Wagoner & Lin, 2009). Additionally, findings also discussed the
significance of ethnic-based student organizations as a source of support and sense of belonging
for SEA transfers on campus. Presence of such organizations played a positive role in their
successful transition into UCLA as they helped students maintain their ethnic identity and make
connections with other individuals (Wagoner & Lin, 2009). Wagoner and Lin (2009) also argued
that Southeast Asian transfer students do not fit the model minority stereotype and experience
challenges similar to other students with lower socioeconomic backgrounds. Notably, the
majority of participants utilized the financial-aid system through CalGrants, Pell grants, work-
study positions, and student loans.
Beyond these two unique factors and financial aid, other factors discussed were the
importance of counselors and mentors. Significantly, most participants mentioned at least one
individual who impacted their college experience (Wagoner & Lin, 2009). Challenges shared by
the majority of SEA transfers in this study included feelings of lack of academic preparation,
experiences of stigma as transfer students, and navigating the transition from a semester system
to a quarter system. Additionally, some students mentioned the transition of campus size from a
community college to larger four-year institutions; however, perceptions of networking as
challenges or opportunities varied by participants. Wagoner and Lin (2009) also underscored
study habits, full-time enrollment, networking with peers and student support services, and
employment as personal characteristics and behaviors that impacted participants’ academic
experiences. Lastly, all students in this study discussed the impact and influence of their family
members in their college careers. In regards to social and cultural capital, most students were the
first in their families to attend college. Although several had extended family members who had
earned bachelor's degrees, students’ parents had a lack of experience and knowledge about
20
higher education. Furthermore, community college attendance was noted to have been a more
cost efficient choice and provided a smoother transition into college for participants and their
families. However, some students reported to have experienced stigma from their family
members as community college enrollment was perceived as shameful. Accordingly, these
factors discussed by Wagoner and Lin (2009) offer some insight into the transfer student
experience of Southeast Asian students. However, more research should be conducted in order to
better understand this unique population.
Discussion of AsianCrit
Asian Critical Theory is a theoretical framework that allows for an in depth analysis of
Asian American students as it applies the strengths of Critical Race Theory (CRT) with
knowledge about the racialized experiences of this specific population (Iftikar & Museus, 2018).
As a theoretical framework, CRT focuses on the experiences of people of color in order to
understand the role of race and racism and provides a lens to analyze and challenge racial
oppression in higher education (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002). The five tenets of CRT include an
intercentricity of race and racism, a challenge to dominant ideology, a commitment to social
justice, a centrality of experiential knowledge, and a transdisciplinary perspective (Solorzano &
Yosso, 2002).
Iftikar and Museus (2018) specifically discuss how AsianCrit can be utilized in the field
of education to advance research and scholarship on this population. These authors argue that
AsianCrit allows for a better understanding of how dominant racial ideologies, such as white
supremacy, shapes the perspectives, policies, and practices of Asian Americans in education.
This framework can also be used to analyze how experiences of imperialism, colonialism, or
capitalism impact educational trajectories and experiences of this population. Additionally,
21
Iftikar and Museus (2018) stated that AsianCrit allows for more complex analysis of racial
identity politics with a focus on (anti)essentialism. Furthermore, creating a lens for research to be
conducted on the relationship between the collective struggles and diverse experiences within
disaggregated subgroups. Lastly, AsianCrit can advance research on the racialization and racial
oppression of Asian Americans in education through an analysis of the model minority myth and
systemic racial inequities. As for limitations, AsianCrit does not specifically outline how the
framework can be applied to international students. Furthemore, it does not address factors of
language, English proficiency, or bilingualism in its lens of the Asian American experience
(Iftikar & Museus, 2018).
Connections Between Framework and Current Study
This current study uses AsianCrit in order to better understand the racialized experiences
of the Southeast Asian students and their transfer student experience. This framework is
applicable to Southeast Asian students as it allows for an analysis of Asianization, or
racialization of individuals, through the model minority myth, inferior minority myth, and
perpetual foreigner myth. Furthermore, incorporating the marginalized voices of Southeast Asian
students into research that highlights their educational experiences and outcomes through a lens
that honors intersectionality and transnational contexts. Significantly, this study adds to the lack
of disaggregated research available on Southeast Asian students and provides higher educational
professionals with unique narratives that can inform culturally aware practices and policies in
support of transfer student success.
Chapter 3: Research Methods
22
This study uses a qualitative approach to explore the experiences of five Southeast Asian
transfer students. Qualitative data, accumulated through a semi-structured interview protocol,
was used in order to highlight the views, opinions, and narratives of selected participants
(Creswell, 2014). As such, the research process was emergent and the design of the study is not
strictly prescribed through quantitative measures (Creswell, 2014). Given the lack of research on
the Southeast Asian transfer students, a qualitative study was the most appropriate design in
order to engage in an inductive analysis that identified themes and patterns arising from the
collected data (Creswell, 2018). Furthermore, allowing for the lived experiences of Southeast
Asian transfers to be better understood and expressed through their own voices.
Relevant Studies Related to Method
Researchers utilizing Asian Critical theory have utilized qualitative methods as well
(Kokka & Chao, 2020; Wang 2019). Within Wang’s (2019) study on Asian American college
students, a phenomenological approach and semi-structured interviews were used to explore
student well-being and their racial identity development at an elite university. As a qualitative
study, Wang’s (2019) research highlighted how interviews can capture the voices of students
whose experiences have not been widely researched yet. Additionally, Kokka and Chao (2020)
used qualitative photovoice interviews to study Asian American male math teachers to
conceptualize their racial and ethnic identities in relation to the model minority myth. In this
study, photovoice interviews allowed participants to utilize their voice to communicate their
counter-narratives through photographs and storytelling.
Method
23
Site Selection
The research site for the study was a private institution referred to as Collegiate Coast
University (CCU), a pseudonym. Collegiate Coast University (CCU) is a predominantly white
institution located in California. For the Fall of 2020, CCU reported a 27% undergraduate
transfer acceptance rate with roughly 9,000 applicants. 25% of transfer students entering Fall
2020 identified as Asian/Asian American. Notably, this was the second largest racial group
following white students (36%). However, the data provided by the institution does not
disaggregate Southeast Asians from the larger Asian/American population. Broadly speaking,
53% of students transferred into CCU from a California Community College, while 10%
transferred from a University of California (UC) or California State University (CSU).
Additionally, 29% of incoming transfers identified as first-generation college students
(Collegiate Coast University, 2020).
Participation Selection
Participants were selected based on specific criteria that matched the target population
being studied in this thesis. Participants were required to be self-identified as Southeast Asian
(e.g. Vietnamese, Cambodian, Laotian, and/or Hmong). They also had to identify as a domestic
transfer student who had recently graduated or was currently enrolled at Collegiate Coast
University (CCU). Individuals were chosen for participation through a Qualtrics demographic
survey distributed by CCU’s Asian American Student Center, relevant CCU student
organizations, and snowball sampling. Newsletters distributed via email from CCU’s Asian
American Student Center and other relevant organizations contained a link to a Qualtrics
demographic survey which asked for interested individuals' ethnic identities, school year, and
24
educational background. Based on responses from the demographic survey, participants who met
the study’s criteria were contacted via email.
Data Collection
Data was collected through semi-structured interviews conducted virtually through
Zoom, an online video conferencing platform. In order to protect confidentiality, the latest
Institutional Review Board (IRB) protocols were followed. Upon agreeing with a time and date
to meet for an interview, participants were sent a password protected Zoom link. Interviews were
conducted solely through Zoom’s audio function and the video option was required to remain off
to ensure the privacy of participants. Prior to audio recording, all participants were informed of
the purpose of the study, process of the interview, and were asked for their verbal consent to be
audio recorded. Throughout the interview a semi-structured interview protocol was utilized for
consistency. The interview protocol consisted of 15 questions and took 30-60 mins to complete.
The interview protocol consisted of a series of questions related to one’s ethnic identity, transfer
student identity, and Southeast Asian transfer student experience. Please see Appendix A for the
interview protocol.
Data Analysis
For data analysis, each interview was transcribed. The automatic transcripts provided by
Zoom were utilized and reviewed for needed corrections. In order to protect participant’s
privacy, transcript documents were password protected as well. Transcripts were coded based on
emerging themes through ATLAS.ti, a qualitative data analysis software. The demographic
survey was also utilized to help analyze the themes of participant’s experiences.
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Trustworthiness of Data and Researcher Bias
In respect for the trustworthiness of the data to be presented, it must be noted that I am
personally connected to this study which may present some researcher bias. As a Southeast
Asian American, I identify as Cambodian and Vietnamese. Furthermore, I was also a prior
community college transfer student at a predominantly white institution. Given my personal
experiences, I limited my researcher bias by following an interview protocol that does not
include leading questions during data collection. Additionally, during the interviews, I only
asked follow-up questions in order to ask for further explanations or receive clarification of
participant responses. Given my personal experiences, I shared my positionality and reiterated
the purpose of my study to participants prior to beginning interviews. Additionally, to promote
the credibility of my findings, member checking was utilized as a strategy to verify the accuracy
of my analysis of major themes from the data (Creswell, 2014).
Limitations
A limitation of this study is that data was collected during the middle of COVID-19, a
global pandemic. Due to COVID-19, Collegiate Coast University (CCU) fully transitioned to
virtual learning during the Spring 2020 semester and remains online. Given that this study
includes transfer students that are currently enrolled at CCU, their narratives included limited on-
campus experiences. As such, there is a lack of data that can speak to the full extent of on-
campus experiences and their experiences may vary from previous graduates. A second
limitation is challenges related to participant recruitment. Collegiate Coast University (CCU)
does not provide student enrollment data on various Southeast Asian populations. Recruitment
heavily relied on snowball sampling. Additionally, due to the pandemic, interested participants
were limited and challenging to obtain. Furthermore, experiences may vary from individuals
26
within the Southeast Asian ethnic subgroup. For example, the Vietnamese transfer student
experience may differ in comparison to the Cambodian transfer student experience. As such, the
sample cannot represent the experiences of all students within the target group. These findings
may not be generalizable to public or non-predominantly white institutions that serve larger
populations of students of color.
Connections to Methods and Data
For this study, semi-structured interviews were conducted to explore the racialized
experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students at Collegiate Coast University. Guided by an
AsianCrit framework, questions inquired about experiences related to their ethnic identity,
transfer student identity, and educational experiences on campus. The qualitative data was then
coded based on common themes that arose from student narratives to analyze the racialized
experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students and its impact on their experiences at a
predominantly white institution.
27
Chapter 4: Presentation of Data
The goal of this study was to highlight the racialized experiences of Southeast Asian
transfer students and examine its impact on their experiences at a predominantly white private
four-year university. Due to challenges related to participant recruitment, data collection heavily
relied on snowball sampling. This chapter includes a presentation of participants’ demographics,
individual participant biographies, and summary of salient themes from participants' narratives
guided by Asian Critical theory.
Participant Demographics
Five participants interviewed for this study throughout April 2021 to July 2021. All
participants self-identified as Southeast Asian, with the majority of individuals possessing ethnic
heritage from a various number of Southeast and East Asian backgrounds as well. One
participant identified as fully Vietnamese, while three participants identified as part Vietnamese.
From these three, one participant identified as Vietnamese and Chinese, one participant
identified as part Vietnamese, Laotian, and Chinese, and one identified as part Vietnamese,
Cambodian, TeoChew, and Cantonese. Lastly, the fifth participant identified as Indonesian,
Sundanese, Hakka Chinese, Ambonese, and Dutch.
All five participants identified as a transfer student from community college. Three
participants were current transfer students at the time of their interview, while two were recent
transfer alumni. From the three current transfers, only one participant had been enrolled at CCU
for one year while the other two had been enrolled at CCU for at least two years. Four out of five
participants attended a community college and applied for transfer to CCU. However, one
participant was a spring admit to CCU and attended community college for one semester prior to
their start as a freshman. As such, they self-identified as a transfer student. In order to examine
28
the experiences of all self-identified transfers, the data collected from this participant was
included in this study.
Three out of five participants identified as first generation college students. As first
generation students, their parents did not obtain a bachelor’s degree in America. With direct
correlation to student identities, three participants stated to have a middle socioeconomic status
(SES) while two participants stated to have a low SES.
Table 1 presents the participants’ self-identified demographics which included their
gender, ethnic identities, student identities, and socioeconomic status. In order to ensure the
confidentiality of participants, each individual was assigned a pseudonym and no personal
identifiable information was included in this thesis chapter.
Table 1: Participants’ Demographics
Participant
(pseudonym) Gender
Southeast
Asian
Ethnicities
East Asian
Ethnicities
Non-Asian
Ethnicities Student Status
First
Generation
Student
Socioeconomic
Status (SES)
Khoa Male
Vietnamese
Cambodian
TeoChew
Cantonese
—
Current Transfer
(2 year) Yes Middle SES
Minh Male
Vietnamese
Laotian Chinese
—
Transfer Alumni No Middle SES
Michael Male Vietnamese Chinese
—
Transfer Alumni No Middle SES
Jennifer Female Vietnamese —
—
Current Transfer
(1 year) Yes Low SES
Joanne Female
Indonesian
Sundanese
Ambonese Hakka Chinese Dutch
Current Transfer
(3 year) Yes Low SES
Participant Biographies
In this section, individual participant biographies are presented. These participant
biographies contain a more in depth description of an individual's ethnic and student background.
29
Moreover, providing context into each participant’s narrative which includes their family
immigration history and transfer student experience.
Khoa
Khoa is a current second year transfer student at Collegiate Coast University (CCU).
Khoa identifies as male and is a first generation student who has a middle socioeconomic status.
His Southeast Asian identities include Vietnamese and Cambodian while his East Asian
identities include TeoChew and Cantonese. Khoa describes his outward appearance as more
mainland Chinese (East Asian) than Cambodian or Vietnamese. He is often mistaken on campus
as another East Asian ethnicity, such as Korean or Japanese. Khoa shared that many students on
CCU’s campus are not aware of his family’s background, such as experiences of the Khmer
Rouge, and do not share the same upbringing or values as him.
His father escaped Cambodia during the Khmer Rouge, in which the Cambodian
genocide had been taken place. During this time, his father's family experienced hardship on
multiple levels as they grieved the death of his father’s sister, loss of land, and loss of family
wealth (jewelry). His father crossed the border of Cambodia into Thailand and then immigrated
to the United States at the age of 12, with a sponsorship from a church. He and his eight siblings
then started out in Seattle, WA picking strawberries for a living. In his father’s young adult
years, he was unable to complete a program at his local community college, due to funding
issues. However, after a number of years of working odd jobs, he secured a career in information
technology. On the other hand, Khoa’s mother immigrated from Vietnam due to safety concerns
related to the Vietnam war. Her father had affiliation with the Vietnam War as a prior military
member and risked prosecution or charges by remaining in the country. Her family then decided
to immigrate away from Vietnam; however, she moved to the Philippines while her family
30
members moved to the United States first. His mother was able to immigrate to the United States
during her first year of college. His mother shared a single bedroom house with her family
members, with a walk-in closet serving as her bedroom, located in San Gabriel, CA. Similar to
Khoa’s father, his mother worked odd jobs until she became a bank teller and now travel agent.
Growing up, Khoa had aspirations to attend the University of California, Irvine (UCI) as
it was the only college his family members recommended. Khoa did not do any further research
on other universities available to him and had a mindset that his GPA was too low to be admitted
into any prestigious institution. In his last year of high school, Khoa was waitlisted and rejected
by UCI which led him to his local community college. Khoa shared that this rejection left him
feeling lost and defeated. However, a professor at his community college was able to change his
perspective on higher education. His professor inspired Khoa to use community college as a
second chance to aim higher. Ultimately, providing him with motivation to set high-level goals
to succeed in community college and apply to the top universities located in California. Khoa
decided to attend CCU with the mindset of aiming for the best education possible for his own
growth. Khoa was faced with a tough decision between CCU and another prestigious institution
in California that had a higher Southeast Asian student population. Although this aspect was
favorable for Khoa, he considered his limited time available as a transfer student and chose CCU
for its hands-on curriculum that could benefit his educational and career goals. Overall, Khoa
strongly identifies with his transfer student identity. During his first year at CCU he chose to
invest his time in a program targeted towards transfer students, known as the Transfer
Achievement Program (TAP), rather than participating in any ethnic based student organizations.
Minh
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Minh is a recent transfer alumni from CCU who identifies as male. He has a middle
socioeconomic background and identifies as a mixture of Southeast and East Asian ethnic
identities as well. The majority of Minh’s background is Chinese, however, he also identifies as
part Vietnamese and Laotian. Minh believes that being part Vietnamese and Laotian allows him
to distinguish himself from the broader Chinese American and international Chinese student
populations on campus. In particular, he attributes his parent’s immigration experiences as a
salient factor on his drive to succeed in higher education.
Minh’s father immigrated from Laos in the early 1970’s in pursuit of better opportunities
in the United states. In relation, his mother immigrated from Vietnam during the Vietnam War in
search of a safer life. Minh shared that both of his parents sacrificed their earlier lives as
immigrants in order to establish a better life and begin a family in better conditions. In doing so,
they were able to provide Minh with an opportunity to seek his own “key potential” in America.
Furthermore, impacting his motivation and drive to transfer and succeed at Collegiate Coast
University.
Minh decided to enroll at his local community college due to the fact that he did not
receive any acceptance letters from any four-year universities during his last year of high school.
During his time at community college, he grew to appreciate the affordability and flexibility of
career and major exploration. Minh often heard about the prestigiousness of CCU’s business
program and networking opportunities. As such, he decided that transferring to CCU was the
best option for him and his future career. At CCU, Minh was an active member of the
Association for Vietnamese Students (AVS). Within AVS, Minh felt he was able to experience a
sense of family with fellow Vietnamese students who had shared experiences on campus.
Michael
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Michael is also a recent transfer alumni from CCU who identifies as male with a middle
SES. He identifies as part Vietnamese and part Chinese. Michael grew up in a predominantly
Asian neighborhood in Los Angeles. Despite his exposure to his ethnic heritage, Michael
describes himself as “white washed” in which he does not strongly align with his family’s
cultural practices. For example, Michael believes that cultural practices, such as burning incense
or providing offerings to family members that have passed, is something that will disappear and
not something he will participate in on his own time in the future. As such, Michael does not
view his ethnic background as a salient factor in his life or student experiences.
Both of Michael’s parents immigrated to the United States from Vietnam during the
Vietnam War. His father firstly traveled to Hong Kong and then later came to America while his
mother immigrated directly to the United States. Michael’s parents began their lives in America
as low income immigrants; however, his father had generational knowledge of his family’s
jewelry business. Michael’s father used this form of capital to help him build his own jewelry
business in Los Angeles. Throughout high school, Michael viewed education as a second priority
due to the fact that his main focus was working for his parents. As a result, he did not perform
well academically and decided early on in his sophomore year that he would go to community
college. With this decision, he had intentions of transferring out to a four-year university, like his
older sister. His parents were also supportive of this decision as they were aware of the high
tuition prices of universities.
When Michael began community college he felt a desire to make his parents proud and
transfer into a good college. He visited Collegiate Coasts’ campus with his cousin, who was a
graduate student at CCU at the time, and was impressed by the environment and beauty of the
campus. During this time, he also learned that this university had a prestigious business program
33
which helped fuel his drive to apply and transfer to CCU. Despite not having a strong emotional
connection with his ethnic background, Michael was an active member of the Association for
Vietnamese Students and shared that it was something he quite enjoyed at Collegiate Coast.
Jennifer
Jennifer is a first-year transfer at Collegiate Coast University and identifies as a low
income first generation student. She also identifies as female and is fully Vietnamese. She grew
up in a predominantly Vietnamese community in Southern California and is very knowledgeable
of her Vietnamese American identity. Throughout high school and community college, Jennifer
was very active with the Vietnamese community in her area and participated in her region's
Vietnamese student organization. At one point, she served as the President for her local branch.
Overall, Jennifer attributes this organization as a significant factor that led her to grow an
appreciation and pride for her ethnic background.
Similar to other participants in this study, Jennifer’s parents immigrated from Vietnam to
the United States due to the Vietnam war in the 80’s. As immigrants, her parents spent most of
their time raising their own siblings and did not have the opportunity to pursue a college degree.
As a first generation student, Jennifer felt an incentive to consider her parent’s wellbeing and
pursue a stable career rather than exploring her own dreams that may be socially unacceptable
due to its lack of stability. However, beyond this pressure, Jennifer had always aspired to attend
Collegiate Coast University.
Jennifer specifically wanted to attend CCU for its reputable business program and what
she deemed as a diverse student body in comparison to her local four-year universities. However,
Jennifer's family was unable to financially afford CCU’s tuition and decided to enroll in
community college in order to save her parents money while she completed her general
34
education courses. As a first-year transfer student, Jennifer joined the Transfer Achievement
Program. She also had a desire to become involved with CCU’s Asian American Student Center
and similar organizations as a student leader; however, she was unaware of how to join as a
transfer student. Notably, Jennifer’s first year at CCU occurred during the beginning of COVID-
19. Jennifer was only on campus for a total of eight weeks before the university transitioned to
an online setting. As a result, her drive to become highly involved and opportunities for social
interaction with her peers were negatively impacted.
Joanne
Joanne is a self-identified transfer student who was admitted to CCU as a spring
freshman admit. At the time of the interview, she was a student with a senior standing status.
Joanne is a low income first generation student who also identifies as female. Joanne primarily
identifies as Indonesian American; however, her ethnicities also include Sundanese, Ambonese,
Hakka Chinese, and Dutch. Growing up, she felt that people did not have any knowledge about
Indonesia and mostly assumed that she was East Asian. Joanne was originally born in Indonesia
and immigrated to the United States at the age of six. Initially her father had won the green card
lottery, but he did not make any decisions to move. However in the 2000’s, after the Jakarta
riots, her father won the green card lottery for the second time then decided to immigrate to the
United States. Joanne’s father and brother arrived a few years prior to her while she arrived later
in 2005, where she began her early education in an American public school located in Texas. She
was initially enrolled in English as a Second Language (ESL) classes but transitioned out quite
quickly.
In high school, Joanne was offered admission into CCU and another university that
would offer her a more traditional freshman experience. She stated that CCU had advertised that
35
spring admits would not miss out on any traditional experiences and offered a better financial aid
package. As such, she decided to enroll at her local community college in order to complete a
few general education courses during the fall semester prior to her entry into CCU. As a self-
identified transfer student, Joanne shared that being a spring admit was “not as great” as a
traditional freshman experience.
At Collegiate Coast University, Joanne was involved in a few ethnic based organizations.
She was a member of the Indonesian Student Union, the Asian American Cinema Union, and
CCU’s Asian American Student Center. At the Asian American Student Center, Joanne was
assigned a mentor who also identified as Indonesian American with a similar major related to
film. However, Joanne shared that her experience as an Indonesian American student at CCU
was lonely. Most of the members of the Indonesian Student Union were international and did not
share the same socioeconomic background as Joanne. In addition, she was commonly mistaken
as an international student or the wrong Asian woman in class.
Salient Themes
Each participant had different variations of Southeast Asian ethnic identities; however,
there were similarities of racialized experiences present in the study. In addition, there were
commonalities within each participant’s transfer student experience in relation to their ethnic
identity. The most salient themes that emerged from this study included: (1) awareness of
stereotypes, (2) historical violence, immigration and value towards education, (3) educational
experiences informed by ethnic identity, (4) educational experiences informed by transfer student
identity, and (5) utilization of ethnic and transfer student support.
36
Awareness of Stereotypes
Negative Stereotypes
Four out of five participants had an awareness of negative stereotypes surrounding
individuals who belonged to a Southeast Asian ethnic group. Khoa heard that Cambodians were
gang affiliated and were located in areas with higher crime, such as Long Beach, CA. Michael
shared, “they say like within the Asian community, that… Filipino people, [who] are still Asian,
are like the Mexican of the Asian”. Both Jennifer and Joanne shared they had heard that
Vietnamese individuals were called ‘jungle Asians’. Jennifer was not fully aware of what the
term ‘jungle Asian’ insinuated. However she assumed that because Vietnam had more jungles
than East Asian countries, such as Korea and Japan, Vietnam was viewed as less developed. On
a similar note, Joanne suggested that the term ‘jungle Asian’ was in reference to Southeast
Asians having darker skin complexions and appearing as less well-off and civilized than East
Asians.
Academic Stereotypes
Beyond negative stereotypes, three participants mentioned an awareness of stereotypes
that insinuated more academic characteristics among Southeast Asian student communities.
Minh shared that he heard, “... all Asians [are] hardworking, studious, [don’t] have a huge social
life, just self-centered, and focused [on] education”. Michael shared that he heard Southeast
Asians are “super try-hards, just focus[ed] on studying” and are “nerds”. Additionally, both
Michael and Jennifer mentioned the stereotype that Asians are good at math.
Each of these participants had a different perception regarding the impact of these
academic stereotypes. Minh felt that these stereotypes helped him understand how to utilize
stereotypical traits towards his benefit as Michael felt indifferent about these stereotypes and
37
agreed that he may have not been affected as he was mainly surrounded by other Asian students
on campus. In contrast, Jennifer felt that the pressure to be successful negatively affected her
mental health as she felt a responsibility to succeed for herself as well as her parents’ wellbeing:
So there's a huge pressure on me to continue to take care of them, provide for them. So
it's a little rough when you're trying to navigate your way through [CCU] as a transfer
student and as a Southeast Asian on top of the academic rigor, like the nature of it.
Based on participant’s awareness of stereotypes, there is a mixture of negative and academic
stereotypes present amongst the Southeast Asian community. Moreover, alluding to a more
complex student experience with stereotypes that insinuate a lower societal standing with
contradicting expectations of academic success.
Historical Violence, Immigration and Value Towards Education
All five participants had family immigration stories stemming from some form of
historical violence. Michael’s parents, Jennifer’s parents, Khoa’s mother, and Minh’s mother
immigrated to the United States due to the Vietnam War. Khoa’s father immigrated during the
Khmer Rouge, otherwise known as the Cambodian genocide, and Joanne’s father decided to take
the opportunity to leave Indonesia after the Jakarta riots. In total, four participants attributed their
family’s immigration story towards their outlook and value for education. Khoa shared that his
parent’s past offered him an appreciation for college and motivated him to become academically
successful. Furthermore, as first generation student, he felt a sense of motivation to strive for
high academic achievement:
... my dad couldn't go to college because he didn't have the proper funding for it. But now
I'm lucky enough where my parents do have the funding. I need to take this opportunity
to pretty much be the one that's different in the family… they have laid the foundation for
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me… and without that motivation from my family… I would probably be content with
being at a smaller college. But because we are first generation, I just feel the need to do a
lot more and aim higher than my mother and father.
Similarly, Minh discussed his parent’s early sacrifices as immigrants and stated that they had
given him the opportunity to succeed as well. In reference to his parent’s immigration story he
said,
... given all these circumstances that were sort of acting as barriers for us to overcome,
rather than just everything given to us, it just made us more eager to try to pursue and
fulfill our goals in terms of education, career wise, and everything in general.
Michael shared that his parents were low income immigrants, prior to becoming jewelry business
owners, which impacted his motivation to transfer to a prestigious university. He said “... when
college hit I kind of decided okay well I better make my parents proud and try to go to a good
college. So I tried really hard in community college and then managed to get into CCU”. Lastly,
Jennifer felt that her parents’ immigration story impacted her educational and career goals. As a
first generation student, she felt an obligation to succeed for herself as well as her family:
It made me think more about their wellbeing as well, instead of my own dreams and
goals, because they sacrificed so much to make sure that I make it. So I want to make
sure that my career and my occupation has to be stable enough rather than pursuing
something that they deem or socially is deemed unstable.
Significantly, these narratives highlight the impact of historical violence and immigration on
education. With participant's family history of historical violence, there was a common sense of
motivation and value for college due to parent’s sacrifices and past experiences.
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Educational Experiences Informed by Ethnic Identity
Mistaken Ethnicity
Khoa and Joanne shared that they were often incorrectly mistaken as a different ethnicity
and felt that others on campus had a lack of awareness about their Southeast Asian ethnic
identity. Khoa had experiences of being mistaken as Korean or Japanese. In response to these
experiences he said, “... not a lot of people here know of my family's background, they don't
know how intense and extreme the Khmer Rouge was… a lot of students, I find, are very much
more free”. Joanne said that many people assumed that she was East Asian, did not know about
Indonesia, assumed that she had a certain level of privilege, and was sometimes confused as
another Asian woman in her class:
I’ve been dealing with this obviously for most of my life, since I came here, and I think it
just feels invalidating of my cultural identity. It feels like my ethnicity and culture is
oftentimes invisible just in terms of the awareness that people have about Indonesia... I
feel very exoticized and obviously I’m subjected to assumptions like I have to explain
where Indonesia is… so whenever I’m confused as being another ethnicity of Asian… it
feels very dehumanizing because I feel like I’m being seen as interchangeable with other
people who have similar features or skin tones [like] myself.
Furthermore, in Joanne’s international cinema class, her white peers assumed she was to be the
spokesperson for a discussion question regarding international Asian cinema. In frustration, she
expressed, “… I'm just as American as them in judging the attitudes of Chinese nationals or
Japanese nationals. Why would I be more able to [speak], just because they assumed from the
way that I looked that I’m Chinese or Japanese?”. Khoa and Jennifer’s experiences of mistaken
40
ethnicity considerably affected their experiences on campus of Southeast Asian students.
Moreover, leading to feelings of invisibility and exoticism.
Mistaken Citizenship
Both Khoa and Joanne also had experiences of being mistaken as international students
on campus. Khoa said, “I think a lot of people are familiar with international students. They see
me and think oh he's just another international student who's here”. From Joanne’s perspective
she felt she had to prepare herself to have her identity be mistaken. She shared, “If there's
international students in the same room I feel self-conscious... I think it's enough to where I am
like bracing myself for being confused with other Asian women in classrooms”. Similar to
mistaken ethnicity, mistaken citizenship created a further sense of invisibility as both their
Southeast Asian and American identities were not recognized by their peers or professors on
CCU’s campus.
Lack of Representation
Four out of five participants reported to feel a lack of Southeast Asian representation on
CCU’s campus. Khoa felt that CCU did not have any organizations that pushed SEA
representation. Prior to deciding to attend CCU, Khoa was offered admission to a public four-
year university that had a SEA transfer community. In comparison to CCU, he felt this institution
had stronger SEA resources:
Their Southeast Asian programs are way much better than what we have here. They
personally reached out to me understanding that I was Southeast Asian and they were
asking me questions and they invited me out to campus for a tour. Whereas with CCU, I
didn't receive any of that treatment.
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Jennifer felt there was a lack of SEA representation among the study body at CCU, specifically
for Vietnamese students. She shared “... I just haven't really met another Viet person in my
class....I feel like there's no one who actually understands my experiences”. Joanne noticed that
there was a lack of SEA representation among CCU’s student body and curriculum. Joanne
shared, “just being in classrooms [where] it's like very predominantly white or non-Southeast
Asian, you know, I don't feel represented”. Furthermore, she reported that Southeast Asia was
not represented among the different Asian countries that were discussed in her Asian cinema
class. Although she did have the opportunity to take a Southeast Asian cinema class, she
mentioned that the course had low rates of enrollment with only 12 students in her class.
According to her professor, he had tried to teach the course ten years ago, but it had been
cancelled due to lack of enrollment. Based on her own personal experiences, Joanne suggested
that CCU offer more classes and faculty members that specialize in Southeast Asian and BIPOC
perspectives:
...it was only very recently that Asian cinema was taught as a class. I think that's
problematic because it prioritizes, you know, like white understandings of the world and
systems of knowledge and academia over that of indigenous and BIPOC folks
basically… my suggestion is to fund more of those classes and hire more faculty that
have that as their focus…
As such, these narratives highlight the lack of representation throughout CCU as demonstrated
by participants' understanding of campus student organizations, student body, and curriculum.
In contrast, Michael and Minh, who were both members of the Association of
Vietnamese Students, felt represented on campus. Minh felt, “...with those types of clubs they are
able to put us on the map and also share our personal experiences to the entire school…”. Based
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on these participant’s experiences, students who were not a part of a strong ethnic based
organization experienced a lack of representation on campus. Notably, this sense of lack of
representation existed in multiple areas ranging from student organizations, study body, and
curriculum.
Familial Emotional Support
Four participants reported to have some form of positive emotional support from their
family. Khoa shared that his parents were not like ‘tiger’ parents who only placed value on their
children based on academic performance. Instead, they wished for Khoa to be happy which
supported his wellbeing and mental health:
[They gave] me this sense of value that hey you know there's more to life than just
studying and stuff. That supported me a lot, because… when I’m about to break down
from the immense pressure I have from school, I just remember, hey you know like as
long as I’m alive, and I’m happier, and I'm still with my family, then everything's gonna
be okay.
On a similar note, Jennifer's parents were supportive of her major exploration and did not
pressure her to choose a specific career route:
They're very supportive and they're very understanding of me. There's never a pressure
placed on me to follow the typical career out of being like a doctor, or whatever typical
Asian parents put on their children, and my parents actually do support my dreams and
they actually did support me looking into journalism…
Minh shared that his parents' consistent emotional support served as a form of motivation:
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[My parents] supported me throughout the entire process by always telling me that
regardless if I succeed or fail, it's always important to give it your best. They're always
acting sort of like the rock behind me in order to keep pushing me to achieve my goals.
Significantly, these four participants derived a strong sense of emotional support from their
parents. However, Joanne did not have the same level of support from her parents. She
mentioned that her father was mostly busy with work and her mother was sick most of the time.
However, she stated her father has improved in his ability to express that he is proud of her
academic accomplishments.
Ethnic Pride
Two participants had a sense of strong ethnic pride and enjoyed sharing the details about
their ethnic identity. Minh described his experience as quite pleasant, “I felt like it was sort of
empowering to… put my foot on the map of being different... or not being viewed as common as
other Chinese American or international Chinese students”. In a similar light Jennifer shared, “I
tell them that I'm Vietnamese American and they will be amazed by it…”. Due to the fact that
Jennifer came from a predominantly Vietnamese community, she had a sense of ethnic pride and
enjoyed sharing her identity with others:
...stepping into a place where I can actually own my heritage and my culture felt really
nice. Being able to tell people that I'm Vietnamese American, with knowing that they
don't know what that means, … [and] having a chance to talk about it and let them know
Vietnamese Americans exist, it was a really cool experience.
Notably, Minh and Jennifer’s ethnic pride shows that not all Southeast Asians are negatively
impacted by the invisibility of their ethnic identity on a predominantly white campus.
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Educational Experiences Informed by Transfer Student Identity
Community College Transfers
All five participants attended a community college prior to transferring to Collegiate
Coast University. The most common reason for enrolling in a community college was related to
academic barriers. Two participants did not receive acceptance letters to their institution of
choice in high school. Khoa specifically had hopes of attending the University of California,
Irvine. However, after processing his rejection, he viewed community college as an opportunity
to restart his educational career. He said, “After getting waitlisted and rejected, I felt like the
whole world just came crashing down… and feeling lost and undefeated I just decided, hey you
know what, it's not the end”. In a similar experience, Minh did not receive acceptance letters
from any four-year universities he had applied to. Due to these circumstances, he felt it was the
best route for him to go to community college and engage in more career and major exploration.
Michael’s experience was slightly different from Khoa and Minh’s experience as he had
originally planned to attend community college in the early years of high school. He shared,
“The whole reason why is because I just really didn't try as hard as I should have in high school
and I think it just progressively got to the point where I was not doing well”. Moreover, Michael
felt that this academic performance could not be improved and the best decision was to attend
community college with the intention of transferring to a four-year university.
Unlike the other participants, Jennifer and Joanne did not attend community college due
to academic barriers. Jennifer decided to enroll at her local community college for financial
reasons. As a spring admit, Joanne already had an acceptance letter to CCU. However, she
decided to take some general education courses at community college in order to save money.
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Despite these financial reasonings, financial barriers were not a common theme in terms of
community college enrollment.
Transitional Academic Challenges
Three participants from this study faced challenges in adjusting to the academic rigor at
Collegiate Coast University. A common theme amongst these participants was a significant drop
in their academic performance, as measured by grade point average (GPA). Khoa had a 4.0 GPA
in community college. In his first semester after transferring to CCU, he received a lower GPA
ranging from 3.1-3.3. Upon describing his experience he said, “I had to realize that CCU was not
like [my community college]... I ended up not doing so well in my first semester. I got like a 3.1
maybe 3.3 GPA... and that just shocked me”. Similarly, Michael had earned a 3.7 GPA in
community college. However, he was only able to maintain a GPA in the lower range of 3.0 at
CCU. In addition to academic challenges, Michael also spoke to the experience of having
traditional students as peers.
The transition in terms of how the classes were curved [and] how the classes were taught
[was] way more different compared to junior college… you got to accept the fact that
you're not only coming in with transfers that have a potentially higher GPA than you.
But, also you're competing against people that are already here, that are set on the four
year course, [and] have already adjusted out of high school into the CCU culture...
Minh also mentioned a drop in his GPA and said, “This is not in the same playing field… you
have to understand where you stand [on] a platform… you would need to maximize all your
resources to get the best grades, you can possibly get”. In summary, these three individuals
experienced challenges in their academic performance after transitioning into CCU. Moreover,
highlighting the differences in institutional academic rigor and implications related to
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Transitional Social Challenges
Aside from academic challenges, three participants mentioned transitional social
challenges as a transfer student. As a first generation transfer student, it was initially hard for
Khoa to make friends with traditional students who possessed different academic and work
experiences than him. He shared that coming into CCU he noticed that many traditional
freshman students already had the opportunity to engage in internships which he felt separated
him from his peers:
Unfortunately, the transfer experience really separates you from the normal freshmen
students, because when you're a freshman here you came from high school, your GPA
was flawless in high school… as a transfer student I didn't have time to go for
internships. So I didn't have any work background, I had nothing. Whereas with the
students I was interacting with… definitely had more of a competitive edge than me,
which is a little bit demoralizing because it's like, oh I worked hard, why am I so different
from people in that sense.
As Jennifer had originally grown up in a predominantly Vietnamese community, she found that
interacting and maintaining friendships with non-Asian identifying students was challenging for
her. Jennifer shared she struggled with transitioning into a student body that was more diverse in
comparison to her hometown:
... being thrown into such a diverse university, I was really hesitant to talk to other people
who aren't Asian descent. It wasn't out of a racial thing, it was just more of I don't know
how to approach someone else who doesn't know the same things I do... I thought it was
difficult to talk about things that aren't similar culture wise”.
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Due to COVID-19, Jennifer also found it difficult to make new friends in an online setting.
Furthermore, she felt a sense of isolation in attending predominantly white classes as a Southeast
Asian transfer student. She shared,
“I totally understand the whole feel[ing] that I'm an imposter and I don't belong here
sitting in the same room as them sometimes. Specifically in my entrepreneurship class,
it's mostly all white people... it feels a little scary… in the back of my head, I always
think that they're better than me just because they got into CCU right out of high school
and I had to take the long way”.
As a self-identified transfer, Joanne felt that being a spring admit and COVID-19 did not allow
her to build friendships with other traditional fall entry students:
I really did feel like I missed out because a lot of their bonding happened in freshman
year. They were already formed into cliques and stuff like that. I did end up making a
good group of friends, but I do feel like I missed out and especially with COVID taking a
whole social year out of our calendars”.
COVID-19 acted as a large contributor towards social challenges for this population. However,
significant social challenges also arose from participants’ experiences in transitioning into a
predominantly white institution with peers who had various ethnic and academic backgrounds.
Utilization of Ethnic and Transfer Student Support
All five participants reported that they did not participate in any student support services
targeted specifically towards Southeast Asian transfer students. However, two participants
engaged in a transfer specific resource, while the other three engaged in ethnic based student
organizations.
Ethnic Based Student Organizations
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Three participants reported to have participated in an ethnic based student organization.
Michael and Minh were active members in the Association for Vietnamese Students at CCU and
both felt that it promoted a sense of community for them on campus. Minh stated,
“it kind of gave me a sort of a family vibe in terms of not only saying like, hey I'm part
Vietnamese or I'm full Vietnamese so I can relate to you guys, just that everyone goes
through the same thing, and everyone just likes to get to know each other and you want to
empower everyone to not feel like a stranger. Even though it's your day one, even if
you're a member for four years, you just like to keep going with it. And everyone,
regardless of their major, where they're from and, as I said, like age, everyone's able to
just come together”.
On a similar note Michael stated AVS allowed him to be surrounded by more Vietnamese people
and shared, “... we all kind of just bonded...we all had a sense of connection because we're all
[from] the same culture”.
Joanne utilized the Asian American Student Center in her first two years at CCU. The
Center matched her with a mentor who also identified as Indonesian American, with a similar
major related to film. Joanne felt that it was a bit lonely in not having many Indonesian
American friends. However, she was surprised and grateful with her match in this program.
Joanne had joined other organizations on campus targeted towards Indonesian students, but she
felt a sense of disconnect as many students were international. Upon reflection of her time with
her mentor, she shared, “... she's still one of my good friends to this day, and I really appreciate
her. So that was a very positive experience”.
Jennifer had a strong desire to be involved with CCU’s Asian American Student Center
in a more student leadership capacity. However, she was unaware of how to get involved. She
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said, “I didn't know how to be a part of it, and then, when the pandemic hit I just kind of
dispersed from that idea”. Based on these experiences, ethnic based student organizations played
a large role in instilling a sense of community for Southeast Asian transfer students on campus.
Although Jennifer was unable to get involved, due to numerous circumstances, participation in
ethnic based organizations helped Minh, Michael, and Jennifer meet others who shared similar
backgrounds with them.
Transfer Support Services
Khoa and Jennifer participated in CCU’s Transfer Achievement Program. TAP allowed
Khoa to meet some of his closest friends as he was grouped with transfer students who share the
same experiences as him. He mentioned that most students in TAP were not Southeast Asian;
however, it provided him with both social and academic support as a transfer student. When
discussing TAP he said, “ they really did prepare me a little bit more for the rigor and the
benefits that CCU had to offer”. TAP offered Jennifer more social support. She shared, “...it was
very nice having a community that was experiencing the same academic transitions that I was
going from, I guess, a more chill academic lifestyle at community college into a more rigorous
one at [CCU]”. Furthermore, she stated that she met a few other Southeast Asians, as well as first
generation students in this program. In describing her experience, she said “I would say [TAP]
really made me feel safe in my own identity”. As such, TAP provided participants with access to
both academic and social support as it related to the transfer student identity.
Participant Suggestions: Student Programming and Clubs
The most common suggestions participants had in regards to student support at CCU
were related to student programming and clubs. Khoa suggested that CCU firstly strengthen it’s
support for transfer students and then work on improving ethnic support groups, He stated,
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“CCU doesn't have a foundation yet, like in regards to assisting transfer students right”. Minh
had a focus on communication expansion for ethnic based resource awareness. He believes that
many students are unaware of what is available to them and suggested, “If they're able to send
out like a huge email thread or also like a Facebook page…maybe by then people would be able
to sort of get out of their shell”. Jennifer addressed the campus environment and suggested CCU
create a community for Southeast Asians similar to how the Transfer Achieve Program provided
her with a safe environment. Overall, suggestions for CCU varied between each individual.
Participants had a range of suggestions related to the development of student programming and
clubs as to an incorporation of a more inclusive curriculum. Moreover, calling attention to
CCU’s need for improvement in terms of SEA transfer student support.
Summary of Findings
Overall, five salient themes were derived from participant interviews. The first theme,
awareness of stereotypes, included both negative and academic stereotypes that suggested social
inferiority as well as academic success. The second theme focused on how historical violence
and family immigration stories impacted each participant's outlook and value towards education.
Thirdly, educational experiences informed by ethnic identity, illustrated experiences of mistaken
ethnic identity and mistaken citizenship identity which contributed to participants’ sense of
invisibility and exoticism. Additionally, the majority of individuals in this study experienced a
lack of SEA representation ranging from organizations, student demographics, and classroom
curriculum. However, this theme also included experiences of familial emotional support as well
as a sense of ethnic pride. The fourth theme, educational experiences informed by transfer
student identity, described the academic barriers related to community college enrollment and
transitional academic and social challenges participants faced at CCU. Lastly, the final theme
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concluded with utilization of ethnic and transfer student support and highlighted the importance
of institutional support on participant’s educational experiences at CCU.
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Chapter 5: Discussion of Findings and Implications
The purpose of this study was to address the gap of literature on Southeast Asian transfer
students by focusing on their racialized experiences and its impact on their experiences at a
predominantly white four-year institution. Through utilization of an Asian Critical (AsianCrit)
framework, the personal narratives of five Southeast Asian transfers at CCU were explored.
Overall, the goal of this study was to answer the following research question, “How do the
racialized experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students impact their experiences at a
predominantly white institution?”. Through AsianCrit, the racial realities and experiences of
Asian American students can be better understood (Museus, 2014). As such, participants of this
study were viewed as racialized students of color navigating the transfer student experience. This
thesis sought to bring attention to the importance of disaggregating the data of Southeast Asian
students from their fellow Asian American peers and traditional first year students. Prior research
related to Southeast Asian and Asian American students discussed racialized experiences such as
racial stereotypes and racial marginalization. Additionally, literature on transfer students
examined experiences of transfer shock, transfer stigma, and transfer student capital. Based on
the findings in Chapter 4, AsianCrit provided insight into the Southeast Asian transfer student
experience through the tenets of Asianzation, transnational contexts, (re)constructive history, and
story, theory, and praxis. This chapter includes a discussion of findings, final reflections,
implications, and a conclusion.
Discussion of Findings
In this section, I discuss the analysis of findings from this study as guided by Asian
Critical theory. Overall findings from this thesis were considerably focused on the third tenant of
AsianCrit, (re)constructive history. (Re)constructive history, utilizes the voices of individuals to
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gain a better understanding of the experiences and current realities of Asian Americans (Museus,
2014). By collecting the personal narratives of participants, this thesis documented the racialized
and educational experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students at CCU, a predominantly white
four-year institution. Furthermore, providing insight into the experiences related to the tenets of
Asianization, transnational contexts, and story, theory, and praxis through the voices of SEA
transfers themselves.
Asianization: The Model Minority Myth
Awareness of stereotypes, the first salient theme of this thesis strongly connected with the
tenet of Asianization. Asianzation, refers to the racialization of Asian Americans through
stereotypes which impact laws, policies, and racial identity development (Museus, 2014). Within
this study, all five participants had an awareness of stereotypes in regards to their racial or ethnic
identity.
Stereotypes from the model minority myth were commonly heard by three participants.
Past literature states that the model minority myth assumes all Asian American students have
achieved academic, social, and economic success and associates these students with the concept
of hard work, elite universities, and STEM subjects (Assalone & Fann, 2017; Shih et al., 2019).
Collectively, Minh, Michael, and Jennifer heard that Southeast Asian and Asian students held
traits of being hard working, studious, and/or good at math. Scholars have argued that the model
minority myth wrongfully creates stereotypes that Asian American students do not experience
challenges academically, socially, economically, or psychologically (Shih et al., 2019).
Furthermore, leading the experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students navigating higher
education to be invisible (Lee, 2007; Shih et al., 2019). These findings remained true for
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participants in this study as the model minority myth was proven to be a fallacy on each level of
academic, social, economic, and psychological success.
Academic Challenges and Transfer Shock
Incorrect assumptions of natural academic success were significant for three participants
(Minh, Michael, and Khoa) in this study. Past research has highlighted that the model minority
myth overlooks the challenges Southeast Asian students face, such as lack of college readiness in
English and math (Her, 2014). A lack of college readiness was true for these participants as they
each experienced academic challenges in high school. Minh and Khoa did not receive acceptance
letters to their college of choice while Michael was unable to improve his GPA after his
sophomore year. As such, these academic barriers lead them to attend community college prior
to transferring to CCU. Although these participants transferred into an elite private university
they experienced transfer shock at CCU through transitional academic challenges. Prior research
defined transfer shock as an experience in which transfer students face a significant drop in their
grade point average (GPA) while transitioning into a new institution (Hills, 1965). AAPI transfer
students in Liu’s (2013) study experienced transfer shock as their GPA decreased by more than
one full point after transferring into their new university. Similarly, Southeast Asian transfer
students from this study also experienced some transfer shock. In community college, Khoa
maintained a 4.0 GPA while he received a GPA within the range of 3.1 to 3.3 during his first
semester at CCU. Similarly, Michael reached a 3.7 GPA in community college while he
maintained a low 3.0 at CCU. As such, academic stereotypes from the model minority myth were
not held true by the Southeast Asian transfers in my study. Despite societal expectations of
academic success, participants faced academic barriers and challenges throughout their
educational careers.
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Social Challenges: Transfer Stigma
According to Shih et al. (2019), another aspect of the model minority myth is an
assumption that all Asian Americans have achieved social success. However, the majority of
Southeast Asian transfers from this study did not uphold his assumption as they experienced
transfer stigma. Transfer stigma includes the feeling of stigmatization due to one’s past
educational background and feelings of inadequacy and uncertainty (Shaw et al., 2019). Four
participants in this study experienced transfer stigma as they reported a sense of inadequacy in
comparison to their traditional first year peers. Additionally, this sense of transfer stigma
impacted their social adjustment and self-efficacy.
Khoa felt his traditional peers had a more competitive edge due to their past educational
and internship experiences which negatively impacted his ability to make friends and sense of
self-efficacy. Jennifer reported feeling like an imposter in comparison to her white classmates
who did not attend community college. In particular, she felt her peers were more superior due to
the fact that they attended CCU straight out of high school. Lastly, both Michael and Minh felt a
sense of competition against their traditional peers who had a greater advantage in terms of
academic background and time spent at CCU. In particular, Minh stated that transfer students
have to understand where they “stand on a platform” in which to allude that they were lower
ranking than their traditional peers. Significantly, these feelings of transfer stigma negatively
impacted how these Southeast Asian transfers perceived their ability to initiate friendships and
attain academic success with their traditional peers. Moreover, highlighting the fallacy of the
model minority myth that assumes social success amongst Asian American students.
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Socioeconomic Status
National data has reported that Southeast Asians have a higher percentage of being low
income as 37.8% of Hmong, 29.3% of Cambodian, 18.5% of Laotian, 16.6% of Vietnamese
individuals reported to live below the federal poverty line (CARE, 2008). However, the model
minority myth also stereotypes Asian Americans as economically successful (Shih et al., 2019).
Notably, no Southeast Asian transfer from my study reported to have a high socioeconomic
status. Three reported to identify as middle SES, while two identified as low SES. Although
financial hardships was not a salient theme in this study, the data shows that there was not a high
percentage of economically successful SEA families. Moreover providing evidence that the
model minority myth wrongfully perpetuates ideas of economic privilege amongst Southeast
Asian populations.
Mental Health and Wellbeing
Lee at al. (2019) found that the mental health of Asian American students was negatively
affected by stereotypical expectations and pressures of academic success. This experience
occurred for one participant as Jennifer felt a sense of pressure to be successful for herself and
her parents. Significantly, Jennifer’s circumstances highlighted the experiences of a racialized
first generation Southeast transfer student. Due to multiple pressures from the model minority
myth and family obligation, Jennifer’s mental health symbolized the impact of intersecting
societal pressures. Moreover, supporting Lee at al’s (2019) finding that stereotypical
expectations negatively impact the wellbeing of Asian American students.
In contrast to prior research, the model minority myth impacted Minh in a more positive
way. Minh utilized the stereotypical trait of hard work to his benefit by applying this value
towards his own academic and professional success. Stereotypes from the model minority myth
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served as a motivator for Minh to succeed both inside and outside the classroom. This data
provided a different perspective and underscored how racialized beings may learn to align with
stereotypical values and adopt traits as their own. Although hard work may be seen as a positive
trait, this data speaks to the nuances of impact related to racialization and stereotypical
assumptions.
Asianization: The Inferior Minority Myth
Aside from the model minority myth, participants also had a strong awareness of the
inferior minority myth. Prior research states that the inferior minority myth includes stereotypes
that assume ethnic and cultural deficiencies (Museus & Park, 2015). Significantly, four out of
five participants from this study reported to have an awareness of stereotypes from the inferior
minority myth. Khoa was aware that Cambodians were stereotyped as gang members from Long
Beach, CA and Jennifer and Joanne heard that SEA’s were jungle Asians from less developed
countries, darker skinned, and less civilized than other East Asians. Museus and Park (2015)
found that Southeast Asian American students who were stereotyped as having deficient cultures
faced challenges in interacting with their peers who placed them under such assumptions. The
experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students from my study slightly differed from the
participants in Museus and Park’s (2015) study as there were no instances of the inferior
minority myth being directly placed on participants by their peers at CCU. However, their
awareness of negative stereotypes highlights the clashing stereotypes SEA students experience as
racialized beings. Prior research and findings from this study suggest that Asian American
students are assumed to possess academic, social, financial, and psychological success.
Additionally, Southeast Asians students are assumed to be ethnically inferior in comparison to
their fellow AAPI peers due to the inferior minority myth. Moreover, this data provided insight
58
into the complexities of racially identifying as Asian American and ethnically identifying as
Southeast Asian.
Asianization: The Forever Foreigner Myth
The forever foreigner myth portrays Asian Americans as foreigners, despite their birth
country or level of assimilation (Museus & Park, 2015). In particular to Southeast Asians, Kwan
(2015) found that Hmong college students felt that they would never be fully perceived as
American, despite English proficiency and level of engagement with cultural activities. This was
true for Khoa and Joanne as their ethnic identity and citizenship status was continuously
mistaken on campus. These two participants felt a sense of invisibility as others on campus
mistook them as East Asian American or East Asian international students. Despite having been
born in America, Khoa reported to be mistaken as an international student. Jennifer immigrated
to America at the age of two and reported to primarily identify as Indonesian American.
However, despite her citizenship status and fluency in English, she was assumed to be
international as well. In addition she had also been mistaken as the “other Asian woman” in her
class and forced to act as the spokesperson of international East Asian perspectives in her class.
These experiences of mistaken identity are directly related to the forever foreigner myth. The
lack of recognition of Khoa and Jennifer’s Southeast Asian American identity perpetuates the
invisibility of their ethnic and American identity. Furthermore, marginalizing them to feel like
foreigners despite any birthright, legal, or emotional means.
Transnational Contexts: Historical Violence and Education
Transnational contexts acknowledge the economic, political, and social processes that
impact the lives of Asian Americans (Museus, 2014). In particular, this tenet brought insight into
participants’ narratives of historical violence and immigration due experiences of war, genocide,
59
and riots. Furthermore, significantly offering a better understanding of each individual's family
history and connection to educational experiences through the lens of Southeast Asian transfers.
Historical Violence
Wagoner and Lin (2009) found that 20 Southeast Asian transfer students at the University
of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) were children of refugees. In particular, most of their
participants had some relationship with the Vietnam War or direct experiences of displacement
(Wagoner & Lin, 2009). Similarly, each Southeast Asian transfer student in my study had family
history with some form of historical violence through war, genocide, or riots. Four participants
(Michael, Jennifer, Khoa, and Minh) had family connections to the Vietnam War, whether
through the refugee experience or military affiliation. Khoa’s family also had connections to the
Khmer Rouge while Joanne’s had connections to the Jakarta riots. Evidently, these family
experiences with historical violence provided insight into the political and social transnational
contexts that played a salient role in each participant's educational values and experiences.
Educational Value
The four out of five participants whose family experienced historical violence related to
war and genocide had similar perspectives about their college education. Khoa, Minh, Michael,
and Jennifer all valued their parent’s sacrifices in immigrating to the United States. As children
of immigrant parents and first generation born Americans, all four of these individuals felt a
sense of motivation to attain high-level goals in education. Each of these participants learned to
value education as they understood the opportunities that were granted to them as children born
in America. Feelings of appreciation and initiative to seek opportunities, parental pride, and
stability were each influenced by family history. Moreover, emphasizing the political and social
60
experiences that impact the unique educational experiences of Southeast Asian students pursuing
a college degree.
Role of Family Support
A unique finding from this study was the relationship between family immigration
history and familial emotional support. Three participants (Khoa, Minh, and Jennifer) whose
sense of value for education were impacted by their parent’s narrative also experienced strong
forms of familial support. Family support played a significant role in the wellbeing of these four
participants. In the midst of academic related pressures and challenges, family support helped
ground and support these three Southeast Asian transfer students. In particular, Khoa’s parents
prioritized his happiness, Jennifer’s parents implemented acts of support and understanding, and
Minh’s parents played a role in this support system. Based on these common experiences, it can
be presumed that there may be a connection between the refugee experience and emotional
support between parent and child.
Story, Theory, and Praxis: Representation and Student Support
A focus on story, theory, and praxis, allowed for an in depth analysis of Southeast Asian
transfer student experiences at CCU. This tenet of AsianCrit emphasizes how each element of
story, theory, and praxis inform one another in creating change for Asian Americans (Museus,
2014). Moreover, by allowing SEA transfers to narrate their experiences on CCU’S campus,
significant institutional practices and student support services that impacted the participants were
revealed.
SEA Representation
An impactful experience that emerged in the participant’s stories was the range and lack
of SEA representation on CCU’s campus. Museus and Park (2015) noted that SEA students from
61
their study reported to feel like one of the only SEA individuals on campus, despite having a
study body that included Asian students. In relation, CCU does indeed have an AAPI community
as well as a significantly large international student population. However, Jennifer disclosed that
she had not met another Vietnamese student in her class and felt like no one truly resonated and
understood her experiences. In addition to lack of representation within the student body, there
was also an absence of representation demonstrated through racial silencing. Findings by Museus
and Park (2015) and Kwan (2015) demonstrated that racial silencing is a form of racism that
occurs when there is a lack of access to particular ethnic literature, curriculum, and courses in
education. Racial silencing was noted to be present through Joanne’s experience at CCU as she
recognized that there was a lack of Southeast Asian representation in her class focused on Asian
cinema. Although she did have the opportunity to take one class focused on Southeast Asian
cinema, there was a stark lack of enrollment and historical course availability. These experiences
of lack of representation illustrated a glimpse into some participants' stories as Southeast Asian
transfer students on a predominantly white campus. Most importantly, it must be noted that a
lack of representation among the student body and curriculum further perpetuates the
marginalization of underrepresented minorities and white supremacy on college campuses.
Student Support Services
Lastly, participant's stories outlined the various practices performed by CCU that
positively impacted Southeast Asian transfer students both academically and socially. In
particular, ethnic student organizations supported participant's sense of belonging. According to
Wagoner and Lin (2009), ethnic based organizations played a significant role in helping SEA
transfers transition into UCLA through community and acknowledgment of ethnic identity. This
occurred to be true for the two participants in my study who were members of the Association
62
for Vietnamese Students (AVS). Specifically for Minh and Michael, AVS provided a sense of
family, connection, and community for them on campus. Furthermore, supporting their transition
into CCU and their sense of belonging on campus. In contrast to participants who were not
members of AVS, Minh and Michael felt a sense of representation on campus as they were
surrounded by fellow Vietnamese students who shared similar experiences to them. Aside from
AVS, Joanne spoke of her experience with CCU’s Asian American Student Center where she
was connected with her mentor who also identified as Indonesian American. Moreover,
providing an emphasis for the importance of institutional practices that acknowledge the ethnic
identities of students for positive experiences of social adjustment and ethnic representation.
In addition to support services related to ethnic identities, findings from my study
highlighted the importance of practices that support transfer student identities as well. Khoa and
Joanne utilized the Transfer Achievement Program (TAP) which reportedly supported their
academic and social adjustment as well. Khoa distinctly shared that TAP helped prepare him for
the academic rigor at CCU while Jennifer shared that it made her more comfortable carrying her
student identities on CCU’s campus. As such, my findings show that praxis related to culturally
relevant student support services are critical to the academic and social success of Southeast
Asian transfer students.
Final Reflections
Southeast Asian transfer students undergo a process of racialization through various
stereotypes and transnational contexts that inform their stories. Nuances in experiences compared
to their East Asian and traditional peers are signified by their ethnic and educational experiences.
In terms of stereotypes, SEA transfers face contradicting assumptions of success and inferiority.
Despite expectations of multi-level success from the model minority myth, participants from this
63
study dispelled stereotypes as they underwent transfer shock, social challenges, and transfer
stigma. Stereotypes perpetuating foreignness also led to incidents of mistaken identity.
Furthermore, leading to the invisibility of their ethnic and American identities. Political and
social transnational contexts underscored this population’s family history with historical violence
and immigration. Narratives associated with war, genocide, and riots illustrated generational
trauma and immigration patterns. Notably, these contexts connected to participants’ value of
education and experiences of positive family support. Furthermore, experiences of lack of
representation and sense of belonging varied between individuals' level of participation with
targeted student support services. There was a mixed finding in experiences as some participants
felt CCU had a lack of SEA inclusivity within the student body, organizations, and curriculum
while those who participated in ethnic based organizations felt a sense of community. Moreover,
speaking to the importance of institutional support and inclusivity for the academic and social
success of SEA transfer students. Overall, narratives of SEA transfers create stories that can
impact the theory and praxis used in institutions by highlighting their background, challenges,
and needs in relation to their ethnic transfer student identity.
Implications for Practice and Policy
Implications for practice and policy include an incorporation of Southeast Asian
inclusivity in student programming, admission recruitment, and curriculum development. As
voiced by the majority of participants in this study, there is a lack of SEA representation on
multiple levels at CCU. No participants reported having any awareness or access of Southeast
Asian transfer student resources on campus. However, findings from this study highlighted the
importance of ethnic based student organizations and transfer student support services. As such,
institutions must develop student programming that addresses the unique needs of this population
64
ranging from racial identity development, sense of belonging, and academic support. Moreover,
addressing the implications of stereotypes, mistaken identity, and marginalization while
increasing this population's academic success.
In regards to the lack of SEA transfer representation in the student body, institutions
should focus on improving their admission recruitment strategies. As prior research has noted the
low rates of academic success among Southeast Asian populations, universities must consider
conducting outreach at local community colleges and high schools that serve Southeast Asian
populations. An increase of access to resources and opportunities to admission at four-year
universities would positively impact the representation of SEA students on campus. Furthermore,
contributing to the improvement of campus racial climate, SEA visibility, bachelor degree
attainment, and social mobility of individuals from this ethnic group.
Lastly, institutions must adopt a culturally responsive pedagogy and implement more
courses and literature focused on Southeast Asian perspectives into curriculum. Inclusivity must
be incorporated into institutions’ curriculum in order to spread awareness of minoritized
populations and disrupt acts of racial silencing and white supremacy. Courses focused on Asian
American studies cannot be limited to East Asian narratives as it further perpetuates the
invisibility of SEAs. Furthermore, neglecting to acknowledge the unique experiences and history
of individuals in this population. More representation of SEA’s in curriculum would increase
feelings of belonging, academic engagement, and motivation of Southeast Asian transfer
students.
Implications for Future Research
Implications for future research consists of widening the study to more Southeast Asian
transfer participants. With a relatively smaller sample size, this study brought attention to a wide
65
variety of salient themes. With a larger sample, findings may lead to a higher rate of saturation of
data and deeper understanding of the Southeast Asian transfer student experience. Furthermore,
future research must also explore the nuances within various Southeast Asian identities. For
example, the experiences of a Cambodian transfer student may have significant differences in
comparison to an Indonesian transfer student due to varying transnational contexts. The stories
and racialized experiences of Southeast Asian transfers at an elite private predominantly white
institution were highlighted in this study. However, research can be further advanced by
including narratives from SEA transfers at public four-year universities that have a more diverse
student body. In this study, AsianCrit allowed for an exploration of racialized identities and how
they related to the academic experiences of participants. In addition to these experiences, I
believe a focus on the racial identity development of SEA transfers would also provide a greater
understanding of this population's sense of self as racialized beings.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Southeast Asian transfer students are noteworthy individuals whose
experiences must be recognized as racialized. Racialization, as enacted through Asianization and
transnational contexts, contributes to these individuals’ lived experiences of stereotypes,
historical violence, and educational experiences. Results from this study demonstrated that
Southeast Asian transfer students bring in unique and complex narratives into predominantly
white spaces. Asianization expressed through stereotypes insinuated assumptions of success, but
also inferiority and foreignness. However, the experiences of participants dispelled the myth of
success through experiences of transfer shock and transfer stigma. Furthermore, incidents of
mistaken identity underscored the invisibility and marginalization of SEAs as underrepresented
minorities in higher education. Most importantly, Southeast Asian transfer students represent the
66
history of political and social transnational contexts. Family history of war, genocide, riots, and
immigration speak to the unique narrative of this ethnic subgroup with the larger Asian
American population. These significant life events contributed to participant’s value of education
and correlation of positive familial support. Furthermore, contributing to the stories of resilient
SEA transfers navigating spaces that lack ethnic representation on multiple levels. In order to
ensure the success of this population, institutions must take part in recognizing individuals'
complex challenges and implementing more services that support both ethnic and transfer
student identity.
67
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73
Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Research Question: How do the racialized experiences of Southeast Asian transfer students
impact their experiences at a predominantly white institution?
Interview Questions
1. Can you share your family’s history in immigrating to this country?
2. How has this experience influenced or shaped your own educational journey?
3. Can you share more about your support and experiences with your family as a Southeast
Asian student?
4. Can you describe what it is like being a Southeast Asian student on CCU’s campus?
5. What stereotypes have you heard about students from Southeast Asian descent?
6. Can you describe a time where you felt these stereotypes may have impacted your
experiences as a Southeast Asian student at CCU?
7. Do you feel represented on CCU’s campus? Why or Why not?
8. What influenced your decision to attend your previous institution after high school?
9. What influenced or shaped your decision to transfer to CCU?
10. Do you think your ethnic identity has influenced your transfer student experience? Why
or Why not?
11. Can you describe your academic and social transition and experiences to CCU as a
Southeast Asian transfer student?
12. Can you describe what forms of support helped with your transition to CCU as a
Southeast Asian transfer student?
13. Do you participate in any specific services targeted to Southeast Asian transfer students?
14. What suggestions do you have for improving the experiences of future Southeast Asian
transfer students at CCU?
15. Is there anything else that you would like to share with me regarding your experiences as
a Southeast Asian transfer student at CCU?
74
Appendix B: Qualtrics Demographic Survey
Contact Information
Pseudonym (nick name)
Preferred pronouns:
Email address:
Demographic Information
Age:
Gender:
Do you identify as Southeast Asian? (Y/N)
Please list your self-identified ethnicities:
Domestic student (Y/N)
Transfer Student (Community College) (Y/N)
Transfer Student (Other 4-year institution) (Y/N)
Are you a current student at USC? (Y/No, recent graduate/alumni)
If you are a current student, how long have you been enrolled at CCU as a transfer
student? (1 year, 2 years, 3 years)
First generation (Parent(s)/Guardian(s) do not have a 4-year US bachelor’s degree) (Y/N)
Socioeconomic status (low income, middle income, upper income)
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Thach, Alyson
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Asian critical theory: Southeast Asian transfer student experiences at a predominantly White institution
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