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Development of leadership skills of low-income first-generation college students at predominately White, highly selective research institutions

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Development of leadership skills of low-income first-generation college students at predominately White, highly selective research institutions

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DEVELOPMENT OF LEADERSHIP SKILLS OF LOW-INCOME FIRST-GENERATION
COLLEGE STUDENTS AT PREDOMINATELY WHITE, HIGHLY SELECTIVE
RESEARCH INSTITUTIONS

by
Anastasia B. Ingleton

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2021

Copyright 2020 Anastasia B. Ingleton

ii
DEDICATION
I dedicate my dissertation to my children, Malchus and Safiya. They always believed in me and
supported me every step of the way. I would also like to dedicate this to all of the students who
trusted me with their hopes, dreams and aspirations.

iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This has been such a long journey for me and there were so many times that I wanted to
give-up. Thankfully, I have a group of people who were more committed to me than I was to
myself. As a first-generation college graduate of immigrant parents, I never thought that I would
ever reach this far in my education. I never expected the kind of impact that working with
college students would have on me personally and professionally. I want to thank the hundreds
of students who I have worked with throughout my years as a higher education administrator. I
have admired your drive and tenacity especially during times when you may have doubted
yourself, you were always able to see beyond what you were facing at that time and persevere. I
would also like to acknowledge Dr. Pat Tobey, my committee member and former supervisor.
You never allowed me to think that I could not achieve this goal, your gentle and consistent
pushes were always appreciated. Finally, my committee chair, Dr. Alan Green, I met you on a
random day trip planned for Doctoral students and you spoke so compassionately and
thoughtfully about what it means to dedicate and complete this task of writing your dissertation,
that I knew that I had to change my dissertation chair. You have been so patient, understanding
and supportive of me, through all of my trials and tribulations and I thank you for your
willingness to always go to bat for me.

iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... ii

Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ iii

List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. vi

List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... vii

Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ viii

Chapter One: Introduction ...............................................................................................................1
Background ..................................................................................................................................2
Statement of the Problem .............................................................................................................4
Purpose of the Study ....................................................................................................................7
Significance of the Study .............................................................................................................8
Limitations of the Study...............................................................................................................8
Organization of the Study ............................................................................................................9

Chapter Two: Literature Review ...................................................................................................10
Organizational Culture ...............................................................................................................11
Developing a Leadership Identity ..............................................................................................20
Characteristics of LI-FGCS .......................................................................................................23
Summary ....................................................................................................................................28

Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................29
Population and Sample ..............................................................................................................29
Instrumentation ..........................................................................................................................31
Data Collection ..........................................................................................................................32
Data Analysis .............................................................................................................................33
Summary ....................................................................................................................................33

Chapter Four: Results ....................................................................................................................34
Participants’ Background Summaries ........................................................................................35
High School Academic Preparedness ........................................................................................39
Pre-College Leadership Experiences .........................................................................................41
Institutional Culture ...................................................................................................................43
College Transition .....................................................................................................................44
Social Barriers ............................................................................................................................46
Role of the Institution and Showcasing of Student Leaders ......................................................61
University Influence on Leadership Development ....................................................................62
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................65

v
Chapter Five: Summary of the Findings ........................................................................................66
Finding One: Institutional Culture and Impact on Transition to College ..................................66
Finding Two ...............................................................................................................................67
Finding Three .............................................................................................................................68
Recommendations for Practice ..................................................................................................69
Recommendations for Research ................................................................................................70
Limitations .................................................................................................................................71
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................71

References ......................................................................................................................................73

Appendix: Interview Protocol ........................................................................................................78

vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Participants’ Demographics .............................................................................................34

vii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................11
Figure 2: Pacific Southwest University Race and Ethnic Breakdown for 2014 Entering
Freshman Class ..............................................................................................................................30
Figure 3: Educational Experience ..................................................................................................31

viii
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to understand the leadership skills development of low-income
first-generation college students at a predominately White highly selective research institution.
This study sought to understand the role of institutional culture in this process. Empirical
evidence shows that institutional culture is embedded in leadership, and there is research
showing that these students are often from a different cultural background than the institutional
one. Through a grounded theory approach, this qualitative study aimed to find out if the
institutional culture affects these students’ leadership skills development. Juniors, seniors, and
recent graduates were interviewed. The participants were asked to reflect on their first year at
the university and to share their institutional and individual experiences adjusting to the
institutional culture and to share when they realized they should have expected to develop
leadership skills as college students. The results affirmed that the existing institutional culture at
these institutions does not support this populations’ leadership skills development, and these
students often do not recognize the importance of seeking and participating in student leadership
opportunities until they are juniors or seniors.

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Leadership skills development is receiving greater attention partly due to the changing
demographics of college students. Scholars voice concern on the need for more intentionality in
the development of college students’ leadership skills (Astin & Astin, 2000; Guthrie et al., 2013;
Kezar et al., 2006). Leadership skills are important because the national population’s diversity is
increasing, and this growth will require more creative leadership approaches to address domestic
and international challenges (Guthrie et al., 2013). It is generally accepted, and studies have
shown, that college does more than train for a profession: college influences student
development. Students grow and mature through direct and indirect college experiences (Astin &
Astin, 2000). Higher education institutions (HEIs) showcase and promote leadership skills
development as an indirect college experience. However, there is little empirical evidence of
how students develop these skills. Leadership skills have become an expected outcome, yet
minimal research directly ties leadership theories to institutional practice or data on how HEIs
determine what a student needs to develop these skills (Dugan & Komives, 2007). With
diversity being represented differently, HEIs will face challenges if imparting one developmental
approach of leadership skills.
Researchers of leadership development suggest that traditional representations of
leadership as positional, hierarchical, and highly structured are shifting to a more collaborative,
collective, and socially responsible practice of leadership (Dugan & Komives, 2007; Guthrie et
al., 2013; Kezar et al., 2006). This study examined the impact of the institutional culture at
predominately White, highly selective research institutions (PWHSRI) on developing leadership
skills among low-income first-generation college students. This chapter discusses the

2
background of the problem, explores the effect of changes in student demographics on leadership
development, presents the research question, and concludes with an overview of the study.
Background
Developing leadership skills may not be the first thing on the mind of an undergraduate
student, but HEIs will often reference these skills in their mission statements, strategic plans, or
speeches on educating the next generation of leaders. Leadership development has become a
regular topic amongst researchers and society, as both ask HEIs to be more accountable in their
claims regarding this issue (Astin & Astin, 2000; Kezar et al., 2006; Toutkoushian & Smart,
2001). There is an implicit expectation that college graduates are both academically enriched
and prepared to take on leadership roles. However, there is little empirical evidence supporting
leadership development as an outcome of college graduation (Dugan & Komives, 2010; Kezar et
al., 2006). College’s impact on students’ growth and development is evident in students’
decision-making skills, greater tolerance of differences, and their ability to be leaders. Few
studies definitively state how students develop leadership skills, and there is no theoretic model
in educational practice that defines these skills. Secondly, there is little understanding of the
impact of institutional culture on the development of these skills. Lastly, a closer examination of
the literature should provide a greater understanding of college students’ perceptions of their
leadership skills and their understanding of the institution’s role in fostering their leadership
development, particularly as demographics on college campuses have changed.
Accountability regarding leadership development is necessary because undergraduate
students need to envision themselves as leaders and contributing community members who will
change society. In addition to critical thinking skills and an advanced ability to write,
undergraduate students should expect that they will have applicable skills to support effective

3
leadership. Educational scholars such as Astin and Astin (2001), Guthrie et al. (2013), and
Kezar et al. (2006) have attributed much of society’s decline to poor leadership development.
The presumption is that, since more people are obtaining college degrees, we should be
witnessing greater resolutions to social issues. A passive reference to developing the next
generation of leaders is not enough to address the ongoing crises of our educational system,
widening economic gaps, and poor race relations. Tackling these issues will require bold
leadership, and bold leadership can only happen when HEIs put forth intentional efforts to train
and prepare undergraduate students to cultivate a leadership identity (Astin & Astin, 2001;
Guthrie et al., 2013; Kezar et al., 2006).
Leadership skills development may have been thought of as an organic outcome of
college graduation. However, Guthrie et al. (2013) found that HEIs have been remiss in
measuring and documenting undergraduates’ leadership development, and, with the change in
student demographics, HEIs’ role in this regard needs to be examined. This study sought to
examine four aspects of institutional culture: values, beliefs, rituals, and traditions. Institutional
culture allows the institution to promote and showcase the cultural traits that make it distinct. An
institutional legacy is perpetuated through the traditions, rituals, history, customs, and values that
were established by the founders and reinforced by each class of students. Higher education
directly shapes the undergraduate student experience, making it necessary for institutional
leaders to be aware of the culture and how students perceive it.
According to Bordas (2004), a largely invisible population of students representing
multiple identities, ethnicities, religious beliefs, and typically coming from low socioeconomic
status (SES) backgrounds are first-generation college students. This study examined how

4
changing student demographics affect how PWHSRI address the leadership development of low-
income first-generation college students (LI-FGCS).
Statement of the Problem
Educational institutions are influential resources that shape and mold future leaders, and
college is where students begin to develop and practice the leadership skills needed to address
local and national challenges (Guthrie et al., 2013; Kezar et al., 2006). Thus, HEIs have a
responsibility to help students develop these skills. However, prior research on student
development was primarily conducted on affluent White male college students, and the models
developed did not include social identities partly because college students mostly shared the
same identity (Kezar & Moriarty, 2000). The relatively homogenous student population
supported institutional policies, procedures, and student engagement activities established based
on those findings.
At present, there are varied instruments for an HEI to measure students’ leadership skills
development. Models such as Stogdill’s (1948) trait-based model examine a person’s mastery of
skills that contribute to their ability to lead. Daft’s (2005) Great Man theory seeks to understand
whether a leader is born or created. Additionally, many of the leadership identity models
developed are designed to measure the leadership development of individuals and not of the HEI
(Guthrie et al., 2013). Not having a reliable instrument to evaluate how HEIs influence
undergraduate students’ leadership skills development should encourage HEIs to examine their
role in cultivating the next generation of leaders and verify those claims with empirical evidence.
The literature presents little evidence that academic institutions evaluate whether their
services, policies, or procedures meet their students’ needs, especially in light of the now
heterogeneous student body (Guthrie et al., 2013). Offering the same student programming

5
based on studies on affluent White males further devalues the different social identities of the
now diverse populations enrolled at HEIs. Examining the development of a leadership identity
in relation to students’ social identity means that HEIs would acknowledge that students from
diverse backgrounds have different social experiences that shape their views and perceptions of
self. A grounded self-identity is needed to develop a leader identity. Lord and Hall (2005) state
that, to develop a leader identity, an individual has to be fully aware of and relate their social
identity with their self-identification as a leader. In other words, being aware of their social
identity supports how they see themselves as leaders, and, without that initial self-identity, their
leadership identity will develop only superficially. If HEIs are to support all students’ leadership
development, they have to be supportive of students developing their self-identity, which will
then contribute to their leadership identity development.
Organizational culture has received much attention in the corporate sector and, with the
changed student demographics, educational scholars are examining how an institution’s culture
affects student satisfaction as well as how it affects leadership skills development. Birnbaum
(1992), Kuh (2002), and Rhoads and Tierney (1992) examined institutional culture’s relationship
to student persistence, and Schein (2010) examined organizational culture related to corporate
organizations. Birnbaum found institutional culture needs to align with leadership practices,
supporting the view that the culture of a college campus will define the leadership of that
campus: leadership and culture are the same. Kuh found that, when students perceive they are
not valued or affirmed by peers or faculty, their persistence is lessened. A detailed definition of
institutional culture is that HEIs’ culture distinguishes them from other institutions, as what the
institution does affects both students and institution. Kuh (2001) noted that insufficient research
has been conducted to determine the effect of organizational culture on student persistence.

6
Rhoads and Tierney (1992) present a guidebook of eight guiding principles designed to
support academic institutions through cultural changes. Human connections are emphasized
alongside placing the responsibility on the academic institution to ensure that everyone feels they
belong. Schein’s (2010) research found that culture plays a significant role in leadership
development. Few connections, however, have been made on the role of culture in students’
leadership development. Without acknowledging culture as an element in leadership
development, an academic institution may underserve a population who may not identify with
the institutional culture or cultural messages, potentially neglecting to ensure their leadership
skills development.
Guthrie et al. (2013) examined student programs and services and determined that many
of the same policies, procedures, and programs have become part of the culture of most HEIs.
Despite the shift in student demographics, there has been little research on institutional changes.
As enrollment of students from diverse backgrounds increases, issues of integration, classism,
retention, and completion have plagued HEIs, and questions of equity continue to hamper
progress (Aries & Seider, 2005; Clark, 2005; Engle & Tinto, 2008; Oldfield, 2007; Ostrove &
Long, 2007; Saenz et al., 2007). There is little to no research examining whether the same
stimuli that contribute to White males’ leadership skills will also cultivate those of students who
are low-income and the first in their families to attend college.
Astin and Astin (2000) noted leadership development needs to be reconsidered so that
everyone is recognized as having these skills as well as the capacity to be effective agents of
change. The authors state that leadership is the product of the culture and reflects the norms and
values of that specific social situation. Therefore, leadership will differ by situation and
circumstance. With culture being the driving force of leadership development and HEI serving

7
as the catalyst in training and modeling leadership practice, it is important to consider the culture
at HEIs and determine if it will support LI-FGCS leadership development.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to understand the leadership skills development of LI-
FGCS students enrolled at PWHSRI. This study sought to understand the role of institutional
culture in this process. The following research questions guided this study:
1. What factors contribute to the development of leadership skills in LI-FGCS?
2. How do LI-FGCS perceive the institutional culture at PWHSRI?
3. What role does institutional programming play in the development of leadership skills of
LI-FGCS?
4. What institutional cultural messages influence the development of leadership skills in LI-
FGCS?
Closer examination of the institutional culture will determine how LI-FGCS experience
and navigate the institutional culture. This population has reported feeling marginalized and
alienated as well as being culturally de-valued at PWHSRI (Bordas, 2007; Bower &
Ketterhagen, 2004; DeRosa & Dolby, 2014; Yosso, 2005). Investigating institutional culture and
how it is embedded in leadership skills development will require determining if LI-FGCS believe
that, to achieve educational success, they have to surrender their familiar cultural background
and be willing to adopt the behaviors of the dominant institutional culture.
The theoretical frameworks guiding this study are Kuh’s (2002) work on student
persistence based on their perception of campus culture, Yosso’s (2005) critical race theory, and
finally, Guthrie et al.’s (2013) research on cultivating a leader identity. This study used
qualitative research methods. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews of 10 LI-

8
FGCS who were enrolled as upper-division students or had recently graduated from a PWHSRI.
The data provide a snapshot of students’ experiences as they discussed the institutional culture
and ways their leadership skills were cultivated. Additionally, this study explored how students
access institutional programming to nurture their leadership skills development. Finally,
information was collected on how students understand the institution’s role in developing their
leadership skills.
Significance of the Study
This study contributes to the literature on LI-FGCS and the role of academic institutions
in these students’ leadership skills development. College campuses continue to diversify, and it
will be necessary for PWHSRI to fully understand how the institutional culture may contribute to
this development. This study can serve to guide PWHSRI to implement programs and services
that support all undergraduate students’ development of these skills. The study also examined
how LI-FGCS perceived the institutional culture in terms of supporting their leadership skills
development. The findings provide additional insights into the development of these skills and
may guide HEIs on how to nurture these skills more intentionally among their students.
Limitations of the Study
Limitations are related to the collection of data, which relied on the interviewees and
their overall interest in the topic and desire to contribute meaningful responses. Secondly, the
sample was small and only representative of current upper-class students and/or recent graduates
of the same PWHSRI. The third limitation involves me as the researcher and the fact that the
study was vulnerable to my own biases and prejudgments.

9
Organization of the Study
The study examined whether the institutional culture of PWHSRI supports LI-FGCS
leadership skills development. Important concepts related to institutional culture and leadership
development were introduced in Chapter One. Chapter Two will present a literature review
specifically examining PWHSRI cultural influences and determine if they align with the cultural
norms and values of LI-FGCS (DeRosa & Dolby, 2014). Also, Chapter Two will provide a
closer examination of the role of culture on leadership skills development (Bordas, 2007). The
methodology for the study will be discussed in Chapter Three and will include the interview
protocol, participant selection process, conceptual framework, and methods for data collection
and analysis.

10
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This literature review examines whether the institutional culture at PWHSRI supports LI-
FGCS leadership skills development. In this study, LI-FGCS are defined as students eligible for
a Pell Grant and who are the first in their family to earn a bachelor’s degree. As leadership skills
development is not a measured outcome of college graduation, it is important to understand the
features at PWHSRI that influence the development of these skills. The research was selected
based on the examination of cultural characteristics that may contribute to leadership
development at PWHSRI, how these institutions cultivate leadership, and whether all students,
regardless of social, economic, or cultural background, attain leadership skills.
Three theoretical frameworks shape this literature review: organizational culture, cultural
background’s influence on leadership development, theories on leadership development. The
first framework will examine studies on organizational culture and discuss dominant and
subcultures, cultural leadership, the role of cultural backgrounds and leadership development,
and the influence of social class on leadership development. The second section will review
studies on leadership development and the effect of organizational culture. The third section will
review literature on LI-FGCS students at PWHSRI. Due to limited research specifically
addressing LI-FGCS leadership skills development at PWHSRI, studies on LI-FGCS attending
and persisting at PWHSRI were examined to establish the role culture plays in these students’
persistence. The aim is to investigate what aspects of the institutional culture support or detract
from LI-FGCS educational achievements.

11
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Note. Conceptual framework representing how the culture of PWHSRI is embedded in
institutional leadership, while the culture of LI-FGCS is not represented.

Organizational Culture
There are varied understandings of culture and its impact on student performance, but
there is little disagreement on institutional culture’s effect on students’ success (Kuh, 2002).
Institutional culture distinguishes one school from another, as it establishes and promotes the
values, traditions, and norms that influence students’ actions and behaviors (Kuh, 2002; Rhoads
& Tierney, 1992; Schein, 2010). Culture is the guardian of a group’s history, value system,
behaviors, and understandings (Kuh, 2002). Every student experiences campus culture
differently, and, with increased student diversity, institutional leaders must be mindful of the
overt and covert cultures that influence student perceptions and interpretations of the institution

12
(Kuh, 2002). Four studies will be examined in this section: those of Kuh (2001), Rhoads and
Tierney (1992), Schein (2010), and Tierney (1988).
Kuh’s (2001) qualitative study examined students’ persistence and how they perceive
campus culture. The study hypothesized that the institutional culture affects students’ opinions
of the institution, and that viewpoint can influence overall academic performance. In this study,
culture is an important determinant of the institution’s values, how the institution operates, and
what aids students’ social and academic achievements. Rhoads and Tierney (1992) examined
HEI culture specifically and advocated for academic institutions to view themselves as existing
cultures organized around formal and informal codes along with norms shared by their members.
The authors developed eight guiding principles that serve as reference points when addressing
issues encountered by academic institutions. The study is relevant because it provides a broad
examination of “cultural framework” (p. 7) and uses this framework to understand challenging
social behaviors connected to culture, such as norms, traditions, beliefs, and values. The eight
principles are built around the primary principle that every academic institution must recognize
that they “exist as a unique organizational culture” (p. 8) because people relate and unite with
one another based on the values and beliefs of the specific academic institution.
Rhoads and Tierney (1992) stress that academic institutions cannot simply have a culture,
as they are a culture. Traditions, beliefs, formal and informal codes, and a value system serve as
an identity for members of the organization, and the culture binds the academic institution. The
authors note that academic leaders must be aware of subcultures and the differences between and
within them. Rhoads and Tierney (1992) introduce four subcultures; students, faculty,
administrators, and support staff. This aspect of the study raises awareness of subcultures and

13
their differences, especially as these relate to policies, procedures, and how they affect subgroups
differently.
Schein’s (1992, 2010) research supports the claim that a leader’s values undergird an
organization’s culture. Schein defines culture as consisting of three stacked layers: surface,
promotion, and core values. These layers of cultural values are not transparent, but they are
dynamic. The surface value is the broadest and the most visible public value. The promotion
value hovers between the surface and core beliefs and supports the organization’s viewpoints and
principles. The third layer, core beliefs, is reflected in the organization’s actions and responses.
At this layer, members learn through the leader’s behavior in terms of rewards, communication,
reprimand, and relationship development. The third layer is where the leader has the most impact
and where the organization’s fundamental beliefs and values are understood and shared,
ultimately defining the group’s character and identity (Kezar et al., 2004; Schein, 2010).
Leaders at academic institutions can identify the cultural climate of the institution and
contribute to shaping the cultural environment. While Schein’s (1992, 2010) research is based
on businesses and other types of organizations, other theorists have specifically examined
cultural theory as it pertains to HEIs. Birnbaum (1992), Bergquist (1992), Neumann (1995), and
Rhoads and Tierney (1992) provided theories to understand culture’s presence and influence on
higher education presidents and administrators’ leadership behaviors. Gender and race as they
relate to cultural leadership have also been studied, but the ensuing theories examined cultural
leadership from the standpoint of the leader and not from the lens of how a student develops a
leadership identity, especially if they are from non-dominant cultural backgrounds (Kezar et al.,
2004).

14
Tierney (1988) contributes to a better understanding of the role of institutional culture
and students’ leadership skills development. The author provides guidance on how higher
education administrators might use culture to address educational challenges. An important
feature of Tierney’s study is an emphasis on cultural influences within HEIs centered at the
institutional core: their history. Norms, traditions, and internal codes are displays of these
foundational cultural elements. An important point noted in the study is that participants in the
institutional culture are unaware of the cultural systems until someone breaches a protocol. This
lack of awareness is an important note for this study because LI-FGCS are often unaware of
those cultural norms and may unknowingly make cultural blunders. Gaining a thorough
understanding of how organizational culture relates to leadership skills development will be
discussed in the next section. The research discussed supports the view that culture undergirds
leadership development, and, if culture is displayed through leadership, then it will be necessary
for all members of the culture to recognize and believe that they are contributing and beneficiary
participants.
Understanding Cultural Leadership
Leadership theories that focus on culture emerged in the late 1980s. Cultural leadership
is relevant to LI-FGCS because research has found these students come from cultural
backgrounds different from that of the PWHSRI (Bordas, 2004). If the culture influences an
organization’s leadership, then understanding cultural leadership may offer additional support in
developing leadership skills. The premise of cultural leadership theories is the examination of
the organizational values, history, and traditions as well as the context in which members of the
organization make meaning. Cultural leadership theories take into account the role of a leader in
an institution’s culture (Kezar et al., 2006). Cultural leadership centers on the idea that a leader’s

15
cultural background will affect beliefs, behaviors, and approaches to leadership, which contribute
to shaping the institutional culture.
Personal values, beliefs, and convictions all influence the culture that an organization
fosters. If a new college president is a devout environmentalist, then that president might
implement a comprehensive program on sustainability and recycling. Institutional culture carries
norms and behaviors that are unique to the environment. Members of the institution embrace the
culture and reinforce the characteristics that keep it thriving. Rhoads and Tierney’s (1992)
substantiate the need for institutional administrators to closely examine values, traditions, and
institutional history if they want to address reoccurring situations, as, often, those reoccurring
issues are likely culturally based.
Cultural Background Influence on Leadership Development
Research has found that gender, ethnicity, and cultural background are factors in college
students’ development (Kezar & Moriarty, 2000). Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that,
because traditional leadership models are based on research on affluent White males, then
college students who do not fit that profile may not attain a full educational experience. It is
necessary to understand the culture of a college campus and how it influences leadership
practice. Studies support culture as the driving force in leadership practice (DeRosa & Dolby,
2014; Rhoads & Tierney, 1992; Schein, 1984; Tierney, 1988). Understanding the culture at a
PWHSRI is important because culture dictates rituals, customs, traditions, norms, and values,
which establish the HEI’s identity (DeRosa & Dolby, 2014; Rhoads & Tierney, 1992).
The institution’s cultural identity is revealed through formal and informal messages that
convey what is or is not acceptable behavior (Brower & Ketterhagen, 2004; Rhoads & Tierney,
1992). An HEI’s culture serves as the “glue” that holds policies, procedures, and actions in

16
place. For instance, a person familiar with an existing culture may advise an outsider that it is
unnecessary to follow a policy or procedure because it is understood and accepted internally that
a different approach can be taken. Tierney (1988) states the culture of an organization represents
its history, values, systems, and norms. Tierney states there is an interconnected web at an HEI,
and it is important to examine it because it houses the HEI’s codes, symbols, and systems.
Equally important to study are the participants’ interpretations of the internal web. Governance,
policies, and the conduct of daily institutional business reinforce institutional leadership, culture,
and values. Stakeholders, alumni, faculty, and the board of trustees direct what is presented
(Bower & Katterhagen, 2004). Students may be learning about collective and collegial
leadership practices in the classroom, but, according to Astin and Astin (2000), they do not
realize the value of these leadership styles if their educational institution does not employ these
practices.
Role of Social Class in Cultural Compatibility in Leadership Development
Higher education has always been associated with people from higher standing in society.
Social class is the demarcation of where one belongs in society: upper culture and social class go
hand in hand. The culture represented at a PWHSRI is that of its founders: wealthy, established
White men in whose cultural background the campus environment is firmly grounded.
Europeans coming to America were expected to surrender their cultural background to assimilate
and embrace the new culture that was being cultivated (Bordas, 2007). The founders of
PWHSRI adopted that model of surrendering one’s cultural background, and that expectation of
relinquishing cultural heritage became part of the PWHSRI culture. Therefore, one of the
unspoken messages a new college student hears is that, to be a successful college student, one

17
must relinquish one’s cultural background and embrace this new collegiate way of doing and
seeing things (Bordas, 2007).
The European dominant curriculum and culture are evident throughout college campuses.
College students read European authors’ works and are often expected to be familiar with this
literature before enrolling in college. There are also secret societies that have been in existence
for generations. An LI-FGCS enrolling at a PWHSRI will quickly realize that their cultural
background is not represented, and their cultural identity is thought of as lesser (Yosso, 2005).
Yosso (2005) and DeRosa and Dolby (2014) examined cultural relevance and cultural value
among college students. Yosso looked at which culture is valued and accepted as the culture to
which to aspire. Additionally, the author examined which culture is thought of as deficient and as
not contributing to societal norms and standards. Using critical race theory, Yosso noted that
academic institutions discount and marginalize students with different types of cultural capital.
Because the upper and middle classes are unfamiliar with these forms of capital, they are
classified as lower class and inferior.
Yosso’s (2005) study is important because it demonstrates that the hierarchy at PWHSRI
does not support the notion that a student from a lower SES or of a minority racial group brings
merit to the institution. An equally important study is DeRosa and Dolby’s (2014) research on
LI-FGCS negotiating the institutional culture. The authors interviewed six LI-FGCS enrolled at
a large public institution. The authors argued that LI-FGCS must adopt the dominant culture and
its values to succeed academically (DeRosa & Dolby, 2014). If an LI-FGCS cannot conform or
change to fit in, they will struggle at the academic institution. Ultimately, the authors found that
institutional culture affected LI-FGCS’ experiences and perceptions. The participants in the
study felt devalued by their peers and the institution. When students discussed working to meet

18
financial obligations, the messages conveyed by faculty and administrators were not
understanding or offering viable alternatives, which reflects an institutional culture unaware of
LI-FGCS’ experience. Yosso and DeRosa and Dolby found that institutional culture has a
significant effect on LI-FGCS retention and persistence. If LI-FGCS do not believe that the
institution values what they bring or identifies their needs, they are not likely to develop
leadership skills.
With the responsibility of developing culturally diverse students’ leadership identities,
PWHSRI must examine if their culture is compatible with and supportive of developing
leadership skills (Hurtado, 1994; Kuh, 2001; Rhoads & Tierney, 1992; Shapiro, 2005; Yosso,
2005). Without a clear understanding of how much influence social class and culture have on
leadership development, little change will occur institutionally to fostering a leadership culture
inclusive and representative of diverse approaches (Bonaparte, 2014). The research found that
HEIs’ characteristics directly influence students’ retention, so these characteristics also influence
students’ leadership development (Toutkoushian & Smart, 2001).
A student unfamiliar with the college environment and with what is needed to be
successful may not react favorably to the number of students with cultural backgrounds different
from their own. Having a background different from that of the majority of their peers may
cause an LI-FGCS to feel different and not like their peers. An LI-FGCS may be inclined to take
minimal academic risks and unwilling to bring attention to their lack of experience. When
students adapt to their environment, they are more likely to persist and earn a degree. A sense of
belonging and acceptance by peers and the educational institution contribute to academic and
personal success.

19
Difference Between Dominant and Subcultures
To further understand institutional culture, one can examine a school with a popular
sports program, one known for student activism, or one with a culture of regular parties. Each
institution offers undergraduate degrees, but the dominant institutional culture distinguishes one
from the other. All are examples of colleges with an overt institutional culture that serves as its
identity. In addition to overt institutional cultures, there are also subcultures within the dominant
culture. Subcultures, similar to dominant cultures, display norms, customs, values, and
traditions, but they are specific to an identifiable group of individuals (Rhoads & Tierney, 1992;
Stuber, 2009). It is important to note subcultures are not always overt and are formed because
individuals with visible or invisible identities share similar experiences and form a union because
their issues and concerns are different from those of the dominant culture (Rhoads & Tierney,
1992; Stuber, 2009).
Stuber (2009) describes subcultures as stratifying and separating individuals via
socioeconomic and social class lines. At the social and economic levels, cultures support a value
system represented through social outlets within that cultural level. Those social subcultures’
resources are accessible and available to those who are accepted into them. Stuber (2009) states
that social class standings are solidified and become more exclusive when fewer students have
general access to valued resources or experiences. Access is controlled, and, unless a student is
confirmed or vetted by another member of that subculture, acceptance is unlikely. Thus, a
student’s social class can directly affect access to limited college experiences.

20
Developing a Leadership Identity
Defining Leadership
Until recently, leadership was primarily associated with a single individual executing an
independent vision in industry, policy, or government. Their practice was highly structured,
authoritative, and hierarchical (Dugan & Komives, 2007; Kezar et al., 2006). Leadership’s
transformation is broadening to a more collective, less hierarchical practice that supports a more
collaborative approach. Today’s leadership approaches are more civic-minded, moral, and
intentional, looking to achieve the common good (Dugan & Komives, 2007). Leadership is
going to have to be more community-based and attentive to community needs. Moving from an
approach centered on an individual will involve different non-hierarchical and non-positional
skills.
Leadership is evolving into a collective, shared development due to the many specific
issues communities face (Kezar, 2010; Kezar et al., 2006). LI-FGCS may have little
understanding of what is needed to cultivate a leadership identity or how to equip themselves
with skills that could be of direct benefit to themselves and their communities. Some LI-FGCS
may not recognize college as a place where leadership skills are developed and practiced
(Bordas, 2004). Students who deliberate over declaring an academic major that will translate
into the greatest financial and professional gain may not think as much about developing and
refining leadership skills. An unclear understanding of leadership development can translate to
problem-solving skills useful in addressing the numerous challenges plaguing communities
(Guthrie et al., 2013).
Astin and Astin (2000) define leadership as a practice interested in bringing forth
intentional and directed change; ultimately, there is value to a desired outcome. Astin and Astin

21
(2000) state that a leader is the agent who initiates action toward the change. The leader position
does not have to be hierarchical, as anyone can be a leader if they have an action-oriented
approach. Higher education plays an important role in fostering and cultivating this more
inclusive leadership approach. HEIs have always been expected to prepare and train
undergraduate students as future leaders (Guthrie et al., 2013; Kezar et al., 2006). Research
found that attending college increases leadership development and that students are predisposed
to this development due to undergraduate education’s significant influence on leadership identity
(Astin & Astin, 2000; Dugan & Komives, 2007, 2010; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005).
The Importance of Leadership Skills
As demographics evolve, the next generation requires a leadership identity to address
communities’ complex problems. Community problems cannot be tackled by one person (Kezar
et al., 2006). Developing students’ so that they will be solution-oriented problem solvers will
give them opportunities to practice and refine their leadership capacities (Kezar et al., 2006;
Komives & Dugan, 2007). Students with a leadership identity cultivate self-awareness, establish
relationships, and identify situations to apply leadership skills (Dugan & Komives, 2007). A
leadership identity will support leadership efficacy. Leadership efficacy means that students will
be more socially and civically conscious and committed to being agents of positive change
(Guthrie et al., 2013).
Leadership Development Models and the Most Common Models in Practice
While there is no clear and concrete definition of leadership, leadership development
models address ever-changing societies. These models are designed to inform and enhance
practitioners’ methods. The models pertaining to HEIs are gaining attention due to globalization
and college students’ changing demographics (Kezar et al., 2006). Society and industry expect

22
HEIs to respond to societal changes by equipping their graduates with leadership skillsets to
address communities’ challenges. HEIs follow two leadership approaches. The administration
follows a traditional hierarchical model with the president, provost, treasurer, and mid-level
administrators. Faculty follow an individualistic model that affords them autonomy in research
and serving on collegial-modeled, departmental, or university-related committees. Faculty are
often celebrated as individualistic leaders through their research and publications (Astin & Astin,
2000). For the most part, higher education administration demonstrates traditional hierarchical
and positional leadership reinforced in student organizations and programs (Astin & Astin,
2000).
Chickering (1969), Erickson (1968), Kohlberg (1971), and Perry (1970) primarily
conducted studies on affluent White male college students. They concluded that leadership is to
be positional, hierarchical, and power-focused (Kezar & Moriarty, 2000). The original
leadership development theories used a homogeneous sample to determine leadership
development models, and the results from those studies shaped institutional practice and
development of extracurricular programming. The traditional American higher education system
serves as a model for particular leadership designs and systems. With such limited empirical
research on how college students develop leadership skills and identity and even fewer data on
the role of HEIs in developing students’ leadership skills, HEI must examine leadership
development through new lenses (Dugan & Komives, 2010).
Researchers most often use Astin’s (1977, 1991) Input-Environment-Output (I-E-O)
theory to measure college students’ leadership development. As previously mentioned, models
have been created to examine leadership development, but Astin’s I-E-O model has been used as
the framework for leadership development studies partly because this model examines this

23
development as an output while examining student inputs and the institutional environment as
stimuli to the college experience (Kezar & Moriarty, 2000). Dugan and Komives (2007) used
the social change model of leadership development (HERI, 1996) because it was specifically
developed to study the transitional and relational aspects of leadership development: that
leadership is purposeful, collaborative and contributes to social change. Based on the review of
leadership models and PWHSRI organizational leadership, there is a gap in the literature
regarding institutional culture’s influence on non-White male students’ leadership development.
While models serve to understand college students’ leadership development, this study aimed to
examine institutions’ cultural influence on LI-FGCS leadership development, as their cultural
backgrounds differ from the dominant one at PWHSRI.
Characteristics of LI-FGCS
Despite increased access to higher education, LI-FGCS remain underrepresented at
PWHSRI. With their continued low enrollment, equity and opportunity remain concerns (Aries
& Seider, 2005; Astin & Oseguera, 2004; Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005; McCarron & Inkelas, 2006).
At a PWHSRI, LI-FGCS represent more than themselves as students; they are the ambassadors
for their families and communities as the first to enroll in college (Clark, 2007). Pursuing an
undergraduate degree is the means with which to break through social and economic barriers
(Bonaparte, 2014; DeRosa & Dolby, 2014; Engle & Tinto, 2008; Pike & Kuh, 2005; Pascarella
& Terenzini, 2001; U.S. Department of Education, 2010). While a bachelor’s degree offers
professional opportunities and personal development, LI-FGCS need to learn the norms and
behaviors that contribute to their academic success (Aries & Seider, 2005; Clark, 2007; Stephens
et al., 2013; Terenzini et al., 1996).

24
How LI-FGCS are Supported
For LI-FGCS, family support manifests differently from that of students whose parents
earned undergraduate and post-graduate degrees. Having an educational legacy exposes students
to a socioeconomic experience very different from that of people from a low-income, working-
class background. Pledging one’s parent’s fraternity or sorority may not seem like a social or
cultural advantage, but that prior exposure to college and to what to expect as a new student is
beneficial (Lubrano, 2004; Oldfield, 2007). Social stratification contributes to LI-FGCS’
feelings of inadequacy and social isolation. Not being familiar with the dominant culture’s
social will relegate LI-FGCS to a social group of less status and capital. Also, prestigious
universities perpetuate upper-class dominance by enculturating the behaviors of the social elite
(Carter, 2003) through secret societies or supporting student organizations allowed to exclude
some students.
Growing up in a college-going household means a young person has received regular and
consistent messages that transmit the value and expectation of attending college. Cultivating an
environment of continual learning, stories from family members celebrating college life, or
messages of investing in a college fund enculturate the value of a college education (Allen et al.,
2006). The varied social hierarchies at PWHSRI have a direct correlation to students’ social
standing. Students from affluent social and class backgrounds are more familiar with the student
clubs and organizations that will secure additional educational or professional opportunities to
support future career goals (Stuber, 2009). A student whose parents did not go to college does
not have that familial experience or exposure to reference, and the lack of exposure and
understanding of the dominant culture at PWHSRI will present limitations (Pascarella et al.,
2004).

25
LI-FGCS and HEI Cultural Compatibility
Examining LI-FGCS perceptions of the culture at PWHSRI and determining if it has a
bearing on leadership development requires examining the cultural compatibility of LI-FGCS
and the PWHSRI culture. Researchers have examined student class identity, students’
perceptions of institutional success, and whether certain populations are disconnected from the
institution due to cultural differences. Stephens, Fryberg, Markus, Johnson, and Covarrubias
(2012) examined the cultural differences of multi-generational college students and low-income
first-generation college students related to educational persistence. The authors proposed the
cultural mismatch theory that asserts that LI-FGCS’ cultural norms of interdependence are in
cultural conflict with their peers’ cultural norms at PWHSRI.
Stephens et al. (2012) claim that LI-FGCS experience an unseen disadvantage due to
institutionalized middle- and upper-middle-class customs and values that do not align with their
own. Through cultural mismatch theory, Stephens et al. examined how the independent culture
at PWHSRI replicates the cultural norms and values of upper-middle-class students. A student
from an upper-middle-class background would have prior cultural exposure, ensuring they will
not make a cultural misstep. Cultural mismatch theory assesses how HEIs’ institutional culture
keeps with the values and norms of students whose backgrounds are upper-middle-class. The
authors further state these cultural norms become institutionalized, which can ultimately yield
different achievement outcomes for students of other SES. Upper-middle-class cultural norms
institutionalized at a PWHSRI can affect students who do not identify with the institutional
norms, causing them to fee culturally irrelevant at the institution.
The cultural identity institutionalized at PWHSRI is the culture of independence. The
culture of independence means HEIs come to expect students to be self-directed and single-

26
minded. When the institution celebrates independent thoughts and innovative ideas or
acknowledges students for being self-motivated and having established goals, it does not have to
support the development of those characteristics because most of their students have them. LI-
FGCS will likely not enter PWHSRI with those proficiencies. If PWHSRI establish programs
and services based on the competencies of a certain demographic of students, then students who
do not fit that profile will go unnoticed.
Bower and Ketterhagen (2004) also investigated the mismatch between Black and White
students enrolled at predominately White institutions (PWIs). The study examined how Black
students perceived the institution supported their academic success and whether their perceptions
aligned with the institution’s expectations regarding academic performance. The study also
examined the inherent student-institution mismatch when the student is not clear on the
institution’s formal and informal characteristics and the institution does little to provide the
strategies and tools for success (Bower & Ketterhagen, 2004).
While this study examined whether the culture of a PWHSRI can support LI-FGCS
leadership development, Bower and Ketterhagen (2004) examined the achievements of Black
students at PWIs in comparison with Black students at historically Black colleges and
universities. One of their goals was to determine which aspects of the institutional environment
contributed to Black students’ persistence. Bowers and Ketterhagen found that HEIs tailor their
programs and services to the dominant student. The authors also examined Black students’
success and persistence related to adapting to the dominant institutional culture. Bowers and
Ketterhagen found that Black students enrolled at PWIs worked harder for their academic
achievement and had to learn the institution’s rules to persist. Black students whose
achievement expectations matched the institution’s educational achievement ideals would not

27
have to adjust their behavior much to engage with the college environment. Bower and
Ketterhagen found that Black students had to adjust their behavior and figure out how to fit into
the PWI mainstream culture. The authors pointed out that academically successful Black
students cultivated a “belonging within alienation” (Bower & Ketterhagen, 2004, p. 112)
approach. LI-FGCS who carry an invisible identity and may not always be part of a racial
minority group could experience even greater cultural misalignment, not recognizing the social
and cultural cues of the dominant culture of the PWHSRI.
Fostering Leadership Development Skills
Changes in students’ demographics may have direct or indirect effects on their leadership
development. Aspects such as whether the culture is welcoming, accepting, and tolerant of
differences play a significant role in students’ retention and completion. Researchers also
recognize culture undergirds leadership values, attitudes, and behaviors (Choudry et al., 2007;
Schein, 1984; Schein, 2010). Both the multigenerational college student and the first-generation
college student may enter college from different cultural backgrounds and experiences. Yet, both
are expected to be intellectually advanced and foster a leadership identity upon earning a college
degree. Students’ cultural differences are relevant, and the institution’s culture is equally
relevant and has just as much influence on a student’s success (Kuh 2002). Much attention has
been paid to whether LI-FGCS can manage academic rigor or whether they are academically
prepared for college-level work. However, little attention is focused on the institution’s cultural
make-up and its compatibility with a culturally diverse student body.
As previously stated, the institutional culture reflects independent cultural norms.
Independent values and norms are subtle but impactful. HEIs reinforce the independent cultural
norm by expecting students to take the initiative, be self-aware, think independently, and be

28
willing to take risks. HEIs foster this cultural norm by having students select their courses,
decide which to take Pass or Fail, and live on their own in student apartments or residence halls.
Multigenerational college students have regular exposure to college life, and that exposure
prepares them for what to expect as a college student. LI-FGCS do not have that experience.
Summary
This review examined the academic institutions’ recognizing themselves as academic
cultures, the influence of culture on leadership development, whether the culture at PWHSRI is
compatible with LI-FGCS and their leadership skills development. The literature and research
presented show gaps in understanding how the organizational culture at PWHSRI affects most
LI-FGCS and that many LI-FGCS may not automatically identify or be familiar with the culture.
Gaps in the literature also pertain to institutional messages and norms that can further alienate
LI-FGCS and affect their ability to recognize opportunities that will contribute to leadership
skills development. Additionally, academic institutions may not recognize that programs and
services designed to support leadership skills development may not be well-received by all
students.

29
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
This study sought to better understand whether PWHSRI develop LI-FGCS leadership
skills and what the institution can do to ensure that the culture cultivates these skills. The study
took place at a large urban PWHSRI. The following research questions guided this study:
1. What factors contribute to the development of leadership skills in LI-FGCS?
2. How do LI-FGCS perceive the institutional culture at PWHSRI?
3. What role does institutional programming play in the development of leadership skills of
LI-FGCS?
4. What institutional cultural messages influence the development of leadership skills in LI-
FGCS?
The approach to this research was to conduct a qualitative study. According to Merriam (2009),
qualitative researchers are interested in learning more about how people make meaning of their
experiences and how their experiences contribute to their quality of life.
Population and Sample
Located in a densely populated urban metropolitan city, the Pacific Southwest University
is a large private 4-year research university with an undergraduate population of just over 17,000
students. In the fall of 2014, entering first-year students totaled 3,098. The 2014 freshman class
was 47% male and 53% female. Figure 2 presents the racial and ethnic make-up of the 2014–
2015 entering freshman class at the university.

30
Figure 2
Pacific Southwest University Race and Ethnic Breakdown for 2014 Entering Freshman Class

Note. Adapted from University and College Accountability Network.

The 6-year graduation rate is 91%, and freshman to sophomore retention is 97%. For this
study, prior educational experience was based on the percentage of students with at least one
parent who earned a bachelor’s degree.

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40%
African American
Latino/Hispanic
Native American Pacific Islander
Asia/Asian American
Caucasian
International
N=3,098

31
Figure 3
Educational Experience

Note. Adapted from USC Freshman Profile Admission Information 2014–2015.

Figure 3 shows that 19% of the freshman students are children who had at least one
parent graduate from Pacific Southwest University, and 14% of students are first-generation
college students or children whose parents have not earned a bachelor’s degree. In all, 86% of
the entering freshman class had at least one parent who earned a bachelor’s degree.
Instrumentation
In a qualitative study, the goal is to understand how people experience and make sense of
their environment and the situations in which they are involved. Merriam (2009) describes the
qualitative researcher as focused on the process while understanding and making meaning of the
subject. The researcher is responsible for collecting and analyzing the data. Qualitative study
means constructing, not discovering, meaning (Merriam, 2009). For this study, grounded theory
qualitative research was conducted and followed an inductive process. Grounded theory is
defined as collecting data through the inductive process and using the data to develop theory. An
approach through grounded theory is to look for patterns in the data. Through interviews,
19%
14%
Educational Experience
Students with an
Educational
Legacy
First Generation
College Students

32
document review, and observations, data are collected and grouped into patterns to be examined
for themes. An interview protocol (Appendix) was developed to gain more in-depth insight into
the participants’ thoughts, feelings, and attitudes (Creswell, Merriam, 2009).
The site of the interviews and observations was predetermined, and 10 students were be
interviewed using open-ended questions to ensure thoughtful and insightful responses.
Participants were selected through purposeful sampling, which involves selecting participants
with direct experience in the area under study (Merriam, 2009). Participants were selected based
on a specific criteria: having junior or higher in class standing and being LI-FGCS. Academic
advisors at Pacific Southwest University assisted is identifying participants who received Pell
Grants and were first-generation college students. Each interview lasted for 45 to 60 minutes and
each participant received an information sheet which detailed my role as the researcher and the
overall purpose of the study.
Data Collection
Upon approval from the institutional review board at my home institution, I contacted
three academic advisors requesting that an email be sent on my behalf to the students who fit the
study criteria. The email included a link to an online survey to introduce the researcher and the
purpose of the study. An interview was scheduled once participants were identified and their
eligibility confirmed. Participants were informed of their right to decline to answer any question
or withdraw their participation in the study. I reassured all participants that their identity would
remain confidential and that pseudonyms would be used throughout the study. Each participant
signed an informed consent form. All consented to their interview being audio-recorded. Prior to
each interview, I restated my role as the researcher and the purpose of the study. Written notes
were collected on observations of body language or reactions to the questions. Afterwards, I

33
documented post-interview notes, making sure to include my reflections and initial analysis of
the data. Audio-recordings were professionally transcribed.
Data Analysis
The primary goal of collecting data was to identify themes that represent a blending of
the three data sources to address the research question. Merriam (2009) states that, before
identifying themes, a researcher looks for “units of data” (p. 176) that will contribute to
answering the research question. Once the data were transcribed, units of data were identified as
contributing to answering the research question. Notes were made throughout the transcription
in a process of open coding. The open codes were grouped to form axial codes (Merriam, 2009;
p.180). In the axial coding phase, links were created between categories. The final phase was
selective coding, which is the process by which all categories are combined and further analyzed
for emerging themes.
Summary
This concludes the proposed methodology for this study. The design along with details
of the setting, student population, data collection, and analysis were discussed included. Data
and findings are presented in Chapter Four. Discussion of the findings will occur in Chapter
Five alongside suggestions for future research.

34
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
This chapter will present the study’s results to determine if the institutional culture of
Pacific Southwest University supports the leadership development of LI-FGCS. The study
examined three aspects of leadership development as it pertains to the interviewees’ college
experiences: institutional culture, programming, and cultural messages. All participants are Pell
Grant recipients and first-generation upper-class college students or alumni who graduated less
than three years before this study was conducted. The first section provides an overview of the
respondents’ backgrounds. The second section examined their perceptions of the institutional
programming and messages they interpreted as they relate to leadership. The third section
examines the institutional culture as it pertains to leadership and the participants’ perceptions of
how the institution contributed to their leadership development.
Table 1
Participants’ Demographics
Participant Gender Ethnicity
Participated in
pre-college
program
Freshman or
transfer admit
Alum
Worked as an
undergraduate
Monica Female Latina Yes Freshman No Yes
Angela Female Latina No Transfer No Yes
Michael Male Latino No Freshman No Yes
Steven Male
African
American Yes Freshman No Yes
Jonathan Male
Mixed
Ethnicity No Freshman Yes Yes
Jacob Male Latino Yes Freshman No Yes
Vanessa Female Asian Yes Freshman Yes Yes
Andrea Female
African
American No Transfer No Yes
Richard Male Asian No Freshman No Yes
Brandon Male Samoan No Freshman No Yes

35
Participants ’ Background Summaries
Monica (pseudonym) is a senior who graduated from a public school less than a mile
from Pacific Southwest University. She entered as a freshman and joined the school’s marching
band her first semester. She was the valedictorian of her graduating high school class and
thought that she was prepared for college but then realized, after her first English class, that she
was not as prepared as she thought. She initially struggled in balancing the demands of band and
the volume of coursework. The band members became her extended family and campus
community. She worked all through college at the university book store.
Angela is a female of Latino heritage who transferred to Pacific Southwest University as
a junior. Currently, she is a senior, and, at her previous institution, she felt supported and
engaged with the institution community. When she transferred to Pacific Southwest University,
she did not initially feel as supported or connected and was concerned that the competitiveness
among the students in her major would hinder her academic goals. She worked part time and
helped care for her disabled sibling, so she did not have much time to participate in campus
activities. She could not understand why she found a community of her peers at her previous
institution but could not connect with a community at the university; the only difference was the
new school.
Michael is a Latino male with senior standing. He entered the university as a freshman.
He stated he was very confident when he entered college and believed he was well prepared for
the academic rigor. Michael said he experienced culture shock when he enrolled and felt he was
always playing catch-up. He said he had to work twice as hard as his counterparts. He thought
he was entering a diverse campus but realized that, while the campus had some ethnic diversity,
there was little diversity in socioeconomics, sexual orientation, or physical ability.

36
Steven is an African American male and a first-year graduate student. As a foster youth,
he entered Pacific Southwest University as a freshman and credits his admission to his
participation in a pre-college enrichment program that prepared him to be college-ready. When
he enrolled, he thought it was the most diverse campus he had ever visited. By the middle of his
first semester, he realized that the campus was only slightly diverse and very divided. After 4
years as an undergraduate student and now in his first year as a graduate student, he said that he
was not sure if the division is by nature or nurture.
Jonathan is a male of mixed ethnicity with junior standing. He entered the university as
a freshman and credits his exposure to the university to two alumni mentors. They were partners
at a successful engineering firm where his mother was an office assistant. He was the
valedictorian of his local public high school graduating class and recipient of numerous
academic scholarships. He stated he thought he could have done much better academically in
college but never felt like he knew how to study effectively and often felt overwhelmed at how
unprepared he was for the volume and pace of the academic load. When he spoke about his
struggles with his mentors, he felt they could not relate to his challenges. They responded, “We
told you that it would be hard.” Jonathan felt his challenges were compounded because, while he
received several scholarships, he still had to work almost 30 hours per week to cover his living
expenses. While he felt his mentors empathized with his circumstances, he knew his academic
challenges were very different from theirs because they did not have the same financial burdens.
Jacob is a Latino male and a recent graduate of Pacific Southwest University. He
graduated from a local public high school and participated in a pre-college enrichment program
that exposed him to multiple college campuses. Jacob felt prepared for the environment at the
university because he grew up in the surrounding neighborhood and was aware of his not being a

37
member of the majority culture. He spoke about the poor treatment he received by campus
police and of feeling invisible to peers. He was excited when he received his admission, more so
because he could not wait to pull out his school identification card when confronted by campus
police. He was an avid soccer player and played for a few leagues in the community. He always
felt like an outsider, not based on how he was treated by his peers of the majority culture, but
because they never showed any interest in wanting to know anything about him or his
experiences. He said lectures were particularly difficult because he felt self-conscious based on
the stares he received when he walked into the lecture hall.
Jacob said he did not start feeling like he belonged until his junior year. He started
paying closer attention to peers who were heavily involved in campus events and noted that their
involvement was part of their identity. It was how people introduced one another by stating their
name and what they are doing or had done on campus. They were instantly legitimized based on
their campus involvement. He thought of joining a mainstream fraternity, but, after attending a
few events, thought that they were superficial and lacked substance. Instead, he joined a Latino
fraternity and became its president during his senior year.
Andrea is an African American female student who transferred with junior standing. She
is from central California, and, while she knew that Pacific Southwest University was not the
most ethnically diverse, she did not expect that the student body was going to be as conservative
and openly display wealth. Andrea said that, when she visited the campus, she saw much school
pride and spirit, which was very appealing, but, since enrolling, she experienced a divided
campus that seems to only come together during sporting events. She stated that her first
semester was challenging and that she kept to herself because she did not feel like she connected

38
with any other students. She was thankful that she had an off-campus job and got along with her
coworkers, so they became her social outlet.
Vanessa is an Asian American alum who entered Pacific Southwest University as a
freshman. She participated in a pre-college program which exposed her to various colleges and
universities. She received a large scholarship, which is why she decided to attend Pacific
Southwest University. She stated that her transition was very difficult because all of her friends
from the pre-college program were African American or Latino, and, when she got to campus
and started participating in Asian cultural programs, her Asian friends asked her why she knew
so many Black and Latino students. She said she was always conflicted and did not know how
to make the cultural bridge.
Brandon is a recent graduate of Pacific Southwest University and is of Samoan descent.
He is a graduate of a local public school and did not participate in a pre-college program. He is
from a close-knit family, and, unlike many of his family members, he does not play football.
Not playing football and attending a highly selective, predominately White institution with a
Division I football program had shaped his transition. He expected to be stereotyped by other
students, but he did not expect his peers to be hostile and obnoxious when he informed them that
he did not play football. Brandon stated that he probably would have left the university had he
not connected with another Samoan student who introduced him to the Asian American student
organization. He said he spent all of his out-of-class time at the center because that is where he
felt safe and accepted
Richard is Asian American and has senior standing. He is originally from Colorado,
graduated from a local public school, and did not participate in a pre-college enrichment
program. Pacific Southwest University was his wish school, and he said he was stunned when he

39
was accepted. He said he did not start really applying himself academically until his junior year
of high school, but he really worked very hard academically and in his leadership positions. He
was president of his debate team, and they went to state champions, which was the first time for
his school. He described his transition to the university as an awakening. Because his family did
not have money, it was difficult for him to fit in with his Asian peers. They all assumed he came
from wealth and were shocked when he told them that he graduated from a public high school
and that his parents were not financially well off.
In addition to providing individual profiles of all of the participants, it is necessary to
provide background on participants’ academic preparedness and exposure to leadership prior to
college. Having a better understanding of their overall high school academic confidence prior to
their first year of college as well as their understanding of leadership development prior to their
college entrance will aid in further developing the participants’ profiles. Reviewing the study’s
questions, participants’ academic preparedness and pre-college experiences addressed the
question of the factors contributing to the development of leaderships skills of LI-FGCS and how
they perceive the institutional culture of PWHSRI. The final two questions regarding the role
institutional programing plays in leadership skills development and what institutional cultural
messages influence this development are discussed in the college transition and social barriers
sections. All participants were active in school clubs and local community programs. They
shared that involvement was based on an interest in the organizations’ goals. None saw their
involvement in school clubs or community organizations as a demonstration of leadership.
High School Academic Preparedness
The first question of the study examined the participants’ previous leadership experiences
and looked to determine if they were aware of their prior leadership experiences and if their prior

40
leadership experiences had a role in furthering their leadership development. All participants
graduated at the top of their high school classes. Six were valedictorians, and four graduated in
the top 5%. As high school students, they all described themselves as academically confident
and actively involved in either high school or community activities. All believed they were
academically prepared for the rigor of Pacific Southwest University, and, while all stated they
did not know what to expect, they felt like they were prepared. Monica expressed she was over-
confident regarding how successful she was going to be:
Because I was the valedictorian and president of academic decathlon and everyone was
telling me how wonderful I was going to be when I got to college, I knew that I didn’t
have anything to worry about. Boy, was I wrong.
She stated that she knew she was in trouble when she went to orientation, was asked about her
intended major, and did not know what they were talking about. She asked, “how could I have
received so much attention for my academic accomplishments but have no idea that you should
know that you’re going to major in a specific subject when you get to college?” She described
her transition as difficult mainly because she did not know what to ask. She stated, “It’s not like
I’m shy or scared of looking stupid. That didn’t bother me. I just didn’t know what to ask or who
to ask that would give me a straight answer. My first year was really frustrating.”
Jacob also believed he was academically prepared because of his participation in a
college enrichment program and familiarity with the campus. He thought his transition would be
smooth. Jacob stated he was not prepared to walk into a large lecture hall with more than 200
students and not see anyone who looked like him: a Latino male from the local community. He
stated,

41
I wasn’t ready for that, to walk into a lecture hall and not see anyone that looked like they
could have been from around the neighborhood. Everyone in that lecture hall looked like
they were made of money, and I felt like they were all looking at me knowing that I
didn’t come from money.
In retrospect, Jacob shared that, while his academic performance should not have been
hampered, he felt like such an outsider that he started doubting himself: “I was thinking I don’t
belong here. I know it, and they definitely know it.” Similarly, Brandon shared everything was
different than what he was accustomed to:
First thing I noticed is that everyone looks different. You dress different from them. You
listen to different music. You like different movies. You laugh at different things. The
culture is definitely different and then, talking with the students, their experiences were
different.
Pre-College Leadership Experiences
Inquiring on the participants’ leadership experiences as high school students was
important to have a more complete understanding of how they defined leadership and learn
whether they were called leaders by high school teachers or coaches. It is necessary to know if
they had a clear understanding of the leadership skills they were acquiring as team captains or
class president. As high school students, all participants took part in sports, led a student
organization, or both. All held positions of presidents, vice-presidents, or team captains.
Meeting with peers with the same goal fostered a sense of belonging and comradery.
Participants who were involved in school organizations like student government or the
chess club valued the social interactions around a common interest but did not recognize their
participation or the positions they held as leadership. They had little to no guidance from

42
teachers or insight into how their positions could increase their understanding of what it means to
be a leader. With no instruction on identifying group dynamics, maintaining group cohesion, or
establishing group goals, holding a leadership position was not different from being a participant.
When asked if they thought of themselves as leaders when holding those positions, only Richard
acknowledged that he knew his position as debate team president was a leadership position, and
he was often referred to as a leader by his teachers. He stated,
Our coach for the debate team would always say, “As the leader of this team, it’s your
responsibility,” so I always knew that the team was looking to me as the leader, and I
knew that there were expectations as the leader.
Other participants did not recall ever being referred to as leaders. As high school
students, they were never told that, as senior class president or team captain, they were practicing
leadership. They knew and valued the title but did not translate the title to mean leadership. Not
having the awareness that what they were doing was leadership was a missed opportunity for
them to identify good leadership traits to adopt or follow. If the interviewees thought of
themselves as leaders, they may have cultivated a leadership philosophy that could have
supported their effectiveness in their positions.
Some respondents saw their roles as the person who completes tasks, not the person who
puts together a vision, presents that vision, gets buy-in for that vision, and develops a plan to
execute the vision. Vanessa, a senior class president, was never referred to as a leader or told
that what she was doing was leadership. Vanessa stated,
Yeah, I was the senior class president, but the assistant principal just told me stuff that I
needed to do, like make announcements or schedule a meeting with other seniors, but I
was never called a leader for doing that stuff.

43
Not having a clear understanding of a leadership role beyond the title further hindered the
opportunity to fully apply leadership skills to varied experiences. Without that broad
understanding of leadership and what it means to be a leader and without seeing themselves as
leaders, no participants applied leadership traits to other situations. While they recognized they
were effective in a club or organization, they did not recognize the skills that made them
effective as transferable. Inability to identify leadership skills and apply them to diverse
situations can hinder further leadership skills development. Jacob stated that he never thought
about applying his soccer team leadership to his academics:
At that point, I just felt that this was soccer, and that that’s how we rolled. I didn’t even
make the connection between how you could be successful on the soccer field to how to
be successful in the classroom. As a kid, I never made those connections. Maybe it
wasn’t expressed to me or I just never made it.
Institutional Culture
The study examined whether the existing institutional culture of a PWHSRI supports the
leadership development of LI-FGCS. Participants discussed how they perceived the culture at
Pacific Southwest University and when they began feeling like they were part of the student
body. Two significant primary themes and three secondary themes emerged related to the
institutional culture. The first theme addressed the challenges of college transition and the
secondary themes were social barriers, not having time to socialize, and realizing that as LI-
FGCS, they were very different from the majority of students. The second primary theme that
emerged was the dominant student culture. The participants characterized the dominant student
culture as a sub-culture that really operated as the dominant institutional culture.

44
College Transition
The transition to college life at Pacific Southwest University was challenging for all
participants. Equally challenging was adjusting socially. This section will highlight participants’
comments on their transition and social encounters and how they perceived the institutional
culture of their PWHSRI. All participants worked either on or off campus between 20 and 30
hours per week. They stated they were not working to support their social life, as they were
working to contribute to their families’ households. Participants discussed it was difficult to see
their peers living seemingly carefree lives going to class and planning social events and never
having to worry about whether their family back home could pay their gas or light bill. The
economic disparities were dire for some respondents, and, while they all knew that many of the
students came from wealthy families, they did not anticipate how the wealth gap would affect
them directly. Jonathan shared,
In retrospect, I could have done much better. I didn’t know how. I didn’t really know
how. I had no one to hold my hand or walk me through it. I had no outside resources. I
had to work multiple jobs to pay and make ends meet. Simple rent, food, room and board,
that kind of thing while my tuition is paid for by the university. Anyone that goes to this
school can tell you there’s a lot more to pay for than just tuition. There’s books, there’s
lab fees, there’s medical visits, et cetera. In summation, there’s no way that I could have
prepared myself for this experience given my background.
The participants were unaware and unprepared for the challenges they encountered fitting
in and feeling like a full campus member. They expressed they thought all they had to do was go
to class, study, and get good grades. Not knowing about the additional out-of-class expectations
hampered some of their academic and developing social interactions. Vanessa shared,

45
If I was facing a class in which I was struggling I cannot just make time to go see the
professor or hire a tutor. I have to go to work and make the money. If I skip work that’s
bad on my employment and I lose money. I can’t see professor in office hours all the
time.
Participants discussed it was difficult to balance the pace of their coursework, working
part time, and, when possible, participating in campus events. Not knowing or understanding
how to fully use campus resources and not feeling like they fully belonged at Pacific Southwest
University, some interviewees described being hesitant to meet with an advisor or professor and
not wanting to appear as if they could not figure it out on their own. Andrea shared it was
difficult for her to adjust to an environment that willingly provided help and support and being
unaccustomed to going to others for guidance and support. She stated,
I mean, it’s hard for any college student, but I think it is especially hard for first-
generation because there’s also I feel this misconception with students who are first-gen
that it’s not okay to ask for help when we need help because we’re used to doing things
because [the] majority of first-generation college students that come to this institution are
usually the top of their class wherever it is that they are. They’re used to doing everything
on their own because they want to get to these places, but then when they get here,
you’ve been so used to fighting for everything alone that you don’t recognize that there
are people on this campus who really want to help and support you, and so are afraid to
ask for that help. Or, maybe not afraid, but just have a hard time being able to
communicate, like “I am struggling a lot. What can you give me? What can I do?”
Difficulty in transitioning extends beyond adjusting to meeting with faculty or using
campus resources. Participants discussed difficulty with feeling like they had time to participate

46
in student organizations. The volume of course work along with the timeframe of assignments
had participants feeling overwhelmed and unable to think about how to include student
organizations in their college experience. Not having a full understanding on the role that
student organizations have on a students’ development, the respondents did not see student
organizations as a priority.
Jonathan stated that it took him until his junior year to think about joining a student
organization:
It’s discovering that takes a while. It took me, I’m a junior, and it took me a good year.
Maybe my first year and half or two years of my college career to realize that I can reach
out and get a lot more involved than I have been. Now, I wouldn’t say it’s too late. It’s
much more difficult now as an upperclassman than it would be as an underclassman.
Social Barriers
All of the participants shared that finding a social group where they felt accepted and
connected to was daunting. They stated that attending a club meeting or club event required so
much self-talk and emotional preparation to willingly place themselves in a foreign situation.
Other than Monica, who was in the school band, the participants questioned the need to
participate in student clubs and organizations whose membership consisted primarily of students
in the majority culture.
Adjusting socially was a challenge for all but one participant. Monica’s participation in
band afforded her early entry into housing and an immediate community of fellow band
members prior to the fall semester. Monica shared she immediately formed a bond with her
band section members, which eased her transition socially. Monica stated,

47
Trumpet section is one of the bigger sections in the band. Just from there, it’s like you
have a sense of unity just being in that section. From, I guess, like day one of band camp
was when I met that sort of a family that I knew I was going to have. That’s where I’ve
found a couple of my current best friends. That definitely helped me transition. The band
is a very social place.
While Monica had a smooth transition socially, the remaining interviewees struggled socially
and felt less connected to their peers. Some stated they felt like second-class students and were
made to feel second-class by other students. Andrea shared it was difficult for her to make
friends:
The culture here is definitely like that. There’s a lot of money. It’s not very welcoming if
you don’t have money. I would say they’d look down upon you to a certain extent. Not
very social if you don’t fit into the norm. Never once was I approached in class like,
“What’s your name? Hey, how are you doing?” Just a simple “Hey.” I always had to
engage the conversation. I always felt like an outcast. To this day, even just walking on
campus, it’s difficult not to see a familiar face and to feel welcome.
Some participants discussed difficulty in relating to the social norms of the dominant
student culture. Interviewees shared that they were completely unfamiliar what other students
considered a popular artist or movie. They felt even more like outsiders when they admitted that
they did not know about an artist or a group, and their peers looked at them in shock. Vanessa
shared she felt disconnected from general conversations:
When people are talking about pop culture or their experiences, they’re talking about
music, or all these things that the higher class supposedly, high class, are talking about.
It’s like, what are they talking about? I don’t know this culture that they’re talking about.

48
I feel like the hardest part was first accepting the fact that I belong here and was building
that self-confidence of I deserve to be here.
Other interviewees pointed out that some of the social barriers were material. Many of
their fellow students in a higher income bracket dressed very casually but always had at least one
clothing item that demonstrated they came from a wealthy background. Participants also shared
the types of travel experiences they had and the way it was subtly brought up in conversation to
determine if they had similar experiences. Steven pointed out, “They definitely had a culture at
home where you were going to go to a name-brand school. It was definitely a culture shock for
me, and I definitely believe that their experience was a lot different from mine.”
Seven participants shared that they felt that many of the social obstacles were based on
one’s economic, ethnic, or racial identity. The respondents described a student culture separate
from the university culture, which one that they believed to be the driving force of the university.
They discussed the university promoted a unified student body, wanting to present that all the
students saw themselves and treated one another all the same. The participants experienced
otherwise. They discussed assumptions and presumptions made of students, and, when they
corrected the assumption, they described the dynamic between themselves and the dominant
student as awkward. There was an unspoken expectation that Pacific Southwest University
students conform to the dominant culture. The institution does not acknowledge that the student
culture is a strong influence in shaping students’ navigation and engagement with programs and
student organizations. Andrea stated that the students display a sense of superiority that she did
not understand:
Definitely have an arrogance about them as if they own the campus. Maybe it’s simply a
feeling of comfortability because they’re comfortable with their place in life. Maybe that

49
comfort comes off as a misplaced arrogance that I don’t understand from where it comes
from.
Additionally, one participant described the university not wanting to acknowledge that it does
not do enough to highlight challenges that students have overcome and wants students who have
experienced obstacles to forget them after enrolling. As Jonathan shared, those difficulties do
not go away just because they gained admission. He stated,
I feel like the institution, the culture here, is kind of trying to shape a person to be an
idealistic, perfect student without highlighting the struggles that they might have acquired
in the process of getting here or the struggles that they face while being here.
When addressing social barriers, six interviewees described that the institution did much
to create opportunities for students, but the efforts seem to stop there. There does not seem to be
an effort to identify who is participating in the programs or activities and really determine if
there is diverse student representation. Angela shared,
Oh, I think the university likes to say, “If you want it to happen, you can make it happen,
and we’re giving you the opportunity to make that happen,” and so I think it does set a
platform for innovation because I think it really wants people to come up with new ideas
or new things, but does the university really take the time to see who’s creating this stuff?
Is the university thinking are there systemic barriers?
All interviewees agreed that the university presents a welcoming and family-oriented
environment. The administrative staff is friendly and informative but seems unaware of the
student culture. Four participants suggested a strong and active student culture that overrides the
culture that the university presents and promotes. They stated that administrators are unable to

50
guide students on how to cope or navigate the student culture, so LI-FGCS are often reluctant to
take those social risks. Jacob talked about the student culture:
Everywhere you go, everyone’s going to be very prideful to attend this university, but,
once you go in a little deeper, you’ll see that it goes far, far beyond that. To people out
looking in, they won’t necessarily get that, but for the people within the university, it’s
something that’s always going to be present.
Those social risks extended to participating in clubs and organizations that are historically and
traditionally synonymous with the university. While applications and information sessions were
always publicly announced or advertised in the school paper, participants never felt like they
would be welcomed or their contributions valued. When the institution promotes and encourages
participation in student clubs and organizations, participants implied that it seemed to be from
the position of the institution wanting to feature the number of students who join student clubs
and organizations. The importance of participating in a student club or organization was never
encouraged on how participation in student clubs contributes to overall development and a sense
of belonging. Monica shared that her advisor encouraged her to attend the sorority open house
event. She said she was hesitant at first but then decided to go:
They definitely encouraged student involvement, but they would promote the bigger
organizations. I would always see them promote Greek life, but even within the
promotion of Greek life, they were promoting the Panhellenic organizations, which were
crazy to me because the monthly or semester dues were just outrageous. People from my
background would never be able to afford that.

51
Getting involved with student organizations as first-year students took much effort for all
participants and with the primary thinking that student organizations were primarily for social
outlets, participants were not motivated to join.
All thought of themselves as outgoing and social, but not feeling welcomed in classes or
residence halls made it that much more difficult to attend a student organization meeting.
Attending a school-sponsored performance or lecture was not the same as participating in a
student-led organization. Peer acceptance was paramount. Receiving validation and acceptance
from fellow peers was a gateway to engagement and connection. Jonathan stated that he did not
know how to get involved with student organizations:
I now know that there’s involvement fairs, but coming in, I didn’t know what it was, or
when it would be held, or things like that, so I didn’t go to them. I actually got involved
in the organization that I was involved in because one of the students that I first met
talked to me about it. If it wouldn’t have been for that, I don’t know when I would have
gotten involved or anything. It definitely wouldn’t have been my freshman year.
Social barriers extended beyond just difficulty connecting with peers. Eight interviewees
shared the struggles they had in asking for help. Coming from low-income families, the action
of asking for support or help is foreign. Resources such as academic tutors or coaches to provide
additional guidance in their high school coursework was not part of their educational behavior.
Participants shared they only knew how to rely on themselves, so, if they could not figure
something out and a friend could not assist, it would never occur to them to ask the teacher for a
tutor or know how to go about identifying someone who was a tutor. Jacob shared that he
struggled in asking for help and that it was not instinctual to seek assistance:

52
It doesn’t come naturally to me to ask for help. I’ve never had help available. I’ve
always had to do it myself. Even in college where I realize there are resources
available, realizing and achieving it are two different things. You have to, one, realize
that it exist and, two, discover where it exists and, three, figure out how to access it.
Educational access also came up when students discussed the pathway they followed to
gaining admission. For all respondents, attending college was not a given. They all had dreams
of attending college but never had the comfort of knowing definitively that they would be
admitted or afford tuition. Angela shared the culture at Pacific Southwest University is one
where her peers seemed to have their lives fully mapped out:
They definitely came from homes where it was set: “You are going to go to Harvard,
you are going to go Princeton, you were going to go to one of these schools.” It was
definitely a culture shock for me, and I definitely believe that their school experience
was a lot different from mine.
The first research question was designed to determine if the LI-FGCS were aware of
Pacific Southwest University’s campus culture and if they thought about how the culture would
support or detract from their academic success. The literature review discussed organizational
culture and its impact on students’ overall success (Kuh, 2002). Most participants stated that
they found two cultures operating at the university. There is the public culture that the university
heavily promotes as being welcoming, family-oriented, and highly supportive. However, Andrea
described the university culture as manufactured. When she enrolled, she thought the university
was wonderful, and she was eager to be part of the campus, so much so that she responded to an
email from the admissions office inviting transfer students to speak to prospective students about

53
the university. She was excited about the opportunity until she met with the admissions
representative who coached her on how to respond to questions. Andrea shared,
“Okay, these are the kind of questions that they might ask you. These are kind of the
ways that we want you to answer them.” Rather than me being authentic, I was kind of
directed in a way in which they kind of wanted me to be a prototype that I wasn’t. That
was really difficult for me to really not be what I really identify with what culture was for
me, and the culture that I experience here. I kind of felt that they were wanting me to be
someone I wasn’t. I think having been placed in that situation, I kind of think that’s why I
felt like the way institutional culture I see here sometimes is fake through that experience
that I had.
However, all interviewees described the student culture as stratified and socially
isolating. Not gaining the acceptance from their peers outside of their racial and economic group
inhibited the interviewees from venturing beyond the peer groups where they were accepted and
welcomed. Jacob shares his challenges in adjusting to the student culture:
That definitely was difficult. Always just getting looked at when you walk into
classrooms, especially the big lecture halls, and I would always just look for someone
who looked like me, either African American or Latino.
Richard was readily accepted into the Asian student population, but he was always
guarded because he was not from a wealthy family and all of the Asian students he encountered
were from wealthy families. Some participants felt the need to conceal that they were from a
lower SES background, believing they would not be accepted if they shared that they could not
afford to participate in something due to lack of funds. Richard shared the challenge he often
had in disclosing that he is not wealthy and a first-generation college student. When he was

54
around his other Asian American friends, he often heard unflattering comments about students
from a lower SES or who attended public high schools:
I’m very ambitious, and, in order to take advantage of all that this university has to offer,
you have to submit to some of the things that you don’t necessarily like. I can’t go around
telling people that I come from this background. That’s just a turn-off in terms of
connections.
In addition to socioeconomic background, the high school from which they graduated, its
status, and rigor were also a source of social stratification. Richard shared a conversation he had
with a friend who did not know he graduated from a public high school and was of high financial
need:
I don’t think my friend even knew that I came from that background, and so we were
talking about finances one time and different socioeconomic backgrounds, and so one of
my friends was like, “Yeah, I don’t think kids who come from bad high schools should
go to here because they’ll fail here. They’re just simply not prepared. They shouldn’t
have the opportunity to go here because of that.”
No respondents anticipated that the university and student culture would be such a hurdle
to overcome. They were all prepared for some challenges in making friends, but none were
equipped for social stratification based on socioeconomic standing, race, ethnicity, and the
prestige of their high school.
In addition to inquiring how students perceived the university and student culture, it was
important to determine if the participants were aware that one way that a student can develop
leadership skills is to participate in a student organization in a leadership capacity. It was
necessary to explore what the interviewees thought of the institution’s purpose in providing

55
student clubs and organizations and whether they connected participation in these as the
beginning stage of leadership development.
No Time to Socialize
The volume of assignments, the pace of classes, and the need to work meant that all of
the participants had very little to time to socialize. All were enrolled as full-time students, taking
four to five classes. Some said they often under-estimated how long it would take to complete
assignments, which meant that, even if they did plan to attend an event or participate in a student
organization, they would had to cancel because they did not finish an assignment.
Eight respondents stated that their focus was to do well in their classes and did not spend
much time thinking about what their social life would be like once they enrolled. Jonathan said,
“There was too much at stake for me to think about joining a club, just no time.” Only two
interviewees joined an institutional organization during their first semester. The other eight did
not start joining student clubs until either the spring semester of their sophomore year or the start
of their junior year. These eight interviewees stated they did not have any time, that the few
meetings they did attend seemed more about socializing, and, at the time, they did not really see
a purpose. One participant stated that between classes, work, and studying, he was only
interested in being around people he already knew when he did have time to socialize. Jonathan
stated, “Between classes, working 25-30 hours per week, my downtime was precious. I couldn’t
waste it being around fake people. I had to spend it with folks who I genuinely liked and already
had relationships.”
Not Like the Majority Student
All participants described an unspoken understanding amongst their peers in the majority
culture. These peers culture were cordial but that was the extent of the interactions. None

56
shared a time when they felt like a peer in the majority culture went out of their way to make
them feel welcomed or accepted. The participants felt like they the students in the majority
culture had their college careers mapped out before they arrived on campus and socializing or
befriending a fellow student who was a LI-FGCS was not part of their agenda.
Even though Monica and Richard joined student organizations their first semester, they,
like the other eight respondents, thought that student clubs and organizations were created for
students whose only commitment was going to school. Vanessa shared that many of her friends
attended community college, and she said that the community colleges do not have anything
close to the number of student clubs and organizations present at Pacific Southwest University.
Michael stated the only reason he was involved in a student organization and held a leadership
position was that he was a resident advisor and did not have to pay for his housing, so, while he
did work, it was only 8 to 10 hours per week, so he could have spending money and pay for his
cell phone. All but one participant joined culture-based student organizations. Participants
stated that, while they interacted with students of the majority culture, they only saw them as
acquaintances, and there was an unspoken understanding that they could interact during class or
on assignments, but, socially, there was little to no interaction. Jacob described seeing a
classmate as he was trying to get into a party. He and the classmate locked eyes, and, instead of
the classmate telling his fraternity brother to let Jacob in, he looked away and left the entrance.
Jacob stated,
Yeah, that was really foul on his part. Like, we were cool in class, we sat next to each
other, and even worked on a group project together. The next time I saw him in class, he
sat somewhere else and that was that.

57
Dominant Student Culture
Several participants shared they experienced overt expressions of not being accepted
from the dominant student culture. They shared that many students of the dominant culture
made snarky remarks to determine where they stood on certain issues. Some of the comments
were clearly racially prejudicial, and others were connected to SES. Angela shared that a couple
of her classmates once talked about getting tacos at a local food truck, but they said that they
probably should not go because it was located in the “ghetto.” Angela said she jumped in and
said, “Yeah, I know that taco stand. It’s down the street from where I live.” She said everyone
got quiet, and it got really awkward.
All respondents described a second-class student culture among the students wherein
divisiveness is openly displayed. Andrea discussed an Indian American woman who won the
student body presidency. She said, for the most part, students were excited, as it had been 11
years since a woman held that position. However, students freely posted many negative, racially
prejudicial, and discriminatory comments on social media. The woman was harassed and had a
cup-full of liquid thrown at her as she walked through campus. Andrea said that the
administration denounced these actions, but not much else was done. Andrea said, “I don’t know
what else I expected the administration to do, but I thought just a letter in the school paper and
emails were pretty lame.” Vanessa shared that she did not feel like minority students felt
encouraged to run for a position in student government. She said, “I feel that minorities on
campus didn’t think they were worthy enough to take official roles within the student body.”
Jacob talked about the binary student culture: the wealthy students versus the high
financial need students. He shared students from a lower SES do not seem to have the same
acceptance in the mainstream organizations. Jacob stated,

58
There are a lot of people here at this institution who don’t come from money, but it’s not
really said or not spoken of, but I met a lot of people who had similar stories to mine, but
they just didn’t grow up in South Central, but they grew up in different areas and I never
saw them rise to the top and become the president of one of the mainstream organizations
or clubs. Why that is, it’s up for debate, but from my perspective, it was definitely
because they didn’t have the resume or the, yeah the resume to show that they were
supposed to become the president or the vice president.”
Without understanding how participating in clubs and organizations contributes to
students’ leadership development, LI-FGCS do not prioritize involvement in student-led
programs and are unaware of the impact doing so can have on their college experience and their
overall development as student leaders. All interviewees took notice of the effort the university
made to promote the number of active student organizations as well as the energy put forth to
encourage student involvement and participation. The traditional student organizations with
institutional legacy receive much attention. The university regularly highlighted the programs
and initiatives that the student organizations with institutional legacy engaged in as well as
endorsed the impact these had on the shaping and branding of the university. Interviewees
agreed that the university regularly featured articles in the school paper about various student-led
programming, but most of those were about traditional student-led organizations. Therefore, the
participants did not feel they could be a part of institutional legacy student organizations.
Richard stated,
There are a lot of organizations on campus that go out and help, but no one ever knows of
them because they’re not publicized. They don’t receive the recognition that they
deserve. I know that they don’t do it for that, but it would definitely help because a lot of

59
other people would get involved. If no one knows about them, then they just kind of end
up dying out, and it’s really sad.
All respondents agreed that the university encourages student participation in clubs and
organizations but does not offer much guidance on how doing so is going to benefit their
experience. Some agreed participation can help students better connect with the university, but,
as Steven stated,
I’m here to get a degree, not waste time going to club meetings. I thought I was just
going to come and go to class and just do that for 4 years. Then, I saw the need because I
didn’t see that many people like me. I knew that I had to change. That’s when I started
getting more involved with organizations, or going out and volunteering, or just starting
things up on my own so I could change that.
Participants agreed that the university promoted and encouraged involvement in student-
led clubs and organizations, but none expressed that they really understood the importance of
participating and never received clarification on the role and importance of that participation,
specifically on their development as student leaders.
Interviewees were asked how Pacific Southwest University’s cultural messages
contributed or detracted from their leadership development. The framework for this question
comes from theories on the culture of an organization and the institutional cultural messages that
shape the leadership development of its members. Participants described feeling out of their
league and second-rate when compared to the dominant student culture. Only one participant
knew the institution would have an impact on his leadership skills development.
It was necessary to learn from participants if they were aware of how the institutional
culture affected their leadership development. The goal was to understanding how each defined

60
leadership, how the university showcased student leaders, and if any interviewees associated or
were friends with students who were recognized student leaders. They had varied responses in
defining leadership. Some defined leadership as being able to recognize when something needs
addressing and having a vision for getting others to agree with that issue and have a willingness
to invest time and energy into raising awareness and getting others to agree with that vision
enough so that they will join the team/effort. Others defined leadership as being able to guide
groups of people in achieving a mutually agreed-upon goal. Jacob shared that his leadership
development started from playing soccer. Jacob stated,
The experiences that I had, were of how to rile up the troops, how to get a game plan
from our teacher or from our coach and how to implement that on the field. How to face
adversity, defeat, how to come back from defeat. I would say that was definitely my
experience with leadership to that point, was through the soccer field. I never made the
connection between how you could be successful on the soccer field to how to be
successful in the classroom.
One interviewee was conflicted in defining a leader because she felt that a truly effective leader
is someone who is passionate and driven by a situation. She had encountered peers who identify
themselves as leaders but appear to be so in name only and not motivated by an issue or desire to
bring about change. Vanessa shared,
I don’t know what a leader is anymore. It’s not like, “Okay, you tell me what to do.
You’re a leader.” No, to me, [a] good leader means people that are passionate about what
they believe in, and they’re able to change things, make things happen.
Monica stated, “I see a leader as being someone that knows what they’re doing. You have
enough experience to call yourself a leader.” Andrew shared,

61
I come from very humble background, and that definitely affects my style of leadership
and my level of understanding of people. Especially being like that bridge as the child of
immigrants, just throughout life with language, all of that. I think an effective leader is
someone who is honest, inclusive and organized.
Interviewees had varied responses when defining traits of a leader, but they all used terms
such as passionate about an issue or cause and someone who wants to bring forth change. A
leader, for all participants, seemed to be a person who was action-oriented and recognized an
issue that needed attention and took it upon themselves to gain support from other students to
organize a program or event addressing the issue. The few who did know peers who held
leadership positions in student organizations did not believe that they were invested in bringing
forth change but more interested in being able to say that they were a president or vice president
of a university-recognized student organization.
Role of the Institution and Showcasing of Student Leaders
The remaining two questions examined the aspects of the institutional programing and if
it implicitly excluded students who were unfamiliar with the cultural norms of a PWHSRI. Two
themes emerged: the university supported-programming and leadership culture and the
participants’ perceptions of the leadership message that the institution wants all students to
receive.
The final question examined how the university showcased and celebrated student leaders
and the student organizations which are recognized as legacy organizations and which
continually receive university accolades and are lauded as the standard for all student
organizations.

62
University Influence on Leadership Development
None of the participants devoted much prior thought to how the university would shape
their leadership development. Two stopped the interview and asked how the university would
develop their leadership, wondering if there was a class wherein that happened. Respondents did
not have a full understanding of what the university did to celebrate or acknowledge student
leadership. One participant said, “I guess I just never paid attention.” They all thought that a
true leader has to be passionate and driven on an issue and be clear-sighted in how that vision is
executed. Some were suspicious of some leaders’ having hidden agendas, and a few admitted
that, sometimes, those suspicions impeded their participation because that person may have
displayed personality traits that would make them ineffective leaders. Richard shared,
It doesn’t seem like the university is aware of these small organizations, and they’re not
aware of how much work has to be put into these organizations. Even if they’re as
organized as they can be, they still require so much work because they’re so small and
they don’t have that much help. Even if it’s something as simple as a shirt, for these
mainstream organizations, they can get shirts like nothing. To them, it’s not a big deal,
but, for a small org, it takes so much work. Everyone has to contribute to the shirt. They
have to then find a place to get them. A process that can take about a week for these
mainstream organizations takes probably like a semester for a small org.
Programming and Leadership Culture
All participants thought that the university did all it could to involve students in campus
activities. Clubs and student organizations were heavily promoted, and the interviewees all
agreed that student clubs and organization were regarded as a vital aspect of university life.

63
Stephen said he was shocked to see how many clubs and organizations filled the main
walkway of campus during the first week of classes. He stated, “There must have been hundreds
of tables there of all of the clubs on campus. It was crazy.” The promotion of student clubs was
significant, and nine participants felt the university placed too much importance on joining
organizations and not enough emphasis on academic resources. Brandon stated, “Really, like a
whole day dedicated to learning about student clubs. How about some information on how I can
get some help writing a paper.” Angela stated, “I just didn’t get it. Did they really think me
joining a club was going to make me feel more accepted?”
Vanessa participant stated that seeing the main campus walk filled with tables and
students was overwhelming, and she did not understand why it was such a big deal. She stated,
“I couldn’t wrap my head around how large the crowd of students were. What is such a big deal
about joining a club?” Richard was the only one who knew that he needed to get involved in a
student club, and he actively sought out involvement. He joined two culture-based organizations
his freshman year, and, during his sophomore year, he applied and was accepted into one the
oldest mainstream student organization, which is highly recognized by the university
administration. Richard mentioned the different responses he received when he mentioned he
was part of the university legacy organization: “I felt like I immediately earned Pacific
Southwest University cred [credibility].” He stated his organization is invited to the president’s
house every year and that the organization is seen as the face of the university.
Perceptions of University ’s Leadership Cultural Messages
Asking the interviewees about their understanding of their own leadership development
was necessary in order for them to identify how the university displays leadership and how
leadership is embedded in the university’s cultural messages. All stated the university follows a

64
hierarchical leadership style, and the only place where collective or pluralistic leadership is
practiced is in the individual student clubs. Brandon described the student organization
environment as very competitive. He said,
Yeah, it’s very cutthroat. It’s very formulated and very cutthroat. Just look at the people
who have become president. The people. It’s so strategic, and, coming in as a first-gen,
coming in from a lower background, non-competitive high school, you’re not used to any
of that.
Andrea stated, “It’s totally top-down. There’s no, ‘Let’s work together.’ Based on my
experience, it’s like it doesn’t matter. No work together. No collaboration. We tell you what to
do, and this is what you do.”
How the University Showcases Student Leaders
Eight participants indicated they did not notice how the university acknowledged student
leadership, but two were aware of various student leadership award ceremonies and how the
university showcased students who contributed to student leadership. These two interviewees
stated that the same mainstream student organizations were always recognized by the
university’s president’s office at end-of-year student service award ceremonies. Jacob stated the
mainstream student organizations with legacy status were always nominated and received
awards. Jacob stated,
Every year, the same two fraternities were always awarded for doing the same blood or
book drive for the surrounding community. Typically, from my 4 years here at the
university, the same style of organization or individual always won, which were typically
the ones who were at the forefront of major events. The individuals were at the forefront

65
of campus, problems whatever they may be. You never saw someone or an organization
who was doing the grunt work, I guess you would say, win some of these awards.”
Jacob was the president of his Latino multicultural fraternity and recalled they had a large
impact on the surrounding community, but they were never nominated for any student
recognition awards. When he became president, he vowed that his organization was going to be
recognized for their contributions, Jacob said,
When we compared our application to the other applications, we always felt that ours was
always stronger. The other organizations that won those other years were some of the
large mainstream, the well-known organizations, and we were doing more work. We
were influencing more students. We were just outreaching to more communities, just
doing a lot more work, but we never won it every year back to back to back to back.
Conclusion
The results presented in Chapter Four were synthesized from the statements provided by
the participants to answer the research questions. All participants were LI-FGCS who were
either recent alumni or current students at a PWHSRI. All conveyed that the institutional culture
was not inclusive of LI-FGCS, and, because they did not feel included, they were unaware that
participation in student clubs and organizations would contribute to their leadership
development. The emerging theme of the dominant student culture and the impact that the
dominant student culture had on LI-FGCS participation in student clubs and organizations was
significant. All participants shared their experience of not feeling welcomed or described their
peers overt efforts to let them know that they were different and had little to nothing to
contribute.

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CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS
Colleges and universities across the country declare they are creating tomorrow’s leaders.
However, there is little data to validate that claim and even less evidence of leadership
development for LI-FGCS. This study provides testimony from 10 LI-FGCS representing three
states and four ethnicities. All participants were students or recent alumni of Pacific Southwest
University. All agreed that they were not aware that, in addition to earning a degree, their
enrollment at a PWHSRI would contribute to their leadership skills.
Three significant findings emerged. One was that all interviewees agreed they were
unprepared for the impact the institutional culture would have on their transition to college. The
second finding was that all participants thought they were ill-equipped to handle the student
culture that dominated the campus. The third finding was that the participants were not aware
that leadership skills development of was a potential outcome of college, and they never made
the connection between participating in student organizations and leadership.
Finding One: Institutional Culture and Impact on Transition to College
Participants shared they were not aware or conceived that the campus had its own culture
and did not think that the campus culture would have an impact on their transition to campus life.
They thought their transition to college involved adjusting to living on their own, waking
themselves up for class, having the freedom to come and go as they chose, adjusting to dining
hall food over home-cooked meals. All participants were accustomed to sharing a bedroom with
multiple siblings and/or family members as well as being in a home with only one bathroom, so
that aspect did not dissuade them. Those where some of the transitions to college life they
anticipated being confronted residing on campus. They all knew that they would have to adjust
to campus life and they were prepared to not see as many students of their same ethnic identity.

67
No participants felt like they were prepared for how different their interactions would be with
faculty, administrators, and other students. Guthrie et al. (2013) discuss the necessity of
recognizing that individuals’ behaviors and the make-up of the institution generate subtleties that
can either be affable or jarring. The lack of diversity among students and faculty was
compounded through insensitive comments and behaviors by peers and faculty. Participants
stated that the campus and student culture placed little value in their enrollment or experiences as
LI-FGCS. Guthrie et al. (2013) stated that learning about leadership skills occurs inside and
outside of the classroom and through multiple institutional messages which affirms and validates
the university culture. The participants were aware of the many traditions and customs the
institution upheld and they all willingly learned and adopted those customs and traditions,
thinking that was needed to be accepted and included. They were unaware of whether a student
subculture was welcoming of LI-FGCS.
Finding Two: Subcultures
Schein (2010) discussed that every organization has three subcultures and, to maximize
organizational efficiency, those subcultures should be examined for their alignment with the
organization’s objectives. In addition to managing the campus cultural norms, participants shared
the challenges they faced navigating the student culture. All participants shared they were
prepared for the lack of diversity in the faculty and student body, but they did not expect to
confront what they described as a divisive student culture wherein wealth and economic status
were flaunted. Participants stated that their admission to Pacific Southwest University validated
their high school achievements and was a point of pride for their family and friends. All
expected to have the same educational success that they achieved in high school and did not
doubt their ability to excel in college. That academic confidence diminished when they entered

68
classes and realized how underprepared they were compared to their peers. More importantly,
they knew their peers knew that they had little to no prior exposure to the subject matter, and
they were quickly ruled out as prospective study partners or assets to their academic pursuits.
Another adjustment was being in classes with students whose parents and grandparents
graduated from college. Participants described faculty as assuming that all students had the same
educational background and often referenced concepts as a review when participants were seeing
the material for the first time. Hearing classmates reference a parent or grandparent’s alma mater
or the numerous colleges they visited before accepting admission made they feel like they were
out of their element.
Encountering the faculty and student subculture and not experiencing the same level of
inclusion or value was unanticipated. Interviewees described a different public or outward
facing culture of Pacific Southwest University and the student subculture was in complete
contrast to the values that the university promoted.
Finding Three: Institutional Messaging on Leadership Skills
Leadership skills can be developed indirectly through student engagement and
participation student organizations. Guthrie et al. (2013) stated that leadership skills are nurtured
and developed when students from varied backgrounds and experiences problem solve and
engage with each other. All participants thought student clubs and organizations were solely for
social engagement and not a way to develop leadership skills. No participants’ advisors
suggested they join a student organization or that one of the benefits of doing so is leadership
skills development. Most described feelings of inadequacy in many of their classes, as they did
not feel like they had time or anything meaningful to contribute to a student club or organization.

69
All but one participant joined a multi-cultural or civically focused student organization.
Only one participant who joined a mainstream student organization with a long institutional
legacy. The interviewees who joined clubs that focused on social justice issues did so because
they felt like they could make a difference, that their experiences Pacific Southwest University
students were validated by other students, and that they did not have to pretend to be someone
they were not or feel out of place in a social setting.
Recommendations for Practice
There are two essential areas within the institution which can begin to identify and
address the student subculture and begin to align the student subculture with the institutional
culture that is promoted. One area is in student programming. The administrators overseeing
student life or student activities can require student clubs and organizations to have equity and
inclusion programming written into their constitutions. Also, institutional ceremonies that
acknowledge and celebrate student clubs and organizations can elevate clubs and organizations
that actively seek collaboration with clubs with diverse memberships and programming. By
acknowledging that a student subculture exists, administrators can reshape it through intentional
actions to cultivate a more welcoming and inclusive environment.
Additionally, academic advisors should be aware of first-generation college students on
their caseload and be prepared to offer them additional guidance and support. When advisors
identify and meet with LI-FGCS, they should gather information from the student and be
prepared to support them in their transition to college. Academic advisors should be mindful that
LI-FGCS may be unaware of the institutional and student culture on campus and how those
cultures can affect their acclimation to the campus environment. When it comes to leadership
development, academic advisors can counsel LI-FGCS about the benefits of joining student

70
organizations early in their academic career, explaining that holding leadership positions prepare
them for professional opportunities.
More programming should be developed to encourage LI-FGCS participation in student
clubs and organizations based on these activities’ contributions to their leadership development
and overall college experience. Academic advisors can guide these students when discussing
their schedules and advise them that their participation can enhance their college experience and
contribute to their engagement. Additionally, advisors can show LI-FGCS the importance of
securing a well-rounded experience and the added benefits they will be afforded through this
participation.
Guiding students to enroll in a manageable course load, expressing the importance of
student club participation, and sharing why it is important to do so will aid in building rapport
between the student and the academic advisor. Only one participant indicated that they
recognized that their participation in student clubs as a high school student would serve as the
first step in leadership development. Advisors and counselors of pre-college enrichment
programs should be trained to prepare students for the social adjustments they will experience at
a PWHSRI, make them aware of the social culture on campus, and discuss with them how that
culture can affect their transition.
Recommendations for Research
Research on LI-FGCS should continue to obtain data on factors that contribute to their
success. With additional research, specific aspects of being LI-FGCS may guide programming
for these students to feel like the campus is invested in their success and self-efficacy and
encourages the use of educational resources such as tutoring or learning strategies. Another area
of research is these students’ social and cultural disconnect. The participants all expressed not

71
feeling like they belonged in the campus community. Additional studies should focus on LI-
FGCS understanding of social and cultural acceptance. A closer examination can focus on their
awareness and sustaining of their cultural and social identity while not feeling isolated or
disconnected from the dominant culture.
Limitations
The primary limitation of this study is the small sample of 10 interviewees. Conducting a
quantitative study with a larger number of participants across varied PWHSRI would offer a
greater depth of understanding and range of perspectives. This study interviewed LI-FGCS
students from several different high schools, and most interviewees participated in a pre-college
enrichment program. Having some respondents participate in this type of program and others
may not have affected the responses. Prior campus exposure provided reassurance that they
knew how to physically navigate the campus. That familiarity may have influenced their
responses. Conducting a study with participants with no prior experience with a campus may
offer a more consistent study.
Conclusion
The transition to college is often challenging, but adding social, economic, and cultural
differences makes that transition even more difficult to navigate. Due to a lack of familiarity
with the cultural norms of the majority campus culture, interviewees felt like guests on their
campus. Not having social or cultural familiarity can position an individual as an observer until
they connect to the majority culture’s norms. Interpreting social cues, mannerisms, behaviors,
and body language is one of the traits that a person will have to learn to navigate.
All participants expressed high academic confidence prior to their first semester at the
university. Lower SES, low academic preparedness, minimal cultural and ethnic representation

72
in classes, and micro-aggressive comments played a role in their believing they did not
contribute to the campus culture. The sense that they did not contribute or that their presence at
the university was of no importance had a significant impact on them. The unspoken message
they received was that they should not expect guidance on how to navigate the campus or student
culture.
In different ways, all interviewees spoke about the student culture that dominated the
campus culture. They stated they were unaware and unprepared to address the student culture
that was the gatekeeper to campus opportunities. With faculty and administrators either unaware
or unwilling to address the student culture, it will be difficult for students who do not meet
student culture standards to feel empowered enough to challenge the existing state of affairs.
Thus, encouraging students to identify the different ways they can apply and use leadership skills
will strengthen and establish a natural disposition to employ those leadership skills in a variety of
circumstances. All except one participant expressed they knew that gaining a leadership position
in a student organization would contribute to their leadership skills development.
For students with prior leadership experience, understanding that the strategies of
motivation, preparing for an opponent, or working together can be applied in the classroom can
alleviate some of the anxiety related to school, and school may not feel so burdensome. With
many opportunities for students but little follow-through to see the make-up of student
participation, it does not seem like the institution in this study fully invested in determining the
full impact of student participation.

73
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APPENDIX: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
Research Question: What factors contribute to the development of leadership skills in LI-FGCS?
1. How do LI-FGCS perceive the institutional culture at PWHSRI?
2. What role does institutional programming play in the development of leadership
skills of LI-FGCS?
3. What institutional cultural messages influence the development of leadership
skills in LI-FGCS?
Background Information
1. What made you decide to accept admission to Pacific Southwest University (PSU)?
a. What do you like most about the PSU?
b. Probe: did you always know that you wanted to go to a school with these
characteristics?
c. What don’t you like about the PSU?
a. Probe: how do you manage the aspects of the university that you do not
like?
2. How would you describe your transition to PSU
3. Describe some of the things that you did to “fit in” at PSU
4. Do you work while going to school full time?
a. Probe: how many hours per week?
b. do you work on campus or off campus?
c. do you work so that you do not have to take out additional student loans?
d. Is your student work related to your future profession?
5. Have you participated in an internship?
a. Probe: If yes was it a paid internship?
RQ 1a Institutional Culture
6. How would you describe the culture at the PSU?
a. describe the ways that you relate to the culture at PSU
b. describe the ways that you do not relate to the culture at PSU
7. What institutional barriers do you think a LI-FGCS experiences
8. What institutional barriers do you think a student with an educational legacy experience?
9. As a LI-FGCS are you aware of any programs or services specifically designed for LI-
FGCS
10. Tell me your thoughts on whether programs or services should be available for LI-FGCS
11. What are your thoughts on whether ones cultural background has any bearing on their
leadership style
12. Tell me your thoughts on what culture you believe PSU embodies?
a. Probe: in what way does PSU display the cultural traits that you previously
described
RQ 1b Institutional Programming
13. Do you participate in on campus clubs or student organizations?
a. what strategies do you put in place so that you can balance school and
participation in student organizations
b. What purpose do you think clubs and student organizations serve?
14. Does PSU emphasize a lot of student involvement?
a. Probe: What are your thoughts on PSU push for student involvement?

79
RQ 1c Institutional Cultural Messages
13 How do you define leadership?
a. Do you consider yourself a leader?
b. Do you think PSU recognizes you as a leader?
15. Do you have relationships with students who are recognized as campus leaders
16. How does PSU showcase student leaders?
17. In your opinion do you think that PSU can support your development of leadership skills?
18. Probe: how do you think that PSU can contribute to your development of leadership
skills

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The purpose of this study was to understand the leadership skills development of low-income first-generation college students at a predominately White highly selective research institution. This study sought to understand the role of institutional culture in this process. Empirical evidence shows that institutional culture is embedded in leadership, and there is research showing that these students are often from a different cultural background than the institutional one. Through a grounded theory approach, this qualitative study aimed to find out if the institutional culture affects these students’ leadership skills development. Juniors, seniors, and recent graduates were interviewed. The participants were asked to reflect on their first year at the university and to share their institutional and individual experiences adjusting to the institutional culture and to share when they realized they should have expected to develop leadership skills as college students. The results affirmed that the existing institutional culture at these institutions does not support this populations’ leadership skills development, and these students often do not recognize the importance of seeking and participating in student leadership opportunities until they are juniors or seniors.

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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Ingleton, Anastasia Bernadette (author)

Core Title Development of leadership skills of low-income first-generation college students at predominately White, highly selective research institutions

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Degree Conferral Date 2021-12

Publication Date 09/21/2021

Defense Date 04/29/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag first generation college students,leadership development,low income,OAI-PMH Harvest,organizational culture,predominately White institutions

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Green, Alan (committee chair)

Creator Email abic@usc.edu,ingletonabi@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC15919470

Unique identifier UC15919470

Legacy Identifier etd-IngletonAn-10081

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Ingleton, Anastasia Bernadette

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu