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Understanding Native American women’s beliefs, values, and expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization

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Understanding Native American women’s beliefs, values, and expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization

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Understanding Native American Women’s Beliefs, Values, and Expectations for
Engagement with the Girl Scout Organization
by
Amanda Hofmann-Handy

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2021

© Copyright by Amanda Hofmann-Handy 2021
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Amanda Hofmann-Handy certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Esther Kim
Helena Seli
Kimberly Hirabayashi, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021

iv

Abstract
This study sought to generate a better understanding of Native American women’s beliefs,
values, and expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization. Thoroughly examined
were the different worldviews co-existing within the continental United States, those of
collectivism commonly practiced within Native American tribal communities and the
individualistic-based lens commonly leveraged by western and/or Eurocentric societies. The Girl
Scout organization, while Eurocentric in design, practices engagement centered on collectivism-
based values. Also examined was the relationship between the Girl Scout organization and tribal
communities over time and throughout complex sociohistorical contexts. The two-tiered
conceptual framework leveraged to serve as a lens for this study utilized both Social Cognitive
Theory (SCT) and Expectancy Value Theory (EVT). The methodology was a qualitative design
consisting of semi-structured, series-based interviews and artifact analysis. The findings showed
the Native American women who participated in this study believe in and value the Girl Scout
organization, yet they must navigate systemic barriers to have their expectations for engagement
met. This study has generated three recommendations for practice based on the findings and
conceptual framework. Utilized to generate the recommendations for future research are the
limitations and delimitations identified for this study. This study generated insights that will
better inform future strategies and practices that will meet the needs of Native American female
participants engaging with the Girl Scout organization.

v

Dedication
To Stella, I dedicate this body of work to you, my sweet girl. Let this be proof that if you persist,
you too can achieve anything. I love you.

vi

Acknowledgements
I would like to first acknowledge my dissertation committee. My chair, Dr. Hirabayashi,
thank you for your time, your expertise, your patience, and your belief in my ability to succeed.
Fellow committee members, Dr. Seli and Dr. Kim, I deeply appreciate your feedback, time, and
the expertise you contributed to my dissertation. In addition, I would like to recognize my cohort
12 colleagues. Your camaraderie and continual positivity supported me tremendously throughout
the program. Thank you.
I would like to acknowledge the Girl Scouts Arizona - Cactus-Pine Council and the
GSACPC History Committee. The support provided by the organization and my colleagues to
complete this study was above and beyond reasonable expectations. Every idea I had and every
hour I needed was met with a simple, “yes.” I want to personally extend gratitude to Tamara
Woodbury, CEO, Christina Spicer, Deputy Director, and Nancy Buell, Girl Scout Volunteer and
History Committee maven, for your support and trust. I would also like to acknowledge my
colleagues, Manny Rojolemus, Natalie Davenport, Trudy Pekala, and Alycia Elfstrom, thank you
for your friendship and support. I would also like to express deep gratitude to my participants,
thank you for your trust, your time, and your wisdom.
I would like to acknowledge my family. My husband, Dagan Handy, my rock, and my
stepson Jordan Handy. Thank you for your continual love, belief in me, and support. My parents,
Tom and Sue Hofmann, thank you for being my cheerleaders and steadily standing in my corner
no matter what. My in-laws, Mike and Lillian Woods, thank you for your constant love and
support. My siblings, Wendy Sethman and Brian Hofmann, plus their beautiful families; this
journey was possible because of your unending support, love, and silly memes.

vii

Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Context and Background of the Problem ............................................................................ 2
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions .................................................................... 4
Importance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 4
Overview of the Theoretical Framework and Methodology............................................... 5
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 7
Organization of the Dissertation ......................................................................................... 8
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................... 9
Research on the Native American Experience .................................................................. 11
Girl Scout History and Principles ..................................................................................... 23
Native American and Girl Scout Engagement .................................................................. 25
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 29
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 33
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 34
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 34
Overview of Design .......................................................................................................... 34
Research Setting................................................................................................................ 36
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 37

viii

Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 38
Research Ethics ................................................................................................................. 47
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 49
Research Question 1: What Is the Native American Woman’s Experience When
Engaging with the Girl Scouts? ............................................................................ 50
Research Question 2: What Are Native American Women’s Perceived Values for
Participating with the Girl Scouts? ....................................................................... 70
Research Question 3: How Can the Girl Scouts Better Partner with Local Tribal
Communities to Promote the Development of Native American Women and
Girls? ..................................................................................................................... 92
Summary of Findings ...................................................................................................... 128
Chapter Five: Recommendations ................................................................................................ 130
The Native American Woman’s Experience and Beliefs about the Girl Scout
Organization ........................................................................................................ 131
Recommendations for Practice ....................................................................................... 141
Limitations and Delimitations ......................................................................................... 146
Recommendations for Future Research .......................................................................... 147
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 149
References ................................................................................................................................... 151
Appendix A: Interview Questions .............................................................................................. 173
Appendix B: Interview Invitation Template ............................................................................... 177
Appendix C: Participant Information Sheet for Exempt Research ............................................. 179
Appendix D: Artifact Analysis Matrix ....................................................................................... 181

ix

List of Tables
Table 1: Data Sources 36
Table 2: Group Criteria and Participants 40
Table 3: Participant Overview 52
Table 4: Findings: Research Question 2 71
Table 5: Findings: Research Question 3 93

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Native Americans and the Girl Scout organization share a partnership that is over 100
years old. Contrary to the origins of the relationship, today Native American participants self-
select to engage with the organization. Initially, Girl Scout participation was a mandated
component in some boarding schools where assimilation was the intent, and these practices
generated historic trauma. It is important the Girl Scout organization be cognizant of and diligent
in the recognition of practices, curriculum, and behaviors which may replicate and potentially
reinforce systems that generate trauma for Native American participants. The Girl Scout
organization provides excellent opportunities for both female youth and their adult caregivers;
therefore, the appropriate cultural lens should be applied and understood prior to engagement
within tribal communities.
When considered, the world views of most tribal entities and that of the Girl Scout
organization appear to be in alignment today, and, therefore, Native American membership
should be greater represented in the organization (Dvorakova, 2018; Girl Scouts, n.d.-g;
Vandello & Cohen, 1999). While there are Native American Girl Scout troops across the
country, recruitment efforts and sustainable engagement are challenging. Currently, there are
under 400 registered Girl Scouts within the Navajo Nation, which is the largest tribal reservation
and native population in the country (Navajo Tourism Department, 2020; U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services, 2020). According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services (2020), the tribe has over 300,000 registered individuals, nearly half of whom live on
the reservation, encompassing an area approximately the same size as the State of West Virginia.
For comparison, the Girl Scouts of Black Diamond Council, which manages West Virginia,
serves over 8,500 girls, while the Girl Scouts Arizona - Cactus-Pine Council serves 20,000 girls,
2

including the entirety of the Navajo Nation and Hopi Lands (Girl Scouts–Arizona Cactus-Pine,
2020; Girl Scouts of Black Diamond, 2020). The Girl Scout organization informally speculates
that a lack of resources, plus access to employment and transportation for those living on tribal
reservations are barriers to participation, while many participating Navajo and Hopi members do
so via school affiliates.
This study examined both historical and current realities of Native American engagement
with external entities, including appropriate cultural context program and curriculum design for
Native American learners and ultimately sought to understand why Native American women
today elect to participate with the Girl Scout organization (Association on American Indian
Affairs, n.d.; Augare et al., 2017). Understanding Native American women’s motivations,
beliefs, values, and expectations for participation with the organization is critical for determining
if the organization has achieved its programmatic goals and outcomes, were cognizant of best
cultural alignment practices, and, most importantly, met the expectations of tribal members to
sustain engagement.
Context and Background of the Problem
The Girl Scouts is a nonprofit organization that for over 100 years has sought to serve
both female youth and adults with character and leadership development programs within the
United States and is a global leader in providing access and equitable experiences for all-female
youth (Girl Scouts, n.d.-a). The Girls Scouts has been engaged with Native American tribal
communities in the United States since the 1920s and participated in extracurricular
programming for female youth within Native American boarding schools (Anonymous, 1934;
Girl Scouts, n.d.-a, n.d.-b; “Girl Scout Whiteriver troop 1,” 1933-1935). Native American
communities have endured significant trauma, such as mass relocation, the establishment of
3

reservations, and boarding school assimilation practices (Bess, 2017; Geisler, 2013; Stout, 2012).
According to Stout (2012), Native American boarding schools are infamous for the long-lasting
detriment inflicted upon tribal people.
Established in the late 1800s, boarding schools assimilated Native Americans to
Eurocentric society and culture to establish better American Indian and White relations (Slivka,
2011; Stout, 2012). According to the authors, assimilation practices in boarding schools included
the erasure of Native American languages, religion, and culture via the extraction of youth from
their families and communities. In boarding schools, Native Americans were forced to cut their
hair, dress in current European fashion, learn English, and model the behavior of their White
educators (Bess, 2017; Evans-Campbell et al., 2012; Slivka, 2011; Stout, 2012). Similar
practices, while not instigated by the Girl Scouts, were reinforced by donning organization-
specific uniforms and mandated program participation (Anonymous, 1934; “Girl Scout
Whiteriver troop 1,” 1933-1935; “Girl Scout Wingate School troop 1,” 1944; Small, 1932). The
negative outcomes of boarding school initiatives such as substance abuse and the loss of self-
identity are well documented and attributed to the collective historic trauma plaguing tribal
communities today (Evans-Campbell et al., 2012; Lajimodiere, 2011; Zephier Olson &
Dombrowski, 2019). The Girl Scouts has continued to be engaged in many Native American
communities across the United States, supporting female youth and adults with programmatic
experiences designed to promote character and leadership skills development in alignment with
feminine tribal perspectives, and has sought greater Native American participation within tribal
regions.
4

Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to gain an understanding of Native American women’s
motivations, beliefs, values, and expectations for selecting to engage with the Girl Scouts
organization. Native American cultures are rooted in collectivism as opposed to individualism,
which describes an opposing cultural context to that of Eurocentric cultures (Slivka, 2011).
Bandura (2002) asserted that culture shapes behavioral outcomes. The Girl Scout curriculum was
developed with a Eurocentric lens; however, the program delivery mechanisms emphasize
collectivism (Birenbaum-Carmeli, 2001; Girl Scouts, n.d.-g). There are complexities due to the
historical background and modern-day disparities between the United States as the external
society and that of Native American communities within tribal reservations, such as limited
access to running water and electricity, and functioning in different cultural contexts (Clary,
2011; Hodge et al., 2009). To understand if the Girl Scouts achieved its mission and
programmatic goals, supporting Native American participants in their individually culturally
appropriate contexts, and to determine how to increase participation in tribal communities, it was
important to answer the following research questions:
1. What is the Native American woman’s experience when engaging with the Girl Scouts?
2. What are Native American women’s perceived values for participating with the Girl
Scouts?
3. How can the Girl Scouts better partner with local tribal communities to promote the
development of Native American women and girls?
Importance of the Study
This study is important because it sought to generate an understanding that will better
support alignment with the perceived values and cultural context for Native Americans engaging
5

with the Girl Scout organization, as well as avoid practices that reinforce trauma. This may lend
itself to the development of improved mechanisms for sustaining nonprofit organization
engagement within tribal communities (Council of Nonprofits, 2019; NCAI Policy Research
Center & MSU Center for Native Health Partnerships, 2012; Reclaiming Native Truth, 2018).
There are many examples of the development of both formal and informal curriculum and
interventions with an appropriate Native American cultural lens that sought to better serve tribal
youth that have manifested positive outcomes (Agbo, 2001; Augare et al., 2017; Castagno &
Brayboy, 2008; Pinxten, 1991). According to Grim (1998), it is important to sustain this work by
applying the learning to nonprofit organizations seeking to serve Native American communities,
as even philanthropic efforts have different contextual meanings within tribal entities.
Overview of the Theoretical Framework and Methodology
This section provides a brief overview of the theoretical frameworks applied to this study,
the justification for their use, and a summary of the methodological approaches leveraged to
answer the research questions. This study utilized two theoretical frameworks, social cognitive
theory and expectancy-value theory. Social cognitive theory (SCT), developed by Albert
Bandura, pertains to three primary containers: (a) cognitive or the personal sphere, (b) behaviors,
and (c) environmental factors (Bandura, 2002, 2018). The author leverages an agentic
perspective when considering how the three containers interact both internally and externally.
Essentially, the SCT, when applied to individuals, contributes to the understanding of how
human beings engage within their specific environments (Bandura, 2005). The expectancy-value
theory (EVT), developed by Martin Fishbein, also leverages three primary behavioral indicators:
(a) beliefs, (b) values, and (c) expectations (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000; American Psychological
Association, n.d.). According to Ajzen and Fishbein (2000), these three elements contribute to an
6

individual’s attitude about a thing and both attitudes and perspectives may change over time.
Feather (2002) suggested that an individual’s perceptions of outcomes link to decision-making,
which originates within the components of EVT. Understanding Native American women’s
values and outcome expectations, in tandem with their beliefs and environmental situ, is critical
for unearthing their motivation for participation with external organizations (Feather, 2002;
Wigfield & Eccles, 2000). Therefore, both SCT and EVT have been appropriate to leverage as
theoretical frameworks for this study.
The methodology used for this study is a qualitative design. The reason this study calls
for a qualitative design is it is based on generating an understanding and gleaning of knowledge
of Native American women’s perspectives from their specific cultural lenses (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2017). Defined as a case study, this qualitative design leveraged both interviews and
artifact analysis to answer the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2017). As described by the
authors, a case study is appropriate because this study is bounded by a specific organization, and
the individuals have self-selected to engage with the organization. The interview participants
were separated into two groups, those who participated with the Girl Scouts as children and as
adults and those who have only engaged as adults. Both groups have participated in semi-
structured interviews. The second portion of this case study has included artifact analysis that
consisted of a compilation of secondary and historic artifacts containing internal organization
documents, newspaper articles, organization publications, photos, and videos (Beuving & De
Vries, 2015; Merriam, & Tisdell, 2017; Norum, 2008; Pink, 2007). The research conducted for
this project is a comprehensive, qualitative case study that leveraged triangulation, which
increased internal validity.
7

Definition of Terms
This section will define and contextualize key words pertinent to this study.
Agentic
Utilized by psychologist Albert Bandura, agentic perspective is the framework for social
cognitive theory (Bandura, 2018). Agentic is the perspective that people not only produce
societies, but are products of society (Agentic, n.d.).
Cultural Context
When utilized in this study, the definition of cultural context pertains to understanding
perceptions from another’s perspective and taking into consideration their world view and
understanding of things. According to Johnson and Christensen (2014), when employing this
phrase, it also includes understanding different points of view with empathy.
Eurocentrism
Eurocentrism is a perspective that is in alignment with a European or western lens
pertaining to societal values, justice, and rights, which is prevalent within the United States
(Hickling‐Hudson & Ahlquist, 2003; Pokhrel, 1970). The authors also wrote that within a
Eurocentrism perspective, there is an assumed supremacy over other cultural perspectives.
Native American
Native American refers to indigenous people from the western hemisphere, including
those from North, Central, and South America (Native American, n.d.). For the purposes of this
study, any reference to Native Americans is in the context of those who have lived or live within
the continental United States.
8

Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter One of this study includes the introduction to the problem of practice, context,
and background surrounding Native American women and Girl Scout engagement. Also
included is the purpose of the project, the research questions, the importance of conducting this
study, an overview of the methodology, and definitions of the key words and phrases. Chapter
Two is a comprehensive review of the literature, including both the modern and historical
contexts pertinent to Native American women and the Girl Scout organization. Chapter Three
outlines the qualitative research methodology and triangulation with historic and modern
artifacts, sampling criteria, and the interview protocols. Chapter Four describes and synthesizes
the findings of the research, and Chapter Five discusses the recommendations based on the
outcomes of this study.

9

Chapter Two: Literature Review
The following literature review examines historic and modern systemic conflicts which
impact Native Americans. Also included is the history of the Girl Scout organization plus the
evolution of the long-term relationship between the organization and Native American tribes.
SCT and EVT are the two theoretical lenses applied to this literature review to better understand
Native American cognition, behavior, and environmental perspectives, as well as their beliefs,
values, and expectations (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000; Bandura, 1999, 2002). Understanding Native
American motivations may lead to the attainment of outcome achievement during engagement
with external entities (Basto et al., 2012; Mousseau et al., 2014; Torres, 2017). Basto et al.
(2012) wrote the integration of Native American values into interventions positively impacts
depressive symptoms in youth. To better understand the population central to this study and the
concepts defined within the theoretical frameworks, a preliminary exploration of the literature
was conducted.
In the United States, there are 574 federally recognized tribal entities, though it is
important to mention there are additional Native American groups that remain unrecognized by
state and federal authorities (NCAI, 2020a). According to the U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services (2019) and the U.S. Census Bureau (2011), there are approximately 5.2 million
Native Americans and Alaskan Natives living in the United States. This amounts to 1.7% of the
total U.S. population (NCAI, 2020a; U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). According to the authors, 2.9
million individuals wholly identify as American Indians or Alaskan Natives, and 2.3 million are
of mixed race. In 2018, there were approximately 1.2 million Native American and Alaskan
Native men and 1.2 million women in the United States, with women showing a slightly higher
population size at approximately 38,000 more women than men (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018).
10

This data contributes to the overall understanding of the Native American population within the
United States, while relevant literature will provide insight to the Native American experience.
The initial examination of literature for this study led to two realizations: there is very
limited research from the Native American perspective or about Native Americans that does not
leverage a deficit perspective, and even less pertaining to Native American women. While
limited, most research discovered pertaining specifically to Native American women was located
under topics associated with medical studies and not relevant to this study. Many medical studies
pair Native American women with Alaskan Native women, and this aligns with the
categorization of demographic information found within United States census data (NCAI,
2020b; U.S. Census Bureau, 2011, 2018). In addition, Native American women are often
grouped in research studies with other women of color, including both African American and
Hispanic women. These occurrences were found across the social sciences, education, and
medical research studies. The quantity of research specific to Native American women emerged
as a limiting factor; therefore, a broader approach to discover relevant literature was necessary.
Due to the deficiency in research pertaining to Native American women’s perspectives, a
comprehensive overview of literature pertaining to the Native American experience within the
social sciences and educational fields was employed. The topics that emerged from the literature
intersect the Native American experience and Girl Scout engagement over time. The four topics
of research identified to support answering the research questions are (a) education, (b) natural
resources, (c) authority and positionality, and (d) cultural context. Based on the preliminary
research, these four topics will support the understanding of both SCT and EVT frameworks,
specifically providing insight about Native American perspectives (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000;
Bandura, 1999, 2002; Cherubini; 2010; Dearth, 2011; Eason & Robbins, 2012; Torres, 2017). In
11

addition, historic trauma is a construct consistently found within all four topics of research
pertaining to the Native American experience. Due to its inherent relevancy and impact on
Native Americans, it is important to review this topic first to provide an additional lens for
exploring the four identified research topics.
Research on the Native American Experience
The historic trauma inflicted upon Native American women presents a significant
psychological layer affecting their beliefs, values, and expectations. Historic trauma is founded
on the principles of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which was recognized in 1980 as an
authentic disorder by the American Psychiatric Association (Evans-Campbell, 2008; U.S
Department of Veterans Affairs, n.d.; Willmon-Haque & Bigfoot, 2008). Historic trauma is often
leveraged as a focal point to reference a specific culture or group of individuals who have
experienced significant suffering and distress over time, such as Native American populations
(Evans-Campbell, 2008; Emerson et al., 2017; Hamby et al., 2019; Willmon-Haque & Bigfoot,
2008). According to Evans-Campbell (2008) and Hamby et al. (2019), historic trauma presents
behaviorally in a multitude of ways that include substance abuse, sexual assault, depression, and
anxiety, all of which lead to a continual undermining of traditional values, practices, and
ultimately reinforces poverty and low success rates in school. To gain an understanding of the
historic trauma within tribal communities, it is necessary to understand the origins.
The origination of Native American historic trauma began with their engagement with
European settlers; it has continued over time, and persists today within the United States.
Historic trauma developed when Native Americans first encountered White settlers during the
16th and 17th centuries, during the Indian Removal Act of 1830, and the establishment of
boarding schools in 1879 (History.com Editors, 2019; Kratz, 2017; Stout, 2012; Zephier et al.,
12

2019). By 1900, the United States established a Native American reservation system that sought
to contain indigenous people within established boundaries (Cahill, 2011; Geisler, 2013).
Boarding schools ran from 1879 and began shutting down in the 1930s with the expansion of
public schools (Bess, 2017; Evans-Campbell et al., 2012; Stout, 2012). According to Stout
(2012), it was only because of the Great Depression early in the 1930s that many boarding and
day schools remained functional, as these were the only establishments for Native American
youth to receive an education during this period of time. The environment for Native American
learners continues to be less than optimal, as their contextual understanding of the world around
them is persistently at odds with the formal education framework within the United States.
Native American Education
Education for Native American learners operates within a fragmented system. The U.S.
Bureau of Indian Education (BIE) manages some public schools located on reservations and
operates within a disjointed management system (Stewart, 2011). According to Stewart (2011),
only 7% of Native American youth attend schools operated by the BIE. The author asserts nearly
90% of Native American youth attend integrated public schools with non-native students. The
BIE manage a total of 183 schools in 23 states and of these, 130 schools are tribally controlled
(U.S. Bureau of Indian Education, 2019). The BIE directly operates 53 schools, and each of these
schools is dependent upon national programs and grant funding (Stewart, 2011). Therefore, BIE
schools must meet the same set of national standards as other schools across the country, which
generates inequity due to cultural and linguistic differences (Balter & Grossman, 2009; Hopkins,
2014). National educational laws have also negatively impacted education for Native American
youth.
13

Signed into law in 2002, the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) mandated uniform
standards of achievement nationwide (Balter & Grossman, 2009; Hopkins, 2014; Winstead et al.,
2008). According to Balter and Grossman (2009), these standards of achievement dictated
funding opportunities for schools based on student test scores. According to the BIE (2019), the
percentage of Native American students attending BIE schools categorized as proficient or
advanced in math plummeted from approximately 54% to 30%, nearly a 25% decrease in
proficiency, from 2004 to 2006. In 2013, the overall proficiency for Native American students in
math was 35%, highlighting a low rate of math proficiency (U.S. Bureau of Indian Education,
2019). However, according to the National Center for Educational Statistics (NCES) (n.d.) in
2017, 40% of fourth graders nationwide were at or above math proficiency. Highlighted in the
NCES (n.d.) data, but not the BIE (2019) data, was scale and grade level distinction. According
to Balter and Grossman (2009), educators in Native American schools shifted curriculum to align
with the new mandated national standards. This shift led to the elimination of culturally relevant
instruction and topics, which affected self-determination, the sustainability of native culture, and
dismantled the appropriate cultural educational schema for students (Balter & Grossman, 2009;
Hopkins, 2014; Winstead et al., 2008).
There is well-documented history surrounding the ebb and flow of attempts to assimilate
Native American students within the United States’ formal policies and frameworks that govern
public education (Quijada Cerecer, 2013; Stout, 2012; Winstead et al., 2008). Blanket
educational policies further marginalize the most vulnerable populations and eliminate key
cultural foundational elements such as language and knowledge (Balter & Grossman, 2009;
Reyhner, 2017; Winstead et al., 2008). Recognizing this as a pronounced issue has led to NCLB
policy amendments (Stewart, 2011). The U.S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs approved
14

S.1262 (also H.R.3569) Native Culture, Language, and Access for Success in Schools (NCA),
then passed it to the U.S. Senate for review and approval (S.1262: The Native Culture, 2011;
Stewart, 2011). The 112
th
United States Congress passed H.R.3569 on December 6, 2011
(Congress.gov, 2011). According to Stewart (2011), the NCA designed to map a comprehensive
education plan that included cultural practices and languages that support the Native American
student and to promote the sustainability of culture.
Understanding cultural relevancy and integrating these practices and nuances into formal
educational policies may have profound and positive outcomes for Native American youth.
Cultural relevancy is a broad term and purported to serve the whole of the individual, including
their mental health needs (Bigfoot et al., 2010). The authors claim that 26% of American Indians
and Alaskan Natives live in poverty, in comparison to 13% of other Americans, and poverty has
proven to negatively impact mental health. Bigfoot et al. (2010) asserted that it is necessary to
comprehend the two centuries of conflict inflicted upon Native Americans by United States’
actions and policies to understand the critical need for culturally aligned services, including
education. Within Native American education, the inclusion of culturally relevant curriculum
and methods may include elements such as immersion in indigenous language, native historical
perspectives, and practices (Lopez et al., 2013; Reyhner, 2017; Yazzie-Mintz, 2011). According
to Lopez et al. (2013), generational oral knowledge transfer is the traditional practice within most
Native American cultures, and integration policies and western practices, both historic and
modern, do not align with standardization methods.
Language and communication are foundational elements which both sustain culture and
support education. There are multiple ways to support the rebuilding of the framework for
traditional Native American knowledge sharing as well as integrating educational scaffolding
15

that will support the needs of Native American youth (Boognl, 2006; López et al., 2013; Yazzie-
Mintz, 2011). One of the identified ways to construct cultural relevancy is to support native
language revitalization (Carjuzaa, 2017; Mavrogordato, 2012). Native language is the core of
cultural inclusion and relevancy (Carjuzaa, 2017; Hale et al., 1992; Reyhner, 2017; Yazzie-
Mintz, 2011). Carjuzaa (2017) stated the loss of language currently occurring in Native
American communities contributes to the loss of both cultural and intellectual diversity. This is
one of the many reasons the Native American Languages Act passed in 1990, with a grant
addition in 1992, amended in 2015, and was reauthorized in 2019 (S.256: Ester Martinez Native,
2019; Hale et al., 1992). An example of successful implementation of native language integration
was the passing of the State of Montana’s constitutional mandate, Indian Education for All
(IEFA) (Carjuzaa, 2017). According to the author, this mandate was designed to integrate
American Indian history, culturally relevant context, and languages across all grade levels. In
fully immersive native language schools, there have been positive outcomes, including signs of
language revitalization and protecting cultural traditions (Carjuzaa, 2017; Reyhner, 2017;
Yazzie-Mintz, 2011). Carjuzaa (2017) wrote that collaborating with local Native American tribes
and mandating fully immersive opportunities for Native American youth promote both equality
and equity. Fully immersive opportunities may also include informal educational experiences,
which may reinforce cultural relevance, support self-determination, and contribute towards an
environment conducive for positive Native American youth development.
Native American Youth and Informal Education
Informal educational opportunities for Native American youth that have shown the most
positive outcomes for their individual beliefs, values, and expectations are those aligned with
relevant cultural context. For Native Americans, intrinsically tied to sovereignty is self-
16

determination, this ability to select for oneself as to whether she should engage and be open to
new experiences, which is very important to maintaining a growth and learning oriented mindset
(Hopkins, 2014; Limb et al., Williams, 2012). According to Williams (2012), Native Americans
consider cultural knowledge the keystone for success for individuals and the overarching tribal
collective.
Considering the environment surrounding Native Americans, customs and practices are
necessary considerations when developing informal educational experiences, as these factors
influence how youth learn (Huffman, 2013; Mack et al., 2012; Price & Mencke, 2013). Price and
Mencke (2013) devised a model via an informal camp experience that would encourage Native
American youth to develop of ownership of their own learning in a relatable cultural context that
would cumulate in relevant, community-focused outcomes. The authors found that when Native
American youth are empowered to shape their own programmatic outcomes, in the appropriate
context, they do indeed take ownership. Fostering connectivity between formal and informal
education is critical for Native American participants, as there is a continuity between their
cognition and the environment around them (Cajete, 2017; Cajete & Pueblo, 2010; Unsworth et
al., 2012). Cajete and Pueblo (2010) describe Native American learning as the exploration of the
world around them that lends itself to community-centric outcomes. When considering informal
education design as relevant for Native American youth, it may be important to consider natural
resources as a source of connectivity for tribal learners.
Natural Resources
Within traditional Native American beliefs, the holistic wellbeing of the community
connects to the surrounding environment. Cajete et al. (2005) wrote this thinking is collectively,
a spiritual ecology. The foundation for Native American belief systems may be summarized into
17

seven categories: (a) environmental, which represents the natural world, (b) mythic, including
both language and metaphors, (c) visionary, the psychological and spiritual individual
experiences derived from community, (d) artistic, utilized for expression and transfer of
knowledge, (e) affective, which includes emotion, the heart, connection to community, and the
natural world, (f) communal, representing society and community, and (g) spiritual, which is the
cohesive link between the previous six categories and includes traditions, ceremonies, and belief
systems (Cajete, 2003; Cajete et al., 2005). The Native American perceived connection between
themselves and their environment plays a role in their cognitive perspectives.
Understanding the relationship between Native Americans and the natural world,
deficient access to natural resources impacts the whole of their wellbeing. Access to water was
determined to be a human right in 1977 and may often be limited within tribal reservations
depending on natural watershed, rights to river access, plus the capacity effectively to manage
waterways (Cronin & Ostergren, 2007; Murillo Chá varro, 2015). An example is a recent dispute
concerning Native American land rights, access, and maintenance of freshwater quality is the
Dakota Access Keystone Pipeline conflict centered in the Midwest United States, North Dakota
to Illinois (Estes, 2017; Rome, 2018; Whyte, 2019). According to Rome (2018) and Whyte
(2019), the construction of the oil pipeline threatened both water quality and cultural heritage
sites. Whyte (2019) claimed the land designated for the oil pipeline was not conceded to the
United States government and remains under the ownership and authority of the Dakota and
Lakota people of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe. According to Emmons (2018), the Standing
Rock Sioux Tribe lost the battle for land rights on January 24, 2017. There have been numerous
land rights conflicts over time, and this an ongoing point of contention between tribal entities and
the United States government.
18

Land is a sacred entity among Native American people; the subject of environmental
justice is prevalent when considering the modern contexts concerning the environment of tribal
people. The United States government oversees 2.9 million dollars of Native American trust
funds, in addition to managing a statutory system pertaining to land rights and use; today tribal
sovereignty may be interpreted and defined differently by individual judicial systems (Dongoske
et al., 2015; Emmons, 2018; Hart, 2012). Hutt (2009) claimed the United States court systems
are not unified; therefore, the government is unable to provide uniform protections for Native
American cultural and spiritual sites. According to the author, the Navajo Nation versus the
United States Forest Service was a case in which a land lease for recreation purposes would risk
the health of the land, yet the Navajo Nation lost the suit because they could not provide
scientific proof that generating snow would be a detriment to the sanctity of the land, nor
prohibit its continued use as a spiritual site. The natural environment is paramount to Native
American spirituality and self-identity.
Perspectives of Authority and Positionality
As tribal entities seek to find balance between their own belief systems and perspectives
with that of the United States, within each tribal entity there is an internal structure and hierarchy
focused on multi-generational collectivism, authority, and positionality. The roles of men and
women are intertwined within tribes, with both sexes being viewed as critical for the collective’s
survival, decision-making, and in many cases spiritual leadership (Lajimodiere, 2011; Mihesuah,
1996; Portman & Herring, 2001). Externally, perceptions of Native American women are often
indigenous princesses akin to the caricature of Pocahontas or as squaws, while males are fierce
warriors or savages (Portman & Herring, 2001; Yasaitis, 2003). Yasaitis (2003) wrote these
perspectives of princess and squaw parallel the Eurocentric perspective of women as either ladies
19

or loose women. Within Native American tribes, many of the oral traditions, learning, health,
and wellbeing are the responsibility of Native American women (Lajimodiere, 2011; Medicine,
1993; Mihesuah, 1996). According to Medicine (1993), and specifically looking at the Navajo
tribe as a matrilineal society, men are easily able to obtain paying jobs, yet women face
additional barriers to secure employment that aligns with their skill sets as caregivers. Native
American women were thrust into a patriarchal Eurocentric society, and this, too, may contribute
to ongoing female Native American trauma.
In current times, many Native American women must cognitively manage overarching
trauma that undermines their collective and cultural perspectives, in addition to navigating the
external Eurocentric society that does not value women as equals to men. There is limited
research conducted on Native American women’s perspectives, which supports understanding
their behaviors, beliefs, values, and expectations (Andrade, 2014; Medicine, 1993; Mihesuah,
1996). Mihesuah (1996) claimed most of the research conducted about Native American women
has been administered via a white male lens or Eurocentric feminist perspectives, where the goal
of some researchers is to generate a counter narrative to patriarchal viewpoints. Neither of these
are relatable to Native American women who do not share those contexts and tend to focus on
their communities and multi-generational traditional practices.
Native American women’s motivations surround holding the whole of their families and
tribes links to the desire for knowledge so that wisdom may be passed down to younger
generations. According to Andrade (2014), Native American women perform better than their
male counterparts in higher education, but their motivation for doing so ties back into supporting
their families and becoming strong role models within their communities. Elders, specifically
grandmothers, within tribal entities are perceived with the upmost admiration (Tijerina-Jim,
20

1993; Yasaitis, 2003). Within many Native American communities, elders are revered, yet
women are more likely to experience sexual abuse, trauma, suffer from substance abuse, and
commit suicide living within tribal reservations than their non-Native American counterparts.
Research shows a steady increase of violence against women in tribal communities.
According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2018), Native American
women ages 18–25 between the years of 2016 to 2018 showed a significant increase of severe
depression and substance abuse, including those who were pregnant. The NCAI Policy Research
Center (2013) asserted the majority of violence against women takes place within private
residences and Native American women are two times more likely to experience sexual assault
than other races. The NCAI Policy Research Center (2013) also claimed that 61% of Native
American women have been assaulted, and within some tribal reservations, Native American
women are murdered at ten times the national average. The Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention (2017) found that Native American females suicide rates between 1999 and 2017
increased 139%. Yet, for women, researchers have established a causal relationship between
substance abuse and childhood sexual trauma (Kendler et al., 2000). To understand why
violence, substance abuse, and suicide rates are prevalent among Native American women,
researchers have found Native American women are less likely to seek help due to stigmas
attached to substance abuse, depression, and death (Bohn, 2003; Lanier, 2010; Tijerina-Jim,
1993). Bohn (2003) and Hamby et al. (2019) link these behaviors to historic trauma among tribal
communities. One of the key elements identified as part of historic trauma is the elimination of
culture.
21

Cultural Context
Cultural context frames the way in which individuals think, behave, and engage with the
environment around them. According to Shepherd (2011), cultural context influences decision-
making, perspective, and behaviors. An individual’s environment, and the people within that
space, shape the culture, which in turn shapes the individual’s self-identity and cognition
(Shepherd, 2011; Watkins, 2015). Symbols and rituals are vast components within an
individual’s cognition, framing cultural context across time (Callaghan et al., 2011; Shepherd,
2011; Watkins, 2015). Native American cultural context is vastly diverse across different tribes;
displays and practices also vary depending on the individual family’s belief system.
Research shows that Native American cultural context is influenced by the overarching
perspective of collectivism. Centered on the family unit or in-group dynamics is collectivism, as
opposed to individualism, which focuses on the self or individual achievements and attainment
of goals (Bandura, 2002; Fletcher et al., 2015; Green et al., 2005). While collectivism is viewed
as a perspective aligned with Native American cultural context, individualism or Eurocentrism is
prevalent throughout the United States and may be found imbedded in political, social, and
educational systems (Dvorakova, 2018; Quijada Cerecer, 2013; Triandis, 1993; Vandello &
Cohen, 1999). As described by Bandura (2002) and Triandis (1993), these two terms are not
meant to be independent constructs, but rather identify the variations and dominance of one over
the other within the context of behaviors exhibited by the collective.
Variations across cultural contexts include symbolic ritual sites, beliefs in human origins,
and behaviors. Within the Hopi tribe, kivas are sacred places of worship and exist below ground
(Lefcowitz, 2006). According to the author, only men are allowed within kivas and women
dance above them. The Hopi believe their origins are from the underworld, which accounts for
22

the placement of kivas (Clemmer, 1995; Lefcowitz, 2006). The White Mountain Apache tribe
recognizes their ancestry and seeks to protect geographic areas and artifacts by leveraging
modern laws (Colwell-Chanthaphonh & Ferguson, 2010; Welch et al., 2009). According to
Welch et al. (2009), the Apache White Mountain tribe uses legal protections to protect their
ancestral sites and maintains them as a resource for continuing traditional cultural practices. On
the Navajo tribal reservation, many animals are prominent within their belief system (Pavlik,
1997; Pavlik, 2000; Webster, 2011). Pavlik (2000) suggests the wolf is one of the more
prominent animal figures within Navajo culture, and when White men killed all the wolves in the
territory, this contributed to fracturing the Navajo belief system. The author continues on to
review wolf reintroduction programs and believes if wolves are successfully reintroduced, this
may begin to heal the Navajo people. Cultural context is unique to the individual and
significantly impacts their beliefs and values.
Native American values center on the wellbeing of their families and communities. An
increase in participation during interventions, education, and research is observed when the value
for the community is presented to Native American participants (Conn, 2013; Mousseau et al.,
2014; Norton & Manson, 1996; Pinxten, 1991). According to Pinxten (1991), among the Navajo
knowledge is valuable and if the knowledge obtained will provide a positive outcome for the
collective, then it is acceptable. Storytelling is a way Native Americans impart knowledge and
these stories are traditionally delivered seasonally by an elder (Heaton et al., 2018; Padgett,
2015; Stokrocki, 1994). According to Heaton et al. (2018), understanding storytelling may serve
as an important element to support value for Native Americans. Padgett (2015) wrote there are
five values that generate authenticity for Native American youth: (a) generosity and sharing, (b)
respect for the elderly and women, (c) getting along with nature, (d) individual freedom, and (e)
23

courage. Understanding Native American beliefs, values, and expectations lends itself to further
understanding of their cognition, behaviors, and the environment that supports the whole.
The relationship between sovereign Native American tribes and the United States may be
described as tumultuous and laden with mistrust after centuries of systemic conflicts, but despite
this unrest there is a positive relationship that has persisted over time. The Girl Scout
organization has engaged with Native American tribes for over 100 years and remains steadfast
in service and trust, despite the interwoven sociopolitical strife that has dominated the entities’
collective history.
Girl Scout History and Principles
Established in 1912, founded by Juliet Gordon Low, the Girl Scout organization seeks to
provide equitable educational and outdoor experiences for all girls by following the original
organization mission of building girls of courage, confidence, and character (Girl Scouts, n.d.-a;
Anonymous, 2009). Juliet Gordon Low’s family has a rich history tracing back to the earliest
European settlers, and while she was raised in Atlanta, GA, she also spent a great deal of time
with her mother’s family in Chicago, IL following the Civil War in the mid-1860s (Cordery,
2012; Kinzie, 1856; Shrake, 2016). According to Cordery (2012), Juliet Gordon Low was
introduced to Native Americans and learned to love their culture and traditions during this period
in her life by observing the close relations her grandparents fostered with local tribespeople.
Inclusion has always been a critical component of the Girl Scouts, even when racial integration
was illegal in the most southern territories of the United States (Cordery, 2012). According to the
author, African American troops formed, as well as troops for varying religions, physical
abilities, and in varying social and economic classes. A traditional Girl Scout troop is comprised
of girls of similar age, and two adult volunteers who act as troop leaders (Girl Scouts, n.d.-c;
24

Anonymous, 2009). In 1912, the Campfire Girls, another female youth organization, offered
Juliette Gordon Low the opportunity to merge organizations; however, Juliette Gordon Low’s
response inferred the Campfire Girls’ programs and awards were simply not obtainable for low-
income girls and refused based on these inequities (Cordery, 2012; Howard, 1987; Miller, 2007).
Juliet Gordon Low proclaimed in 1912, “We affirm that the Girl Scout movement shall be open
to all girls and adults who accept the Girl Scout Promise and Law” (Cordery, 2012). This
affirmation of access and inclusion also led to the Girl Scouts generating unintentional support
for the suffragette movement in the 1910s.
The Girl Scout organization has sought to stand outside of politics yet remain a steadfast
supporter of the United States. In 1917, the Girl Scouts collectively took an active part in the war
efforts by making bandages and supporting the Junior Red Cross (Lawson, 2017). It was also
during this time that popular songs, such as Yankee Doodle, were recreated to inspire girls to
action and to bolster their confidence and self-value as citizens, while the majority of national
attention continued to focus on the value of men and boys (Howard, 1987; Lawson, 2017). These
rewritten songs were utilized to support female motivation for the suffragette movement, even
though it was not the intention of the Girl Scouts to do so (Cordery, 2012; Lawson, 2017; Miller,
2007). Cordery (2012) wrote that while Juliette Gordon Low supported a woman’s right to vote,
it was clear she wanted more, such as fair labor rights for all women regardless of race, religion,
and socioeconomic status.
Due to great disparities along the boundaries of race, religion, and class, many early Girl
Scout troops were in fact segregated based on the belief systems of girls’ parents and laws of the
era. Some examples include the first Catholic troop, which was formed in 1913, Hawaiian troops
formed in 1917, and troops in institutions for the deaf, blind, and those with tuberculosis formed
25

in 1918 (Cordery, 2012; Girl Scouts, n.d.-b; Howard, 1987; Small, 1932). According to Cordery
(2012), the first Native American troop was formed on the Onondaga reservation in 1921, and,
while they were unable to be recognized at the time, the first African American troop, led by
Juliet Gordon Low’s maid, was formed in Savannah, GA closer to 1912. Since the inception of
the Girl Scout movement in 1912, inclusion has been an essential component of the belief system
and purpose that drives the organization’s mission, and today inclusionary practices have
expanded to include any youth who identifies as a girl (Girl Scouts, n.d.-d, n.d.-e; Howard,
1987). Juliet Gordon Low established an organization based on her own belief system rooted in
inclusion and acceptance of all; the Girl Scouts organization continues to thrive over a hundred
years later, continually in service to girls.
Native American and Girl Scout Engagement
Native American communities and the Girl Scout organization share a deep history, some
of which has been fraught with trauma, while other moments are leveraged as shining beacons of
progress towards inclusivity. The following sections move across the history of engagement
between tribal entities and the Girl Scouts. The initial section reviews the 1920s through the late
1980s, and the second explores the Native American and Girl Scouts’ modern relationship.
Native American and Girl Scout Historic Engagement
Understanding both the historic and sociopolitical contexts of the era contributes to
holistically understanding the dynamics of engagement between Native American communities
and the Girl Scout organization from the 1920s through the 1980s. The Girl Scouts (n.d.-a) assert
it was in the 1920s, within the boarding school system, that Native American tribal populations
and the Girl Scouts organization were first introduced. In New York State, the first Native
American Girl Scout troop formed in 1921, and the first Arizona Native American Girl Scout
26

troop was formed at Polacca Day School, now First Mesa Elementary School in First Mesa on
the Hopi tribal reservation in 1929 (Girl Scouts, n.d.-b; Small, 1932). The Polacca Day School is
an example of a school that instituted assimilation practices for Native American youth and
invited the Girl Scout organization to provide Native American female students an opportunity to
participate in the Girl Scouting movement through the early to mid-1930s (Small, 1932). This
integration expanded throughout the Southwest territory and included Native American Girl
Scout troop formation at boarding schools in both Whiteriver, AZ and Fort Wingate, NM (“An
Indian girl,” 1934; “Girl Scout Whiteriver,” 1933-1935; “Visiting scouts,” 1936). Native
American girls first engaged in school-focused troops, then expanded to include other Girl Scout
activities such as field trips and camp.
Native American girl engagement continually expanded in the mid to late 1930s and into
the 1940s with the inclusion of Native American girls at camps. The first Native American girl
scout troops were welcomed to camp in Oklahoma in 1933 as a pilot to determine if these girls
had been successfully assimilated by displaying the abilities to follow camp guidelines and
function within the Girl Scout structure (“An Indian girl,” 1934; “Life in camps,” 1945). By the
mid to late 1940s, Girl Scouts continued to strive for integration among girls and welcomed both
White and Native American girls to participate in camps together, including the facilitation of
sharing cultural practices, such making the Native American staple, fry bread (“Fry bread
making,” 1940–1950; “Life in camps,” 1945). The delicate balance between integrating Girl
Scouts from different races and cultures continued to evolve through the 1950s and perspectives
on cultural inclusion and acceptance became more prevalent as Native American women were
welcomed as troop leaders to apply their own belief systems and practices within the Girl
Scouting movement (Chapman, 1953; “Fry bread making,” 1940–1950). Chapman (1953) wrote
27

the concept of a club is not a part of Native American culture but respecting the outdoors and
having the skills to navigate it is a part of the Navajo belief system, plus having troop leaders
that speak the native language further supports the girls’ learning.
The Girl Scout movement continued to expand in lockstep with the United States
sociopolitical evolution and continually strived to increase access for all girls. In 1961 an article
showcased an increased interest in scouting across the Navajo Nation (Sproul, 1961). The author
wrote the White man borrowed skills from tribe members to navigate the west, so Native
Americans will borrow the White man’s skills moving forward as they navigate a new world. It
was also during this period that the tribal authorities on the Navajo Nation first budgeted $10,000
to help support Native American Girl Scouts, and additional requests for support and uniforms
were driven out of tribal communities instead of pushed inward (Anderson, 1969; ‘Girl Scouts
need help,” n.d.; Jordan, 1968; Sproul, 1961). While assimilation practices within boarding
schools were eliminated in the 1930s, Native American girls still attended the same facilities, as
these were often the only locations available for formal education (Tuba City Boarding School,
1972–1973; Stout, 2012). Examples include the after-school Girl Scouting program and troops
established at the Tuba City and Shonto boarding schools in the 1970s and 1980s, where girls
participated in Girl Scout activities following their formal schooling (Tuba City Boarding
School, 1972–1973; Shonto Boarding School, 1980). Girl Scout after-school programs and
troops continued to expand across tribal reservations in the southwest throughout the 1980s.
During the 1980s, the Girl Scout councils in the southwest region began to see challenges
where council jurisdiction boundaries did not align with those of tribal reservations. Some of
these challenges included girls from the same communities competing against one another during
the product and business programs, as well as unequal distribution of resources from council
28

staff and monetary resources from funders (Navajo Way, Inc., 1988; Petersen & Shuga, 1988;
Shuga et al., 1986; Southwest Girl Scout Councils, 1986–1987). It was during the mid to late
1980s that Girl Scout councils who shared in providing tribal reservation services opted to
change Girl Scout council jurisdiction boundaries to align with the borders of tribal reservations
so that all girls from individual tribes would be served by a single council equitably (“Arizona
Girl Scouts,” 1988; Olson, 1986; Southwest Girl Scout Councils, 1986 - 1987). This attention to
the needs of Native American communities built the framework that today supports Girl Scout
organizational access to tribal communities and, by maintaining trust, this furthered the Girl
Scouts’ ability to practice continuity in service for Native American girls living within tribal
reservations.
Native Americans and the Girl Scouts in Modern Context
Native American girls and their families self-select to participate in the Girl Scouts across
the United States today. Layering the dynamics of access to natural resources, education, and
collectivism versus individualistic positionality supports the understanding of Native American
motivation for participating in the Girl Scouts (Bandura, 1999; Dearth, 2011; Eason & Robbins,
2012; Torres, 2017). It was critical to determine if Native Americans women’s motivations to
participate in the Girl Scouts today include educational program design, shared views of
collectivism, historically and culturally imbedded positionality, and/or access to natural
resources.
The event that serves as an example is the Navajo Nation Science, Technology,
Engineering, and Math (STEM) Camp. The Girl Scouts Arizona - Cactus-Pine Council (2018a)
developed a STEM camp in 2018 to serve one hundred Navajo girls, ages seven through
seventeen, with the inclusion of culturally relevant programming, such as astronomy, delivered
29

by a female Navajo astronomer and included storytelling. At the conclusion of this camp, Navajo
female youth participants reported that nearly 93% learned something new in STEM; 87%
believed they can utilize STEM to make the world a better place; 85% saw themselves as a
STEM role model; and 92% planned on sharing what they learned with others (Girl Scouts–
Arizona Cactus-Pine Council, 2018b). However, throughout the duration of the event, the girls
spent a great deal of time in the locker rooms and GSACPC staff discovered the reason for their
high interest was that many girls did not have access to running water at home. While the
programmatic outcomes for the STEM camp were achieved, GSACPC staff informally discussed
whether Native American women registered their girls for access to the program, access to
running water and fresh food, or both. Understanding Native American women’s motivation and
values for participation with the Girl Scouts may support future strategies for engagement.
Conceptual Framework
The goal of this study was to determine Native American women’s motivation, beliefs,
values, and expectations for selecting to participate in the Girl Scout organization. Four topics of
research and the overarching construct of historic trauma informed this literature review. The
four primary research topics that emerged during the initial social science literature exploration
were (a) education, (b) natural resources, (c) authority and positionality, and (d) cultural context.
The following aspects of each topic became apparent within the literature: in education and
natural resources, access and equity were common concepts, while Native American
perspectives and appropriate cultural contexts emerged within the authority and positionality
domain, and again Native American perspectives with the addition of self-identity arose within
cultural context. A common construct found across all four topics of literature was historic
30

trauma as a potential causal entity for deficiency in each area. The research topics enabled the
application of the theoretical lenses identified for this study.
The two theories identified to support the objective of answering the research questions
within this dissertation are SCT and EVT. SCT includes three primary, interconnected containers
to better understand how an individual’s motivation and behaviors are influenced by their
environment (Bandura, 1999, 2005). Bandura (2002) asserted that an individual’s efficacy is
shaped by their culture. For many Native Americans, engagement with entities external to their
tribal environment is akin to “living between two worlds” (Dvorakova, 2018). Bandura’s (1999,
2002, 2005, 2018) writings about social cognitive theory further reinforced the identified four
topics of research when considering the potential influences that shape how an individual
engages with the world around them. The application of EVT as a secondary theory enabled the
unearthing of further concepts defined by EVT and related to Native American women’s beliefs,
values, and expectations. Based on the framework of EVT, concepts surrounding choice, which
are extraordinarily relevant for Native American sovereignty, lent insight to better understanding
Native American women’s perceived values for participating with the Girl Scout organization
(Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000; Emmons, 2018; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000; Williams, 2013; Winstead et
al., 2008). Williams (2013) wrote that in the context of education, the lack of understanding of
sovereignty and self-determination has created barriers to Native American learner success in
school. When considering societal barriers to Native Americans, cultural context is a key concept
for understanding Native American perspectives, including their beliefs and values (Winstead et
al., 2008). As of 2020, Eccles and Wigfield (2020) broadened the scope of EVT to include the
concepts of situated and sociocultural influences on individuals’ beliefs, values, and
expectations. The authors have named this Situated Expectancy Value Theory (SEVT) and
31

provided examples such as the inclusion of cultural characteristics, including individualism and
collectivism, plus the concepts surrounding cultural perspectives on race and gender, all of which
impact the individual’s self-identity, their motivation, and expected outcomes for engagement.
Linked to self-determination are efficacy outcomes; then further embedded are the individual’s
beliefs in their own ability to achieve outcomes (Wigfield & Eccles, 2000). According to the
authors, other components of an individual’s achievement values include the importance of the
task, as well as intrinsic, utility, and cost value. These are tertiary elements that helped support a
better understanding of Native American women’s value for engagement with the Girl Scout
organization.
The research questions within this study focus on Native American women’s motivation,
including their beliefs, values, and expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization.
Based on the findings within this literature review, it is important to review additional
motivations driven by current barriers and limitations for Native American women as identified
within the four topics of research.

32

Figure 1

Conceptual Framework

Note: Framework adapted from “Social Cognitive Theory in Cultural Context,” by Albert
Bandura, 2002, Applied Psychology, 51(2), p. 269. Copyright 2002 by the International
Association for Applied Psychology.
The Native American Experience:
education, natural resources,
authority and positionality, and
cultural context.
The Native American Girl Scout
Experience: engagement in both
historic and modern contexts.
Native American Women's: individual
cognition, beliefs, values, expectations,
and historic trauma.
People
Native American women’s
expressed behaviors and how they
choose to engage with the environment.

Behavior Environment
33

Summary
The literature review supported a better understanding of Native American women’s
motivation, values, and expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization.
Conducting a preliminary review of the literature and demographic data framed the
understanding of the population central to this study. Leveraging both SCT and EVT to explore
historic trauma and the four topics of research—(a) education, (b) natural resources, (c) authority
and positionality, and (d) cultural context—provided a broad scope understanding of Native
American women’s experiences and perspectives. In addition, reviewing Girl Scout history and
organizational engagement with Native American communities over time contributed to
understanding the organization’s goals and motivations for engaging tribal entities. Conducting
this research study has deepened the understandings of Native American women’s perspectives,
specifically pertaining to the Girl Scout organization, has supported answering the research
questions, and will contribute to the development of future strategies that will better support and
meet their expectations for engagement.

34

Chapter Three: Methodology
This chapter outlines the qualitative research design for this study, including the
methodology and artifact analysis utilized for triangulation, plus the sampling criteria and
interview protocols. Also included are the descriptions of the researcher’s positionality, plus the
ethics practiced while completing this study. The purpose of this study was to gain an
understanding of Native American women’s motivations, values, and expectations for selecting
to engage with the Girl Scout organization. To obtain this knowledge, outlined in the following
section are the research questions pertaining to motivation, values, and expectations.
Research Questions
1. What is the Native American woman’s experience when engaging with the Girl Scouts?
2. What are Native American women’s perceived values for participating with the Girl
Scouts?
3. How can the Girl Scouts better partner with local tribal communities to promote the
development of Native American women and girls?
Overview of Design
The methodological design for this study was qualitative, utilizing semi-structured
interviews and artifact analysis to obtain the answers to the research questions posed in this
study. The reason qualitative methods were chosen for this study is because using semi-
structured interviews supports the holistic perspective from the individual and makes meaning of
the experiences derived from a single person, which collectively may provide a deeper
understanding of the contexts surrounding the participants and the desired outcomes for this
study (Creswell, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Roberts, 2014). Creswell (2014) wrote that
leveraging a theoretical lens supports orienting and guiding the researcher’s perspective while
35

conducting a study. The initial exploration of social science literature pertaining to this study
revealed four topics of research: (a) education, (b) natural resources, (c) authority and
positionality, and (d) cultural context. The theoretical lens primarily leveraged is SCT. Within
SCT there are three containers which include an individual’s cognition, behavior, and
environmental factors that contribute towards motivation (Bandura, 1999). In addition, utilizing
the EVT will support understanding Native American women’s values for participating with the
Girl Scouts (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000). Designed in alignment with SCT and EVT, the interview
questions provided insight about Native American women’s motivations, values, and
expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization based on their cultural context,
perceived access to resources, education, and unique individual positionalities.
The secondary method of research used for this study was artifact analysis. Artifacts, as
defined by Merriam and Tisdell (2016), are objects found within a study’s context, such as
writings and physical materials. Artifact analysis conducted as part of this study has served a
dual purpose, the first being to leverage artifacts to reinforce the topics of research identified,
which bolstered the understanding of Native American women’s perspectives and how this
knowledge may impact their motivation, perceived value, and expectations for engagement with
the Girl Scout organization. The second purpose of conducting artifact analysis is for
triangulation, which has supported the credibility and internal validity of this study (Creswell,
2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), content analysis
includes reviewing meanings and symbols found within the artifacts. Artifact analysis as part of
this study offers and supplements perspectives in relation to the sociopolitical contexts across the
various eras of engagement between Native American women and the Girl Scout organization.

36

Table 1
Data Sources
Research Questions Interview Artifact Analysis
RQ1: What is the Native American
woman’s experience when engaging
with the Girl Scouts?
X X
RQ2: What are Native American
women’s perceived values for
participating with the Girl Scouts?
X X
RQ3: How can the Girl Scouts better
partner with local tribal communities
to promote the development of Native
American women and girls?
X

Research Setting
The setting for this study was the Girl Scout organization, specifically within the
jurisdiction of the Girl Scouts Arizona–Cactus-Pine Council (GSACPC). The overarching
national organization, Girl Scouts of the United States of America, serves more than 1.7 million
girls and 750,000 adult members (Girl Scouts, n.d.-h). GSACPC serves more than 20,000 girls
and over 10,000 adult members within the 75,000 square mile jurisdiction established in the
central and northern portions of the State of Arizona, including the entirety of the Navajo Nation,
which overlaps three states, Arizona, New Mexico, and Utah (Girl Scouts–Arizona Cactus-Pine,
2020; Yale University, 2020). GSACPC was uniquely posed to support this study given that
within Arizona there is more designated tribal land than any other state, plus 17 out of the 20
37

tribal reservations recognized in the state are within GSACPC’s boundaries (Arizona Indian
Gaming Association, 2019; Girl Scouts–Arizona Cactus-Pine, 2020; National Atlas.gov, n.d.).
Girl Scout staffing across the nation varies by individual Girl Scout council; GSACPC employs
approximately 85 to 100 staff members at any given time and supports two full-time Native
American staff members specifically dedicated to serving tribal communities within its
jurisdiction.
The subjects identified for this study are Native American women who are actively
participating with the Girl Scout organization. This specifically includes Native American
women who reside within tribal reservations. The interview portion of this study engaged eight
women who fell into this broadly described classification, which aligns with the research
questions. Additional details pertaining to the criteria for participation is described within the
section that focuses specifically on the participants. The participants were representative of
multiple tribal entities.
The Researcher
In consideration for the research participants in this study, it is important to first name
that I am a White woman, not a person of color, nor am I Native American. I recognize my white
privilege as a Caucasian person, and recognize that systemic racism not only exists, but exists to
benefit my race (Blakemore, 2018; Pence & Fields, 1999). I am astutely aware that my race may
automatically place me in an authoritative position from the perspectives of those from other
races, nationalities, and cultures, though I have not earned it. I am also employed by the Girl
Scouts, the organization central to the study, which the participants are members of. While the
Girl Scouts is a member-driven organization, I hold a position of authority within the
organization, serving the whole of jurisdiction. I am responsible for the design and
38

implementation of programs, including those delivered on behalf of Native American girls and
women, within Native American reservation boundaries. I also navigate and manage highly
visible, complex relationships with both female and male Native Americans who are not only
donors and stakeholders, but also hold positions of power within the tribes themselves as elders
and leaders. The potential assumptions of Native American women who are not familiar with me
and engage with the Girl Scout organization, and those who do not hold roles that grant agency,
may view my positionality as one of authority. To negate this assumption, the purposefully
sampled participants were those individuals with whom I have previously established
relationships.
The Native American women who were invited to participate in this study are those who
I have worked alongside with for three years and have established rapport. I have conducted
lengthy research on culturally appropriate and acceptable behaviors prior to beginning my work
on tribal reservations to negate my Eurocentric biases and assumptions, including educating
myself on symbolism and traditional practices within individual tribes. I have also learned
unique tribal nuances and practices that cannot be shared without violating privacy, and I will
continue to diligently maintain the trust that has been bestowed upon me. According to Merriam
and Tisdell (2016), the practice of mitigating bias is based in the researcher’s thinking and
thoughtfulness, which I have intentionally practiced over the course of the last three years and
have continued to uphold and have maintained vigilance of my unconscious biases as I
conducted this study as an individual who exists external to the Native American participants.
Data Sources
Primarily derived from the interviews, the analysis of oral information collected has been
the primary mechanism for answering the research questions, then triangulation occurred,
39

leveraging the findings discovered during the artifact analysis. Many of the artifacts analyzed are
historic in nature. The physical and digital collection of these resources has been an iterative
process in alignment with the nature of this study; these resources have included photos, articles,
videos, and internal Girl Scout organizational documents. Conducted following the completion
of the interviews was the content analysis of the identified artifacts pertinent to this study.
Interviews
The interview methodology for this study was semi-structured. Utilizing this method
encourages storytelling, which is in alignment with the Native American context surrounding
their oral traditions that support learning and sharing information with others (Cajete, 2017;
Heaton et al., 2018; Padgett, 2015). The semi-structured interview method supported a deeper
exploration of the participants’ perceptions and has provided clarity pertaining to the motivation
and values of the participants in the context of their engagement with the Girl Scout
organization, while leveraging a list of structured, open-ended questions serving as a roadmap
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). According to the authors, the design of this method is to encourage
flexibility for both the researcher and participants, which was an important consideration given
the sensitive context and perspectives of the participants.
Participants
The criteria for participating in this study included self-identification as a Native
American woman, living on tribal reservation within the jurisdiction of GSACPC, having prior
acquaintance with the principal researcher, and currently an active member of the Girl Scouts.
Ideally, for a deeper look across generations, the participant will have participated both in their
youth and as an adult, with their own daughter(s) or having guardianship of girl(s) currently
engaged as Girl Scout members. Of the Native American women who met this criteria, 13
40

individuals received invitations to be interviewed, and eight individuals elected to participate in
this study. Of the original 13 invitees, one participant rescheduled her interview twice and
ultimately did not engage; four did not respond. Only five of those who opted to participate met
the criteria of having both participated in Girl Scouts as youths, as well as adults. This distinction
led to the creation of two groups, Group A and Group B. The pool of the five dual-engagement
participants is named Group A. Group A participated in a two-part series of interviews. The
additional three participants who only had experience engaging with the Girl Scouts as adult
members are listed in Group B.

Table 2
Group Criteria and Participants
Group Criteria Number of
Participants
A 1. A Native American woman. 5
2. Lives on a tribal reservation within the GSACPC jurisdiction.
3. Has prior acquaintance with the Principal Researcher.
4. Girl Scouts member as both youth and as an adult.
5. Has daughter(s) or girls for whom they hold guardianship or
responsibility participating with the organization.
6. Participated in a two-part series of interviews.
B 1. A Native American woman. 3
2. Lives on a tribal reservation with the GSACPC jurisdiction.
3. Has prior acquaintance with the Principal Researcher.
4. Girl Scout adult member only.
5. Has daughter(s) or girls for whom they hold guardianship or
responsibility participating with the organization.
6. Participated in a single interview.

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In total, conducted for this study were 13 individual conversations. The duration of the
interviews varied based on participant availability, access, and in which group they participated.
The time spent with each participant ranged from 45 minutes up to three hours. Overall, the total
time spent conducting interviews was approximately 14 hours. The interviews took place over
the course of 10 weeks, not including the two weeks dedicated to sending the initial invitations
and individual scheduling.
Interview Questions
The interview questions for this study were designed utilizing the learning design toolkit
provided by the University of Southern California, Rossier School of Education, Learning
Design and Technology Master’s curriculum (Ambrose, 2010; Eccles & Wigfield, 2002; Mayer,
2011). This resource outlines learning and motivation principles, plus instruction on how to
extract individual perspectives pertaining to both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, individual
cognition, behavior, environmental perspectives, and values via interview questions that are in
alignment with SCT and EVT. In addition, a validated quantitative survey instrument was used
to design additional qualitative interview questions based on EVT, including individual beliefs,
values, and expectations. The original instrument was developed by Roure and Lentillon-
Kaestner (2018) and was utilized as part of a validation study focused on physical education. The
instrument was adapted for the purpose of this study to focus on Native American women’s
motivation and values for participation with the Girl Scouts organization. To secure the answers
to the research questions, it was important to employ interview questions that are founded in
learning and motivation research, plus in alignment with the theoretical lenses applied to this
study for which the research is based. The interview protocol is located in Appendix A.
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Artifact Analysis
Compiled for the artifact analysis portion of this study are over twenty historic artifacts
and numerous modern artifacts. The GSACPC History Committee curates the identified historic
artifacts utilized in this study. While the artifacts are not the central focus of this study, they lend
insight to the phenomenon surrounding the evolution of the relationship between the Girl Scouts
and Native American populations over time (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). According to the
authors, the use of artifacts in quantitative analysis has provided a more robust understanding of
the context surrounding the focus of the study. Artifact and content analysis has also been
conducted for triangulation purposes to support the internal validity of this study.
Data Collection Procedures
The following section describes the data collection procedures for both the interviews
and artifacts.
Interviews
The data collection procedures for this study have followed regimented protocol utilizing
a tool checklist. This checklist included the tools necessary for capturing information, such as
two recording devices and writing utensils, plus the interview questions (Appendix A), and the
participant information sheet. The following is an overview of the linear data collection
procedures.
Individual invitations to participate in this research study were sent via email to the
purposefully sampled 13 potential participants via an academic email address. The invitation
email included (a) the purpose of the research, (b) the procedures, (c) foreseeable risks, (d)
benefits, (e) the length of the interview, (f) person to contact for questions and/or if there is
injury or an emergency, (g) statement pertaining to voluntary participation, and (h) a statement
43

about confidentiality and the right to withdraw from the study at any time (Appendix B)
(University of Southern California, n.d.). When a participant confirmed with willingness to
partake in an interview, the reply contained an acknowledgement and gratitude, a list of three
times and dates for scheduling the interview, plus the information sheet for exempt research
(Appendix C).
Due to the current environment surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic, travel limitations
and restricted access to tribal reservations, the interviews conducted with Native American
women have taken place digitally, either via an online meeting forum, such as Zoom, or over the
phone. This was determined by the participant based on their digital access. Both Zoom meetings
and/or phone conversations were organized and hosted by the researcher. A reminder email
about the interview was sent to the participants 48 hours in advance, including the Zoom link
and/or phone number, reconfirming the time and date, plus an inquiry if the time and date were
still available for the participant. Once an interview time and date were confirmed, the researcher
was prepared to conduct the interview 15 minutes prior to the start time. If the interview was
taking place via Zoom, the meeting room was opened 15 minutes prior and if the interview was
to be conducted over the phone, all recording devices and tools were in place 15 minutes prior to
initiating the phone call. There was a single occurrence where there was time zone confusion as
to the interview start time, and the conversation was initiated with minimal preparations. The
primary recording device was via the researcher’s smartphone. The secondary device was a
digital recorder, set to serve as a backup device. Via the smartphone a digital recording
application, Hi-Q, was installed, and once the recording was manually stopped, the recording
was automatically uploaded to a secure cloud storage system online, a Google Drive dedicated
44

for the exclusive purpose of research storage. The recording was then uploaded from the cloud
system and sent to the transcription service, rev.com, to be transcribed.
Notetaking was also employed throughout the duration of the interviews to log
participant voice tone and pitch as significant changes occurred; this included long pauses and
any emotional responses. Once the transcriptions were complete, each of the eight participants
was first assigned a number to protect their identity, and only the principal researcher had access
to the key that identified individual participants stored within a secure cloud system. During the
initial review of the transcribed interviews, all identifying information was immediately redacted
and/or assigned pseudonyms, including names, locations, and other relevant identifiable
information. Then, during the second review of the transcripts, each of the eight participants was
assigned individual pseudonyms. The notes were then correlated with the final clean versions of
the interview transcriptions to align where inflection shifts occurred during the interview. At the
conclusion of this study, all recordings, transcriptions, and handwritten notes were destroyed.
Artifact Analysis
Utilized for the purpose of this study, the collection of historic artifacts included multiple
meetings between the researcher and the GSACPC History Committee to identify and discuss
appropriate content for this study. The parameters were set as items pertinent to Native American
and Girl Scout engagement over time. Once the research parameters were established and the
artifacts identified, the artifacts were checked out to the researcher to generate digital copies of
the original documents and photos. This process was iterative and took approximately 14 months
to collect the appropriate historic artifacts. Each of the identified artifacts may be either checked
out or digitally copied as requested by members of the public. The modern artifact collection
included items such as videos, articles, and photos that were collected over the course of four
45

months from public forums. Each of the modern artifacts may be collected with ease and secured
via the internet or public venues.
Data Analysis
The following section describes how data analysis was conducted for both the interviews
and artifacts.
Interviews
For the interviews, data analysis was conducted throughout data collection. Analytic
memos were written after each interview and notetaking was conducted throughout the process.
The researcher documented thoughts, concerns, ideas, and initial conclusions about the data in
relation to the conceptual framework and research questions. Once an interview transcription
was complete, two reviews were conducted to both redact identifying information and to clean
the transcriptions of any irrelevant content or transcription errors. This included misspellings,
which were common when Native language was used by the participants, and inappropriate
segments in dialog when long pauses were better captured with ellipses showing a continuum of
thought. The first review of a transcript included the assignment of a numerical identifier to the
participant, and for other identifiable information to be eliminated and replaced with a brief
descriptor, such as “small town” in place of the name of the small town. The second transcription
review served as a cross-check to be sure all errors were corrected and identifiers redacted; this
was when pseudonyms were assigned to participants and identifiers. The second interviews for
those in Group A followed the same dual review process, using the same participant numerical
identifier applied to their first interview transcription and the application of the previously
assigned pseudonym to the second.
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The data analysis process for this study was not linear, but overlapped depending on the
timing of data collection and the groups in which individual participants were assigned. As
participants identified themselves as individuals who participated with the Girl Scouts as both
youth and as adults or as only adult participants during the initial interview, they were moved
into either Group A or Group B. Those in Group A were asked at the close of the initial
interview to participate in a follow-up interview, while those who were in Group B were asked if
more questions emerged would a brief follow-up conversation be acceptable; all were agreeable.
Once the dual review process was complete, open coding was conducted. Open coding
was the first phase of analysis to generate empirical codes; the a priori codes defined within the
conceptual framework were leveraged to complete this process. The 13 individual transcripts
were first analyzed independently, and as additional transcripts were generated, they were each
placed into one of the two groups: participants’ perceptions as children, and participants’
perceptions as adults, which supported the generation of empirical codes. For analysis, it was
critical to understand the individual participant’s context during the interview while conducting
open coding process. Once open coding was complete for the child versus adult perspectives, the
open coding analysis was conducted again for the 10 transcripts belonging to the five participants
in Group A, to look for similarities and differences between the participants’ childhood
experiences and later as adults. Each of the 13 individual transcripts was different in both length
and context, and while some were quite clear, others took additional time to analyze and code.
During the second phase of analysis, the empirical codes collected in the first phase were
aggregated with the a priori codes to determine the analytic/axial codes. The a priori codes for
this study were (a) education, (b) natural resources, (c) authority and positionality, (d) cultural
context, and (e) trauma, each derived from the conceptual framework. The analytical/axial codes
47

were then used to determine the patterns across the data, which enabled the emergence of themes
to develop in relation to the conceptual framework and the research questions. The overarching
analysis process for the interview portion of this study was completed over the course of
approximately 14 weeks.
Artifact Analysis
Two sets of artifacts were analyzed via guiding statements over the course of the 14-week
analysis process and in alignment with the research questions. The initial analysis included
historic documents, photos, and articles curated by the GSACPC History Committee. Each of the
artifacts is available to the public by request, and digital copies may also be provided. The
second set of artifacts included internal organizational documents, for which copies may be
provided upon written request, including their purpose of use to GSACPC, and modern videos
and articles are readily available via the internet intended for public use. I analyzed the
documents and artifacts for evidence to triangulate and support the findings which emerged from
the participant interviews. A matrix using guiding statements in alignment with the research
questions was utilized to manage this analysis process (Appendix D).
Research Ethics
Protecting the participants of this study was the most important part of this research
project; it was therefore important to recognize there is a power imbalance because the
participants are women of color, Native American, and live within severely marginalized
communities, while I am a White woman, with the privilege our society imparts to Caucasian
people, and employed by the organization that is central to the study (Blakemore, 2018). I
established relationships and a sense of familiarity over the course of three years with the women
interviewed. I recognize that I am and always will be an outside entity. Because I am an outsider,
48

I may have received partial responses to the interview questions, but I know this work produced
positive outcomes. It is also important to communicate the youth leadership organization I
represent is one that holds adult volunteers and members in the highest esteem, regularly
articulates this message, and recognizes the importance of our adult volunteers. In some regards,
this may have placed the participants in a position of power over me if they believe in the
organization’s messaging.
To further protect the participants, the guidelines provided by the University of Southern
California’s Office for the Protection of Research Subjects Informed Consent Booklet has been
utilized to generate the participant information sheet for exempt research (Appendix C), plus
language placed within email exchanges and at the beginning of the interview process reinforced
that participation in this study was voluntary, they were welcome to decline participation at any
point, and their identities have been protected by assigning numerical values and pseudonyms to
each participant depending on their group assignment. All identifiable information has been
excluded in this study to protect the participants, including but not limited to their names, family
names, tribal affiliation, birthdates if given, and geographic identifiers. All data collected via
interviews including digital recordings, transcribed interviews, the key which identifies
participants and their assigned number and pseudonyms, plus handwritten notes were destroyed
at the conclusion of this study.
Overall, the intent of this study was to harm neither the Girl Scout organization nor
Native American participants, as the purpose of this study was to generate a better understanding
for engagement between the organization and the tribal communities it serves, showcasing a
positive relationship many decades in the making.

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Chapter Four: Findings
The findings within this study are as diverse as the individual participants, each having a
unique lived experience as well as differing educational backgrounds and access to resources.
Represented in the findings are three individual Native American tribes, which offer a very
narrow glimpse through the Native American lens. Each of the 345 tribes within the continental
United States (NCAI, 2020b) has distinctive practices, perspectives, and belief systems.
The topics that emerged in the literature review and coalesced within the conceptual
framework focused on the overarching Native American experience, and they were (a)
education, (b) natural resources, (c) authority and positionality, and (d) cultural context, plus the
concept of trauma woven throughout. Discovered in alignment with the identified topics, this
study’s findings emerged within the following similar overarching themes pertaining to access
and resources, plus culture and gender contexts. In addition, the concept of trauma in both
historic and current findings within tribal communities is one that continues to be an underlying
concern. Across the whole, the concept of living in two worlds—collectivism versus
individualism—and the clash between uplifting the female experience and subjugation is still in
conflict today. According to the evidence, these are just some of the reasons access to the Girl
Scout experience is desired by those who elect to participate, despite expectations not being
universally met and systemic barriers to participation.
The research questions for this study were designed to achieve a better understanding of
the participants’ perspectives pertaining to their experiences while engaging with the Girl Scouts,
their values for participation with the Girl Scouts, and acquiring an improved understanding of
how the Girl Scouts can better partner with tribal communities to support the development of
women and girls. To answer the research questions, 13 individual interviews were conducted
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with eight participants and analyzed. Artifact analysis was conducted in tandem with the
emerging findings for both research questions 1 and 2 for triangulation purposes. The design of
the following sections begins with the broad findings for each research question, and they are
described within the initial paragraph, while the evidence has been synthesized and presented in
the remainder of the section. At the end of each section, a summary has been provided pertaining
to that specific research question, and the chapter closes with an overarching summary
describing the overall findings for this study.
Research Question 1: What Is the Native American Woman’s Experience When Engaging
with the Girl Scouts?
The first research question focused on the Native American woman’s experience while
participating with the Girl Scout organization. Native American women, regardless of their
length of engagement, believe participation with the Girl Scout organization is positive and
rewarding for both themselves and girls. Positive when used to describe the participants’
experiences is defined as joyous and optimistic based on their responses, language, and tone. The
word positive is used in this context to capture the emotional experiences of the participants. The
participants’ experiences as Girl Scouts have provided opportunities to build community and
friendships, and the Girl Scout program has been leveraged as a mechanism to share culturally
significant practices and traditions. Artifact analysis showed many artifacts, both historic and
modern, align with and support these findings. For example, an internal GSACPC document
penned by Shuga et al. (1987) makes note of the high interest in Girl Scouting from within a
tribal reservation, and an article written by Spielmaker (2020) describes the formation of a Girl
Scout troop within a tribal community specifically for tackling issues such as pollution and
mental health. The inclusion of participant descriptions within the first research question is
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important because this method facilitated an introduction to each individual within the context of
their own unique Girl Scout experience.
To fully describe the lived experiences of the participants, it is necessary to first build
additional context that will support a better understanding of these unique individuals and their
cultural perspectives. The outline of the findings within this section begins with an introduction
to the participants, then a description of the Native American women’s Girl Scout experience,
specifically focusing on cultural alignment and an analysis of the impact of experience based on
the participants’ length of engagement with the Girl Scout organization.
Participants
Eight participants took part in this study. Each of the participants discussed their
perspectives and shared their experiences while engaging with the Girl Scout organization. The
participants, specific locations, and individual tribes were assigned pseudonyms to protect both
their identities and those of their tribes. The participants were also placed into two groups: those
who participated with the Girl Scouts as both youth and adults were assigned to Group A, and
those who only participated as adults were assigned to Group B. Participants in Group A
participated in a two-part semi-structured interview series, while those in Group B participated in
a single semi-structured interview. Table 3 provides an overview of the participants.

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Table 3
Participant Overview
Group
Participant
pseudonym
Tribal
affiliation
pseudonym
Approximate years
of engagement with
the Girl Scouts
Level of education
A 1. Amara Emerald >20 College graduate
2. Eira Ruby >15 Some college
3. Taylor Turquoise >20 College graduate
4. Rory Turquoise >10 Some high school
5. Jude Turquoise >20 College graduate
B 6. Vera Turquoise >5 High school graduate
7. Leyla Turquoise >5 High school graduate
8. Kira Ruby >5 Some high school

Based on their own descriptions, the participants primarily referred to themselves as
homemakers and administrators, while others described themselves as leaders and business
professionals. The participants’ educational backgrounds varied as well. Three have college
degrees; one has some college experience; two earned high school diplomas; and two did not.
There were no findings that indicated the length of Girl Scout engagement and educational
achievement were in alignment based on the participants’ perspectives. However, according to
the data from this very limited sample, the participants who have engaged with the organization
for over 20 years are the same individuals who have earned college degrees.
The participants reside in cities, towns, and villages within tribal lands. Available
resources, including water, fresh food, housing, transportation, access to medical care, and
education, varied by individual community. The variation of access to resources derived from the
participants aligns with the findings derived from both the literature review and artifact analysis.
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Modern artifacts included numerous articles and websites dedicated to information pertaining to
the efforts, challenges, and perspectives about access to basic resources within tribal
communities (EPA, 2021; NAA, 2021; Regan, 2018). The U.S. Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA) has a dedicated webpage specifically for addressing access to clean drinking
water within tribal communities (EPA, 2021). Access to resources will be discussed further
within the findings and analysis of the third research question pertaining to improving the
partnership between Native American tribes and the Girl Scouts. The important concept to note
which supports building additional context for this section are the participants’ wide variation of
access to critical resources within their immediate communities. The participants’ perspectives
about their access to and relationship with resources impact their individual perceptions of the
Girl Scouts and the world around them.
The following section introduces the individual Native American women who
participated in this study. The hope is to share enough information to provide the reader a
glimpse through their unique lenses while protecting their identities and those of their tribes.
Amara
Amara is a member of the Emerald tribe. The Emerald tribal structure is unique in part
because while Emerald is the overarching tribe, the tribe itself has been split into a handful of
individual tribal entities. The only reason the tribe is segmented is due to the separation of tribal
lands by the U.S. federal government. Each individual segment speaks the Emerald tribal
language and shares cultural practices across the whole of the tribe. For identification purposes,
upon birth each member of this tribe is labeled as a member of a specific segment of the tribe.
According to Amara, this structure has undermined the individual’s self-identity and overarching
tribal connections.
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Amara was generally quiet, but forceful when making a point or passionate about the
subject. At the time of her interview, she was a single mom to a teenage daughter, and both
worked and attended school “off rez,” meaning off tribal land on weekdays. Amara’s father did
the same, while living in his own apartment during the week, but they all traveled together on the
weekends to their family home on the Emerald reservation. Amara’s perspective was that she
lives on the reservation, but only visits the city. Because her daughter was a teen at the time of
her interviews, Amara was focused on providing her daughter Girl Scout opportunities that
promote health and those that will support her independence and build confidence. Amara was
also highly engaged with large Girl Scout programmatic offerings for tribal girls. While proud of
her “rez,” Amara acknowledged she felt a sense of detachment that began when she first moved
away to attend college. When she participated as a child, she said she was not too involved with
the organization because “there wasn’t a lot of Girl Scout troops where I grew up.” She
emphasized the concept of “living in two worlds” throughout both interviews.
Eira
Eira is a member of the Ruby tribe. As described by her, the Ruby tribe is quite remote
and very guarded. Members of the Ruby tribe are fiercely protective of their people, cultural
beliefs, and practices. Outside visitors to the reservation are allowed in designated areas only,
must have a tribal guide, and photographs are forbidden. The Ruby tribe is one of the earliest
Pueblo tribes, who are known for living in villages consisting of earthen and wooden dwellings.
According to Eira, the majority of her tribe still resides in traditional dwellings and has limited
plumbing and electricity within residences.
Eira had a quiet, calm demeanor and was confident in her identity. Eira moved at her own
pace and took her time to articulate her thoughts during both interviews. At the time of her
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interviews, Eira was part of a close-knit, multi-generation family; she had adult children, a teen
daughter, and grandchildren. Her husband worked off reservation, but close enough to commute
home 3 to 4 times per week. Eira identified foremost as a homemaker, but worked part-time in a
variety of administrative roles. The Ruby tribe is not a large one, and Eira was often engaged
with intertribal politics, which caused her frustration. When Eira was asked about enrolling her
daughter in Girl Scouts after engaging with her during a pilot opportunity, she said, “My
daughter really became interested in wanting to know when Girl Scouts was coming. When are
they going to start? I want to learn more. …” At the time of her interviews, her daughter was a
teen and attending the local school. Eira was primarily focused on Girl Scout travel opportunities
that would further support her daughter’s growth and development.
Taylor
Taylor is a member of the Turquoise tribe. The Turquoise tribe is very large and
extraordinarily diverse. Among their members, a wide variation of perceptions about cultural
practices exists. According to Taylor, some tribal members lived in traditional dwellings and
practiced the “old ways,” while others lived in modern dwellings and subscribed to a more
“western” style of living. Taylor lived near a larger town on her reservation and while she
believed in traditional practices, she expressed wanting access to resources such as broadband,
indoor plumbing, and electricity to be readily available for members of her tribe. This was just
one of the reasons Taylor pursued a high-ranking position in her tribe. She was college educated,
believed in the power of academic research, and leveraged her position and educational
background for the benefit of her tribe.
Taylor came across as very strong, very clear, and assertive during her interviews. It was
interesting speaking with her because she flowed seamlessly between a more western style of
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speech and the rhythmic cadence practiced by the other Native American participants. Taylor
expressed that she was extremely busy in her professional life and did not currently have the time
to be a Girl Scout troop leader, but was happy to help with her teen daughter’s troop. Before her
career demanded so much of her time, Taylor said, “For my younger daughter, or my oldest
daughter, I was a Girl Scout troop leader.” At the time of this interview, her youngest, a teen
daughter, attended their local school on the reservation. Based on her own experiences as a child,
Taylor saw the benefit of being a Girl Scout and wanted her daughter to experience the same
growth in confidence and support from a single-gendered collective. Taylor traveled quite a bit
for her work and relied on a network of family and friends to help support her immediate family
while she was away.
Rory
Rory is also a member of the Turquoise tribe and lived in a small, rural town at the time
of her interview. She came across as quiet during her interviews, but became more animated and
assertive when discussing her daughter or her own history. When talking about her daughter,
there was a distinct sense of pride and happiness that emerged. At the time of her interviews
Rory was a single mother, and both of her underage-children attended local schools and used the
bus as the primary method of transportation. Rory alluded to not having her own vehicle and
relied on close neighbors for transportation support. She lived in a “government house” and due
to personal reasons did not work outside of her home.
Rory loved the Girl Scout programs, plus large community events and gatherings. She
said after her own experience as a child, “I wanted to give that experience to my daughter. So, I
first became a volunteer, and did some of the training.” Rory was a troop leader, and most
gatherings took place in her home. Her access to events and programs depended on available
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transportation. For Rory, having a store, two clinics, and community center within walking
distance from her home was very important. She also relished the opportunity to both create and
be part of a larger community.
Jude
Jude is a member of the Turquoise tribe. Jude came across as very outgoing and
confident. Jude grew up with her grandmother in a rural, traditional home where the family
raised livestock and farmed. She participated in Girl Scout activities as part of an after-school
program as a child. Jude was college educated and had fulfilled many roles within BIE schools
on her reservation. She described herself as a single, empty nester at the time of her interview.
She said she embraced starting a Girl Scout troop at her school because she “wanted to give back
to the girls.” Jude was very excited to participate in her interviews, especially as she has
continually pursued higher education and was working on a project to complete her own terminal
degree.
Jude shared that when she first moved to her medium-sized town, she resided in the
government housing allotted for educators, but lived in her own trailer when we spoke. Her
children were adults with families of their own and did not live in the immediate community.
Jude explained that she liked being a Girl Scout troop leader for elementary-aged girls in her
school because it was fulfilling and better than going home to an empty house at the end of a
day. She had her own vehicle but did not have the capacity to transport all her girls collectively
to participate in field trips. Jude was a very vivacious woman and wanted to provide her Girl
Scouts the same experiences she had as a child.
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Vera
Vera is a member of the Turquoise tribe. She appeared very outgoing and confident
during the interview. She was very direct, plus employed humor and sarcasm with ease. Vera
was very expressive and expressed deep sighs when a topic of conversation was frustrating for
her. At the time of the interview, she was a single parent and worked a full-time administrative
job outside her home. At times she referenced her daughter and at other times used the plural
version of daughters. The impression was a single child lived primarily at home, while the
others’ presence was more fluid.
At the time of her interview, Vera lived in medium sized town. Vera was very direct
when she spoke about the western “patriarchy” and expressed that she was not happy about the
“unbalance” between men and women. She expressed deep concern for Native women and
referred to Native boys at her daughter’s local school as bullies. Vera said at local schools, “You
have to deal with a lot of bullying. …” Independence and confidence appeared to be her
motivation for engaging her daughter in Girl Scouts. Vera expressed that she has a lot of friends
and family within her local community, and she often spent time with her loved ones. Her home
did not have plumbing, but a group drives to fill water tanks every two days. She spoke about
making sure elders within her community had enough firewood for the winter and she was
planning on joining a group to collect some later that week. Vera came across as an outdoorsy
person and expressed interest in camping and spending time outdoors. She said she would really
like a larger Girl Scout presence in her community. Vera said she did not want to be the only
adult leading the effort, but could envision a collective of women engaging with their daughters
in the program.
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Leyla
Leyla is a member of the Turquoise tribe and spoke about using the Girl Scouts to
facilitate cultural practices and ceremonies. Leyla initially seemed hesitant to share, but as the
interview continued, she became more open, laughed often, and had an easy-going manner. At
the time of her interview, Leyla worked part-time within her local community and walked to
work when she had scheduled shifts. Leyla referred to her multi-generational household often,
especially when there was a peak in the background noise during her interview. Leyla shared she
has more sisters, aunties, and uncles nearby. Once comfortable, Leyla shared additional insight
to her cultural practices and how they contributed to self-identity. She said she really valued
space dedicated for girls and the importance of matrilineal knowledge. Leyla said this about the
Girl Scouts, “It’s not programming just for the girls, but it’s also there to offer that support
system for the family as well.”
At the time of her interview Leyla also lived in a small town. She did not have her own
transportation, but said there were vehicles available if the need arises. Leyla primarily relied on
the local resources for basic needs such as a clinic, a small store, and community center within
walking distance from her home. She had a young daughter, and they participated in Girl Scout
activities together. Her daughter was an independent Girl Scout member and did not engage with
a troop. Her daughter did attend the local school, but she primarily spent time with family
members outside of school. Leyla said she would like her daughter to be strong and confident
and believes outdoor experiences with the Girl Scouts would help her become more outgoing.
Kira
Kira is the second member of the Ruby tribe who participated in this study. She seemed
very shy and quiet during her interview. At times she seemed unsure as to how much and what
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information she was able to share based on her tribe’s guarded nature. Kira identified herself as a
homemaker and single parent. She did imply she was widowed, but did not offer any additional
information. Kira’s village was also remote and very rural. She was incredibly kind and generous
with her time considering she had to stand in a certain location to maintain phone reception
during the interview.
Kira’s daughter was young at the time of her interview and attended their local school.
Kira made multiple mentions of livestock and their movement around her home. She was
watching them while we spoke. Kira had local resources nearby within her village, and she
shared that she sees the Girl Scouts as something that could benefit other girls in her community.
Kira said that she wanted her daughter as well as other girls in her community become more
confident, which was important for their development and some of their traditional ceremonies.
She said, “Providing education more within the Girl Scouts is something that I’m sure we all
need to work on to educate these girls that they’re not being forgotten out here.” She made
mention that she sees alignment with her cultural beliefs, specifically referring to “cycles” and
the Girl Scouts.
The Native American Women’s Experience in Girl Scouts
Described within this section are the findings pertaining to the Native American women’s
Girl Scout experience. The Native American women’s experience with the Girl Scouts overall
was positive. The participant’s length of engagement does not appear to impact their beliefs
about the Girl Scout organization, and they perceive the organization as one that uplifts girls and
women. The participants both envision and have applied their cultural beliefs to the Girl Scout
program to increase the sharing of knowledge and traditional practices with their own daughters
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and girls they engage. They have also built community and friendships throughout engagement
with the Girl Scout organization.
A Comparison: Length of Engagement and the Impact of the Girl Scout Program
One of the desired outcomes for this study, if applicable based on the participants, was to
compare youth and adult experiences while participating with the Girl Scouts. The findings
indicated there is no difference in the participants’ beliefs about themselves or the organization
for those who participated as youth and adults versus those who only participated with the Girl
Scouts as adults. A challenge that emerged early in data collection was requesting that
participants pivot their perspectives from childhood to adulthood. This section focuses on both
the knowledge obtained from asking participants to shift their perspectives during the interview
and the findings which emerged via the comparable analysis of those participants who engaged
with the Girl Scouts as both children and adults (Group A) and those who engaged only as adults
(Group B).
Shifting Perspectives. As part of the interview protocols designed for this study, some of
the follow-up questions switched from asking the participants about their experiences as children
to their perspectives as adults, as well as inquiring about the experiences of their daughter(s) or
girls under their care. Enforcement of these perspective shifts generated confusion for both
Amara and Taylor, who engaged in the earliest scheduled interviews. This was very clear after
the initial interview with Amara, who directly said, “I’m confused, what are you asking?” It was
important to provide additional scaffolding for the conversation and to clarify with the
participant which frame of reference was being explored. Therefore, after the first question
pertaining to the participants initial engagement with the Girl Scouts, if their response was about
first becoming engaged as a child, that framed the remainder of the first conversation. However,
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if the participant referred to adult engagement, this was the ongoing frame for the conversation
even if later in dialogue the participant referred to a Girl Scout experience as a child. There was
no way of knowing in which group the participants would be placed until the initial conversation
took place and they articulated their duration of engagement, which mandated flexibility in the
interview process. The second interview for those placed in Group A concentrated on the
perspective that was not the focus during the first interview. This process proved to be more
supportive of the participants while they partook in the interviews.
Girl Scout Impact and Length of Engagement. The findings of this study pertaining to
the length of engagement with the Girl Scout organization does not appear to impact Native
American women’s beliefs about the organization. Five of the participants engaged with the Girl
Scout organization as children (Group A), while the other three did not (Group B). Most of
Group A experienced challenges remembering details about their childhoods and participation
with the Girl Scouts, but were very clear about childhood experiences pertaining to their families
and communities.
All eight participants in both Groups A and B, regardless of when they became involved
with the Girl Scouts, share similar perspectives as adults. Ultimately, whether these women first
became engaged as children or adults does not appear to impact their current beliefs about the
Girl Scout organization. Taylor shared this story about joining the organization as a child:
When I was attending elementary school, there was an opportunity for girls to join Girl
Scouts. We didn’t really know too much about it. At that time, my mom was in her own
place, doing her own thing. So, I joined Girl Scouts because, of course, my friends were
joining Girl Scouts, and we loved playing basketball, so we were a basketball team
together. That allowed me to continue to play and hang out with my friends.
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There was an interesting moment noted when Taylor made a statement about Girl Scouts
seemingly to be “more available” for older generations, specifically referring to her
“grandparents’ generation.” According to the findings derived from the historic artifact analysis,
the generation to which she was referring may have been engaged with the Girl Scouts during the
boarding school era of the 1920s and 1930s, hence the perception of readily available access to
Girl Scouting (Girl Scouts, n.d.-b; Small, 1932). Taylor did not express awareness nor allude to
correlation, but this moment was captured in the researcher’s notes due to the potential for
alignment. Amara also recalled being part of the Girl Scouts as a child and said,
It was fun. But I remember being there at the school… or close to the school… walking
distance. I think it was tied to the school. But I liked it because my family was there and
we [kids] liked to do stuff together. I remember the crafts.
Eira, Rory, and Jude recalled very little about specific Girl Scout experiences as children,
but all shared positive impressions of those experiences. They remember it being a fun
experience with friends, but more clearly recall daily life with their families. Four of the five
participants in Group A remember the Girl Scouts’ connection to their schools, while Eira
remembered more about singular and/or inconsistent program experiences. The discussion
surrounding the concept of fundraising and the participants’ relationship with money is included
within the third research question pertaining to partnership improvement; however, it is
important to incorporate in this section that none of the participants referred to a collective
money-earning opportunity or the Girl Scout Cookie Program when recalling their experiences
with the Girl Scout organization as youth. Taylor specifically spoke about ways to fund her
extracurricular activities as a child:
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But something interesting from at that [sic] point in our life, we couldn’t afford the fee. I
didn’t even ask my mom, because it was just a known, you don’t ask. So, we kind of
hustled up the membership fee. And also, I think we had a fee, because we would go to
basketball games. I don’t know, I can’t remember how... I just remember they would ask
for donations for travel. So, I would collect cans, and that was just kind of if you wanted
anything, you would either look for pennies on the floor, or wherever, or you would
collect cans. That was how I used my money. Of course, my older sister used her money
to go to the ice cream truck, but I used my money to be part of Girl Scouts.
Each of the participants in Group A did see themselves as active adult members in the Girl
Scouts and see the value of the program for their own girls. While they each perceive their Girl
Scout experiences as children as positive, they shared limited memories of their involvement as
youth.
Cultural Beliefs and Practices in Alignment with the Girl Scout Program
The participants see their cultural beliefs and practices in alignment with the Girl Scout
program. When probed, most of the participants were guarded when asked for additional
information describing specific tribal practices they believed to be in alignment with the Girl
Scout program. Social cues guided the direction of the dialogue based on each of the individual’s
apparent level of comfort with the content. The participants were tentatively open about tribal
practices, yet there was an invisible boundary between generalizing or naming a ceremony and
fully describing it. The only exception to this was a specific ceremony celebrating a girl’s
coming of age within the Turquoise tribe. Four participants spoke in detail about the ceremony
and how important it is for a girl’s transition from childhood to adulthood. Based on their similar
passionate tone surrounding the importance of the ceremony, and as they shared full explanations
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of the practices within, it felt as if the women held complete ownership of this ceremony and
there was no hesitancy while sharing details. For example, Jude said the following when
discussing Girl Scout curriculum and the coming-of-age ceremony, “That’s what I want for the
Girl Scouts and what my goal is… to walk them through that whole process and get them ready
for their own ceremony.” Also, in the same context and pertaining to the Girl Scout program and
tribal practices, Taylor shared about “how to bring out some of the values of the Girl Scout
movement, but also empowering our young girls as they transition into womanhood.” She
continued, describing her perspective:
To give birth, or to go through pregnancy takes a lot of inner strength, dedication and
believing in yourself. So, a lot of those values are incorporated with that. And not so
much just the menses, but how it embodies all of those powers. So, we want to give the
girls that inner strength, that they are strong, and challenges... They may not have control
of the challenges around them, but they certainly have control over them and their body.
Those are things that we incorporate, to make sure that they know who they are in this
world.
Other ceremonies or practices were alluded to and mentioned during the interviews, but
not fully described. There was a hesitancy in the tone of the participants’ voices to share any
additional details or information; this behavior was consistent across each of the interviews
whenever other tribal beliefs and practices were discussed. Hesitancy was also detected during
dialogue when discussions focused on trauma. Most of the trauma discussed was recent or
current based on either personal experience or taking place within the immediate community.
Occasionally, a couple of participants mentioned overarching tribal trauma when referring to
either western or patriarchal systems and historic trauma was not discussed. The findings derived
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from modern artifact analysis supported the participants’ assertions that western sociocultural
context is oftentimes counter to their traditional values, practices, and beliefs (Dhillon, 2020;
Gearon, 2021; Representation2020.com, 2019). For example, and according to the article written
by Gearon (2021), the concept of reigniting a matriarchal system within tribal communities has
met with challenges because the concept of feminism itself is perceived by many, specifically
men, as a construct of western society. Throughout the dialogue, the Native American women’s
experiences in Girl Scouts highlighted how the participants see the application of the Girl Scout
program in relation to their own beliefs and cultural practices.
Intersectionality of Identity, Cultural Beliefs, Natural Resources, and the Girl Scout
Program
The topic of access to and the conservation of natural resources generated a variety of
responses, and both conservation and access to resources were intertwined while discussing Girl
Scout programming and experiences. The individual participant’s tribal affiliation impacted the
dialogue’s outcome in different ways. For some, natural resources and their spiritual belief
system are one in the same, which required additional sensitivity. For others, while an apparent
reverence of natural resources emerged, the topic was discussed with far less intensity exhibited
from the participants. For example, among one tribe, it is commonplace and acceptable to
discuss how people impact the land and misuse resources. The participants perceive the Girl
Scout program as an opportunity to teach girls about the importance of conservation. Jude spoke
at length about this topic:
We‘ve misused a lot of it and when it comes to natural resources, we’re using it faster
than it’s being generated. And because of that, we have this drought. We’re using up all
the aquifers under the ground. We’re using up those levels of where the different
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resources are at that it’s getting deeper and deeper and deeper. And the deeper we go, it’s
just getting more dry [sic] than ever because we’re getting closer to the core now and it’s
getting hotter and things are just happening… So, it just all ties to one another… It’s all
our own fault.
Jude concluded the statement and referred to the Girl Scout water conservation program as being
one that she uses with her Girl Scouts. For many participants, the mention of water was directly
linked to their spiritual beliefs and the annual cycles they traditionally follow. This instigated
long pauses in dialogue that gave the impression the participants seemed to be thinking about
how they should phrase their responses. While providing their responses, the participants’ speech
slowed and sounded very deliberate, plus specific words were used with clear intent. For
example, when Eira spoke about water, she did so with a tone of respect and made deliberate
mention of the seasonal cycles and ceremonies aligned with them, but was not forthcoming with
any additional details. Kira specifically said, “This is all part of our cycles, and how it ties
together… [Girl Scout program] related it to our culture and the cycle of when the [Deity]
comes, and it rains and it nourishes the crops, and it goes back.” She did not opt to share any
additional information, which signaled it was time to move on from the subject.
The cadence of speech practiced by all the participants was similar; this included
common breaks in sentences and the use of certain words, such as traditions and traditional
values. Often used while the participants were speaking were long pauses. Most of the interviews
were conducted over the phone, and at times pauses were difficult to interpret, which proved to
be a limitation. The long pauses were a collective part of speech patterns, but may have also
indicated moments when the participants were thinking about what to say next. In addition, when
speaking about trauma or uncomfortable subject matter, the participants would seem to pause,
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but after a moment speech did not resume, and this was recognized as an intentional trail-off of
thought. This meant what they choose to share had concluded and it was time to move on to the
next subject or question. Emphasis in tone was employed during expressions of frustration, a soft
tone applied when something was pleasing, and silence was comfortable. Another nuance that is
important for understanding the context surrounding the dialogue is all the participants used the
name of their tribe to describe both themselves and their land. For example, a participant said
“the Turquoise” in reference to the people and “here on Turquoise” while referring to the
reservation. This dual use of the tribe’s name was observed during each interview.
Understanding the speaker’s context while using the name of her tribe was important.
Ultimately, speaking with women with whom I had prior acquaintance facilitated a level of trust
that enabled me to bring up topics and probe for more details when otherwise doing so may have
been viewed as possibly abrasive and even inappropriate. I also recognized social cues, based on
speech patterns and tone, when it was acceptable to ask additional questions and when it was
time to move on to the next topic. In addition, paraphrasing has been employed extensively to
protect the identities of the participants.
Some of the individuals shared deeply personal and detailed information and/or practices
that are tribe-specific while referring to their experiences as Girl Scout members. While
additional details will be shared within the findings of the second research question pertaining to
Native American women’s values for participation with the organization, one participant shared
about her experiences with domestic violence. The participant believes that her experience with
the Girl Scouts is what grew her confidence and empowered her to escape a potentially deadly
environment. The inclusion of direct quotes from the participants pertaining to these subjects
may serve as individual identifiers, so they were not used independently as part of the findings.
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When a participant discussed the importance of a particular spiritual ceremony, dance, and
traditional clothing, these may be things Girl Scouts in her community can practice together. In
some cases, the individual participant pseudonyms have not been included as seen above, so that
any reader will be unable to piece together the entirety of an individual’s story and identify the
participant.
In some cases, the participants expressed pride in experiences in which they have been
able to merge their traditional practices and the Girl Scout program. For example, Rory spoke
about her daughter’s experience leveraging content she learned within a Girl Scout program and
applied it to a Native American competition for young girls within her community, “Well, from
winning this past Little Miss [title], what she did is what she learned at the college, when the Girl
Scouts did [science] camp.” Overall, the participants’ responses were both constructive and
optimistic pertaining to their experiences with the Girl Scouts, as everyone was agreeable to
being contacted again, and each interview closed on a positive note. Each of the conversations
were incredibly rich, and the participants were very forthcoming while discussing their own
personal journeys and their engagement with the Girl Scout organization.
In summary, the Native American women’s experience with the Girl Scouts is both
positive and rewarding. Length of engagement does not appear to impact the participants’ beliefs
about the organization. The participants spoke about ways the Girl Scout program aligns with
their own cultural beliefs and practices. The Girl Scout program also supports the sharing of
knowledge and practices across generations, specifically important insight shared matrilineally.
Overall, the participants believe that involvement with the Girl Scouts supports community and
builds friendships.
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Research Question 2: What Are Native American Women’s Perceived Values for
Participating with the Girl Scouts?
The second research question focused on the Native American women’s perceived values
for participating with the Girl Scout organization. Overall, the Native American women’s
perceived values for participating with the Girl Scouts are very positive and include the
opportunity to engage in a safe, single-gendered space, curriculum that is easily adapted and
aligned with their cultural beliefs, broad programmatic opportunities that support personal
growth, and a framework for social and emotional development. In addition, the participants
view the Girl Scouts as a facilitating entity for access to programmatic experiences, but also
providing an established structure that enables them to create a safe space for both girls and
women. These findings are located within Table 4. The themes which emerged during analysis
and were leveraged to present the evidence include (a) a single-gendered, safe space, (b) the
adaptability of Girl Scout curriculum, and (c) opportunities for personal growth, plus social and
emotional development.

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Table 4
Findings: Research Question Two
Overarching Theme Findings
A single-gendered, safe space The participants perceive matrilineal versus patrilineal
equating to tribal versus western perspectives and
practices.
A single gendered space is valued and perceived as
safe.
A single gendered space provides both women and
girls opportunities for growth and development.
Adaptability of Girl Scout
curriculum
The participants choose to adapt the existing Girl
Scout curriculum to align with their tribal practices
and beliefs.
The participants imagine future adaptations to Girl
Scout curriculum to further align with tribal
practices and beliefs.
The participants visualize the creation of new Girl
Scout programming based on their tribal practices
and beliefs.
Opportunities for personal growth,
plus social and emotional
development.
Girl Scout travel and camp (overnight) opportunities
support the growth of girls’ confidence and
independence.
Girl Scouts helps generate friendships which supports
girls’ social and emotional development.
Girl Scout engagement provides a safe, supportive
network for women and girls experiencing negative
situations elsewhere.

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The artifact analysis conducted for this research question identified both historic and
modern artifacts that align with and support the findings. For example, when focused on value,
one of the identified values is a collective, safe space, and Girl Scout uniforms have identified
collective participants throughout the history of Girl Scouting. The desire to belong to the
collective can be viewed within historic artifacts where Native American troops request support
for the attainment of uniforms (Anderson, 1969; “Girl Scouts need,” n.d.). Additionally, there are
articles from within tribal communities requesting Girl Scout engagement and those where
Native American members share their value for Girl Scout participation (Jordan, 1968; Yurth,
2012). Each of the eight participants was asked at the conclusion of their initial interviews to
share one word that came to mind when they think of the Girl Scouts. The words the participants
shared were sisterhood, friendship, life-changing, confidence, empowerment, adventure,
opportunities, and connections. The following are the synthesized findings for this research
question.
A Single-Gendered, Safe Space
Gender roles and the perception of gender-specific opportunities were prevalent in the
findings, specifically the idea of sisterhood. Two of the participants specifically referred to the
western concept of a patriarchal system. Based on their responses, patriarchy was not viewed as
a positive system or framework. Traditionally within many Native American cultures, a
matriarchal structure is the norm as women serve as the lodestone(s) within their communities.
During the conversation with Taylor, and when the context of the dialogue was focused on
traditional practices in alignment with Girl Scout programming, she said she perceived
patriarchy as responsible for the negative connotations surrounding a woman’s coming of age,
which was in opposition to her tribe’s traditional teachings:
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Well, so first of all, because of patriarchy, the woman transitioning, there’s a lot of
shame, blame, and dirtiness associated with it, while the juxtaposition or the difference
for our teaching was that it’s... I don’t want to say a timeless celebration, but it’s a time of
deep respect, and honoring that she’s not only an image of our, we call her a changing
woman, of our mother, but she is a giver of life. And so, it’s that life force.
A similar dialogue emerged while conversing with Vera about Girl Scout programming
and cultural context. She too mentioned patriarchy and said while laughing, “They [men] think
they have power, they don’t… they’re just too far away,” referring to men being removed from
traditional beliefs. Other participants did mention the disconnect between their tribal values and
those in western society, such as Jude regularly referring to the western culture as making her
people “lazy.” Yet, the impression was not that these women were condemning men, but more so
the western systems currently in place external to their communities that are contrary to their
traditional practices.
The Native American women who participated in this study revealed the structure of the
Girl Scout program allows for adaptability to align with their culture beliefs and desire for a
single-gendered space. Eira has participated in a couple of the leadership retreats for women
hosted by GSACPC, the first of which was specifically designed for Native American women.
She said,
Because in my experience Girl Scouts isn’t just about the girl. One thing that I appreciate
about Girl Scouts is the women’s leadership retreats that they offer. When [an elder,
“Rose”] was looking to bring Girl Scouts out here, they held a modified retreat for the
women here. So, we got to experience the women’s leadership retreat, but it had the twist
of the tribal values added in. Knowing a lot of the women that participated that year, it
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had an impact on the things that they were doing at the time, the changes that they were
going through, and it really gave them an opportunity to take for themselves and really
think about what they wanted as a person, not as a mom, not as a wife, not as anything
else, but for themselves.
The second retreat Eira participated in was away from her home and designed for a generalized
audience, but she recalled deep appreciation for the positive impact the Girl Scout organization
provides to others. Eira was able to articulate her value for the organization in that while the
primary focus is on girl development, the Girl Scouts represents a network designed to support
adults as well.
The participants valued a single-gendered space as this appeared to align with their desire
for safety, additional opportunities, and growth. Amara talked about how important she believes
it was to provide her daughter with opportunities in safe environments, “I just liked all the
opportunities that it had for girls, especially to travel even if it’s in state, to go to camp, just to
get away from home. It was really important for girls to have that experience.” The concept of
safety emerged across many of the conversations and when the participants spoke about the Girl
Scouts in tandem with safety and a single-gendered environment, it was clear the participants
had either concerns or previous negative experiences with other youth organizations, schools,
and mixed-gender spaces. For example, Leyla mentioned that she “has not been happy” with
mixed-gender youth organizations, referring to them as the “same old” experiences; she
mentioned bullying and being unsure as to what her daughter was getting out of the experience.
She also described some dominating behaviors she witnessed boys exhibiting in some programs
and went on to say, “Girls want to do those things, too, girls can build… do robotics, whatever.”
When speaking about safety in Girl Scout environments, Vera shared a story about her daughter
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being chased by some boys in the community and this behavior really scared both her and her
daughter. The boys were reprimanded, but she said they will not forget what happened. She was
determined to give her daughter the tools she needs to be safe and successful and believed she
can get those in the Girl Scouts, “It’s really something… that I see our girls could benefit from.”
Kira spoke about the importance of girls standing up for themselves, finding their voice and
doing so while participating with the Girl Scouts, “It’s hard at first, but once they start doing it,
they really blossom and definitely will help them in the long run to get those opportunities to talk
to people.” The single-gendered space provided by participation with the Girl Scouts promotes
developmental opportunities as well as safety.
The final topic that emerged when discussing the single-gendered space within the Girl
Scouts was the participants’ awareness of the overwhelming number of indigenous women who
go missing every year. An interesting point to note was that none of the participants used the full
name of the movement, which is Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (Murdered and
Missing Indigenous Women, 2020). Each of the participants who mentioned this topic only said,
“Missing Indigenous Women” and did not include the word murdered. This topic was mentioned
by more than half the participants and during each occurrence, there was a quiet, a sense of
sadness that was exuded from the women, a notion that trailed off into silence as they formed
their next thought. Based on their behavioral cues, no probing questions were asked. It was
important not to infer meaning; however, the participants’ tonality was indicative of trauma as
similar behaviors were expressed during dialogue about other subjects pertaining to trauma and
traumatic experiences. In each case, the women were speaking of safety and supporting one
another, as well as the need to support women and girls within their communities.
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Based on the participants’ perspectives, one of the most valuable components for
engagement with the Girl Scouts is the availability of a single-gender space. The Girl Scout
environment is one that projects a sense of safety and opportunities for girl growth and
development. As adults, the women perceived the organization as one that facilitates community
building and the opportunity have new experiences, while fulfilling their desire to share wisdom
and cultural practices.
The Adaptability of Girl Scout Curriculum
The Girl Scout curriculum is based on a progressive experience via four program pillars,
including the outdoors, financial literacy, STEM, and life skills. Each of the pillars was designed
to facilitate the Girl Scout Leadership Experience (GSLE) and to achieve the organization’s
mission of “Building Girls of Courage, Confidence, and Character.” The curriculum is not only
progressive by age level, but progressive across the whole of girls’ developmental years, ages
5–18. The Girl Scout curriculum was designed to be flexible and open to interpretation based on
the needs of both individual troops and girls. Ultimately, if program outcomes are achieved, the
pathway to completion matters little. The artifact analysis of content pertaining to the
adaptability of Girl Scout curriculum for Native American Girl Scouts aligned with the findings
in this section. The analysis included articles and programmatic success stories (Girl Scout of
Orange County, 2019; Girl Scouts, 2019; The Institute for American Indian Studies, 2021). For
example, in 2019, the Girl Scouts of Orange County shared a story about a Native American Girl
Scout who earned her Gold Award via the creation of a project that uplifted storytelling, a
cornerstone of knowledge transfer within many tribal communities. The participants in this study
spoke a great deal about how they valued seeing their culture within the Girl Scout program and
readily adapt it to meet their needs.
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Earlier in the findings, the coming-of-age ceremony was discussed and four of the
participants from the Turquoise tribe mentioned seeing alignment between their ceremony and
the messages of empowerment and self-identity within the Girl Scout program. The coming-of-
age ceremony is held over multiple days; the participants don traditional clothing, and it includes
the traditional practices of making of food, songs, and a lot of distance running by the girl central
to the celebration. Rory specifically mentioned wanting to offer the coming-of-age ceremony for
the Girl Scouts she works with and described planning the teaching of the ceremony while
spending time with other Girl Scout adult members while tending livestock:
[I] remember [Girl Scout co-leader, Marlin] was walking between a sheep [sic], doing all
that stuff and we’re all in planning of it and I was like, “Ah.” We all kept going. This is
with [Girl Scout parent, Mary’s] daughter too. And we just kept going and going and
going even down for puberty ceremony for their girls. And even that not all of the girls
would actually go through that.
What Rory was discussing was her and her friends’ desire to offer the teachings of the coming-
of-age ceremony to the girls in their troop, even though it was possible many of the girls would
not be provided the ceremony by their own families.
Likewise, Jude was concerned that due to the movement away from traditional practices,
many girls would not have the opportunity have their ceremony. She lightly joked that she would
happily “put girls on a treadmill” if that is what it took; she laughed and shared her mother was
aghast at that idea. She said she believed participation in Girl Scouts would enable her to provide
the knowledge about this ceremony to the girls in her troop, regardless of whether they are
getting it at home because it is so important:
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I mean there’s a whole lot of things and my goal is actually to align it to where we
actually take not just the portion of the traditional [practice] and living that good life, but
also what they call the [name of the ceremony] the puberty ceremony to where that in
itself, that’s a time to where the girls really learn a lot about being a woman and being
successful, praying for those things and setting their minds straight and having that
mentality that they’re going to be successful no matter what it is that they want to do,
whether it’s in a man’s world or whether it’s in a woman’s world, or a profession,
something like that.
Part of the challenges the participants face is determining which girls have traditional practices at
home and which do not. Vera said it was hard to figure out who is a traditional practitioner
because
Well, all the girls like I said, they come from different home settings, and they could be
the only sibling, or they could be the only girl, or there’s only one boy. Everybody comes
from a different setting here in how they step through our traditional ways. I originally
come from [another town] that’s about two hours away. And from the way I was taught
out there is different here. Here in [this city] … in different areas on the reservation or
being taught different ways of their traditional ways of living. And when you combine
that with the Girl Scouts, it’s just about the same in things that we have to teach them, to
combine together with other girls. And if they have something they believe in, and it’s
kind of same with the other one. And then we kind of combined it together to be a Girl
Scout and share with each other, whatever it is you believe in.
Essentially, the way in which the participants from this tribe practice their traditions is
based on their family’s and local community’s traditions, and while there are overarching tribal
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beliefs, the local traditions are not binary. Some of the participants communicated that Girl Scout
curriculum provides the framework for Native American women to share and teach their
traditional practices and they found value in this. Yet, in doing so they must tread carefully
because while the girls may be from the same tribe, there is no way of knowing an individual
family’s practices. For example, while discussing storytelling, Leyla shared that traditionally
storytelling happens in the winter, so practicing storytelling out of season may “feel wrong” for
some girls. However, it depends on “how traditional the girl is” and that some may not mind at
all. Another participant from a different tribe shared delicate insight as to the current workings
within her tribe and the implications for including tribal practices within Girl Scout curriculum
and program. For her specifically, traditional practices not only pertain to the whole tribe, but are
also linked to individual village practices and the village’s practices are based on their
geographical location. These practices also tie into the seasons and their belief system. Having a
village with an independent mindset creates disharmony, and this impacts the whole. Therefore,
when she chooses to tie in tribal practices to Girl Scout curriculum, the content must be broad
even if it is being delivered to girls only within her village. Within the context of the dialogue
pertaining to Girl Scout curriculum alignment and adaptability, the participant provided the
following example to describe her tribe’s structure and utilized the curfew restrictions during the
COVID-19 pandemic to further explain the differences between villages. She said,
For us here, that’s a different situation even for another tribe because at almost every
village we have security. We have curfews. We should all be in within a certain time.
They don’t allow people that don’t live in the villages come in. Some [the villages] are
more restrictive than others in letting them. Like, “Okay, you’ve gone out this many
times. You’ve only got one more time to go out of your home for the day.”
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After a short bit of shared laughter, she continued,
Some of them have been that restrictive… It’s really sad to see, but it’s some of those
more traditional villages that still have those traditional leaderships [sic] in place, and
they can do it…
While navigating inner tribal conflicts has been extremely challenging for this participant, she
said specifically the Girl Scout Wonders of Water Journey program is one that really spoke to
both her and her daughter because it focuses on the natural cycle of water. There is alignment
with their cultural beliefs and the curriculum, so there have been no barriers for them to discuss
and complete the program.
The participants also see value where there is potential to align Girl Scout curriculum and
programs with their traditional practices. Two participants mentioned the pageants for girls
within their tribe as where they see potential Girl Scout alignment. Pageants in Native American
culture are not like those practiced in western cultures. Native American pageants are based on
tribal traditions and are very important to the tribal communities that practice them. Taylor said
with laughter, “These are not Jon Benet type of beauty pageants.” She explained further:
These are girls who are demonstrating cultural skills… and having to explain why they’re
important. And then also with the modern skill, whether they’re bull riders, or they’re
ropers, or if they want to be a scientist. It’s a whole gamut. So, they demonstrate almost
this tenacity. I’ve seen that, and I’m learning more about it…
Taylor continued to discuss the variety of pageant titles, connections across generations, and the
importance of community service as part of the role of pageant title holders. She was curious
about possible ways to connect the Girl Scout High Award program to her community’s
pageants:
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And so, I see them learning these leadership roles, but not necessarily having a program
or something that can help them or enhance after they step out, when their reign is over,
how they could continue to be part of helping their people. I’ve reached out to some of
past, especially Miss [title]’s, because they’re a little bit older, and they want to continue
to do the good work, but there’s really no platform for them. And so, I was thinking, if
we start talking to them about Girl Scouts, how would they feel?
The conversation with Taylor evolved as the Girl Scout High Award Program was discussed in
tandem with the pageants, specifically the highest award a Girl Scout can earn, the Gold Award.
The potential innovation surrounding the creation of a pathway for girls who earn a pageant title,
who would then be able to continue to apply their skills and advocacy work towards earning their
Gold Award creates a unique scenario following the girl’s reign to earn scholarships and other
special opportunities provided for Girl Scout Gold Award recipients. The reverse has taken place
for one of the participants as she shared how a Girl Scout program supported her daughter’s
ability to earn a pageant title.
Prior to the pandemic, a unique and culturally aligned STEM camp was delivered in-
person to girls living on tribal reservations. It was during one of these camps that a female Native
American astronomer was recruited to deliver a presentation to participants that incorporated
traditional tribal astronomical beliefs and modern astronomy. As described within the first
research question pertaining to the Native American women’s experience in Girl Scouts, Rory
shared it was the content her daughter learned during this presentation that led to her success in
earning a pageant title. When asked to share additional details, Rory explained,
What they did was recognize the stars in Turquoise and how she did the same exact same
thing. And it was impressive. She even brought the pinwheel with her. She even did
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everything in Turquoise, her own language, and then she recognized... It’s a poster board.
She drew it. And this is how you recognize it. So, she gave it to all the judges, the
pinwheel, how to recognize them. And it was awesome.
The pinwheel and posterboard are star maps that display alignment with her tribe’s cultural
beliefs and modern astronomy. The participant continued and said, “Yes. So, she brought
whatever she learned from Girl Scouts into the pageant” and, “even just talking about it, I felt
like a chill down my spine now.” Rory then shared they still have the poster board on display at
home three years later. This was an incredible description of cultural alignment in Girl Scout
programming that truly benefited a Native American girl. The findings from other participants
centered on traditional practices, generalized opportunities, and where they would like to see
additional Girl Scouts engagement and programming.
When specifically asked about the type of programming the participants would like the
Girl Scouts to provide that would align with their cultures and traditional practices, they
responded quickly and excitedly. The rapid responses from the participants showed they were
immediately able to see the Girl Scout organization as a vehicle for providing culturally relevant
program experiences. Five of the participants mentioned equine programs. Taylor aligned equine
programs to her traditional beliefs:
I would do… equine therapy… Because our girls need healing at all different levels.
With our horse teachings, that horse can provide that nonjudgmental connection to their
little spirits. It also connects them and grounds them with nature… What does it take not
only to take care of yourself, but another living thing? But that all encompass... all of that
healing for both of them.
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Leyla spoke to the alignment between her perspectives, current Girl Scout equine programs, and
what she would like her daughter to experience:
And it teaches strength, and courage, and confidence, and commitment, and everything
that’s incorporated into the Girl Scouts. I think that’s why, of course, your equine
programs are so popular. But it also is limited, because you can’t get that many girls into
the program, so it’s amplifying, or getting them ready for that programming. So, they
may not have a horse, not everybody has a horse. But they can learn about the horse.
They could learn about all of the qualities of the horse. It’s rare to find a little girl that
doesn’t love a horse. I mean, it’s a natural connection.
Kira spoke about her local community and what she would like to see more of for her daughter
and the girls in her community:
Some of the girls, they do, like I said, they have livestock at home. Maybe somebody
would bring some horses just to demonstrate how they can get on a horse or how to take
care of a horse, and how to put the saddles, on the blankets, the bridle and all that stuff.
Maybe weekends and all, they could have something like that, to bring it out to the girls.
The information provided by the other participants was quite varied. Their ideas about what Girl
Scouts can either provide or include in programmatic opportunities included nature, athletics,
and health. Rory spoke about general topics, and where she believed natural alignment occurs:
I would love to learn more. See that’s what we need, to be brought into the art and the net
and how the girls can learn more about what’s out there. Even talking about these
animals, there are certain stories, not all of them know about it. Even down to the plants,
how we can use that for selling, there’s some that we’ll use for food, not everybody
knows about it.
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These concepts refer directly to the Native American perspectives, beliefs, and connections to
the land and their own systems for exchanging goods. Amara leaned heavily on sports and
athletics. While this can certainly be attributed to Amara’s love of sports, it may be important to
include the majority of her Girl Scout experiences have taken place in schools or facilities where
sporting equipment has been readily available:
I would do something fun like a sports event or a sports [sic], kind of like we did with the
basketball camp, but maybe volleyball. Any kind of chance to learn from experts or
whatever and then have an opportunity to play a game and just really learn about the
sport and practice skills and techniques and all of that. I think that’s really cool.
Vera was very focused on health, both physical and mental, throughout this portion of the
dialogue. She shared the following when asked about the programmatic experiences she would
like to see offered by the Girl Scouts:
I would say to healthy living, especially the eating habits through a high of diabetes [sic].
Also, and with better themselves, try to stay focused away, to be a better person, because
like I said, not all the girls come from a perfect family. Always can be something that can
be hindering them from going to be a better person, bullying and there’s also be domestic
violence within the home. There’s also be something to do with alcohol, drugs, all of that,
we can change it. It’s just not only going to be one person, but this person is going to
have to get these other people in order to make something like this happen. Just like a
Girl Scout, to make it a better place.
When Jude was asked to imagine a program offered to girls on her reservation, she exhibited a
moment of confusion. The question was rephrased as, “If we were to work together to design a
program, what would you like to see?” Jude then became quite excited and made a reference to
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feeling like a “kid in a candy store.” She then took the opportunity to describe a program that
models her experience as a youth growing up on her reservation:
I would definitely take them back to my grandma’s where there’s no water, no electricity.
You have to herd sheep. My grandma’s no longer with us, but the stuff’s still there. I
would take them back to remote area. There’s no cell service. There’s none of that. And
just let them be free. Let them be away from that for a while, for the weekend. Yes, we
learn how make breakfast, certain types of breakfast. We practice making certain types of
lunches and dinners. And then we have a fire depending. We chop wood. We go gather
wood. We go look at the plants. We identify certain things. I would take them back out
and I would live the way I grew up and taking the sheep out and spending the whole day
out in the mountains.
Jude went on to describe having a connection to the land and practicing observation skills so
girls would know if there was a predator or danger nearby. She was interested in instilling the
sensing of their surroundings and how girls should navigate challenges. She said this would build
the girls’ confidence. According to Jude, this type of program would also teach the girls how to
identify real problems and the best ways for solving them. The participants appeared to enjoy
this portion of the conversation based on their laughter, excited tones, and the speed in which
they relayed their ideas. A similar tone was employed when the participants spoke about the
various opportunities the Girl Scouts provides.
Opportunities for Personal Growth, Plus Social and Emotional Development
Based on the participants’ perceptions, the Girl Scouts is perceived as a safe, single-
gendered space where they can collectively support one another and bolster their shared social
and emotional needs. Which may be why social and emotion growth as well as confidence and
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empowerment, emerged as extremely relevant values for participation with the Girl Scout
organization. The synthesized findings developed via artifact analysis pertaining to Native
American socioemotional development were in alignment with both the literature review and the
participants’ insight. Numerous government entities, articles, and websites discuss the
importance of Native American youth mental health and the statistics that show poor outcomes
based on the general lack of access and support pertaining to socioemotional development and
mental health needs within tribal communities (Ferlazzo, 2021; SAMHSA, 2015; Youth.gov,
2021). It is important to note the lack of research pertaining specifically to Native American
women within the continental United States, initially discovered during the literature review,
reemerged during this portion of analysis. Also prevalent was the grouping of Native Americans
and Alaskan Natives (NA/AI) when analyzing artifacts pertaining to Native American youth
health and socioemotional development. When the topic of value for participation with the Girl
Scouts was discussed with the participants, the concept of opportunities for personal growth
strongly emerged. The word opportunity or opportunities was utilized by all the participants and
within each of the 13 individual interviews. Overall, the participants associate the Girl Scouts
with opportunities that support new adventures, friendship, knowledge, making connections,
growth, and development.
Travel opportunities emerged in multiple conversations. For many of the participants, the
opportunity to travel as part of a Girl Scout experience was an exciting concept. Amara spoke
about travel and the benefits that will contribute to her daughter’s independence and confidence:
Especially, to travel even if it’s in state, to go to camp, just to get away from home. It was
really important for girls to have that experience… I think just the opportunities that it
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has for different programs that girls can go to and learn and make friends. But mostly to
experience just independence, to experience just being confident in themselves.
A similar sentiment about travel and independence was expressed by Vera when she said the
following when referring to her daughter, “I think she needs different types of programs and
opportunities like traveling and stuff to be able to experience that on her own and learn who she
is and learn about herself. Independence is really important.” The participants collectively view
attending Girl Scout camp as a benefit for their girls. Many of the participants discussed wanting
their girls to either attend Girl Scout camp or to simply go camping with other girls and women.
Vera said it is important to connect with other Girl Scouts for both developing friendships and
support for “things like carpooling.” Kira mentioned the connection to the land and emphasized
the importance of “girls building those skills.” Leyla also wants her daughter to participate in
outdoor activities. Overall, the impression captured from the participants is part of the value they
see in participating with the Girl Scouts are the opportunities for personal growth. Intertwined
with these opportunities were the perceptions of girl and adult outcomes centered on social and
emotional development.
The concepts of social and emotional development were found in all the interviews while
the participants discussed their opinions about the value and benefits for participating with the
Girl Scout organization. Confidence, empowerment, friendship, and self-image emerged as key
elements that are attributed to Girl Scout engagement. Amara emphasized the importance of
readying her daughter for adulthood. She reflected multiple times that her daughter’s
development into an independent woman was very important:
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I think that’s one thing I really want her to grow up with is just the confidence and
independence and to be able to make responsible choices as she gets older, especially
when she’s an adult and I’m not there.
Kira said she and her daughter missed seeing other Girl Scouts and discussed the challenges she
was currently experiencing with her daughter and the lack of social engagement, especially while
school is not in-person on her reservation due to the COVID-19 pandemic:
The school is looking at that emotional and mental wellness, and I think, especially now,
with COVID, a lot of that social contact with friends, that’s really missing. I see, even
with my daughter, we’re together all the time, but I could just see a lot of it is just the
thinking, the mental support that they need, and it’s not with the parents. It’s with their
peers. But, how can we do something positive? It would really need to tie to our culture, I
think, for it to be applicable and to fit with what they know on a daily basis.
Kira lived in a very rural community, where aside from school, the Girl Scouts was an outlet for
her daughter to make friends and have new experiences. Kira used the word “growth” in tandem
with the Girl Scouts to describe her daughter’s social and emotional needs. Eira shared a similar
sentiment in what she saw were opportunities for girls to create a support network to lean on
regardless of their unique situations:
I think, in my community, what I see that our girls really need are a lot of support and
encouragement around their self-image, a lot of emotional and social wellbeing. A lot of
them come from single-family homes… There’s some that live with grandparents. Some
of those I know are my daughter’s friends… Their parents drink, or their parents are
divorced. We get a lot of girls that come here… Her friends, when they’re having
problems at home, just needing to talk or just to hang out. But, really getting back to
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allowing them to know their worth and to just be able to find that happy for themselves,
not thinking about anything else that’s going on at home, but to be a girl, to be and do
something that they want to do.
The participants appeared to occasionally struggle when discussing some of the girls’ negative
home life situations. Their tone of voice and the length of pauses were similar to when some of
the participants discussed the subject of missing indigenous women from tribal communities.
Often, the participants trailed off, apparently in thought when more sensitive topics pertaining to
social and emotional wellbeing and domestic violence were discussed. It was clear these topics
were not comfortable but hold a significant part of the participants’ reality.
The following example was alluded to within the first research question pertaining to the
Native American women’s experience, but truly showcases how one of the participants perceives
the value of Girl Scout engagement based on her own life experiences. The participant shared a
deeply personal and emotional story about her experiences with domestic violence as an adult
and how she attributes her newfound confidence to her engagement with the Girl Scouts. Her
intention was to pour her new confidence and zest for life back into the girls she supports, using
the Girl Scout program as the tool to facilitate her goals. To avoid providing identifying details, a
summary has been provided because it is critical her voice is lifted and her resiliency celebrated.
The participant lived through a decade-long emotionally and physically abusive relationship. The
cumulative moment that signaled the end of the relationship took place when the abuser attacked
the participant with a piece of heavy machinery. The outcome of this event led to years of
physical therapy and surgery to repair her body; there are still some days she navigates pain. Her
new goal was to instill a sense of safety and love in her home. She has used her experiences,
growth, and confidence to create a support network for girls in her community who were living
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in unhappy homes and potentially abusive situations. She shared her perspectives about self-
identity and her initial experience engaging girls:
So, the girls, they really helped me a lot and I never let them know that I was hurting, but
I was determined that they would get to be happy. If you’re not happy around nobody,
they’re not going to take you seriously. Then if you happen to smile a lot, then they’re
going to be looking at you, like, “What is wrong with that person?” It’s just a matter of
how you have your body language. If you’re sick, nobody is not going to be happy
around you, but it has to be yourself in order to be happy. Yeah. The girls were really
helpful with me and I was patient enough with them. I sat down and I got to know them,
and we did games.
She shared that she speaks more freely about her experiences now because she hopes her
openness will encourage confidence in others:
I’m still on my adventure and with being healing [sic] and stuff, it’s something that’s why
we need to bring out more awareness out there to the girls. ‘” be afraid. If you’re going
through something, there’s those that… who will listen.” And I would tell them what I’ve
been through in domestic violence.
The participant continued to share that because of what she has experienced, she can see it
elsewhere and how important it is to provide a safe place for girls, “These are just a lot of
participants in a lots [sic] things that go on within the home, but not all of them will actually talk
about it or afraid they might get in trouble.” She continued and shared,
I don’t mind telling [sic] about my story, what I’ve been through, it’s something that all
women don’t need to be afraid anymore... They need to come out and not only is it going
to affect herself, but it’s going to affect her kids and they’re not going to be in school if
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they don’t leave that person or get help… Yeah. That’s where we became a safe home for
some of these girls. And it brought more positive attitudes in them where know how to
speak for themselves and take care of themselves.
Unfortunately, other participants also shared challenges surrounding domestic violence and
navigating what was phrased as “broken homes.” In addition to issues surrounding domestic
abuse, stories about substance abuse and concern for girls in their homes was not uncommon
during the interviews. When discussing a troubling case, one of the participants shared that she
“didn’t know what else to do.” The participants appeared to relish in the perceived safety of
single-gendered Girl Scout spaces where there is an existing framework they can collectively
leverage to support one another. Social and emotion growth, plus the attainment of confidence
and empowerment, were extremely relevant values for participation with the Girl Scout
organization.
In summary, the participants’ perspectives on the values for participation with the Girl
Scouts focused on safety within single-gendered environments, cultural relatedness, and
curriculum adaptability within Girl Scout programming. Plus, opportunities for personal growth
and social and emotional development were all linked to interpersonal engagement based on the
findings. Determined by individual circumstances, topics such as friendship bled into the
importance of safe spaces where girls together can connect, learn, and develop confidence. When
focused on value, the participants revealed the Girl Scouts was perceived as a facilitating entity
that provided opportunities to attain these outcomes. As described during the introduction to the
findings for this research question, the participants provided single words during their interviews
that described what Girl Scouting meant to them, and they were sisterhood, friendship, life-
changing, confidence, empowerment, adventure, opportunities, and connections. Each of the
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words emerged within the findings for this research question and aptly describe the Native
American women’s value for engagement with the Girl Scouts.
Research Question 3: How Can the Girl Scouts Better Partner with Local Tribal
Communities to Promote the Development of Native American Women and Girls?
The third research question focused on Native American women’s perceptions about how
the Girl Scouts can better partner with tribal communities to promote the development of Native
American women and girls. The answer to this question is complex and the participants provided
multiple suggestions as to how the Girl Scout organization can better support and improve
partnerships within Native American communities. These findings are located within Table 5.
The themes which emerged during analysis and were leveraged for compiling and synthesizing
the evidence include (a) representation and consistency, (b) additional Girl Scout staff support
and engagement beyond schools, (c) support with perceived barriers to program participation,
and (d) provide more frequent culturally relevant programs. Based on the participants
perspectives, the evidence and synthesized findings describe how the Girl Scouts can better
partner with tribal communities to promote the engagement and development of Native
American women and girls.

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Table 5
Findings: Research Question Three
Overarching Theme Synthesized Suggestions
Representation, consistency, and trust Increase and maintain consistent engagement and
visibility within tribal communities which will
build trust.
Increase Native American representation within both
program and marketing materials.
Increase the number of Native American Girl Scout
staff.
Additional Girl Scout staff support
and engagement beyond schools
Increase Girl Scout staff support for Girl Scout
volunteers.
Support the creation of deeper and more meaningful
relationships with schools.
Support the development of partnerships with local
tribal community centers and similar facilities.
Support with perceived barriers to
program participation
Create additional methods that will support access to
Girl Scout information and programmatic
experiences beyond digital means.
Increase access to transportation for program
opportunities.
Generate a better understanding of tribal perspectives
pertaining to distance and access to resources.
Provide basic resources during Girl Scout programs.
Create equitable money-earning opportunities.
Provide more frequent culturally
relevant local programs
Increase the frequency of culturally aligned
programmatic opportunities.
Create culturally aligned programs delivered locally.
Provide culturally aligned programs provided at zero
cost.
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Representation, Consistency, and Trust
The participants in this study believe a way to improve Girl Scout engagement within
Native American communities was to increase Native American representation within marketing
materials and curriculum, while maintaining a consistent presence within tribal reservations.
According to the participants, maintaining a consistent and visible presence supports building
community trust. Native American representation and consistency in engagement were described
in tandem by the participants during the interviews. The concept of trust emerged when the
participants spoke about their experiences with sporadic engagement and the challenges with
troop engagement and volunteerism. While there was an overarching positive perspective about
engagement with the Girl Scouts, the participants would like to see more people who look like
them within marketing materials and see themselves within the curriculum.
Based on the participants’ perceptions and even though the Girl Scouts have been
engaged on tribal lands for 100 years, there are many within tribal communities who lack
knowledge about the organization. According to Taylor, she believes Girl Scouts was more
widely available during her mother’s generation, “I think it’s greatly unknown for parents, or the
mothers in my generation.” She went on to further discuss the availability of Girl Scouts in
schools. The concept of Girl Scouts being inherently linked to schools was a consistent
perspective shared by the majority of the participants. One participant specifically mentioned a
new Daisy troop forming at “Polacca school;” it is important to use the school’s real name in this
specific case because this school was where the first Native American Girl Scout troop formed in
Arizona in 1929 (Small, 1932). Kira shared about her experience at her local community center
and expressed interest in bringing the Girl Scouts closer to home. She spoke about a challenging
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conversation while trying to explain what Girl Scouts is to her neighbors without having relevant
materials to share:
But in talking to people about Girl Scouting, it was two women and I both know, they’re
awesome. I was asking them, “How can we do Girl Scouting?’” Both of them were like,
“Oh, I have boys.” They didn’t... I was like, “But you’re a woman, you were a girl.” And
they were like, “Well, we don’t do that. We do hiking,” and I’m like, “That’s Girl
Scouting.”
It is important to acknowledge that what Kira was referring to was her desire for more
information and support in how to explain Girl Scouting to others. In tandem with the concept of
community knowledge and representation were the responses from both Amara and Eira. Both
participants mentioned the lack of cultural context and Native American imagery on flyers and
other marketing materials. Eira said, “There are no pictures of girls who look like our girls, we
can do better.” Amara said, “It is really hard to talk to people about joining when they do not
understand the language or pictures.” She went on to say, “I’ve heard people say, ‘Why isn’t
there a native girl on this?’ So definitely that’s number one, is just people to be able to see
themselves in the materials.” Three of the participants referred to both “image” and “self-image”
in the context of wanting to see themselves and their girls as Girl Scouts. Amara specifically
spoke about the importance of Native American Girl Scout staff, “I think Native American staff
is important for Girl Scouts. I think people trust more when they see someone who’s from the
same community. It’s like night and day.” She went on to say, “As soon as someone’s from the
area, there’s that trust right away. It just does something. It’s harder for other people to do. It
takes a lot of years, it takes a lot of time, effort, showing up.” When asked if consistency played
a role in the community’s perception of Girl Scout staff she said, “Yeah, consistency and native
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staff if possible. Even if they’re not from the community, I think it’s just beneficial.” In addition
to being able to see girls and women who look like them within the organization and on Girl
Scout materials, there was also a caveat as to how volunteer engagement occurred for them that
made joining the Girl Scouts as an adult an acceptable venture within tribal communities.
Volunteer Recruitment via Community Elders
The acceptance of an invitation to engage with the Girl Scouts, based on the participant
feedback, may depend on who specifically is offering the opportunity and their relationship with
the individual. The invitation to join Girl Scouts, specifically for those who have never been
engaged with the organization, should only be offered by a person who is familiar and trusted
within the community. According to the participants, to secure a new adult volunteer for the Girl
Scout organization within a tribal community, the ask should come from a tribal elder or an
individual with a respected role within their community. For example, Eira said as an adult she
was approached about volunteering by a respected tribal elder, “Rose.” Rose directly asked if
Eira would be interested in participating:
This started with my connection with Rose. Rose was brought on as one of the elders and
was engaged with Girl Scouts in that way for ... I want to say maybe about a year…
before she, pulled me in, when they started talking more about the community
engagement teams and really looking in bringing Girl Scouts here to Ruby.
A similar experience, though far less formal, happened to Vera. Vera said she was meeting with
a group of ladies, and an older family member, an “auntie,” asked her if she would step in to
support girls and so she did. This trend also emerged for Jude, who was in a position of authority
within her school at the time. Jude shared that it was her leaning in to start a troop that triggered
the interest of other adults, even though they initially did not “act interested” when a Girl Scout
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staff member met with the school staff, “That’s how I got into it, in giving back to the kids, and
so I went for it, and I recruited. After I decided to do it, there were some other teachers that
decided to do it with me.” The consensus from the participants was that not only should the
individual making the ask to join Girl Scouts be familiar to the community, but that individual
should also be either an elder or hold a respected role within the tribe.
Volunteer Retention within Tribal Communities
According to the participants, Girl Scout volunteer retention is difficult, and these
challenges appear to surround the troop model. The challenges surrounding volunteer retention
had a single broad solution pertaining to the idea that more consistency would build trust within
their communities. The participants believe the reasons for volunteer disengagement with the
Girl Scouts were both complicated and multifaceted. The overarching sense from the participants
was the lack of consistent engagement was frustrating and they have perceived a sense of
mistrust by those new to participating with the organization, such as when Taylor made multiple
comments about others asking, “Where does the money go?” Most of the participants have
experienced the disbandment of troops and the waning of interest from those who have engaged
with the Girl Scouts. Eira shared information about the beginnings of the first Girl Scout troop in
her community and the outcomes:
I remember they were really looking for… ladies, for women to serve as troop leaders
and volunteers to help get the troop started. I had a really… full schedule at the time, so I
didn’t do any more than offer my daughter to pilot some of the programming… but once
they did get Girl Scouts started, … my daughter was part of the troop here. It was a fairly
large troop. I believe they had about 35 girls when they started here.
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The follow-up question included inquiring about how long ago this took place and how the troop
is fairing currently. According to Eira, the troop she mentioned formed 7 years ago, but none of
the troops her daughter participated with stayed together longer than a year due to the lack of
volunteer engagement and perceived support. A similar conversation with Kira generated
additional insight to some of the complications she has navigated within her community:
Because of some of the parents, and because our reservation is so sparse, so spread out,
that first troop was being hosted at an elementary school… Because our villages are so
spread out, a lot of the parents would just stay and wait for the girls. So, the girls didn’t
really have their own time. There was a lot of parents that wanted to be a part of
everything but didn’t want to register as volunteers. That was a lot of the issue. That was
part of some of the issue, that they wanted to play a role, but they didn’t want the
responsibility.
Kira continued to share more about the circumstances she navigated when prompted, though it is
important to include she exhibited some hesitancy as she described this scenario and seemed to
be selective about what she shared. According to Kira, there was an overall lack of
understanding and volunteer support. She alluded this may have also been tied to local social
dynamics within her community.
Another participant described challenges with parents as well, but the challenge for Vera
appeared to be control, generating consensus among the adults, and alignment with Girl Scout
policies:
I think a lot of it has to be parents… [want to] to be involved in wanting to do whatever
their child is doing. We’re really big on participation here, but sometimes it’s at the point
where they want it done a certain way. Maybe because they don’t trust the troop leader…
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Or, then they feel, I can do this better. I’m going to do this. Well, you know Girl Scouts
rules, we can’t really let you do this because you’re not a registered volunteer. So, they
always tried to have the parents do something else. Okay, parents. We need you to make
posters for a cookie sale. Can you do this?... Sometimes, it worked… but other times, it
didn’t. It seemed something always come up.
While the troop model works well external to tribal communities and is central to Girl
Scout outcomes, consistency for troop engagement appears to be a challenge within the tribal
communities represented within this study, according to the participants. The use of the word
consistency appeared to be aligned with the participants’ perspectives about trust. Based on the
participants’ responses, the lack of trust, especially for an organization external to tribal
communities, does not contribute to supporting a lasting relationship. Amara offered a
consideration pertaining to Girl Scout engagement while referencing the regular flux of external
organizations within tribal communities, “People are used to it, but it’s the consistency. You’re
not just going and dumping and leaving. You have to just… be genuine about it.” According to
the participants, consistent engagement contributes to building trust within their communities.
Understanding this perspective and the assumed link between Girl Scouts and schools is critical
for the potential identification of improved pathways that may support more consistent
engagement for the participants and provide additional access for others to the Girl Scout
program.
Staff Support and Girl Scouting Beyond Schools
According to the participants, their access to and information about the Girl Scouts was
provided by a single source, the individual staff member that served within their communities.
The participants also believed the primary facility used to engage in Girl Scouts were school
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buildings. It is important to include the Girl Scouts did not own nor occupy any physical spaces
within tribal communities designated for the singular purpose of Girl Scout engagement at the
time of this study. Therefore, leveraging a central location where youth regularly converge, such
as schools, has been a standard practice conducted by the organization beyond some of the
historic sociopolitical contexts for doing so. However, Girl Scout engagement does not need to
be conducted solely within schools. These two perceptions, if addressed, may support an increase
in engagement and access to the Girl Scout program for Native Americans. The following two
sections explore these perceptions further to better understand how the Girl Scouts can improve
the organization’s partnership within tribal communities.
Girl Scout Support Staff
During her interview Eira mentioned two specific Girl Scout staff members by name
because they visited her community. She said she was surprised they showed up, but was very
appreciative because they were so helpful and continued to be available if she had questions.
Three additional participants mentioned a specific staff member who served their communities
by name when discussing information and access to Girl Scouts. To protect her identity, the
pseudonym applied to the Girl Scout staff member the participants reference is “Jane.” When
probed, the information that surfaced is the single staff member, Jane, appeared to serve as the
embodiment of the organization based on the participants’ perspectives. Vera shared the
following about her experiences with the Girl Scout staff member serving her community:
I have to say that we’re really fortunate that once we got Jane to work with us here in our
area, she really made sure that the parents, the troop leaders and the IGM parents, she
really brought them in and made them aware of different things that were going on, that
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we would’ve never known about before, the different trainings and just really trying to
get more of the volunteers to attend the trainings by bringing them closer.
Offering and providing access to the Girl Scouts and Girl Scout training initially is a staff
member’s responsibility, and this usually happens before volunteers take ownership of their
community’s communication and training needs. Yet, Vera shared this type of support had been
ongoing and said, “Jane makes it work for us,” indicating the flexibility Jane provides regarding
forms and other administrative tasks. Sharing information with all the participating families
within a community is commonly a task Girl Scout volunteers are eventually encouraged to
manage. This same philosophy is applied to additional volunteer and girl recruitment efforts
within communities. One of the participants said, “Well, Jane tried to get something going at the
school… but no one signed up.” While none of the participants said anything contrary about their
Girl Scout staff liaison, there were comments made by participants such as, “The information
flows too fast,” “I learn things too late,” “I did not know I could do that,” and “We don’t have
the time to get everything done,” referring to program opportunities, requesting financial aid, and
timing requirements to submit paperwork. As an additional probing question, these three
participants were asked which programs they were likely to sign up for on their own; the
responses were similar, and each suggested they would consider attending programs Jane shared
or made them aware of. These participants appear to look to the Girl Scout staff member as a
guide, an anchor, and their source for Girl Scouting information in perpetuity.
The traditional Girl Scout “staff to volunteer” model may be described as a hand-off of
sorts: the Girl Scout staff member initially recruits volunteers and girls, provides introductory
training and learning opportunities and then slowly tapers off as the volunteers increase their
own engagement efforts. The Girl Scout staff member is supposed to be a support mechanism for
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volunteers on an ongoing basis, but the role has not been designed to hold the entirety of a
community’s engagement with the Girl Scout organization permanently. Based on the
participants’ perspectives, they have ongoing administrative needs that require a staff member’s
support. During the dialogue about education and schools, the concept that Girl Scouting
primarily exists within schools was a common theme.
Girl Scouting Beyond Schools
The purpose of this section was to gain an understanding of the participants’ perspectives
about Girl Scouting taking place in locations other than schools. Taylor was asked directly if
there are any additional venues, beyond schools, that may serve as Girl Scout hub(s). This
question also included the suggestion of a community center as a possible alternative location as
an example. This was Taylor’s initial response:
In my experience, I see providing youth services, girls services requires [sic] different
levers at different levels. I think the community center has... So, the school offers some
activities, some funding and some oversight, and the [community centers] are untapped
resources to not only first have a conversation on how they see their community, and
what is the status of the girls of their community and what they’re doing, but also what
the chapter can do to plan annual events, or... [accurate trail-off of thought]
This was an interesting moment, because there was an audible shift in tone and a sense of
excitement surrounding the discussion of what might be a new idea based on the changes in
Taylor’s tone and cadence of speech. Taylor also said the current programs at some of the
community centers she is aware of were designed for youth engagement, but none were
specifically girl-focused. She also shared that because her reservation is so vast, some of the
community centers are closer to one another than others. According to Taylor, engagement and
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partnership with the Girl Scouts may then not be consistent, but dependent on geography, the
individual centers, and their management. She also shared that many grant cycles on the
reservation are in terms of three years, which is why partner organizations appear to come and
go. However, according to Taylor, while referring to her beliefs about the community’s
perspectives about engagement said the following:
The community knows that, and the community is like, “Okay.” I don’t think they really
invest in a lot of the programs for the long term because they know eventually that
program is going to go away. We may find someone who’s awesome, and works with the
community, but the ebb and flow of things is maybe they’ll be here for a year, maybe two
years, and then they transition out to... if the funding goes away.
Based on Taylor’s input, her perspective and those from the other participants in this study are in
alignment with their shared beliefs about consistency. The dialogue continued, centered on
funding and Taylor said, “So, I think there’s a lot of opportunity that I’m learning is private
partnership, foundation work, and kind of building a movement that doesn’t necessarily rely on
the reservation government to provide its funding.” Essentially, for an organization to really
show a deep investment within tribal communities, they should come to the table having already
secured the funding necessary to maintain engagement.
The participants all discussed community centers and local physical structures that were
in proximity to their homes. Kira said she would like to see Girl Scouts at her local community
center, and Eira mentioned that she would really like to see more girls from her village have the
opportunity to participate with the Girl Scouts. While discussing gatherings, Vera shared some
fascinating insight and an example of the concept of partnering with local community centers
and said:
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I don’t want to throw religion in this, I’m just going to give you this as the example.
What happens here is, churches are very successful, because they actually do that. I’m
not even just talking about a church structure, the church itself. But here in our
reservation, we had a house that had no running water or electricity, and kind of was run
down… So, let’s say it wasn’t a church. I’m just going to say volunteers came in,
completely gutted the house, remodeled it with their own funding and their own
resources. And so now that’s going to be a hub for those volunteers to do the work in the
community.
Vera continued to share how this scenario would work on her reservation within the context of
the creation of a hub for Girl Scouts:
Because even though you see a lot of land, land is actually an issue, and so if you can
think of, whether it’s a remodel, or a project, or working... Because they work with the
community center, it’s on the community center compound. So, they were able to situate
themselves.
The concept of utilizing an existing physical location other than schools appeared to be
an unfamiliar concept for the participants, and many acted surprised or deeply thoughtful as they
considered the idea. None of the participants provided direct negative feedback or displayed any
behavioral cues that would indicate the subject was inappropriate. They replied with an
affirmative noise or said something similar like, “That is interesting,” or “That would be
helpful.” While not resoundingly supported, the concept garnered enough positive feedback that
it may be something to explore further. Taylor asked directly if there was a strategic plan for Girl
Scout engagement within tribal communities, as she was voicing the idea of being able to hire
Girl Scout staff members or recruit volunteers from within her immediate vicinity. The only
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response provided was the affirmation of an assigned Girl Scout staff member, but there are no
other models or strategies the researcher is aware of. Ultimately, the participants appeared to be
open to considering additional venues that may support Girl Scout engagement.
Based on the findings, the generation of partnerships with additional local bodies, most
importantly those with physical locations, may benefit and support additional access to Girl
Scouting for Native American participants and may improve the partnership between the Girl
Scouts and tribal communities. The outcome pertaining to Girl Scout Staff engagement remained
fixed at the time of this study. The participants did not contribute any insight or ideas pertaining
to their willingness to increase local engagement in partnership with the organization. Neither
did they share any input pertaining to increasing their own effort that may support an increase of
information and access to Girl Scouts within their local communities.
Eliminate Perceived Barriers to Participation
This section focuses on both the findings and suggestions provided by the participants for
eliminating or reducing their perceived barriers to Girl Scout participation. There are numerous
examples that emerged within the findings and, based on the participants’ insight, the following
segments within this section are focused on digital access, transportation, and access to basic
resources, as well as equitable money-earning opportunities. These concepts may contribute to
an increase in sustainable Native American engagement and support the further development of
robust partnerships between the Girl Scout organization and tribal communities.
Digital Access
At the time of this study, information about the Girl Scouts and access to Girl Scout
programmatic opportunities was available digitally via the organization’s website and social
media outlets. The primary mechanism for communication with the Girl Scout organization was
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via email. The participants offered no tangible solutions that will support the elimination of this
barrier to Girl Scout participation, but many implied their limited access to broadband was one of
the reasons they relied heavily on Girl Scout staff members to facilitate communication and
provide information in paper form.
While each of the participants expressed difficulty obtaining Girl Scout information via
digital means, limited broadband access was also prevalent during each of the interviews for this
study. The participants navigated poor connections or a complete lack thereof at the time of their
scheduled interviews. During the interview with Eira, while discussing infrastructure and digital
access in her community, she shared a humorous story about some Girl Scout staff finally
understanding the challenges with connectivity when they visited her community to conduct a
training program and could not get cell signals. She laughed while remembering telling them
they needed to go stand on a particular hill to get reception. This scenario was experienced
during the phone interview with Kira. When asked how she was doing, she said she was good,
but to participate in the interview, she needed to stand a short distance from her home and on top
of a hill for reception.
Some of the participants expressed frustration surrounding the timing of information and
how not having immediate access often limited their ability to participate in Girl Scout programs.
Vera said, “Getting flyers is good, but we don’t have much time to decide,” referring to being
able to register for a program before the registration window closed. Many participants also
reiterated how much they depend on their Girl Scout staff member for the facilitation of
information, such as when Leyla shared, “Without Jane, I’m not sure how we would get trainings
or cookie materials.” Based on the participants’ perspectives, limited digital access also limits
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their ability to participate fully with the Girl Scout organization. Overall, the participants’ access
to broadband was highlighted as a key barrier to Girl Scout participation.
Girl Scout Program Expectations: Resources, Distance, and Transportation
Based on the participants’ perceptions, transportation was perceived as the primary
barrier to accessing Girl Scout programs. The availability of transportation also facilitates the
participants’ access to basic resources such as water, food, medical care, and education. In
addition, there was an overarching belief that within Girl Scout programming basic resources,
such as food, water, and occasional medical care should be provided to participants. Based on all
the participants’ perspectives, there is a distinct misalignment between themselves and the Girl
Scout organization surrounding the context of physical distance and understanding their
collective limited access to transportation. In addition, based on the participants’ feedback, there
is a lack of understanding from the Girl Scout organization about their individual ability to
access to basic resources and what those implications then are for their capacity to provide
healthy and robust experiences for girls within their communities.
General Access to Basic Resources and Transportation. The importance of
transportation initially surfaced while the participants discussed access to basic resources such as
fresh food, water, healthcare, and education. When Vera was asked about access to water in her
rural community, she responded in a nonchalant, matter-of-fact tone, “If I have a truck, I can get
water.” When discussing water in the context of Girl Scout programmatic opportunities and
resources within her community, Jude harkened back to an earlier time in her life and mentioned
generational differences and perspectives surrounding access to resources:
So, a lot of our elders, it wouldn’t be a problem if we ever lost our water or our electricity
or anything. But I feel like it’s just years and years, generations of overuse and misuse of
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our natural resources that right now we’re in a complete drought. And a lot of people, I
feel like, don’t understand that. That they don’t understand having to go back and having
to do other ways of not being so dependent on it. I mean, I just realized it brings me back
to the point to say even though I grew up that way with my grandma, I can’t seem to get
through the day right now without showering every day. I feel that I have to do that every
day. It’s one of those things whereas when we were younger, we would only shower until
[sic] once a week or once every fourth day or something.
While access to water appears to be based on individual perspective and circumstances,
access to healthcare was referenced to in terms of distance and miles as well. Leyla said,
“There’s a clinic right down the road,” signaling an ease of access due to proximity. Kira said,
“It depends. What for? If it’s just a visit, there are clinics in both directions. For more we need to
go to [the nearest large city].” The nearest large city was over 90 miles from Kira’s home and
required transportation. Access to grocery and other supply stores often required access to
transportation. Amara shared the following about her family and transportation:
I’m just thinking about my family that lives there in [a small community], if they need a
ride to the hospital or appointments. I think that is huge. And even getting groceries in the
city, they would borrow people’s cars and stuff. Transportation is huge.
Rory said, “We have a store here and then there’s grocery stores. And then if you want to go for
Walmart, it’s like about 45 minutes to an hour away to walk where I am.” This was the response
from Eira when asked about access to fresh food and supplies:
With our tribe, it’s not just the tribe. It’s each individual village. We don’t have the chain
stores. We have the smaller stores. It’s not “Let’s go to Walmart,” and all of them will be
brought in. No, you have to go to each one and talk to them and make those arrangements
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and such. The big thing is shipping. We don’t have street addresses. A Girl Scout staff
member just emailed a parent today and was like, “No, we can’t use a PO box. We need a
shipping address. We need a physical address.” Most of us don’t have that. It depends on
where we live. Unless we know someone at the store or we ask somebody that can make
up an address or something, it’s just something that not everyone has out here.
Based on the participants perceptions, transportation was a necessary element that facilitated
access to basic resources. If motorized transportation is not immediately available, then access is
determined based on walking distance.
The Intersection of Girl Scouts, Transportation, and Basic Resources. Transportation
was perceived by the participants as a necessary element to participate in the Girl Scouts as well
as facilitating their attainment of basic resources such as water, fresh food, and healthcare. This
same cross-sectional concept emerged when the Girl Scouts and education was the focal point of
the dialogue. Based on the participants’ perceptions, engagement with the Girl Scouts was
perceived as accessible via their daughters’ schools. In Rory’s case, she lived in a small
community and her eldest was in high school at the time of her interviews. While the elementary
school was “nearby,” only 12 miles from home, the bus ride to and from the high school was 2-
hour trip each way for her daughter. Rory said this about her daughter’s experience getting to
and from school, “She gets up about five and then she gets home around by six.” Rory also said
if there was a Girl Scout troop at her daughter’s school she could not participate because she
would miss her bus. Rory did not mention the direct ownership of a vehicle, but she shared that it
was commonplace for those within a community and extended family members to borrow each
other’s vehicles for local travel. Amara also mentioned sharing vehicles among family members
and hitching rides with friends. Eira and Amara said that it was normal for a family to have a
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single working vehicle, but the vehicle is primarily used by the family member(s) who are
working outside of the home.
Leyla specifically mentioned access to Girl Scout camps and there was “no way,” even if
the money was available to pay for camp, she would be unable to transport her daughter. She
said the one summer her daughter was able to attend camp was because a specific Girl Scout
staff member “made it happen” by arranging transportation with a nearby friend. For others,
access to busses for their girls to attend camp would be “amazing,” “a dream come true,” and the
“only way for her daughter to ever get to camp.” The challenges surrounding transportation were
continuous throughout the dialogue as each of the participants referred to the number of miles
from one site to another regarding one-off activities, troop meetings, and overnight trips. Taylor
stated that visiting the capital of her reservation would be amazing and there were many Girl
Scout activities that could be completed around civics, but nearby towns are 20 to 30 miles away
and it was not possible for girls to travel to the capital for a couple hours for a Girl Scout
program. She went on to say, slightly sarcastically and with humor, “Others think this is close.
But it’s not.” Eira reinforced the concept of a different perception of distance when she initiated
and discussed her frustration with how the Girl Scouts classifies where she lives as an “extended
area.” Eira said that in “true rural communities” like her small village, they will never have the
adult capacity to fill a complete volunteer team or provide robust programs, so the Girl Scouts
should provide additional support. She gave multiple examples of different towns with varying
resources, saying, “I’m not talking rural like [small town] or [another small town] because [small
town] and [another small town] have more stores and offerings than even [slightly larger town]
does, and I know they say that even [very small city] is rural. But that’s not rural,” in comparison
to her own village. Rory spoke about the activities she provided girls within her small
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community, such as crafts, hiking, and spending time together because community resources
were either an hour walk, or a 35-to-45-minute drive depending on which direction you travel.
Overall, the conversations surrounding transportation and resources evolved differently
with each participant based on their unique perceptions from within their communities. The
participants provided a tangible solution to the barrier surrounding transportation, which would
be the provision of busses to Girl Scout camps and other programmatic opportunities. The
participants would also like a shared understanding with the Girl Scout organization pertaining to
their perceptions of distance, community classification, and access to basic resources.
Provision of Basic Resources within Girl Scout Programs. According to a small group
of participants, the provision of basic resources such as access to fresh running water and clean
drinking water, as well as fresh food, is important to include as part of Girl Scout programmatic
experiences. For overnight activities, additional resources such as clothing, sleeping bags, and
personal hygiene products may support a positive experience for participants.
Leyla discussed how much she liked the free t-shirts and snacks both she and her
daughter received during Girl Scout programs as well as expressed appreciation for Girl Scout
programs that included a meal. Rory did not share insight directly about the inclusion of basic
resources during Girl Scout programs, but did emphasize how she liked the free lunches
provided for her children in school within the context of discussing access to fresh food. Amara
was very transparent and strongly emphasized the need to provide basic supplies during Girl
Scout overnight programs that may require additional financial contributions from families:
If they are sleeping over, maybe have extra sleeping bags for people that don’t have any.
I would say yeah, just have extra stuff just in case for those people who don’t… have
something. Even maybe extra clothes. I’m just thinking of our experience… You’ll never
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know what happens. People, bloody noses maybe, I don’t know. So maybe even towels.
You know… stuff like that. Of course, put them on a packing list, but just have extras
because you never know what could happen and maybe a girl’s embarrassed… that she
doesn’t have anything clean.
Amara was asked how she would implement offering supplies during a program to not further
embarrass or cause discomfort for the girls who need additional support:
Have like a center where they can ask for stuff, I don’t know… I think loaning is fine for
the bigger items like a sleeping bag or something. But if it’s a Girl Scouts t-shirt, they can
keep it. Or socks. Of course, we don’t really want those back… I would say, yeah,
loaning on the bigger items. Just letting them know… it’s just to rent out. Just for the
program and then you have to give it back at the end.
Amara discussed the following within the context of preparing the necessary basic resources and
access to showers during a Girl Scout program:
A lot of troops I know have water. But there is a big percentage that don’t. Yeah. You
just don’t know, but you just have to keep in mind that there are some that don’t, so you
just don’t know which one. You kind of got to treat it all like one ... I don’t know how to
explain it, just one... Giving them the opportunity to shower… And you just don’t know.
I mean, it could be like 90% that do have running water and only 10% don’t. But you
can’t. There’s no way to make that judgment. Just knowing going into that program that
you’re going to have girls that are going to love to take a shower, maybe want to take two
or three.
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Amara said that it depends on the unique community as to whether families have running water
at home, and even then, the running water may not be potable. She recalled a time during Girl
Scout program experience:
I do also know that… I just wanted to point out that on some reservations the water could
be a little toxic, so not having bottled water there. I mean, having bottled water there is
really important. I remember one of the events we had, I don’t think we had water. And
the volunteers went and got some. Because we were like, “I’m not drinking that
water.”… Yeah. It’s different for every community, but I think there are studies that on
[name of tribe] Reservation, like the water’s not good to drink because of who knows
what’s in there. Arsenic?... Yeah. It’s different every community. I think just having
water there, bottled water or bringing our own water is important.
When speaking with Jude within the context about the provision of basic resources,
including access to showers during Girl Scout programs and access to natural resources within
her community, she referred to traditional practices and blamed the lack of them today for many
of the current “troubles on reservations:”
My grandma would take us while we’re herding sheep, would take us to a nearby canyon
or a creek and we would wash our hair there and wash up there and she would help us,
and we’d be all clean again. And then we’ll be okay again for the next several days again.
We would have to haul our own water and things like that. So, we learned back then how
to preserve and how to limit our use.
Jude said in the context of discussing access to fresh food and referred to the adoption of western
practices which “has made everyone lazy” and has attributed to weight gain and mental health
issues which she described as a “rut.”
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Other participants quickly moved away from the subject of access to basic resources such
as water or, like Jude, only discussed water in terms of natural cycles and how it is part of their
“traditional ways” of being. This also included how to collect water from the land for the people,
crops, and livestock. There were also conversations about small farms, community gardens, and
how fresh food is often “scarce,” which is why it was important for girls to learn about
traditional practices. Many of the participants simply avoided the concept of basic resource
provisions during Girl Scout programs. Amara shared that she believes as part of Girl Scout
programs, food and snacks “need to be provided, because the girls always seem to be hungry.”
She went on to say that when planning for a Girl Scout activity, some of the most frequent
questions she receives from parents are about food:
Especially I mean, that’s the question as a parent, are they going to get fed, what are they
going to eat for a snack. So yeah, I think that’s really important. Also, to try to make it
healthy. Not everything, I mean, could be cookies, cake. Definitely a lot of water. If you
could have fruits just laid out for just picking up.
A couple of the participants expressed that providing fresh food during Girl Scout
programs was often challenging when the volunteers she knew were often lacking key resources
themselves, such as when Vera said, within the context of discussing resources and Girl Scout
gatherings, “Sometimes we just hang out together because there’s not much else to do.” Three of
the eight participants provided feedback about the concept of providing basic resources during
Girl Scout programs, while others seemed hesitant or directly avoided the conversation. Based
on the overall participant input surrounding access to resources, for the majority there appear to
be challenges obtaining basic resources for their own families, and by extension the concept of
also providing resources during a Girl Scout function is seemingly not within their scope.
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Equitable Money-Earning Activities
All the participants want to facilitate opportunities for their own daughters and other
girls, but all must navigate both organizational and environmental systemic barriers to do so.
There were two primary revenue generating pipelines for the Girl Scout organization at the time
of this study. The first was the annual membership fees paid to the national organizational body,
and the second was the Cookie Program which funded the local, chartered Girl Scout councils.
The Cookie Program also funded activities, experiences, and opportunities for the upcoming
year. Girl Scout adult volunteers and the girls themselves were the main drivers of the program,
each running an independent cookie business for the duration of the sale’s season. The Cookie
Program was elective, meaning participants had a choice to participate or not. The organization
heavily encouraged Girl Scout members to participate because the revenue generated from the
sale not only supported the administrative functions of the council, but also supported financial
aid, camperships, and programs for those without the resources to contribute financially. Each
Girl Scout council set the parameters around Cookie Program engagement based on
organizational policies, taxes, and other income-based state and federal laws. The participants
believed GSACPC had a policy in which only girls who participate in the Cookie Program were
able obtain approval for other money-earning activities throughout the remainder of the year.
Some of these activities may have included car washes, gift wrapping services, and the sale of
handmade items.
Based on the participants’ perspectives, there were numerous challenges surrounding
their engagement with the Girl Scout Cookie Program, including access to resources, their own
financial limitations, and those of their families. The participants clearly understood the Cookie
Program was the primary revenue generating mechanism that supported Girl Scout engagement,
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but there was frustration with the structure of the program itself and lack of alignment with their
perspectives and needs. In addition, none of the participants mentioned the programmatic aspects
or outcomes of the program. Their suggestions pertaining to the development of equitable
money-earning opportunities included different reward levels for those with a limited capacity to
sell cookies based on their immediate community’s capacity, providing Native American girls
opportunities to earn money that were more in line with common community practices without
participation in the Cookie Program, and making the Cookie Program easier to manage, which
would support volunteer retention. It is important to include that at no point did the researcher
initiate conversation about the Cookie Program; it was only when the participants opted to
include it in a response was it discussed.
All eight of the participants mentioned the Cookie Program. During the conversation
about resources and money-earning activities with Eira, she said that in her community her
daughter could only sell 300 boxes of cookies because of both the size and financial capacity of
the area, which was limiting, as her daughter “cannot possibly sell enough to even earn cookie
rewards,” which were special programs and prizes for those who reached set sales benchmarks.
She also revealed some of the reasoning for the disbandment of a troop in her community and
how this was tied to the Cookie Program because the leader “was left with cookie debt” and did
not know how to manage the issue.
The Cookie Program and finances were not comfortable topics for the participants even
though they initiated the dialogue. This conclusion was formed based on the content of
information shared, pauses, hesitation in speech, and tone. During the dialogue with Jude, she
mentioned the challenges of managing the money on behalf of her troop. She said it was hard for
parents to see the value, but it was also very challenging to procure funds from troop members
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when it was time to do so, “They just don’t see it. They have to give back the money… or the
cookies. Sometimes it’s hard to do that.” Jude’s implication about stealing was obvious in the
conversation, but she was not comfortable directly accusing families of theft. Amara mentioned
similar experiences, “It…is really hard. To keep track of all the stuff and get ahold of people…,”
her thought trailed off to silence. Taylor said she would not manage the Cookie Program for her
daughter’s troop as it was “too much,” and she followed the statement with a deep sigh. Rory
asked other parents to help in their small community, but due to the lack of resources, her girls
had minimal engagement with the Cookie Program and they “only sell to their families and
neighbors.” Rory went on to explain her troop only participates in the Cookie Program so they
can sell other stuff throughout the year to help the girls make money to buy their supplies. Leyla,
whose daughter participated in Girl Scouts independently, said, “We don’t have the troop leader
to gather the money and utilize troop funds to take in, because, for me, the closest bank is either
100 miles roundtrip or 200 miles roundtrip depending on where I’m going to go.” Taylor spoke
at length about community feedback, money earning, and directly asked about other activities
that would “make more sense” for girls living in her community when considering the challenges
surrounding accessing resources:
I have had families to say, “It just seems easier if we’re raising money for the girls to go
to a trip, we could just do a Turquoise taco or a Turquoise burger stand, and we could
probably get the girls more funding faster.” But I think that’s prohibitive, and I’m sure
there’s challenges and a reason why. But I think those are some of the challenges when it
comes to funding or getting the fundraising that we need for the girls to… Because then,
of course, everybody wants to know, “Where does the money go?” There is always a lot
of... How can I explain it?... In building up trust, and so they’re like, “Okay, where is this
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dollar going?” And also, we have challenges, and I think everybody has challenges with
the cookie sale, and they’re like, “Wow, this is a lot of work. Is [sic] there other ways we
can fund raise?” That’s been an ongoing conversation.
Taylor then spoke about some of the challenges accessing the internet in reference to online
cookie sales via the digital platform, which became more relevant for the program during the
COVID-19 pandemic:
But we have a lot of challenges with our broadband, access to the Internet. So, I just think
maybe the thing is if there’s other ways, if girls are allowed other ways to fund raise... I
just don’t know enough.
Stemming from the dialogue surrounding the Cookie Program and, when appropriate,
probing questions were asked about the financial sustainability of Girl Scout engagement. Amara
said the way to increase participation in Girl Scout programs is to:
Making it free usually, or at least a financial aid option is usually helpful, especially
because people live paycheck to paycheck and maybe they might have the money but not
at the time, so you might need to utilize financial aid.
Some participants were unaware of the financial aid opportunities for program engagement, such
as when Eira shared she and her daughter were excited about possible international travel
opportunities, but disappointed because they had no way of affording them and because her
husband had concerns about their daughter traveling alone. When it was shared the Girl Scouts
cover the major travel expenses for chaperones, such as flights and hotels, her jaw dropped and
after a few moments of silence, she said, “Really! I did not know that… who do I call?” Usually
for local programs, participants need to submit a digital request for financial aid in advance of a
programmatic opportunity. Financial aid, according to three participants, does not work for them
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because they “can’t get online in time,” “don’t know how it works,” and “can’t pay upfront.”
Many were also unaware of the campership program that enables full coverage of camp
expenses, aside from transportation. There was a general lack of knowledge pertaining to the Girl
Scout financial aid process and timeline for doing so based on the participants’ responses and
insights.
The concept of procuring additional supplies for Girl Scout programs also emerged from
multiple participants as a challenge financially. Rory mentioned having craft supplies available
for girls and expressed appreciation for regular donations, while Vera made mention of working
with what they had on hand. Taylor discussed not understanding where the money went for Girl
Scout badges and patches, and Eira said in the context of financial resources while referring to
her daughter, “I know she was wanting to get the newer uniform, also. That’s something we have
yet to order for her.” Amara mentioned the concept of living paycheck to paycheck, the level of
poverty, and the lack of resources appeared to be significant for many of the participants living
within tribal communities. Within the conversation with Eira, this is how she summarized her
perspective of poverty and her own experience:
“Wait a minute. It doesn’t matter what situation I’m in. So long as I live here, I live in
poverty because just of the place that I choose to live.” I was really looking at that and
thinking about not only myself, but how many other families are out here that can’t afford
to… make the trips to town to make the deposits for cookies? …that’s a trip at our own
expense.
Everywhere I looked it talked about Girl Scouts providing the same experience
for every girl, which is not true… I said, “Because it’s something that you can’t really
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market, or you can’t really advertise if you’re not providing that same experience for
every Girl Scout.”
Eira was able to articulate this poignant overarching perspective and, like the other participants,
she could see some of the opportunities that Girl Scouts provides, but there was no clear or easy
path to obtainment. This included the Cookie Program, which was designed to facilitate and
support access to opportunities both for girls and adult volunteers.
In reference to the Cookie Program, many of the participants were interested in “other
ways to fundraise.” Some of their suggestions included the sale of local food and wares. The
participants who suggested selling other food were aware there may be limitations based on local
and federal laws. Two of the participants mentioned selling homemade crafts, including beading
and artwork. Vera said, “My girls like crafts and they could sell them,” and Taylor mentioned
selling beaded items created by her girls. The participants overwhelmingly did not like the
requirement that they must participate in the Cookie Program to conduct additional money-
earning activities throughout the year. Based on the rural nature of their communities, some of
the participants had a limited capacity to sell cookies in comparison to Girl Scouts who live in
urban communities. A large part of the disappointment expressed was due to the cookie rewards.
Kira said this about the cookie rewards, “I think that’s one thing with the cookie rewards. When
they came in, it was just like, “I don’t need this. What am I going to do with this?” She then
shared that many of the lower tier items on the list were not motivating and those were the
rewards her daughter could potentially earn. Eira liked the rewards listed in the higher tiers, but
she believed they were out of reach. Eira was very excited that last year her daughter earned the
cookie reward to design her own pair of Converse shoes. This was a lower-tier reward, while
those in higher tiers included unique programs and travel opportunities. It may be important,
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based on the participant responses, to consider the limited capacity for those members living
within rural communities and explore equity in tandem with the development of the cookie
rewards. There also appeared to be limited knowledge about Girl Scout financial aid programs.
Some of the gaps appeared to exist within the process for requesting financial aid, barriers
pertaining to digital access, and general knowledge and availability of resources for those Girl
Scout members who need additional support to gain access to programmatic opportunities.
Frequency and Provision of Culturally Relevant Programming
The topic of culturally relevant programming was a consistent element that emerged
during each of the participant interviews. The topic of cultural relevancy has also been
highlighted within each of the research questions’ findings. Within the context for understanding
how the Girl Scouts can better partner with tribal communities to further support the
development of Native American women and girls, the notion of more frequent program
offerings and programs intentionally designed specifically for Native American participants
emerged from within the dialogue.
There are a variety of different nuances that are important to be aware of within each
individual Native American tribe. For example, Amara discussed the importance of
understanding taboo subjects when engaging in tribal communities. She recalled a time when
someone from the Girl Scouts suggested using the Night Owl Badge during a program on a tribal
reservation. She laughed and said it “would have been a disaster,” as owls were not considered
positive and were commonly viewed as a harbinger for death and have other negative
connotations within both her own and other tribes. Some animals and the symbols representing
these animals have a wide variety of meanings and implications for Native Americans; therefore,
it is important to have a basic understanding of individual tribal cultures and beliefs. Eira
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discussed inner-tribal cultural politics, beliefs, and the importance of Girl Scout staff obtaining
some insight prior to any attempts to engage. She recalled a specific example and spoke very
cautiously as she shared some private details about some of the social challenges within her tribe
and how Girl Scout staff lack of knowledge impacted that staff member’s ability to garner
traction for Girl Scout engagement. While Eira described the importance of having knowledge
about tribe functionality, Jude spoke broadly about understanding perspectives and differences in
worldviews:
The one thing that I would change about Girl Scouts, and I feel like it really would make
a huge impact and I’m trying to prove that right now is to take a lot of our own ... to have
a lot of our elders and our own people be a part of writing the curriculum and writing the
standards and being involved and putting together what it is that students need to learn
and aligning it, not making everything to where it’s just culture and language and that’s
it. We still have to learn how to survive in the western world. It’s like we don’t have two
different worlds. We do in some sense, but we don’t say, “This world and that world,” or
“You’re not going to be successful if you don’t go to school or you don’t go to college
and stuff.” You can. We can make sure that we integrate everything, so putting more
money into the aspects of culturally relevance and culture responsiveness and bringing it
into the actual requirement of regular education and tying it in.
As an educator, Jude shared a great deal about her perceptions of aligning culture and
curriculum in school as examples of the disconnect: “An assessment if you were to give some of
our students that same assessment and it’s talking about a harbor. What the heck is a harbor or a
dock? Because we don’t have harbors on the reservation.” She said this was similar to some Girl
Scout curriculum, but she sees the majority as being “easier to align” with her culture. Kira said
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what she liked about the Girl Scout curriculum is the emphasis on leadership and confidence
because “girls need that” in her community. Rory discussed the importance of language and
cultural practices when asked about what she would like to see more of in Girl Scout
programming:
I would say more of our traditional values in there and because not all of our girls know
our traditional values in anything. There’s some of us that don’t speak Turquoise and our
Turquoise language and some, they would either understand it, but they don’t speak it.
And I’m thinking that maybe more of our traditional values was in our Girl Scouts,
because there’s a lot of things out here that our girls need to be more aware of. Not only
within themselves learning how to create and identifying all these herb [and plants] all of
that can combined within our Girl Scouts to better themselves more and to help
encourage other girls. Know who they are. We need to start making something like a
change for them in life. And then when they go on maybe for college, they won’t forget
where they come from.
The loss of native language was a topic half of the participants mentioned; one participant
referred to the pride surrounding Code Talkers and how it was a shame the language was
disappearing. She went on to say, “I know they are trying more in schools. But why can’t the
kids practice and learn the native language? I don’t understand why kids learn French in schools
here.” The participant also spoke about the importance of language and self-identity and she
attributed the loss of language to the loss of culture. Leyla focused on the importance of having a
positive self-identity and can see this as part of Girl Scout programming, regardless of how
traditional a girl may be:
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I would say it would be everything because all of the girls I would say they come from
different values. It could be the church value. It could be different things that they were
brought up… And I would say it would help them in the long run for who they are. And
the… just as the Native American, they were always seen, how about them that there
were some negative thing[s], but they do not know what we could do. And we do
contribute a lot of things, positive things. And it’s just that they don’t see it that way. And
a lot of these girls, they want to do something you don’t want to be heard, not only in
our… there’s a lot of them that are not fully native, some of them are half and something
like this with the traditional values would help them to be a better person and who they
are.
Within the analysis of the second research question pertaining to perceived values, many
of the participants described their ideal programming, and the programs they described were
deeply imbedded in their cultural beliefs, such as sheep herding, having a connection with the
land, and running, as this is part of the Turquoise tribe’s coming-of-age ceremony. When probed,
Jude described wanting to use her tribe’s traditional dwelling as part of a program. Once the
surface conversations concluded, probing questions were used when appropriate. The context of
the probing questions included an inquiry focused on the outcomes for girls, generally described
as what knowledge or lesson the participants hoped girls acquired at the conclusion of a Girl
Scout program. The responses included “skills,” “confidence,” and an “understanding of who
they are.” Overall, the participants would like to see more cultural alignment during activities
and interpretation that supports girls’ understanding and knowledge of their tribes’ practices,
culture, and beliefs.
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Local and Low-Cost Programmatic Opportunities
The majority of the participants lived in rural communities at the time of their interviews
and had limited access to programmatic experiences due to the described reasons. As the
participants explained, transportation was a barrier to participation; therefore, the amount of
work it took to transport a collective of girls for a short programmatic experience was not worth
the effort. However, from their perspectives, engagement opportunities that included an
overnight or camping option would be well worth the effort. Vera said, “A lot of people come
out,” when discussing programs with longer engagement periods. All of this aligns with the
challenges that surfaced during the dialogue pertaining to transportation. Before the COVID-19
pandemic, on the largest tribal reservation one to two programs were hosted by the Girl Scouts
each year, one of which was a weekend-long opportunity. The investment of both staff time and
money to host these opportunities requires external sponsorship because there is zero cost
applied to the participants beyond transportation. While the topic of access to camp emerged in
the findings as a desired outcome for participation with the Girl Scouts, both the cost and
transportation were noted as significant barriers. Therefore, the appropriate context to consider
when the participants refer to programs available within their communities is to understand they
are describing free opportunities led by council staff. This context was apparent during the
conversation with Eira. She mentioned an awareness of the Girl Scout’s Social Impact and GS-
Yes teams and wondered why they could not have these programs on the reservation:
I learned a lot about GSYES and Social Impact, and I questioned every single thing. Why
don’t we have this in northern reservations? Why don’t we have this in extended areas?
Why can’t you try to set something up that all girls are afforded the opportunity?
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This was an interesting concept and one that may be explored further. The models in which these
teams functioned at the time of this study were specific. The Social Impact team primarily
worked with teen girls who would never have the opportunity to participate in a traditional Girl
Scout troop due to their unique situations. The Social Impact team also managed the Girl Scouts
Beyond Bars (GSBB) program, which serves either girls who were incarcerated or girls whose
mothers were incarcerated, and programming takes place within detention centers. The GS-Yes
program has been traditionally leveraged as a recruitment mechanism where staff engaged in a
six-week afterschool program with girls while working to recruit adult volunteers who may be
willing to become troop leaders for the girls. Both teams offered free opportunities to
participants and had the ability to do so because of the generosity of private donors and grant
funding. Eira’s statements and questions reaffirmed her desire for an increase of zero or low-cost
programming and local opportunities within her community. A final perspective and one that
takes the concept of an increase of program opportunities a step further was based on insight
from Amara. She discussed a strong desire for additional programs designed for older girls and
that it was important for them to have their own opportunities:
I think a lot of girls lose interest after eighth grade, so somehow making it, I know this is
a long shot, but making it cooler I guess for older girls where maybe if they don’t want to
wear a uniform, they can wear a t-shirt. We could focus on, I don’t know, travel or
camping, going on trips, earning their Gold Award. I guess trying to be separate from the
younger ones, because I hear that a lot. It’s always hard to have a multi-level trip for the
older girls, because they’re kind of just babysitting or whatever. So just distinguishing
that line for the older girls in a way that I can’t think of right now. I don’t know.
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Something that separates them from the uniforms and the cutesy girly, young stereotype
of a Girl Scout. I don’t know what that would be, but ... Yeah. For sure.
This was a common sentiment heard across the Girl Scout movement, but it is an important
consideration when designing Girl Scout opportunities according to the participant.
Based on the participants’ perceptions, there were significant barriers to fully participate
in the Cookie Program and a lack of equity encompassing the attainment of cookie rewards. The
policy that mandated Cookie Program participation to partake in other money-earning activities
had steep repercussions for girls participating in very rural and low-economic communities
within their reservations. According to the participants, there were limited programmatic
opportunities for girls in their communities. The participants had a clear understanding of what
they wanted, but based on the findings, had limited suggestions or ideas that would increase both
the quantity and duration of programmatic opportunities for those living within tribal
reservations. It is also important to reiterate the context in which the participants were providing
insight about program engagement was through the lens of zero or low-cost opportunities. The
findings indicate that to be a better partner, the Girl Scout organization should review the
described inequities and discover ways to both address them and meet the needs of Native
American Girl Scout members.
In summary, the third research question focused on the Native American women’s
perceptions about how the Girl Scouts can better partner with tribal communities to promote the
development of Native American women and girls. The answer to this question is the Girl Scouts
can increase consistency and trust by providing additional Native American representation
within materials and increase the number of Native American Girl Scout staff, support
partnership engagement in schools and develop new partnerships with community centers more
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centrally located within tribal communities, support the navigation of barriers and programmatic
inequities, plus increase the frequency of free culturally relevant programs. The themes which
emerged during analysis and were leveraged for compiling and synthesizing the evidence
included (a) representation and consistency, (b) additional Girl Scout staff support and
engagement beyond schools, (c) support with perceived barriers to program participation, and (d)
increase the frequency and provision of culturally relevant programming. According to the
participants, there is a definitive desire to increase engagement, but GSACPC will need to
develop additional strategies to meet the perceived needs of the participants and be a better
partner to promote and support the development of Native American women and girls.
Summary of Findings
The introduction to the findings began with an acknowledgement of the eight unique
participants that contributed their wisdom, insight, and deeply personal stories to support this
study. Represented within the findings were three individual Native American tribes and
individualized perspectives about their traditions and culture. The three research questions
focused on the Native American women’s experiences and values for participating with the Girl
Scout organization, plus insight and ideas pertaining to ways the organization can better partner
to support the development of Native American women and girls. Each of the questions has been
answered based on the evidence-based findings produced by this study. The overarching themes
for the findings included access and resources, plus both culture and gender contexts. These
themes, which emerged during analysis, were in alignment with the four topics identified within
the conceptual framework: (a) education, (b) natural resources, (c) authority and positionality,
and (d) cultural context. The conceptual framework was founded on two theoretical
frameworks—social cognitive and expectancy value theories—plus the review of literature and
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historic artifacts. As part of the evidence provided, trauma was found to be an underlying
concern and emerged during dialogue about poverty, access to resources, systemic barriers,
domestic violence, substance abuse, and missing Indigenous women. Based on the evidence,
living in two worlds, self-identity, and uplifting the female experience within tribal communities
presents challenges for the participants. In conclusion, the Girl Scout experience is both valued
and desired by this study’s female Native American participants who elect to engage with the
organization despite the unique challenges they must navigate in attempting to achieve both the
experiential benefits and expected outcomes for participation with the Girl Scout organization.

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Chapter Five: Recommendations
The purpose of this study was to generate a better understanding of Native American
women’s beliefs, values, and expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization. It
was important to conduct because goal alignment and understanding participant perceptions were
critical for the attainment of successful outcomes for both the participants and the organization.
Having a better understanding of the participants’ perspectives may help reduce and hopefully
eliminate any future practices that may unintentionally reinforce trauma and undermine trust
with the organization. The answers to the research questions were obtained via qualitative
methodology, a case study that leveraged interviews and artifact analysis to collect and analyze
data. This chapter first includes a discussion of the findings, linked back to extant literature and
the conceptual framework. Following are the study’s limitations, recommendations for practice,
as well as recommendations for future research. Finally, this chapter will close with the study’s
conclusions.
Discussion of Findings
The findings of this study are in direct alignment with the conceptual framework created
to serve as the lens to guide this body of research. The conceptual framework was a two-tier
design based on both SCT and EVT (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000; Bandura, 2002, 2018; Eccles &
Wigfield, 2002; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000). Each of the theories include three containers meant to
support a better understanding of individual’s motivation and behaviors based on their unique
perspectives and environments. Additionally, the inclusion of understanding the impact of
sociocultural context, supported by SEVT, has lent itself as a critical lens for generating
understanding of the participants’ perspectives (Eccles & Wigfield, 2020). Four primary topics
emerged from the review of literature: (a) education, (b) natural resources, (c) authority and
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positionality, and (d) cultural context. Across all four topics, the concept of historic trauma was
prevalent. Each of the four primary topics also emerged during data collection, and as opposed to
historic trauma minimally surfacing, instances of modern-day trauma plus an overarching sense
of misalignment with the world external to tribal communities was voiced by this study’s
participants.
When focused specifically on the Girl Scout experience, the Native American women’s
responses were overall positive, and they found engagement rewarding. The Girl Scouts was
perceived as a safe and trustworthy organization, benefiting both women and girls who
participate. However, the participants want more and there are limitations to participation which
align with systemic barriers. The findings have addressed this study’s problem of practice by
generating a deeper understanding of Native American women’s beliefs, values, and
expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization.
The Native American Woman’s Experience and Beliefs about the Girl Scout Organization
Based on this study’s participants, the Native American woman’s Girl Scout experience
was overall rewarding and their beliefs about the organization were positive. Understanding the
participants’ beliefs is a primary component of EVT. However, generational knowledge, access,
and resources emerged as perceived barriers to participation. All the participants expressed belief
in great outcomes for engagement with the Girl Scouts, but from their perceptions often
meaningful engagement can be challenging as they must navigate these barriers to participate
fully. Within this section, the four primary literature topics of (a) education, (b) natural
resources, (c) authority and positionality, and (d) cultural context found within the environment
section of SCT within the conceptual framework emerged. There were three primary findings,
and they were (a) the Girl Scouts builds community and supports the creation of friendships; (b)
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the Native American woman’s cultural beliefs and practices are in alignment with the Girl Scout
experience; and (c) based on the participants in this study, the length of engagement does not
impact their beliefs about the organization.
Building community and friendships emerged as clear beliefs attributed to participation
with the Girl Scouts. Building community and friendships is aligned with the collectivism
perspective as well as generational oral knowledge transference (Lopez et al., 2013; Medicine,
1993; Quijada Cerecer, 2013; Triandis, 1993). One of the participants spoke about her desire to
join Girl Scouts as a child so she could continually spend time with friends after school. Others
described participation in the organization as an opportunity to bring girls together that both
supported their own daughters as well as provided them with a sense of fulfilment. These are
foundational elements of the Girl Scout experience. The Girl Scout organization is steeped in
traditions focused on the collective, and this directly aligns with the participating Native
American women’s beliefs about the importance of collectivism and cultural traditions.
Cultural belief alignment was also perceived within the Girl Scout program curriculum
according to the participants. The concept of service to one another and education about the land
emerged as the participants discussed seeing themselves and their beliefs within the Girl Scout
program. Many of the participants discussed this alignment within the Girl Scout curriculum and
were actively seeking ways to leverage program engagement to facilitate cultural traditions, such
as the coming-of-age ceremony. This was an important finding because, and while this example
is tribe-specific, in many cases the oral transfer of select knowledge takes place matrilineally,
which means if some girls have a nontraditional home life or do not have access to a female
elder, some of the participants believed it was their duty and responsibility to impart this very
important cultural knowledge to girls within their tribe. Additionally, understanding and wanting
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to uplift outdoor experiences and preserve natural resources are important cornerstones within
both the Girl Scout program and Native American belief systems. Cajete (2003) and Cajete et al.
(2005) described seven categories encompassing the Native American perspective which
highlighted a deeply ingrained connection between themselves and their environment. The
Native American women who participated in this study as active Girl Scout members leverage
the Girl Scout program as a tool to facilitate their own beliefs and practices. As the participants
expressed, the challenge for doing so was access to resources that would further support and
enable them to provide Girl Scout experiences for girls. Some of these items included access to
transportation, as well as financial and basic resources.
There were two groups of Native American women who participated in this study, those
who participated in the Girl Scouts as both children and adults (Group A) and those who only
participated as adults (Group B). When compared, both groups expressed the same beliefs about
the organization. Those who participated as youth described similar circumstances in which their
engagement was facilitated, and this was via a local school or community center, not by their
families or elders. According to the participants, minimal support was provided to these women
as children beyond approval from their families to participate. This is important because as
adults today, members of Group A are engaged because they have either a fond recollection of
being Girl Scouts as children or access to engagement was facilitated by a tribal elder. Those in
Group B have all gained access to the Girl Scouts via a trusted tribal elder or friend. Regardless
of when the participants became engaged with the organization, their shared belief was the Girl
Scouts is a trusted entity that provides opportunities for girls.
The participants were clear the Girl Scouts is both welcomed and desired within their
communities, and they want more. They want additional access, different ways to provide
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culturally aligned programs, support in the design and delivery of culturally aligned programs,
plus either the provision of additional resources or support obtaining resources that will enable
them to continually provide fulfilling Girl Scout experiences for girls within their communities.
Finally, it is important to uplift the shared belief that Girl Scouts provides opportunities for girls.
This belief is fundamental for the individual participants regardless of the duration of their
engagement with the organization.
Native American Women’s Values for Engagement with the Girl Scout organization
The Native American women’s perceived values for participating with the Girl Scout
organization were overall positive and centered on safety. Understanding the participants’ values
is a primary component of EVT. The participants shared a distinct need for a single-gendered
environment that provided a safe space for girls and women, plus facilitated the sharing of
knowledge and cultural practices. The participants in this study expressed value for the Girl
Scout organization, which they perceive as a container that supports the personal, social, and
emotional growth for both girls and women. Within the findings and via the conceptual
framework, all four of the literature topics of (a) education, (b) natural resources, (c) authority
and positionality, and (d) cultural context emerged, plus the concepts of both historic and modern
trauma. The topics of patriarchy, emotional, physical, and substance abuse were each voluntarily
shared by multiple participants, as well as emerging within the literature as significant concerns
(NCAI Policy Research Center, 2013).
The Native American women who participated in this study were very clear about the
importance of their roles within their tribes pertaining to sharing knowledge. Within tribal
communities, women’s responsibilities within the tribe centered on caretaking, sharing
knowledge, and decision making (Lajimodiere, 2011; Mihesuah, 1996). The concept of
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patriarchy, as referred to by the participants, was an external system that did not align with their
beliefs and values. This perception was similarly described by both Andrade (2014) and
Medicine (1993). The participants spoke about the importance of a safe, single-gendered space
as a positive attribute of Girl Scout participation, but also as a tool to protect girls and women.
The participants shared their concerns about missing indigenous women, their own experiences
with domestic abuse, and their observations of girls within their communities struggling with
unsafe home environments. Some of the participants attributed the decline of their traditional
practices centered on collectivism to the increase and prevalence of individualism and patriarchal
perspectives reinforced by western society. The participants perceived the Girl Scouts as a
mechanism that not only supports their ability to provide a safe space for those girls who need it,
but also a space where they can fulfill their roles as elders and caretakers in alignment with their
values.
The concept of easily adaptable Girl Scout curriculum and the importance of the
application of appropriate cultural contexts emerged from the data across all sectors of this study.
Each of the participants shared details about their ideal programmatic experiences for girls and
their desire to innovate by leveraging both cultural traditions in tandem with Girl Scout
curriculum with the understanding that each individual girl or woman participating has her own
cultural identity and interpretation of cultural traditions. Cultural context shapes self-identity and
cognition; therefore, understanding cultural context is critical for understanding the participants’
perspectives and how they choose to engage the world around them (Shepherd, 2011; Watkins,
2015). The concept of cultural relevancy is also important to the Girl Scout organization, as there
are many occurrences of attempts to uplift the Native American Girl Scout experience, as well as
Girl Scouts themselves electing to focus their Gold Award project on supporting their own tribal
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communities (Girl Scouts, 2017 & 2019). Ultimately, the participants expressed a desire for
more support and help constructing culturally relevant opportunities to support the growth and
development of girls within their communities.
The Native American women who participated in this study value the Girl Scout
organization because it serves as a resource that supports collectivism-based perspectives. In
addition, the Girl Scouts has provided a safe, single-gendered space that supports their desire to
transfer matrilineal cultural knowledge to girls. There was deep concern relayed by the
participants pertaining to both their own and other girls’ wellbeing within their communities.
This concern was also reflected when the participants described their willingness to share
cultural knowledge with girls who may not otherwise have access or be provided opportunities to
experience critical cultural traditions within their own homes. The participants requested help
and resources to better support their efforts to generate culturally aligned, programmatic
experiences for girls within their communities, which they believe support personal, emotional,
and social growth.
Native American Women’s Expectations for Engagement with the Girl Scout Organization
Understanding Native American women’s expectations for engagement with the Girl
Scouts provided insight for the organization as to how it can be a better partner for those living
within tribal communities. Understanding the participants’ expectations is a primary component
of EVT. The Girl Scouts is a trusted organization based on the participants’ perceptions, but they
would like additional support. They want to provide robust, culturally relevant experiences for
girls but need additional assistance. This assistance included the provision of transportation,
equitable money-earning opportunities, and basic resources. The participants also wanted to be
able see themselves within the program and the organization. The concept of Girl Scouting both
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within and external to schools was explored. Finally, while the participants have been able to
adapt the curriculum to meet their needs, the intentional creation, provision, and frequency of
low to no cost, local, and culturally relevant opportunities were desired. Derived from the
conceptual framework, all four topics—(a) education, (b) natural resources, (c) authority and
positionality, and (d) cultural context—once again emerged within the findings, including the
concepts of both historic and modern trauma.
Trust as a critical element was part of the overarching findings within this study. The
participants trust the organization to an extent. According to the participants, to further build
trust within their communities takes consistent presence and engagement, plus they would like to
see an increase in Native American representation in both the materials and Girl Scout staff.
What is important to identify is there was a belief expressed by the participants that external
organizations cycle through tribal communities and none maintain a presence longer than a few
years. While the Girl Scout organization has been engaged in tribal communities for over 100
years, it counts little unless the people can continuously see the organization and believe the
organization not only sees the people but values them and chooses to involve them in the co-
construction of the experience. As part of the concept of “being seen,” when the participants
mentioned Native American representation, they specifically referred to both the marketing
materials and within the program curriculum itself. In addition, when the participants mentioned
additional Native American staff, they were specifically referring to wanting Native American
staff members from their own tribes. As described in the literature, each tribe has unique
practices and belief systems (Lefcowitz, 2006; Pavlik, 2000; Welch et al., 2009). The
participants frequently expressed a desire for support with the development of culturally relevant
programming. These two requests, when delivered in tandem, were interpreted as having a Girl
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Scout staff member from their specific tribe with existing knowledge about specific cultural
practices to support their perceived needs, plus increase Native American visibility within the
organization. Building and maintaining trust within tribal communities will take an
organizational commitment to increase both representation and consistency according to the
participants.
Most of the participants referenced Girl Scout engagement taking place within schools.
For those who do not live nearby their daughters’ schools, Girl Scouting takes place within their
homes. There was an extreme variation in perspectives and opinions about tribal schools, the
majority of which were not positive. As mentioned in the literature, the Native American
educational system within tribal lands was fragmented at the time of this study (Balter &
Grossman, 2009; Stewart, 2011). Most of the participants in this study did not fully trust their
children’s schools to provide quality education and safety at the time of their interviews.
Explored within the literature review and historic artifact and document analysis was the
historic context of assimilation practices taking place within tribal schools and the Girl Scouts’
presence as a supplementary program for girls (“Girl Scout Whiteriver,” 1933-1935; Stout,
2012). Within the findings, the Polacca Day School was mentioned by one of the participants as
a site where a new Girl Scout troop was forming at the time of her interview. This same school
instituted assimilation practices in 1929 and served as the first location to host a Native
American Girl Scout troop in Arizona (Small, 1932). While none of the participants mentioned
historic assimilation practices within public schools during their interviews, it was concerning
that while tribal cultural practices are no longer actively eliminated in public schools, there was
minimal evidence derived at the time of this study to show that cultural considerations were
being uplifted. According to the participants, there were still unrelatable knowledge and
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behavioral expectations for Native American learners in schools that are in opposition to their
cultural contexts. The topics of standardized testing, cultural relevance, and language emerged
from the findings as challenges for the participants.
When presented with the concept of Girl Scouting existing outside of schools, many of
the participants’ interests appeared to peak, and for many this appeared to be a new concept. It
may be important for the Girl Scout organization to make a concerted effort to attain additional
insight about local schools. This insight may be collected from local families about their
perceptions of their children’s schools prior to attempting to establish or reestablish Girl
Scouting within specific locations to minimize affiliation with untrusted entities. To continually
build trust within Native American communities, the practice of school engagement should
transition from a given to a possibility that would be based on local community perceptions.
The participants shared a great deal of insight about access to resources and specifically
what they define as resources. In many cases, limited access to resources was often perceived as
a barrier to Girl Scout participation. Based on the literature and the conceptual framework, basic
resources were defined as water, food, and access to land; therefore, each was bucketed under the
natural resources topic (Cajete et al., 2005; Hart, 2012; Hutt, 2009, Whyte, 2014, 2019). While
these three elements did emerge in the findings, the resources that were more prevalent were
access to transportation, health care, basic supplies, and financial resources. Based on the
findings, the participants expected that water, food, shelter, and basic health care (first aid) were
to be provided during Girl Scout programs. In addition, they expressed a desire for additional
support with transportation and equitable money-earning opportunities.
Transportation and equitable money-earning opportunities were voluntarily discussed by
each of the participants as both a challenge and barrier to their participation with the Girl Scouts.
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Financial resources were a sensitive topic and while the participants were eager to provide
feedback about their perceived inequities about the Girl Scout Cookie Program, they also exuded
frustration because they wanted to provide opportunities for their girls. Without the financial
resources to do so, the participants did not believe they could meet their girls’ expectations for
engagement with the organization. The participants in this study all resided within large, rural,
tribal reservations and transportation from their perceptions was a necessity for access to basic
resources, health care, and supplementary activities like Girl Scout programs. Because
transportation is perceived as a barrier to Girl Scout participation, the desire for more local
programmatic opportunities was expressed by the participants.
There were occasional, maybe once or twice per year, local Girl Scout programmatic
opportunities designed and provided by Girl Scout staff for girls and adult volunteers who live
within large tribal communities. It was important to note that when a program was designed for
delivery within Native American reservations, alignment with cultural context and the inclusion
of basic resources were built into the program, whereas external programmatic experiences did
not necessarily include cultural design elements nor basic resources, especially within urban
communities. It was an interesting finding that the inclusion of basic resources within Girl Scout
programming was an expectation of this study’s participants. Additionally, the programs hosted
within tribal communities were usually low or no-cost and were designed as 1–2-day immersive
experiences. The framework for this program design was made possible because the Girl Scout
organization worked with external funders to provide this duration and level of support. The
participants expressed appreciation for these opportunities and would like to see them hosted
more frequently within their tribal communities. This finding aligns with Winstead et al. (2008),
who stated that understanding societal barriers for Native Americans is a key concept for
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understanding their perceptions. Transportation continued to be mentioned as a challenge during
dialogue, but from the participants’ perceptions when a Girl Scout program is set to meet their
described expectations, their challenges accessing transportation was a more worthwhile
endeavor to undertake.
The Native American women who participated in this study shared very robust
expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization. Their request for more Native
American representation was clear and direct. Their perceptions about Girl Scout engagement in
schools was not, but their opinions about their children’s schools were evident. Ultimately, the
participants requested more local, low or no-cost, culturally aligned programmatic opportunities
which include the provision of basic resources. Transportation emerged as a key barrier to
meeting their expectations for access to Girl Scout engagement opportunities. While the adults in
this study were able to articulate their frustrations with some of the components surrounding
their ability to navigate the perceived complexities of Girl Scout engagement, the root of
everything they shared linked back to their expectations and desire to provide their girls with
outstanding Girl Scout experiences. What they were asking for was support navigating barriers to
better serve girls within their communities.
Recommendations for Practice
The following section focuses on the recommendations for practice based on the findings
of this study. The overarching recommendations have been designed based on the three
components of SCT: people, behaviors, and the environment. They are:
• Education: a professional development and educational strategy pertaining to the
growth of Native American cultural competency within the Girl Scout organization
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• Strategy: the creation of a flexible programmatic framework that will support the
needs of Native American communities
• Practice: the creation of mobile Girl Scout hub(s) to support onsite programmatic
engagement within Native American communities.
The three recommendations are further described within the subsequent components of this
section.
Education: Include Native American Cultural Competency and Awareness Training as Part
of Girl Scout Professional Development Opportunities
Understanding Native American women’s perspectives was the key driver for conducting
this study. To best serve tribal communities, the Girl Scout organization should include Native
American cultural competency and awareness training as part of their professional development
opportunities for Girl Scout staff. The staff members who will be directly serving Girl Scout
members within tribal communities should be required to take this training prior to engagement.
There is important information within this study that may support broad educational outcomes
for nonformal training development for Girl Scout staff. Some examples include: (a)
understanding collectivism versus individualism (Slivka, 2011; Triandis, 1993); (b)
understanding positionality and authority within tribal structures (Lajimodiere, 2011; Medicine,
1993; Mihesuah, 1996); (c) Native American self-identity (Cajete, 2003; Cajete et al., 2005); and
(d) understanding broad systemic conflicts and the concept of sovereignty which may influence
Native American engagement with the Girl Scout organization (Cronin & Ostergren, 2007;
Dongoske et al., 2015; Emmons, 2018; Hart, 2012; Hutt, 2009; Whyte 2019). It will also be
important to include understandings about Native American youth and the values that generate
authenticity for them (Padgett, 2015). Finally, this training should include tribe-specific
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information. Some specific items may include common cultural beliefs and practices such as (a)
the importance of seasons (Heaton et al., 2018; Stokrocki, 1994); (b) important symbolism to be
aware of (Pavlik, 1997, 2000; Webster, 2011); and (c) the importance of uplifting native
language and traditions (Lefcowitz, 2006; Reyhner, 2017; Stewart, 2011; Yazzie-Mintz, 2011).
Each tribe is different and has unique perspectives and belief systems. Ultimately, there is
enough content within this study to begin designing a comprehensive training program for Girl
Scout staff that will provide insight and help develop knowledge that may be leveraged to best
serve Native American women and girls within tribal communities based on their perceived
needs.
Strategy: Create a Native American Girl Scout Program Development Framework
One of the most important elements that emerged from this study was the participants’
desire for culturally relevant programmatic opportunities. The participants in this study have
been adapting the Girl Scout curriculum for years, but they expressed the need for additional
support. The importance of autonomy, matrilineal knowledge transfer, and a safe, single-
gendered environment were key features that emerged from within this context. The significance
of the inclusion of trusted tribal elders was also critically important to the participants. This
concept also arose from within the literature (Tijerina-Jim, 1993; Yasaitis, 2003). The proposed
strategy is one that takes a multi-generational approach to curriculum design. The Girl Scout
organization should connect with female tribal elders to gather their perspectives on important
content that should be shared within a Girl Scout program designed for Native American girls
from within their tribes. This is the foundation of the scaffolding necessary to create an authentic
tribe-specific, Native American Girl Scout programmatic framework. Once the initial
information has been gathered, Girl Scout program designers should meet with Native American
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troop leaders to review their elders’ suggestions and begin collaborating to design program
activities that will best support girls’ attainment of the outcomes identified by their tribal elders.
The troop leaders should then be provided the necessary supplies to pilot the activities with their
girls. This process should empower Native American Girl Scout troop leaders, both because they
are responding to tribal elders’ advice and input and are designing the activities themselves,
thereby providing them with the autonomy to interpret the elders’ suggestions in ways that will
best meet their girls’ needs. Once the piloting opportunities have concluded and feedback
applied, the programs should then be formalized as tribe-specific patch programs. A final
recommendation is that only girls from that particular tribe shall wear these patches as badges on
the front of their sashes and vests, honoring the importance of the curriculum. This circular
process may be repeated as many times as necessary to ensure Native American Girl Scouts are
able to access an authentic experience that is meaningful to them.
Practice: Invest and Deploy Native American Mobile Girl Scout Hub(s)
The Native American women who participated in this study trust and believe in the
organization’s mission; they value the opportunities provided; and they expect to provide
incredible experiences for girls, but they want more. The concept of “more” is complicated and
based on the participants’ perceptions would require a significant increase in organizational
investment, both monetarily and in staff hours. Their “more” also requires an increase in
organizational flexibility pertaining to jurisdiction-wide perspectives and priorities. This
proposal is meant to serve as a middle ground to help meet the needs and support requested by
the participants.
The creation of a mobile Girl Scout hub(s) designed for use within tribal communities
may help support perceived barriers to participation, access to programmatic opportunities and
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resources, and may create a visual representation of the Girl Scout organization nearby. A mobile
Girl Scout hub(s) will require an organizational monetary investment, but once in place can be
managed by adult volunteers with the support of 1–2 existing Girl Scout staff members on an
annual basis. This will require the organization to: (a) purchase a recreational vehicle or a van
and trailer; (b) provide for bi-annual maintenance; (c) invest in additional vehicle insurance; (d)
pay for a Native American Girl Scout vehicle wrap to support representation; (e) provide a
prepaid credit card for fuel which ensures troop leaders will not be obligated to contribute their
personal funds; and (f) budget for the restocking and replacement of program supplies within the
hub(s). The mobile Girl Scout hub(s) may be filled with both consumable and non-consumable
program supplies, basic camping supplies, a first aid kit, contain a broadband hotspot to support
digital access, and provide transportation for both troop leaders and girls. The mobile Girl Scout
hub(s) may also contribute to the sense of a physical, safe space for Girl Scouts to congregate.
The vehicle(s) should be relocated as scheduled throughout specific regions to facilitate access
for additional girls and women. Girl Scout volunteers may be trained to drive, park, and relocate
the mobile Girl Scout hub(s) as needed and scheduled, so reliance on a Girl Scout staff member
to do so becomes mute. The creation of a mobile Girl Scout hub(s) meets in part some of the
perceived needs of the participants, including the frequency of Girl Scout programmatic
engagement, addresses in a small way the challenges surrounding transportation, provides access
to resources, and supports trust-building by providing a consistent Girl Scout presence within
tribal communities. The investment in a mobile Girl Scout hub(s) does not solve all the
challenges pertaining to barriers and access to resources the participants discussed, but it may
serve as part of the ongoing effort the Girl Scout organization makes to provide equitable
opportunities to all Girl Scouts.
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In summary, presented were three recommendations for practice based on the findings of
this study. Founded on the three primary components of SCT, the recommendations are focused
on people, behaviors, and the environment. The overarching recommendations were (a)
education: a professional development and educational strategy pertaining to the growth of
Native American cultural competency within the Girl Scout organization, (b) strategy: the
creation of a flexible programmatic framework that will support the needs of Native American
communities, and (c) practice: the creation of mobile Girl Scout hub(s) to support onsite
programmatic engagement within Native American communities.
Limitations and Delimitations

The primary delimitation for the interviews conducted as part this study was by design, a
very narrow sample size and population. One of the components used for identifying participants
was a pre-existing relationship with the researcher. The goal for leveraging pre-existing
relationships was to support negation of the researcher’s positionality. It was possible that
leveraging pre-established relationships between the researcher and the Native American women
participants may have skewed the data. This relation may have influenced the participants to not
be as transparent as they may have been with an unknown interviewer; they may have guarded
their responses because they respect the relationship over their perceptions of the organization.
The researcher’s experience working within the Native American cultural context informed the
concept that established relationships yield trust, and because trust had been established with the
identified participants, this should have supported positive results, though it was not guaranteed.
The delimitations of this study effected the scope of the research (Creswell, 2014). Examples of
the parameters such as established relationships, and the geographic boundaries have supported
framing this study, however, there may be other Native American women’s experiences relative
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to their individual contexts and relationships with their local Girl Scout councils that may not
align with the findings for this study. The limitation within this study and primarily due to the
COVID-19 pandemic was that the interviews were conducted digitally and via the phone, as
opposed to in-person conversations. There may have been unfair assumptions or gaps in
understanding and interpretations by the researcher by conducting the interviews digitally.
Digital and phone interviews limited the ability to observe the participants, including any
additional nuanced behaviors and social ques.
The primary limitation of artifact analysis for this study was relevance. Many historic
artifacts may not have lent themselves to additional insight or skewed perceptions that supported
ascertaining the outcomes of the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The authors
assert that personal documentation, such as internal memos, may be inaccurate and possibly
distorted unintentionally based on the perspectives and biases of original author. Though
important for triangulation, it has been important to analyze the sources of the artifacts and
identify the sociopolitical contexts of the era in which they were derived. The intended and
achieved goal for leveraging artifacts within this study was to support the understanding of the
overarching relationship between the Girl Scout organization and Native American participants
over time.
Recommendations for Future Research
Based on the findings and conceptual framework of this study, there are four different
recommendations for future research discussed within this section. The recommendations for
future research have been generated based on the limitations and delimitations of this study.
Some of the primary concerns include the limited sample size and population parameters, a pre-
existing relationship with the researcher, digital interviews, and researcher organizational bias.
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The first recommendation is to replicate this study within another Girl Scout council’s
jurisdiction, which serves women and girls within a tribal reservation(s) and compare the
findings. It would also be interesting to explore if a pre-existing relationship with the researcher
generated any biases. I would also suggest leveraging a larger sample size if possible. This
recommendation would provide a deeper understanding of Native American women’s
perspectives while engaging with the Girl Scout organization. It would be interesting to learn
what similarities and dissimilarities emerge and if the participants’ perceptions of barriers to
participation are in alignment with the findings of this study.
The second recommendation is to replicate this study, but leverage another, similar
nonprofit organization providing services within tribal communities and compare the findings.
Like the first recommendation, I suggest leveraging a larger sample size if possible. This
recommendation would provide a deeper understanding of Native American perspectives about
engagement with external entities. There would also be the added nuance of collecting
perspectives from both men and women and exploring any differences between their perceptions.
Overall, the concept of trust and consistency emerged within this study as capstones for
sustainable engagement, and it would be interesting to know if these same concepts emerge as
attributes for positive engagement with organizations other than the Girl Scouts.
The third recommendation is to work with the Girl Scout national organization, Girl
Scouts of the United States of America (GSUSA), expand the premise of this study, and design
mixed methods study to collect both quantitative and qualitative data from Native American Girl
Scouts across the United States. This recommendation would provide a high-level,
comprehensive overview of Native American women’s perspectives about engagement with the
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Girl Scout organization. The findings may then be shared with local Girl Scout councils to better
inform their strategies for engagement within tribal communities.
The fourth and final recommendation is to narrow the scope of the study and employ an
ethnography-based, qualitative design within a single tribal community. The purpose of this
recommendation is to provide a deeper understanding of participant perspectives based on
individual tribal worldviews. Based on the findings within this study and the review of literature,
each tribal population has unique cultural practices and belief systems. The concept began to
emerge in this study while leveraging a sample representative of three different tribes. This study
skimmed the surface of tribal nuances, which were found to have implications for engagement
with the Girl Scout organization. It would be interesting to learn more about specific tribal
perspectives as they may support the development of future strategies for engagement.
In summary, there are many ways this study can inform future research. The four
described recommendations for future research were based on this study’s findings, plus the
limitations and delimitations. These recommendations offer a way to examine this study’s
findings from a variety of vantage points and lenses and may further support nonprofit
organizations’ strategies for future engagement within tribal communities.
Conclusion
This study focused on the generation of a deeper understanding of Native American
women’s beliefs, values, and expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization. The
answers to the research questions have been obtained and may be leveraged to inform practice as
well as future research. Overall, the findings have been positive, but unearthed continual
inequities and systemic barriers Native American Girl Scouts must navigate to access
opportunities. The Girl Scouts has a unique opportunity to fully embrace its positionality as a
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trusted organization within some tribal communities and continue to support making meaningful
differences in the lives of girls and women. Trust is hard to achieve, but once earned, is
important to maintain. To both maintain and expand trust, the Girl Scouts should take more risks,
invest in effort, be persistent, and maintain an awareness of the importance of seeing the world
through another’s eyes.
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173

Appendix A: Interview Questions
Participant ID#: ____ Date of Interview: _________ Start Time: ________ End Time: ________
Type of Interview: Online Meeting Phone
Research Questions:
1. What is the Native American woman’s experience when engaging with the Girl Scouts?
2. What are Native American women’s perceived values for participating with the Girl
Scouts?
3. How can the Girl Scouts better partner with local tribal communities to promote the
development of Native American women and girls?

Research
Question
Interview Question(s) Notes
1. Generally, talk to me about the Girl Scouts.
Prompt:
a. How did you become involved?
b. Can you tell me more about…?
If response includes information about
engagement on daughter’s behalf:
a. Will you share with me, your
perspectives about your daughter’s
experience in Girl Scouts?
b. Can you tell me more about…?
*If negative, unpack with “tell me more.”

Will you share with me your perspectives
about Girl Scouting in your community?
Follow-up:

174

Research
Question
Interview Question(s) Notes
a. Will you share with me more about
your community?
Prompt:
a. How many people live nearby?
b. Is there a community center nearby?
Tell me more…
2. What resources do you believe are valuable?
Follow-up:
a. Have you received or had access to
any of these when participating with
the Girl Scouts?
Prompt:
a. How did you feel about that?

Follow-up:
a. How about your daughter?
Prompt:
Does she have access to
additional resources by
participating with the Girl
Scouts?

The Girl Scouts has a focus on education,
what are your thoughts on that?
Follow-up:
a. Will you tell me a about your
educational experience?
a. Will you tell me about your
daughter’s educational experience?
*If appropriate

175

Research
Question
Interview Question(s) Notes
Prompts:
Do you like her school?
Is her school nearby?
What do you believe the benefits of
participating with the Girl Scouts are?

If appropriate, response to dictate follow-up.
Options:
a. If participant refers to her daughter,
ask next about any benefits for her.
b. If participant refers to self, ask next
about benefits for daughter.

*If none, lead into next segment

3. If there was something you could change
about Girl Scouts, what would it be?
Prompt:
a. A program, experience, an
opportunity…?
b. Please tell me more.

If appropriate, follow-up option:
a. How about for you/your daughter?

If prior response was none, then: What
would make Girl Scouts beneficial to you
(and/or daughter if appropriate)?

176

Research
Question
Interview Question(s) Notes
If you were asked to help us design a
program, what would you do?

Prompt:
a. For example, if there was an
experience you think would really
benefit girls (and/or your daughter if
appropriate) in your community,
what would that look like?

Word
cloud
Thank you so much for your insight and
your time, I have one final question:
Will you describe in one-word, what Girl
Scouting means to you?
*if appropriate for the conversation

177

Appendix B: Interview Invitation Template
Dear XXXXXXX,

I am writing to invite you to participate in a confidential, 60-minute interview, as part of
the research study I am conducting to fulfill the requirements for the Doctor of Education degree
in Organizational Change and Leadership, with the Rossier School of Education at the University
of Southern California.

The focus of my study is about Native American women’s beliefs, values, and expectations for
engagement with the Girl Scout organization. The goal of the study is to gain information that
may be used to improve Girl Scout programs and support for our Native American membership.
If you agree to participate, I will send you a list of dates and times, plus meeting options for you
to select. Interviews may be scheduled via Zoom or over the phone. I will manage all the
logistics for the interview based on your availability.

I do not anticipate any risk to you while discussing your perspectives of the Girl Scout
organization and sharing about your local environment. However, there may be information I am
unaware of that in discussing some topics may cause you emotional pain or stress.
Please know, this experience is voluntary, and you may opt out of participation at any time, even
in the middle of the interview.

I would also like to reiterate this interview is completely confidential and there will be no
identifying information shared outside of our dialog. Each participant will be assigned a
178

numerical identifier in place of their name. In addition, my recordings and notes will be
destroyed at the conclusion of the study.

Attached to this email is the Participant Information Sheet that includes the above information,
plus contact information in case of emergency.

I deeply appreciate your consideration and support. Please let me know if you have any
questions.

Kindly,
Amanda Hofmann-Handy

179

Appendix C: Participant Information Sheet for Exempt Research
STUDY TITLE: Understanding Native American women’s beliefs, values, and expectations for
engagement with the Girl Scout organization
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Amanda Hofmann-Handy
FACULTY ADVISOR: Kim Hirabayashi, PhD. Professor of Clinical Education, EdD in
Organizational Change and Leadership Program Chair

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.
PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to learn about Native American women’s perspectives, specifically
focused on their experiences as members of the Girl Scout organization. We hope to acquire
insight that may be used to improve Girl Scout programs and support for our Native American
membership. You are invited as a possible participant because you are a Native American
woman who has or does participate with the Girl Scout organization as a member and/or
volunteer.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
The participant will engage in a 60-minute interview that will take place either in an online
meeting platform, i.e. Zoom or over the phone. The setting for the interview will be based on the
participants preference.

180

CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.
Confidentiality will be maintained by assigning a numerical identifier to each participant. The
key will only be known to the principle researcher, stored in a secure digital cloud used
exclusively for this study, and will be destroyed at the conclusion of this study. All transcripts
and recordings will be stored in a secure digital cloud used exclusively for this study and will be
destroyed at the conclusion of this study. Participants have the right to review/edit the audio
recordings and transcripts. All paper notes and documents will be stored in a locked cabinet in a
private office for the duration of this study, then identifiable information will be redacted, then
shredded, rendering the documentation destroyed at the conclusion of this study.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact:
Investigator: Amanda Hofmann-Handy, hofmannh@usc.edu, 818-967-8188
Faculty Advisor: Kim Hirabayashi, hirabaya@usc.edu
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

181

Appendix D: Artifact Analysis Matrix
Guiding Statements for Artifact Analysis
1. The artifact provides insight about Native American experiences during engagement
with the Girl Scout organization in either the historic or modern context in the
following ways…
2. The artifact directly relates to better understanding the Native American lived
experience and/or perspectives about beliefs, values, and expectations in the following
ways…
3. The artifact supports a better understanding of relationship development or the lack
there of between Native Americans and external organizations, agencies, and other
entities in the following ways…

Artifact Identification
Number
Time frame: 1920s – 1980s Time frame: 1990s – present

Artifact description:

Artifact notes:

Artifact emerging themes:

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Hofmann-Handy, Amanda (author)

Core Title Understanding Native American women’s beliefs, values, and expectations for engagement with the Girl Scout organization

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2021-08

Publication Date 07/14/2021

Defense Date 05/21/2021

Publisher Los Angeles (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag beliefs,collectivism,community,cultural context,education,engagement,Eurocentrism,expectancy value theory,expectations,gender,Girl Scouts,girls,indigenous,individualism,informal education,Native American,nonprofit,OAI-PMH Harvest,reservation,situated expectancy value theory,social cognitive theory,systemic barriers,tribal,values,women

Place Name North America (continents)

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hirabayashi, Kimberly (committee chair), Kim, Esther (committee member), Seli, Helena (committee member)

Creator Email a.hofmann.handy@gmail.com,hofmannh@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC15491148

Unique identifier UC15491148

Legacy Identifier etd-HofmannHan-9739

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Hofmann-Handy, Amanda

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu