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The influences of student organizational type on the leadership development of African American students at predominantly white institutions: a case study

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The influences of student organizational type on the leadership development of African American students at predominantly white institutions: a case study

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THE INFLUENCES OF STUDENT ORGANIZATIONAL TYPE ON THE

LEADERSHIP DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICAN AMERICAN STUDENTS

AT PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTIONS:

A CASE STUDY

by

Viannda M. Hawkins

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2007

Copyright 2007 Viannda M. Hawkins

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DEDICATION

I dedicate this dissertation to my family, but especially to my two grandmothers,
Annie Hollis and Vivian Hawkins. Their spirit not only lives on through my name
but through my work as well. I know they are truly proud and are smiling down on
me.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

An accomplishment as great as a doctorate, is never achieved alone. First, I
wish to thank my lord and savior Jesus Christ. An achievement such as this is not
possible without blessings from above.
Next I wish to thank my advisor and dissertation committee chair, Adrianna
Kezar. The support, guidance, and encouragement provided by Dr. Kezar have been
truly invaluable. She never let me doubt myself and always expected the best.
Adrianna’s high expectations pushed me beyond limits known to me and were
instrumental in me successfully completing my degree in three years. I also wish to
thank the other members of my committee: Drs. Alexander Jun, Lori White, and
Shaun Harper. Collectively, they challenged my thinking, shared their insight, and
provided encouragement throughout the dissertation process. Most importantly they
served as role models and inspiration. I truly feel that I was blessed with the best
chair and committee a doctoral student could have.
It is also important for me to acknowledge my colleagues and friends: Gina
Camello, Donna Garcia, Tomiko McDonald-Hale, Brandi Nichols, and Nathalie
Zuletta. We started out as colleagues and quickly became friends. I could not have
made it everyday at work without your support and encouragement. To my boss,
Debra Bernstein, thank you for understanding the demands of being a doctoral
student and allowing me the flexibility I needed. In addition, I wish to acknowledge
the students at Pacific State University, for without your help this moment could not
be possible.

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I also wish to acknowledge my sorors, the lovely ladies of Alpha Kappa
Alpha Sorority Inc: Summer Rice, Liana Tyson-Haynes, Erika Doles, Bianca
Poindexter (J.D.), and Dr. Mi’quael Cottrell, as well as my mentee Ashley Harding
you just don’t know how much the “Just Checking In” emails and phone calls meant
to me throughout this process. Your prayer, love, support, and encouragement helped
me so much. Dr. Frank Harris III, you are a great friend and mentor. I truly
appreciate the fact that no matter how stressed or busy you were finishing your own
dissertation; you always took time out to answer my questions and reassure me that
writing this dissertation was in fact doable. The advice you provided me with since I
was a Master’s student has been truly priceless and I thank you for it. To Drs. Jaclyn
Conner, Helen Kim, Heather Larabee, and Maristela Cho; WE DID IT LADIES!
Thanks for always having my back and for helping to make this dissertation
experience memorable. Special thanks to my editors: Tomiko McDonald-Hale, Dr.
Frank Harris III, Dana Littlefield, and Dr. Donahue Tuitt for reading the numerous
drafts of my dissertation, providing valuable feedback, and allowing me to run ideas
by you.
Lastly and most importantly, I wish to thank my family. Your continuous
love, support, and encouragement helped to make my big dream become a reality. I
truly feel that I have been blessed with the greatest family. Every time you told me
how proud you were of me, you gave me the strength and drive to make it through
the dissertation process. To my parents Frank and Wendelyn Hawkins, thank you for
the push and drive you have instilled in me and for teaching me to never settle. To

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my sister Brittany Hawkins, thank you for always being my biggest supporter and
always knowing exactly what to say and when to say it. I am truly blessed to have a
sister like you. To my grandfather James Hollis and grandmother Vivian Hawkins, I
am so grateful that you both got the opportunity to see your grand-daughter earn a
doctorate degree. Growing up in a time in which advanced degrees were considered
a luxury for African Americans, I know how important education is to you and how
proud of me you must be. In closing, I wish to thank the numerous people who
expressed interest in my educational pursuits and always wished me well.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION .............................................................................................................ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS............................................................................................vi

LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................x

ABSTRACT................................................................................................................xi

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY......................................................1
Introduction..............................................................................................................1
Statement of the Problem.........................................................................................2
Background of the Problem .....................................................................................4
Leadership Development in College....................................................................4
Role of Involvement in Leadership Development ...............................................7
Trends in African American Student Involvement ..............................................8
Current Leadership Trends of African American Students ...............................11
Purpose of the Study ..............................................................................................13
Research Questions ................................................................................................14
Significance of the Study .......................................................................................15
Definitions of Related Concepts ............................................................................17
Organization of the Dissertation ............................................................................18

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE .............................................20
Introduction............................................................................................................20
Figure 1. Interaction of Theories............................................................................22
Student Involvement Theory..................................................................................23
Campus Environment.........................................................................................26
Racially-Affiliated Organizations ......................................................................29
Presence of African American Cultural Centers................................................32
Racial Identity Theories .........................................................................................34
Black Racial Identity Theory: The Model for Psychological Nigrescence........37
Model of Ethnic Identity Development .............................................................41
Views of Leadership ..............................................................................................44
Changing Views of Leadership..........................................................................46
Emerging Views of Leadership..........................................................................48
Leadership & Higher Education.........................................................................53
Leadership and African American Undergraduates...........................................54
Conclusion .............................................................................................................56

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CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS ........................................................59
Introduction............................................................................................................59
Methodological Approach: Case Study .................................................................59
Research Site..........................................................................................................62
Participants.............................................................................................................64
Sampling ............................................................................................................65
Recruitment........................................................................................................66
Data Collection Procedure .....................................................................................67
Data Analysis .........................................................................................................72
Trustworthiness......................................................................................................76
Limitations of the Study.........................................................................................78
Ethical Considerations ...........................................................................................79
Conclusion .............................................................................................................80

CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS..........................................................................................81
What underlying factors influence African American involvement
preferences?............................................................................................................82
Differences .........................................................................................................83
Initial Peer Interaction: First-Year Residence Halls ......................................83
Similarities .........................................................................................................87
Intrinsic Values ..............................................................................................87
Growth ...........................................................................................................89
Making a Difference ......................................................................................90
Current Opportunities that Affect the Future.................................................91
Perspective on Organization Focus................................................................92
Familiarity......................................................................................................94
Getting Connected..........................................................................................95
What are African American students’ perceptions of their leadership
experiences? ..........................................................................................................97
Differences .........................................................................................................98
Focus on the African American Community .................................................99
Helping Others .............................................................................................103
Collaboration................................................................................................105
Gender Perspectives.....................................................................................108
Similarities .......................................................................................................111
Positive Example..........................................................................................112
Additional Pressure ......................................................................................113
Opportunities for Growth.............................................................................115
Various Displays of Leadership...................................................................118
Change Agent...............................................................................................120
Challenging ..................................................................................................122
Validation.....................................................................................................124
Leader is a Leader ........................................................................................125

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Drive to Work Harder ..................................................................................126
How does the type of organizations influence African American students’
leadership experiences?........................................................................................128
Differences .......................................................................................................129
Social Growth ..............................................................................................129
Importance of Fit..........................................................................................131
Focus on Strengthening the African American Community........................134
Varied Leadership Styles .............................................................................135
Heightened Drive .........................................................................................138
Similarities .......................................................................................................141
New Outlook ................................................................................................142
Reputations of Organizations.......................................................................144
Enhanced Leadership ...................................................................................146
Personal Insights ..........................................................................................147
Summary of Findings...........................................................................................150

CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS...................................152
Major Findings.....................................................................................................152
Discussion ............................................................................................................155
Involvement Factors.........................................................................................156
Involvement and Racial Identity......................................................................160
Leadership Experiences in Relation to Leadership Paradigms........................161
Recommendations for Practice ............................................................................165
Recommendations for Future Research ...............................................................171
Closing .................................................................................................................176

REFERENCES.........................................................................................................179

APPENDIX A: INDIVIDUAL INTERVIEW PROTOCOL...................................185

APPENDIX B: PARTICIAPANT PROFILE FORM..............................................188

APPENDIX C: TYPES OF ORGANIZATIONS REPRESENTED .......................189

APPENDIX D: PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS ....................................................191

APPENDIX E: BACKGROUND OF THE RESEARCHER ..................................199

APPENDIX F: THEMATIC CATERGORIES .......................................................202

APPENDIX G: SAMPLE ANALYSIS TABLE: FAMILARITY...........................207

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APPENDIX H: SAMPLE ANALYSIS TABLE: FOCUS ON THE AFRICAN
AMERICAN COMMUNITY ..................................................................................211

APPENDIX I: SAMPLE ANALYSIS TABLE: PERSONAL INSIGHT ...............215

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: General Comparison of Leadership Views ……………………………....52
Table 2: Break Down by Organization Type of Thematic Categories Relating to
the Underlying Involvement Factors……………………………………………….82

Table 3: Organizational Breakdown of First-Year Residence Halls……………….84
Table 4: Demonstration of Differences and Similarities of Perceived Leadership
Experiences………………………………………………………………………....98

Table 5: Gender Breakdown of Participants by Type of Organization……………110
Table 6: Impact of Organization Type on Leadership Experiences……………….129

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ABSTRACT

The influence of organizational affiliation on the leadership experiences of
African American students at predominantly White institutions are examined in this
study. The motivation behind the study was the need for additional insight on how
the leadership experiences of African American students involved in mainstream
campus organizations differed from those involved in racially-affiliated
organizations.
Qualitative research methods were employed to examine the leadership
experiences of 25 African American juniors and seniors enrolled at a private research
university. Data collection consisted of face-to-face semi-structured individual
interviews with each of the 25 participants. Along with the individual interviews,
non-participant observations also occurred.
A case study approach was used to design and execute the study. Analysis of
the data produced several important areas of difference between the involvement
preferences, leadership perceptions, and leadership outcomes of African American
students involved in mainstream organizations, racially-affiliated organizations, or
both types of organizations. Areas of difference include initial peer interaction in
residence halls, focus on African American community, helping others,
collaboration, gender perspectives, social growth, importance of organizational fit,
varied leadership styles, and heightened drive. The data also revealed several
similarities in the leadership experiences of African American students involved in
mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations. Personal growth, setting a positive

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example, creating change, additional pressure, gaining a new perspective, and
enhanced leadership are some of the areas of similarities that were discovered
between the leadership experiences in mainstream and racially-affiliated
organizations.
Overall, the findings provided insight into the involvement preferences,
leadership perceptions, and leadership outcomes of African American students at a
predominantly White campus based on organizational affiliation. Most importantly,
the findings revealed that both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations
provide key opportunities that are vital to the leadership development of African
American students at PWIs. Recommendations are offered for current African
American student leaders, as well as student affairs administrators. In addition,
suggestions for future research on African American student leadership are provided.

1

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Introduction
In college, he stood out as a leader by organizing rallies and arranging
speakers for issues that were dear to his heart and to the African American
community. His leadership did not stop in college; he went on to become the first
African American elected as President of the Harvard Law Review. Before his
leadership rose to the national level, he worked as a community organizer to improve
the lives of African Americans living in poverty. During the 2004 Democratic
National Convention, he delivered the keynote address. In 2005, he made history by
becoming the fifth African American to be elected to the United States Senate.
However, before he became a community and national leader, he first became a
leader in college. Today, this leader is known as Senator Barack Obama (Illinois).

She graduated from college at the age 19 with numerous honors, and in fact
was the most honored woman in her graduating class (Felix, 2002). Aside from her
various academic accolades, including Mortar Board and Phi Beta Kappa, she also
received the “Outstanding Senior Woman” award, in honor of both her classroom
and co-curricular accomplishments. This award was the most prestigious honor
bestowed upon a female undergraduate at the University of Denver. At 38, she
became the first African American, first woman, and youngest person to be
appointed as Provost of Stanford University. In 2001, she experienced another first
as an African American woman when she became the United States National

2

Security Advisor. Four years later, she became the most powerful African
American woman in the United States, when she was appointed Secretary of State.
Much like Senator Obama, before she became a national leader, she first became a
leader in college. Today this leader is known as Secretary of State, Condoleezza
Rice.
Statement of the Problem
When one thinks of popular mainstream leadership positions in our country,
the following likely come to mind: President and Vice President of the United States,
Secretary of State, senators, congressional representatives, Supreme Court justices,
governors, and mayors. It is also likely that one can only think of a handful of
African Americans that currently hold some of these positions. The representation of
African Americans in current mainstream leadership positions is significantly low,
especially when compared with the percentage of African Americans (12.3 percent)
currently in the U.S. (U.S. Census Bureau “Profiles of General Demographic
Characteristics-2000”, 2001). Barack Obama and Condoleezza Rice are apart of an
elite few who are appointed or elected to significant mainstream leadership positions.
In fact, these two leaders can add their name to a relatively short list of African
Americans who have ever held mainstream leadership positions in the history of this
country.
Disappointingly, this problem of disproportionate African American
representation in mainstream leadership positions extends to the campuses of
predominantly White colleges and universities. Many of today’s leaders, including

3

Obama and Rice got a chance to develop and solidify their leadership skills and
abilities at these kinds of institutions. However, their experiences are atypical. The
number of African American students holding leadership positions in mainstream
organizations at predominantly White institutions (PWIs) is marginal. The low
representation of African Americans students in mainstream leadership positions can
be attributed to the fact that traditional mainstream organizations are less likely to
offer the same leadership opportunities that racially-affiliated organizations offer
(Kimbrough, 1995). This lack of representation can also stem from the arduous task
many African American students experience when attempting to pursue leadership in
mainstream organizations, such as overcoming already established social strata
(Kimbrough, 1995).
These trends notwithstanding, some African American students pursue
leadership positions in mainstream organizations, albeit few. Sutton and Kimbrough
(2001) examined trends in African American student involvement at PWIs and found
that 38 percent of the respondents reported pursuing leadership in mainstream
campus organizations. Numerous studies (e.g., Harper, Byars, & Jelke 2005;
Kimbrough, 1995; and Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001) have reported reasons why
African American students do not seek involvement in mainstream organizations, but
few studies have looked at the actual leadership experiences of African American
students in mainstream organizations and how their experiences compare to their
peers in racially-affiliated organizations. Consequently, a study is warranted that

4

examines the influences of organizational affiliation (mainstream or racially-
affiliated) on the leadership development of African American students.
This dissertation addresses the influence of involvement preferences on the
leadership experiences of African American students at predominantly White
institutions. Background information, as well as the purpose, significance, and
definitions of related concepts used throughout this dissertation are provided in the
section that follows. This chapter will conclude with an overview of the remaining
chapters of this dissertation.
Background of the Problem
This section provides background information on African American student
leadership at predominantly White institutions. Specifically, the following four areas
are discussed: (1) leadership development in college, (2) the role of involvement in
leadership development, (3) trends in African American student involvement, and (4)
current leadership trends of African American students.
Leadership Development in College
Leadership is considered an integral part of college student development
(Arminio, Carter, Jones, Kruger, Lucas, Washington, Young, & Scott, 2000; Cress,
Astin, Zimmerman-Oster, & Burkhardt, 2001; Shertzer & Schuh, 2004). Scholars
have linked leadership to students’ career, academic, and personal development (e.g.,
Arminio et al., 2000; Cress et al., 2001; Logue, Hutchens, & Hector, 2005).
Findings from a study conducted by Cress et al. (2001) suggest that students who
participate in leadership activities tend to be more confident in their cognitive and

5

social abilities. Increased confidence in these abilities can be attributed to praise
and support received from peers, faculty and staff, as well as the additional
leadership opportunities that arise (Shertzer & Schuh, 2004).
Almost every institution of higher education espouses a commitment to
producing leaders for the 21
st
century, because of the substantial benefits associated
with leadership development (Boatman, 1999; Cress et al., 2001). For example, the
mission statement of Seattle University states the institution’s “dedication to
educating the whole person, to professional formation, and to empowering leaders
for a just and humane world” (Seattle University “Mission”, n.d.). The statement
goes on to list leadership as a core institutional value and says, “We seek to develop
responsible leaders committed to the common good” (Seattle University “Mission”,
n.d.). Consider Marquette University’s mission statement, which reads “…our
mission, therefore, is the search for truth, the discovery and sharing of knowledge,
the fostering of personal and professional excellence, and the promotion of a life of
faith, and the development of leadership expressed in service to others” (Marquette
University “Our Mission”, n.d.). Another example of higher education’s commitment
to leadership development can be seen in the Student Affairs Strategic Plan at the
University of Southern California (USC), where part of the division’s goal is for
students to “develop and hone critical skills (communication, leadership, group
dynamics and critical thinking) through student involvement and peer leadership
opportunities” (University of Southern California Student Affairs Gateway “Student
Affairs Strategic Plan”, n.d.). Ultimately, the role of higher education in society is to

6

not only educate, but also prepare future leaders. The mission statements described
herein suggest that higher education gladly accepts this role.
Colleges and universities uphold their commitment to the leadership
development of their students in various ways. While most colleges and universities
have programs dedicated specifically to leadership development, many of the current
leadership opportunities that exist within them reflect traditional leadership values.
Traditionally, leadership has been symbolized by hierarchical positions of power and
authority over others. A large portion of the existing research on leadership relied
upon samples consisting mostly of White, upper-middle class males. Therefore,
their elite values have become associated with leadership in mainstream society
(Kezar & Morarity, 2000). Best described by Astin and Leland (1991), these values
“tend to emphasize hierarchy; one way or directive power and influence processes;
individuals in competition for rewards; productivity; rationality; one way
communication; formal, structured relationships with others; and separation between
leaders and followers” (as cited in Kezar & Morarity, 2000, p. 55). Scholars posit
that on college and university campuses, the most recognized forms of student
leadership are elected hierarchical positions, therefore representing the traditional
values associated with leadership (e.g., Arminio et al., 2000; Cress et al., 2001).
This narrow concept of leadership results in the placing of emphasis on student
positions like president, vice president, and chairperson within a campus club or
organization (Arminio et al., 2000; Shertzer & Schuh, 2004).

7

With the aforementioned values as the basis of many leadership
development programs, the needs of women and racial/ethnic minority students are
often neglected. As Arminio and associates (2000) discovered, leadership
development is not a “one size fits all” formula. Similarly, according to Kezar and
Morarity (2000), “the leadership development process differs among various groups
of students” (p. 67). Ultimately, what may work for one group of students may not
work for all students. This differing value orientation of leadership can be seen
through the experiences of some students of color who tend to view their
involvement in campus and community organizations as vital to leadership
development. For these students, their involvement does not necessarily have to be
positional in order to denote leadership development (Arminio et. al, 2000; Kezar &
Morarity, 2000).
Role of Involvement in Leadership Development
Involvement opportunities can facilitate the leadership development of
college students, particularly students of color (Baxter-Magolda, 1992; Cress et al.,
2001; Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998). Astin (1984) characterizes involvement as
the level of energy exerted by students. Accordingly, involved students devote more
time and energy to campus activities and organizations (both academic and social).
Involvement includes, but is not limited to, time spent on campus, participation in
student organizations, and interaction with peers and faculty (Kuh, 1995). Baxter-
Magolda (1992) further posits that there are long-standing benefits associated with
involvement in student organizations. These benefits include higher retention rates,

8

increased college satisfaction, development of leadership skills, and mature
interpersonal relations. Along the same lines, Guido-DiBrito and Batchelor (1988)
declared that “student organizations play an especially critical role in leadership
development where students learn, are tested, succeed, and sometimes fail” (p. 312).
Further, Kimbrough (1995) believes that involved students are more “action-
oriented” students, and “action-orientation” directly relates to higher levels of
leadership development (p. 63). However, in order for “action-orientation” to occur
there needs to be appealing opportunities for involvement (Kimbrough, 1995, p. 63).
Whether an involvement opportunity is appealing depends on how it fits within the
student’s needs and interests.
Research shows that the type of organization students participate in can
influence their leadership experiences, therefore affecting their development (Kezar
& Moriarty, 2000; Logue, Hutchens, & Hector, 2005). Logue et al. (2005) notes that
“participants may experience leadership differently based on the organization and its
cultural context” (p. 406). For some African American students and other
racial/ethnic minority students at PWIs, this can typically be the case (Arminio et al.,
2000; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). The cultural interests of these students often vary
from those of the mainstream culture, therefore influencing the involvement
opportunities that they consider appealing.
Trends in African American Student Involvement
Racially-affiliated campus organizations are the primary venues of
involvement for African American students at PWIs (Person & Christensen, 1996;

9

Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). For the purpose of this study, “racially-affiliated”
organizations refers to those student organizations whose membership is primarily
comprised of African American students or have a named reference to Blacks or
African Americans (i.e., Black Business Student Association, African Americans in
Medicine). Several studies have revealed that the presence of racially-affiliated
student organizations at PWIs increases involvement in campus activities among
African American students (e.g., DeSousa & King, 1992; Harper et al., 2005; Person
& Christensen, 1996; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). According to Sutton and
Kimbrough (2001), African American students like to feel as if they matter and are
making a difference. Involvement in racially-affiliated organizations provides for
this. Through the creation of social networks and a foundation of African American
campus community, racially-affiliated campus organizations allow students to
incorporate racial/ethnic identity and cultural heritage, and provide students with
sense of purpose and belonging (Arminio et al., 2000; Person & Christensen, 1996;
Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001).
Despite a slight increase over the years, minority student involvement in
mainstream campus organizations is marginal (Barol et al., as cited in Marcy, 1986;
Harper et al., 2005; Lavant & Terrell, 1994; Person & Christensen, 1996; Sutton &
Kimbrough, 2001). Consistent with other studies (i.e., Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001;
Harper et al., 2005) mainstream organizations at PWIs tend to include residential
advisor (R.A), orientation advisor (O.A.), non-ethnic Greek letter organizations,
student government, campus unions, and university ambassadors. African American

10

students are not as involved within many of the aforementioned mainstream campus
organizations such as student government, campus activity boards, Greek Row, and
residential advisors (Kimbrough, 1995; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). Harper et al.
(2005) asserts:
Involvement in black student unions, gospel choirs, undergraduate NAACP
chapter and academic clubs (e.g., National Society of Black Accountants,
National Association of Black Journalist, National Association of Black
Engineers) is typical for African American students at PWIs; their
participation in student government, campus activity boards, marching band,
and resident assistant programs remains strikingly low. (p. 397)

The lack of involvement in mainstream organizations can stem from a variety of
reasons, including an unwelcoming campus environment, negative perception of
organizations that are not racially-affiliated, differing cultural interests, as well as
their state of racial identity development (Arminio et al., 2000; Kimbrough 1995;
Lavant & Terrell, 1994; Marcy, 1986; Person & Christensen, 1996; Sutton &
Kimbrough, 2001). Collectively, the research suggests that racially-affiliated
organizations appeal more to the cultural interests of most African American
students than traditional mainstream organizations.
African American students at Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCUs) have an easier time finding appealing leadership opportunities than their
peers at PWIs. Fleming (1984) revealed that HBCUs provide a more supportive
environment than PWIs. The racial homogeneity of students at HBCUs, removes the
subtle and overt racism that culturally alienates African American students at PWIs
(Fleming, 1984; DeSousa & Kuh, 1996, Harper et. al, 2005). DeSousa and Kuh

11

(1996) further assert that HBCUs are “successful in cultivating an ethos that foster
the learning and personal development of black students” (p. 264). As a result,
African American students at HBCUs tend to enjoy positive student outcomes,
including leadership development (DeSousa & Kuh, 1996; Harper, Carini, Bridges,
& Hayek, 2004). Published reports (i.e., Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998; Sutton &
Kimbrough, 2001) show that African American students at HBCUs are more likely
to participate in the “mainstream” activities such as student government, university
ambassadors, orientation advisors and residential life positions. Unlike their
counterparts at PWIs, the homogeneous environment at HBCUs allows African
American students to enjoy leadership development in all sorts of student
organizations.
Current Leadership Trends of African American Students
Because African American student involvement in mainstream campus
organizations is marginal, the chance of these students actually holding a leadership
position in one is even less likely. For example, Horowitz noted that “At PWIs,
African American student leaders are not as visible through high-profile positions on
student government, programming council, newspaper staffs, or White Greek-letter
organizations” (as cited in Kimbrough, 1995, p.72). These positions are the most
recognized forms of leadership at PWIs, therefore leading to the assumption that
African American students are not participating in traditional leadership
development opportunities in college. For most African American students at PWIs,
holding one of these hierarchical positions is not necessarily a priority (Arminio et

12

al., 2000; Kimbrough, 1995; Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998; Sutton & Kimbrough,
2001). In fact, according to Sutton and Kimbrough (2001) some African Americans
hold greater value in demonstrating leadership through involvement than in actually
holding a hierarchical position, therefore illustrating how the leadership development
process can vary among sub-populations of students, particularly minority students
(Kezar & Morarity, 2000).
Holding a hierarchical position is not the only difference found in the
leadership development process of African American students at PWIs. For
racial/ethnic minority students, leadership in mainstream organizations can
sometimes mean the abandonment of one’s cultural identity because they are forced
to assimilate to organizational norms. Therefore, they often opt out of these
opportunities (Arminio et al., 2000). Furthermore, African American student leaders
at PWIs are often forced to be the spokesperson and representative for the entire
African American campus population, which becomes an additional source of
pressure (Arminio et al., 2000; Marcy, 1986). Arminio et al. (2000), suggest some
students of color are turned off by the usage of the term “leader” and its associated
benefits, thus opting out of traditional leadership (hierarchical) positions. Other
studies have shown that some African American students simply do not believe
involvement in traditional student government is important to their college
experiences (Kezar & Moriarty, 2000; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). The Arminio et
al. (2000) study additionally revealed that most students of color seek involvement in
racially-affiliated organizations for reasons relating to cultural heritage, while

13

seeking involvement in mainstream organizations for leadership experience. It is
not that African American students do not experience and value leadership
opportunities; in fact, 99 percent of the participants in Kimbrough’s (1995) study
reported that leadership development was important to them. The issue is that their
personal view of leadership just does not fit with traditional mainstream leadership
models that focus on hierarchy and power.
The information discussed throughout this section helps demonstrate the
considerable amount of research has dealt with the involvement and leadership
experiences of African American students who participate in racially-affiliated
organizations at predominantly White institutions. However, there is still a need to
examine the involvement and leadership experiences of African American students
in mainstream organizations, as well as, how they compare qualitatively to
experiences in racially-affiliated organizations. This dissertation addresses this gap
by providing insight into the leadership experiences of African American
undergraduates at PWIs with respect to their organizational affiliation.
Purpose of the Study
The majority of existing literature on African Americans at predominantly
White institutions focuses mainly on racial identity and factors that influence the
students’ involvement. Although this research is relevant, a major gap in the research
still exists. The few studies that address African American student leadership
experiences at PWIs, notably Arminio et al. (2000), and Sutton and Kimbrough
(2001), only do so marginally. These studies do not explore the leadership

14

differences between students involved in mainstream organizations and those
involved in racially-affiliated organizations. Consequently, very little is known about
the differing leadership experiences and thus the development of African American
undergraduates who pursue leadership in traditional mainstream organizations.
Based on the literature reviewed, one can hypothesize that a difference does exist
between the leadership experiences of an African American undergraduate who is
president of student government versus one who is president of the African
American Student Union. However, such differences have not been explored and
therefore, are not clear. Thus, the purpose of this dissertation was to examine the
leadership experiences of African American undergraduates at predominantly White
institutions (PWIs). Specifically I considered how the type of campus organization
(mainstream or racially affiliated) in which undergraduate African American
students are affiliated influences their leadership experiences.
Research Questions
The aim of this qualitative research study was to gain insight into the
leadership experiences of African American undergraduates at predominantly White
institutions. In an effort to extend Arminio et al.’s (2000) study as well as the work
of other scholars, notably Sutton and Kimbrough (2001), and Kezar and Morarity
(2000), the following research question was considered in this dissertation:
How do the leadership experiences of African American undergraduates at
predominantly White institutions, who are involved in mainstream organizations,

15

differ from the leadership experiences of African American undergraduates who
participate in racially-affiliated campus organizations?
Additionally, the following sub-questions were also considered:
1. What underlying factors influence African American students’ involvement
preferences?
2. What are African American students’ perceptions of their leadership
experiences?
3. How does the type of organization influence African American students’
leadership experiences?
The background information presented in this chapter revealed that many African
American students at PWIs are more involved and pursue leadership in racially-
affiliated organizations. The reasons for this involvement preference include
feelings of mattering (Harper et al, 2005; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001), sense of
purpose (Person & Christensen, 1996; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001), campus
environment (Kimbrough, 1995; Lavant & Terrell, 1994), negative perceptions of
campus organizations (Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001), personal value orientation
(Arminio et al, 2000; Kezar & Morarity, 2000), and cultural significance (Person &
Christensen, 1996). The questions presented above call for the revelation of new
information and clarification of information not present in current literature.
Significance of the Study
When compared to their involvement in racially-affiliated organizations,
African American undergraduates are marginally involved in mainstream

16

organizations including student government, non-ethnic Greek Letter organizations,
campus unions, and homecoming committees. They also rarely take positions as
residential or orientation advisors. One consequence of marginal involvement in
these organizations is the small percentage of African American students holding
leadership positions within. Numerous studies have been published on racial identity
development, campus organizational factors, and involvement preferences of African
American students at predominantly White institutions (e.g., Harper et al, 2005;
Person & Christensen, 1996; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). Scholars have also
examined student leadership development in college (e.g., Arminio et al, 2000; Cress
et al, 2001; Kezar & Morarity, 2000; Kimbrough, 1995). Despite the substantial
amount of existing literature, very little research has been done to compare the
African American student leadership experiences by organizational affiliation
(mainstream vs. racially-affiliated). The insight provided by the findings of this
study will enhance practitioners’ ability to support African American students in
developing valuable leadership skills. By bringing to the forefront the benefits,
disadvantages, and differences associated with leadership in mainstream
organizations as well as racially-affiliated organizations, this case study provides
further insight into the influence of organizational affiliation on leadership
development, therefore adding to the existing literature regarding the leadership
experiences of African American students at PWIs.
Data was collected by way of individual interviews with African American
student leaders at a private, highly selective university in California. An important

17

and anticipated outcome of this study was to inform the work of student affairs
professionals, faculty, and club/organization advisors. These professionals play an
integral role in the cultivation of student leaders, therefore it is important for them to
understand and recognize differences in the leadership experiences and eventual
development of African American student leaders. Through an exploration of their
leadership experiences, this study ultimately provides African American student
leaders in mainstream organizations with a voice that has not yet been heard. This
voice can either confirm or dispel the negative perceptions associated with leadership
in mainstream organizations at PWIs, therefore removing some of the ambiguity that
many African American students face. The results of this case study may also give
student affairs professionals’ reasons to encourage African American students to
pursue leadership in various types of student organizations. Additionally, I hope that
the information revealed through this study will serve as a way to better understand
the relationship between leadership experiences, racial identity development, and
student involvement preferences. Moreover, this clearer understanding can provide a
starting point for organizational change.
Definitions of Related Concepts
1) African American-U.S. born citizens “having origins in any of the black
racial groups of Africa” (U.S. Census Bureau” Profiles of General Demographic
Characteristics-2000”, 2001).

18

2) Hierarchical positions- elected or appointed leadership positions. These
positions tend to include President, Chairperson, Vice President, Secretary,
Treasurer, or Executive Board member.
3) Racially-affiliated organizations- student organizations whose
membership is primarily comprised of African students or have a named reference to
Black or African American. Examples include, Black Student Union/Assembly
(BSU/BSA), Black Greek Letter Organizations (BGLO), or African Americans in
Medicine (AAIM). These organizations are prevalent at predominantly White
institutions.
4) Mainstream Organizations- traditional student organizations that are found
on most college and university campuses. These organizations are designed to
provide involvement opportunities for the general campus population, and have no
named reference to race or ethnicity. Examples tend to include, student government,
campus unions, non-ethnic Greek letter organizations, honor societies, academic
departmental clubs, and pre-law societies. Positions such as Residential Advisor
(R.A.), Orientation Advisor (O.A.) and Student Representatives/Ambassadors; also
fall under this category.
Organization of the Dissertation
This chapter provided the background, purpose and significance of this
dissertation study. Through an in depth discussion on student leadership in higher
education and its effects on the experiences of African American students at PWIs,
the problem addressed in this study was revealed. Chapter Two addresses the

19

theoretical framework that shaped this dissertation study. It also includes a
synthesis of the published literature on the involvement and leadership experiences
of African American undergraduates at predominantly White institutions. The third
chapter describes the methodological approach through which the leadership
experiences and development of African American students were explored, as well
as strategies utilized in data collection and analysis. Chapter Four presents the
findings of the study. Chapter Five, contains a discussion of implications for student
affairs professionals and areas for future research. Following Chapter Five is a list of
cited references and appendices.

20

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction
Early leadership experiences provide individuals with the tools they need to
succeed academically, in the workforce, and in other social arenas.
Leadership development during the collegiate years has been widely studied
to determine the best methods of enhancing students’ leadership skills, and
the differential processes by which those skills are developed or impeded
within various student groups. (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1998 as cited in
Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998, p. 96)

Society depends on higher education for the development of future leaders
(Shertzer & Schuh, 2004). As discussed in the previous chapter, researchers believe
that leadership in college provides students with valuable skills such as decision-
making, and networking, that prepares them for the “real world” (Arminio et al.,
2000; Baxter-Magolda, 1992). There are numerous benefits associated with the
leadership development of undergraduate students including confidence in cognitive
and social abilities, substantial praise and support from peers, faculty, and staff, and
the emergence of additional leadership opportunities (Cress et al., 2001; Shertzer &
Schuh, 2004).
A primary source of this leadership development stems from a student’s
involvement in campus activities. For African American students at predominantly
White institutions (PWIs), campus involvement can be a key factor in their
leadership experiences and development. They can opt to be involved in traditional
mainstream organizations, or not. African American students at PWIs are primarily
involved in racially-affiliated organizations and tend to be marginally involved in
mainstream organizations. As this may be, the number of African American students

21

who serve in a traditional leadership capacity in mainstream organizations is less
likely. Several factors account for this lack of involvement in mainstream
organizations, including racial identity, leadership value orientation, and
involvement (Murray, as cited in Arminio et al., 2000).
As discussed in Chapter One, the purpose of this dissertation study was to
examine the influence of organizational type (mainstream vs. racially-affiliated) on
the leadership experiences, and thus development, of African American
undergraduates at predominantly White institutions (PWIs). This qualitative study,
will be guided by the following three questions:
1. What underlying factors influence African American students’ involvement
preferences?
2. What are African American students’ perceptions of their leadership
experiences?
3. How does the type of organization influence African American students’
leadership experiences?
With Chapter One providing background information on the state of African
American student leadership at PWIs, it is important to understand the theoretical
framework that guided this study. In this review of the literature, the following three
areas are discussed:
1. An examination of the role of student involvement in the leadership
development of African Americans at PWIs, using Astin’s (1984) Student
Involvement Theory as the point of reference.

22

2. An examination of the impact of racial identity development, specifically
Cross’ (1971, 1991, and 1995) Model of Psychological Nigrescence, and
Phinney’s (1990, 1992) Model of Ethnic Identity Development, on the
involvement and thus leadership experiences of African American
students at PWIs.
3. An examination of the resonating views of leadership and how these relate
to the leadership experiences of African Americans at PWIs.
As demonstrated in the figure below, each framework can be connected to one
another, therefore providing a lens through which the involvement experiences,
racial identity, and leadership value orientation of African American undergraduates
at PWIs can be examined critically.
1

Figure 1. Interaction of Theories

Student Involvement

Racial Identity Leadership Views

1
It is important to note that several other theories are applicable to this framework; however, I am
going to concentrate on the three aforementioned theories.

23

This chapter will begin with a description of Astin’s (1984) Student
Involvement Theory. The discussion of this theory is vital to my research because
leadership development is one of the associated benefits of student involvement in
out-of-class activities. However, for African American students at predominantly
White institutions, several organizational factors can influence their involvement.
These factors will be included in this discussion on student involvement. The
chapter then transitions from student involvement to a discussion on racial identity
theories. A student’s comfort with their racial identity can greatly influence the types
of involvement opportunities they seek, thus influencing the type of organization in
which their leadership experiences occur. Next, the focus of this chapter shifts from
involvement and racial identity to a discussion on the various views (paradigms) of
leadership. This discussion on leadership paradigms is helpful in understanding
where the various leadership experiences of African American students fit. This
chapter concludes with a summarization of the salient themes covered.
Student Involvement Theory
Student organizations helps prepare students for the realities of civil,
political, and social life that are encountered after graduation from college.
They provide an opportunity for students to practice leadership and
citizenship, to engage freely in the discussion of issues and concern
organizational skills”. (Minahan, as cited in Rooney, 1985, p. 450)

As discussed in Chapter One and demonstrated in the above quote,
involvement in campus activities can greatly effect leadership experiences and thus
development. Astin (1984) regards involvement as “the amount of physical and
psychological energy that a student devotes to the academic experience” (pg. 518). A

24

student’s active involvement in the college environment enhances his or her
retention and development (Astin, 1984). As discussed by Astin (1984), involved
students devote more time and energy to participating in campus activities and
organizations, both academic and social. Active participation in campus life
provides opportunities for meaningful learning and interaction with peers, faculty,
and staff (Astin, 1996). Positive factors, such as support and encouragement from
peers, are more likely to increase student involvement (Astin, 1984; DeSousa &
King, 1992). The opposite is true for negative factors. Factors such as an
unwelcoming or hostile campus environment causes students to be less involved in
campus life and therefore less likely to serve as a leader (Astin, 1984; DeSousa &
King, 1992).
Astin (1984) proposes five basic postulates of student involvement that focus
primarily on behavior. They are: 1) investment of physical and psychological energy
in various aspects, 2) involvement occurs along a continuum, 3) has both qualitative
and quantitative features, 4) the amount of student learning and development is
directly related to the student’s level of involvement, and 5) it is important to have
educational policies that encourage and increase student involvement in place.
Students cannot be forced to participate in campus activities, but it is important that
universities provide opportunities for involvement (Kuh, 1995).
Out-of-class involvement, often referred to as the “real world laboratory,” is
critical to college student development (Kuh, 1995). This experience includes time
spent on campus, activity in student organizations, and interaction with peers and

25

faculty (Kuh, 1995). Involvement in campus life provides an avenue for students to
develop and sustain skills that are applicable to the work place (Cooper, Healy, &
Simpson, 1994; Kuh, 1995). It has been argued that the most powerful involvement
experiences were those that demand the planning, decision-making, and completion
of tasks (Kuh, 1995). Various studies revealed that a major benefit of student
involvement is leadership development (e.g., Cooper et al., 1994; Cress et al., 2001;
Kezar & Morarity, 2000; Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998; Sutton & Terrell, 1997).
Cooper and associates (1994) further assert that the development associated with
membership and leadership in student organizations can come from formal or
informal activities. Kimbrough (1995) believes that “action-orientation” directly
relates to higher levels of leadership development. It is therefore suggested that in
order for “action-orientation” to occur, appealing opportunities for involvement need
to exist. African American student involvement at PWIs in traditional campus
organizations is marginal (Harper et al., 2005; Lavant & Terrell, 1994; Person &
Christensen, 1996; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). This suggests that for some African
American students at PWIs, appealing options for mainstream involvement appears
to be limited.
In an effort to assess the leadership experiences of African American students
at PWIs, I must first identify organizational factors that can thwart or encourage
involvement in out-of-class activities. According to the literature, the existence of a
diverse campus climate, racially-affiliated organizations and African American

26

cultural centers are factors that influence involvement among African Americans at
PWIs.
Campus Environment
The perceived campus environment was a resonating theme with regard to
factors that can influence and ultimately thwart student involvement. Institutional
characteristics and culture can affect the student’s involvement in campus activities
(Cabrera, Nora, Terenzini, Pascarella, & Hagedorn, 1999; DeSousa & King, 1992;
Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). This is especially true for students of color. In spite of
the fact that most PWIs have an espoused commitment to diversity, the reality is that
this diversity is purely structural in its nature (Hurtado, 1992; Hurtado, Milem,
Clayton-Pedersen, & Allen, 1998). Despite the increase in the numbers of students of
color, the climate and culture of many institutions remain unchanged, giving off a
false representation of diversity (Hurtado, 1992; Feagin, Vera, Imani, 1996).
Enrollment numbers may increase, but the focus of events, services, and programs
remain the same. This false representation can have detrimental effects on the
involvement and leadership development of African American students at PWIs.
For African American and other minority students, most PWIs are considered
somewhat hostile and unwelcoming environments (DeSousa & Kuh, 1996; Hurtado,
1992; Lavant & Terrell, 1994; Patton, 2006; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001; Sutton &
Terrell, 1997). A study by Person and Christensen (1996) suggests that 54 percent of
African American students interviewed reported experiencing discrimination on
campus. An environment that is perceived as discriminatory discourages student

27

involvement and can lead to a disconnect with the institution and disrupts learning
(Cabrera et al., 1999). Evidence from various studies, suggest that this often-
unwelcoming campus environment negatively affects the involvement of African
American students in campus life, both socially and academically (e.g., DeSousa &
King, 1992; DeSousa & Kuh, 1996).
According to numerous studies (e.g., DeSousa & Kuh, 1996; Feagin et al.,
1996; Harper et al., 2005; Hurtado, 1992; Kimbrough, 1995; Sutton & Terrell, 1997),
many African American students at predominantly White campuses have also
reported that they experience social and cultural isolation from the moment they
arrive on campus. Research further suggests that forced cultural assimilation strips
these students of their cultural identity, thus leading to a disconnect with the
institution (Feagin et al., 1996; Lavant & Terrell, 1994). Research has also found that
the majority of African American students who attend PWIs often feel a lack of
respect and understanding from White students, staff, and faculty (Feagin et al.,
1996; Hurtado, 1992). Many of these students also tend to be less satisfied with
campus activities, which typically do not pertain to their cultural needs and interests
(Feagin et al., 1996, Harper et al., 2005; Lavant & Terrell, 1994). The majority of
programs and opportunities that can foster leadership development do not address the
cultural needs or values of most African American students (Lavant & Terrell, 1994;
Sedlacek, 1987). For example, most of these leadership development programs are
general, therefore lacking cultural perspectives (Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001).
Further, many of leadership development programs tend to only focus on the

28

positional style of leadership (Arminio et al., 2000). Some racial/ethnic minority
students typically feel pressured to blend their culture with that of the institution in
an attempt to conform to mainstream campus culture rather than be isolated (Feagin
et al., 1996; Harper et al., 2005; Sedlacek, 1987, Taylor & Howard-Hamilton, 1995).
Other students become disengaged due to the lack of appealing opportunities (Feagin
et al., 1996; Harper et al., 2005; Sedlacek, 1987). From their experiences, Howard-
Hamilton et al. (1993) assume that this lack of appealing opportunities for
involvement prohibits training and mentoring opportunities, all of which they posit
are needed to become an effective leader.
Along with this cultural insensitivity, some African American students at
PWIs have also reported feeling more tension and less support on predominantly
White campuses than other minority students (Sedlacek, 1987; Furr, & Elling, 2002).
According to research completed by Feagin et al. (1996), this reported tension is
displayed through subtle and overt discrimination in their daily interaction with
faculty and staff. From their research, Feagin and associates (1996) further posit that
campus faculty and staff, whether consciously or not, help to create and maintain
racial barriers, which influence their interaction with African American students and
other students of color. Additionally, African American students have also reported
having more difficulty making friends outside of their race as well as participating in
non-Black social activities (Sedlacek, 1987; Furr, & Elling, 2002). As posited by
Kimbrough (1995), this aforementioned difficulty often results in African American
students not being as visible in traditional student leadership positions such as

29

student government, programming council, newspaper staff, White Greek Letter
Organizations, and in most cases not involved in campus life. Notable researchers
(e.g., Eimers, 2001; Harper et al., 2005; Kimbrough, 1995; Lavant & Terrell, 1994)
posit that a negative campus environment can lead to a disconnect with the
institution. Collectively, the research on campus environment supports the argument
that a disconnect from the institution can negatively affect student involvement in
campus activities, thus hindering leadership experiences and development (DeSousa
&Kuh, 1996; Sutton & Terrell, 1997).
Racially-Affiliated Organizations
Racially-affiliated organizations are the primary source of involvement for
the majority of African American students at PWIs. Results from a study on African
American involvement trends conducted by Sutton and Kimbrough (2001) revealed
that 75.8 percent of the participants reported involvement in racially-affiliated
organizations. Numerous studies (e.g., DeSousa & King, 1992; Guiffrida, 2003;
Harper et al., 2005; Person & Christensen, 1996; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001),
contend that the presence of racially-affiliated student organizations at PWIs
increases involvement of African American students in campus activities. As
previously discussed, African American undergraduates at PWIs are not as involved
in mainstream student organizations. Mainstream organizations include student
government, campus unions, and non-ethnic Greek letter organizations, as well as
positions such as university ambassadors, residential advisors, and orientation
advisors. This lack of mainstream campus involvement can be attributed partially to

30

the campus environment (Cabrera et al., 1999; Lavant & Terrell, 1994; DeSousa &
Kuh, 1996; Sutton & Terrell, 1997; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). Various studies
(Fleming, 1984; Kimbrough, 1995; Lavant & Terrell, 1994; Person & Christensen,
1996; Rooney, 1985; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001) have reported that African
American students perceive traditional campus organizations as exclusive and
insensitive to their needs. The reviewed literature provides further support that this
desire for ethnic involvement is demonstrated through a preference to take part in
racially-affiliated organizations and activities, rather than mainstream campus
organizations (Sutton & Terrell, 1997; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). The participants
in studies conducted by Person and Christensen (1996) as well as Guiffrida (2003),
revealed that African American student organizations were vital to African American
students’ campus involvement. In fact, 83 percent of the respondents reported
spending all of their “free time” interacting with other African American students.
Numerous studies (e.g., DeSousa & King, 1992, Sutton & Terrell, 1997) have
revealed common racially-affiliated organizations to include Black Student Unions,
Black Greek Letter Organizations (BGLO), campus chapters of National Association
for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Black Pre-Law and Pre-Medicine
organizations, and several others. In a study performed by Sutton and Kimbrough
(2001) reveals that 79 percent of the participants were members of African American
organizations such as campus NAACP chapters and the Black Student Alliance.
According to Kimbrough (1995), racially-affiliated organizations at PWIs,
like BGLOs, help lessen the severity of an unwelcoming campus environment. The

31

results from the study by Person & Christensen (1996) also suggest that the support
offered by African American organizations, help lessen the feelings of alienation that
many African American students experience. Chapter One, revealed that African
American students at PWIs need organizations that will provide a community of
support and warmth of racially-affiliated organizations, a social niche that traditional
campus organizations do not provide. (DeSousa & King, 1992; Harper et al., 2005;
Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001; Sedlacek, 1987; Williamson, 1999). In fact, African
American students are said to be more involved in campus life through these
organizations than their White peers who are involved in mainstream organizations
(DeSousa & King, 1992).
Numerous studies (e.g., Arminio et al., 2000; Guiffrida, 2003; Sutton &
Kimbrough, 2001) have concluded that African American organizations promote and
encourage African American heritage on campuses where this otherwise would not
exist, therefore lessening the effects of an unwelcoming environment. Based on the
literature, it can be concluded, that in addition to providing African American
students with a connection to their institution, these organizations are also
instrumental in providing leadership opportunities. The opportunities presented
through racially-affiliated organizations help students develop the tangible skills and
increase confidence, all of which are necessary for leadership development
(Kimbrough, 1995). Kimbrough (1995) further posits that racially-affiliated
organizations provide earlier and more leadership opportunities than mainstream
campus organizations. As mentioned in Chapter One, only 39 percent of the

32

participants in Kimbrough’s (1995) study felt that mainstream organizations
provided leadership opportunities for them. Along those same lines, Kimbrough
(1995) asserts:
Many of them perceive or experience difficulty in attaining leadership
positions in departmental groups, clubs, and campus student organizations.
To alleviate these feelings of powerlessness and isolation in the larger
campus community, they may devote their energies to Black-dominated
student groups. (p. 72)

Additional research conducted by Kimbrough and Hutcheson (1998) suggests that
African American students who participate in BGLOs and other racially-affiliated
organizations are more likely to hold a leadership position sometime during their
tenure in the organization. For example, Kimbrough (1995) posits that BGLOs,
because of their international reputation, help create unique leadership opportunities
for involvement on many levels. Kimbrough’s research findings also show that these
students are also more likely to take on leadership in more than one campus
organization, be it in the form of contributional or positional leadership (Kimbrough
& Hutcheson, 1998).
Presence of African American Cultural Centers
African American cultural centers provide support and resources to African
American students at predominantly White institutions. The primary goal of the
centers is to enhance the collegiate experience of students, specifically African
American students, and to support their successful matriculation (Hefner, 2002;
Patton, 2006; Williamson, 1999). DeSousa and Kuh (1996) discovered that African
American students have a hard time finding a comfortable place on campus.

33

Cultural centers offer supportive environments where African American students
can escape the pressures of campus life and engage with other African American
students (Patton, 2006; Person & Christensen, 1996; Williamson, 1999). Strongly
supporting this finding is Person and Christensen’s (1996) study of African
American student culture at PWIs, where 90 percent of the participants identified a
need for an on campus cultural base. Therefore, it can be argued that African
American cultural centers are an important component to the involvement of African
American students at PWIs.
According to the findings from Person and Christensen’s (1996) study,
African American cultural centers have helped African American students create
their own social and cultural networks within predominantly White campuses. These
centers provide culturally appealing involvement opportunities for African American
students, and provide them with opportunities to fully develop and embrace their
racial/ethnic identity. Research has proven that a result of offering specialized
programs and activities that reflect African American culture and experience, these
students feel as if they belong, and therefore become integrated into campus life
(DeSousa & King, 1992; Hefner, 2002; Patton, 2006; Person & Christensen, 1996).
Overall, the reviewed higher education literature suggests that this integration into
campus life leads to more action involvement. Results in studies by DeSousa and
King (1992), as well as Patton (2006), suggest that the level of involvement by
African American students at PWIs is greatly influenced by the presence of African
American cultural centers. In an effort to improve the college experience in an

34

otherwise unwelcoming and hostile environment, cultural centers encourage
African American students’ involvement both inside and outside the classroom,
which in turn provides opportunities for leadership experiences and development
(Patton, 2006; Person & Christensen, 1996; Williamson, 1999).
In sum, involvement is a key factor in leadership and will be used to frame
this study. The involvement and leadership experiences of African American
undergraduates at PWIs are also influenced by racial identity. Racial identity plays a
major role in the type of organizations in which African American students are
involved, and consequently their leadership development. In the following section,
the next theoretical framework, Racial Identity Theories, is discussed.
Racial Identity Theories
“In recognizing the uniqueness of the Black community it is important not to
overgeneralize and attempt to fit all Black students into a single category”
(Marcy, 1986, p. 35).

Racially-affiliated organizations are vital to the overall adjustment of African
American students at PWIs. Along with serving as a social network, racially-
affiliated organizations provide African American students with the opportunity for
“identity clarification” (Marcy, 1986). Research conducted by White (1998) revealed
that African American students at PWIs have a dual relationship to their institution.
They are students and must deal with the same adjustment issues as all other
students. However, they must also deal with being African American on a
predominantly White campus.

35

African Americans students at PWIs are not a homogenous population, but
are often characterized as (Guiffrida, 2003; McEwen, Roper, Bryant, & Yoga, 1990;
White, 1998). African American students, like all students, need to be recognized as
individuals with individual needs (Marcy, 1986). The quote above suggests, they
cannot be generalized into a single group that is defined by race. Marcy (1986)
asserts that African American culture is made up of very diverse components, which
tend to get lost in the educational setting. Along the same lines, Blackwell posits:
“the Black community is a complex, heterogeneous entity whose strength and
vitality emanate for its diversity” (as cited in Marcy, 1986, p. 36). White (1998)
emphasizes that for African Americans, “within group differences have a powerful
effect on their self-perceptions and their overall campus experience” (p. 94). The
inability to recognize and appreciate the diversity that exists within the African
American group, can lead to the isolation of those who do not fit the African
American norm (Cuyjet, as cited in Marcy, 1986). As posited by Marcy (1986),
“stereotyping in this manner ignores the individuality of students, and forces them
into inappropriate and uncomfortable molds” (p. 36). Marcy (1986) further asserts
that realizing African American students are in fact a heterogeneous population, the
feelings of isolation will be alleviated, self-esteem will be enhanced, and an increase
in involvement will occur.
A key factor of the within group differences among African Americans, can
be attributed to the racial identity development of African American students.
Understanding the role of racial identity is vital to examining the participation levels

36

of involvement for African American students at PWIs (Flowers, 2004; Mitchell &
Dell, 1992; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001; Taylor & Howard-Hamilton, 1995).
According to Lavant and Terrell (1994), ethnic background plays a major role in the
types of organizations in which students choose to become involved. As with all
students, the background of African American students is a vital contributor to the
experiences and perceptions they bring to campus (White, 1998). It is these
experiences, including socioeconomic status, comfort within the African American
community, and type of environment (African American, White, and Mixed) in
which they have been reared, that determines their views on campus life and the
organizations in which they will participate. As White (1998) illustrated, the
backgrounds of African American students at PWIs tends to dictate whether they
will be involved in racially-affiliated organizations, mainstream organizations, both,
or neither. Ultimately, African American students at PWIs will choose to be involved
in organizations that fit their developmental needs (White, 1998).
As demonstrated through the quote in the beginning of this section, African
Americans cannot be characterized as one homogeneous group; differences do exist.
In order to adequately examine the leadership development of African American
students at PWIs with regard to their involvement preferences, I must first recognize
the intra-group differences, particularly the student’s level of comfort with being
African American. To do this, two theories will be utilized, Cross’ Theory of Black
Racial Identity Theory (1971, 1991, 1995) and Phinney’s Model of Ethnic Identity
Development (1990, 1992). Both theories provide a particularly useful framework in

37

addressing the factors that influence involvement preferences. It is important to
understand an individual’s level of development because it can determine the types
of organizations he or she seeks out for participation (mainstream or racially-
affiliated). Because African Americans are not a homogenous population, it is
important to apply a theory that is more generic in its nature. For some students, such
as those of mixed heritage, Phinney’s (1990, 1992) Model of Ethnic Identity
Development may be more applicable. Ultimately, these theories can serve as an
additional way to better understand the relationship between involvement
preferences and leadership experiences.
Black Racial Identity Theory: The Model for Psychological Nigrescence
Despite its utility for understanding student involvement, the Student
Involvement Theory (Astin, 1984) does not examine the role of ethnic identity in the
involvement of students. According to McEwen et al. (1990), many of the traditional
student development theories are based on the values and experiences of White
students. Ethnic identity plays a vital role in the involvement of racial/ethnic
minority students on predominantly White campuses (Person & Christensen, 1996;
Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001; Sutton & Terrell, 1997). At most PWIs, African
American students and other students of color generally experience a call for
assimilation/ acculturation into the majority culture (McEwen et al., 1990). This call
for assimilation/acculturation tends to have a negative impact on the involvement of
minority students in campus life (Feagin et al., 1996; Harper et al., 2005;
Kimbrough, 1995; Lavant & Terrell, 1994; Sedlacek, 1987). Participation with

38

racially-affiliated campus organizations plays a major role in the survival and
success of African American students at PWIs (McEwen et al., 1990).
Cross (1971, 1991, 1995) developed the Model for Psychological
Nigrescence to describe various stages through which African American students
develop their racial/ethnic identity. This model provides the framework for
explaining the three transition phases (non-Afrocentrism to Afrocentrism to
Multiculturalism) that African Americans experience (Cross, 1995; Evans, Forney,
& Guido-DiBrito, 1998; McEwen et al., 1990; Sedlacek, 1987). This “resocializing
experience,” in which identity transformation occurs, takes place in four stages: 1)
Pre-encounter, 2) Encounter, 3) Immersion-Emersion, and 4) Internalization (Cross,
1995; Evans et al., 1998). Mitchell and Dell (1992) posit that most African
Americans “may hold values and beliefs associated with the various stages
simultaneously, and the amount of attitude may range from none to a maximum
level” (p. 39).
In the beginning of this identity development, an individual views race as
being neutral and unimportant. They simply want to be accepted as a human being.
This stage is referred to by Cross (1971, 1991, 1995) as the Pre-encounter stage. For
individuals in Pre-encounter stage, their thoughts can best be described as pro-White
and tend to range from race-neutral to anti-Black. Based on findings from a study
conducted by Mitchell and Dell (1992), African American students who are in the
Pre-encounter stage are least likely to participate in racially-affiliated organizations
and activities; this is particularly due to their pro-White or anti-Black attitudes. It is

39

during the next stage, Encounter, that an individual has negative experiences that
shatter their current identity. Evans et al. (1998) emphasize that this identity
shattering experience is often caused by multiple negative events. During this stage,
the individual must not only experience this particular type of situation, but this
situation must affect them in a major way (Evans et al., 1998). According to Cross,
individuals in this stage “will seek out information or attend meetings in order to
assess whether he or she should submit to metamorphosis” (p. 105). Research
gathered by Mitchell and Dell (1992), revealed that African Americans in this stage
are more likely to participate in racially-affiliated organizations than their peers who
are in the Pre-encounter stage. After this eye-opening experience, the individual now
moves on to the Immersion-Emersion stage. According to Cross (1995), “during this
period of transition that the person begins to demolish the “old” perspective, while
simultaneously trying to construct what will become his or her new frame of
reference” (pg. 106). As they are forming this new identity, individuals disparage
White people and culture and immerse themselves in their Black culture (Evans et
al., 1998). While immersing themselves into “Blackness,” individuals at this stage
are also beginning a more critical analysis of their new Black identity (Cross, 1995).
Because of their newfound appreciation for “Blackness,” individuals at this stage of
development are most likely to be involved solely in racially-affiliated organizations
and events (Cross, 1995; Mitchell & Dell, 1992). Using the example provided by
Mitchell and Dell (1992), an African American student who is in the third stage of
Immersion-Emersion is more likely to participate in a Black Greek Letter

40

organization than a traditional White Greek Letter organization. Therefore, it can be
assumed that their leadership experiences will be more likely to occur in a Black
Greek Letter Organization.
In the last stage, Internalization, individuals begin to resolve their old identity
with their new Black identity. They achieve a sense of inner security, and a renewed
self-confidence about being Black (Evans et al., 1998). With this newly established
inner peace, race and culture take on a new meaning. At this point of the
development process, individuals begin to reestablish their relationships with Whites,
taking on a more bicultural or multicultural view. Results gathered by Mitchell and
Dell (1992) further proves that students who have a high level of identity
development, typically those in the Internalization stage, are more likely to be
involved in both racially-affiliated and mainstream organizations. This suggests that
individuals in this stage are more likely to pursue leadership in both types of
organizations. It is important to also note, that Mitchell and Dell’s research (1992),
reveals that regardless one’s identity stage, African Americans might still opt to be
involved in mainstream organizations because they may offer beneficial
opportunities that may not be available through racially-affiliated organizations.
According to Parham and Helms (1985), the proposed stages of racial identity
development are more of a continuous cycle than set stages (as cited in Mitchell &
Dell, 1992). Mitchell and Dell (1992) further emphasize that based on one’s
exposure and interaction with African Americans and non-African Americans,
progression through all of the stages may not occur. It is important to clearly

41

understand the various progression stages of racial identity development because it
helps to dictate the type of organization an individual participates in, and can impact
their leadership experiences.
Model of Ethnic Identity Development
Phinney’s (1990, 1992) Model of Ethnic Identity Development is similar to
the Cross’ (1971, 1991, 1995) Black Racial Identity Theory. Though more broad in
its scope, Phinney’s theory deals with the resolution between self and the majority,
thus making it potentially useful in trying to examine the influence of involvement
choices on the leadership experiences of African Americans at PWIs (Pascarella &
Terenzini, 2005; Torres, Howard-Hamilton, & Cooper, 2003). According to
Pascarella and Terenzini (2005), this theory is “grounded conceptually in Erikson’s
theory of identity formation and Marcia’s operationalization of that theory” (p. 28).
Phinney (1992) asserts, “ethnic identity is not static but rather changes with the
individual’s accumulation of experiences, personal development, and shifts in the
social and historical context” (as cited in Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005, p. 29).
During a three-stage process, an individual begins with “an unexamined
ethnic identity through a period of exploration to an achieved or committed ethnic
identity” (Phinney, 1990, p. 502). In this stage, known as Diffusion-Foreclosure,
individual’s have little interest in ethnicity (Evans et al., 1998; Pascarella &
Terenzini, 2005; Phinney, 1990; Torres et al., 2003). It is in this stage that an
individual begins to sift through the societal values they have been taught (diffusion)
or accept (foreclose) what they have been taught (Evans et al., 1998; Pascarella &

42

Terenzini, 2005; Phinney, 1990; Torres et al., 2003). Parallel to Cross’s Pre-
encounter stage, it can be suggested that individuals in this stage are least likely to be
involved in racially-affiliated organizations.
In the next stage, known as the Moratorium, individuals’ develop a
heightened consciousness about ethnic issues (Evans et al., 1998; Pascarella &
Terenzini, 2005; Phinney, 1990; Torres et al., 2003). According to Phinney (1990),
this heightened awareness may be a result of “a significant experiences that forces
awareness of one’s ethnicity” (p. 502). This encounter or experience may be harsh,
like overt discrimination, or it may be the realization of the superior views held by
the dominant culture. This growing awareness can sometimes result in anger toward
the majority group. In this stage, individuals are led to inquire about their respective
ethnic group. Phinney (1990) asserts that this inquiry “involves an often intense
process of immersion in one’s own culture through activities such as reading, talking
to people, going to ethnic museums, and participating in cultural events” (p. 503).
According to Evans et al. (1998), individuals in this stage can be “characterized by
emotional intensity, including anger towards the dominant group and guilt or
embarrassment about their own past lack of knowledge of racial and ethnic issues”
(p. 80). Based on this information and the similarities between this stage and the
Encounter and Immersion-Emersion stages of Cross’ Theory of Black Racial Identity
Development (1971, 1991, 1995), it can be assumed that the involvement and
leadership experiences of an individual in this stage would occur in racially-affiliated
organizations.

43

During the last stage, identified by Phinney as Identity Achievement,
individuals have resolved any conflicts that arose during stage two and have
achieved an identity development (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005; Torres et al., 2003).
According to Phinney (1990), individuals in this stage have come “to a deeper
understanding and appreciation of their ethnicity” (p. 503). This achievement of is
attributed to “the exploration of what it means to be a member of an ethnic group and
make the commitment to group membership” (Torres et al., 2003, p. 37). Through
the resolution of their identity, individuals are able to open up to other cultures,
therefore resulting in a bicultural identity (Evans et al., 1998, Torres et al., 2003). It
can be assumed from the similarities between this stand and Cross’ stage four, that
individuals in this stage are more likely to be involved and demonstrate leadership in
both racially-affiliated and mainstream organizations. One thing to note about
Phinney’s model is that “the various stages are age related, may stabilize over time
and are not related to gender or socioeconomic status” (Pascarella & Terenzini,
2005, p. 29).
In sum, racial identity development is vital to understanding the leadership
experiences of African American students at PWIs, and will be helpful in framing
this study. Racial identity can influence the type of organization in which African
American students are involved and consequently their leadership experiences.
Depending on which stage an individual has completed, his or her leadership
experiences may be influenced through their involvement choices. Ultimately,

44

involvement in campus organizations is a key to leadership development, and racial
identity is one key to involvement.
Along with understanding the role and effect of student involvement and
racial identity on these leadership experiences, it is also important to understand the
various views of leadership and their effects. These various views of leadership are
important in understanding the leadership value orientations of African American
students. In the next section, I will provide a discussion on the various views of
leadership and how they relate to African American students.
Views of Leadership
“Leadership is like beauty; it’s hard to define, but you know it when you see
it” (Bennis, as cited by Komives et al., 1998, p. 18).

In order to adequately explore the leadership experiences of African
American students, it is imperative to understand the diversity of leadership views
that exists. A review of leadership views is beneficial in understanding the leadership
experiences of African Americans and how these experiences relate to the existing
views. They also help in understanding the leadership culture within student
organizations, as well as provide a lens through which student leadership experiences
can be examined or categorized. Ultimately, this review of leadership views serves
as a way to better understand the leadership value orientation of African American
students.
Generally speaking, leadership is considered a complex social phenomenon,
comprised of many resonating views. Some views of leadership are frequently

45

associated with individuals in elected or appointed positions, while other views
associate leadership with collectivity and relationships (Komives, Lucas, &
McMahon, 1998). Individually, the leadership views and values held can differ by
disciplines and cultures. As demonstrated through the above quote, it is tough to
come up with a definition of leadership that everyone will agree with. This
comparison of leadership to beauty, places its definition in the perspective of the
beholder, which can allow for individual differences. Therefore, it is easy to
understand why the definitions of leadership have changed over time. Komives and
associates (1998) describe the early leadership definitions as a controlling
relationship between one person and the group. Traditionally, leadership has been
viewed through what is often referred to as the industrial paradigm, where credence
is put on position and power. More contemporary definitions of leadership describe it
as being “a relational process based on mutual goals toward some action or change”
(Komives et al., 1998, p. 31). For a large majority of African Americans, leadership
focuses more on collectivity and spirituality, therefore associating their views of
leadership with contemporary definitions (Kezar, Carducci, & Contreras-Mc-Gavin,
in press).
In the following sections, I will further discuss the various paradigms of
leadership development through the concept of leadership orientation. First, I will
discuss the changing views of leadership. Then, I move on to discuss the shift in
leadership views through the contemporary emerging views, followed by a
discussion of leadership in higher education. Lastly, I will discuss the leadership

46

value orientation of African American students and how it fits in with the
aforementioned leadership views.
Changing Views of Leadership
In the past, leadership has been considered in its most traditional form,
hierarchical or elected positions (Komives et al., 1998; Rost & Barker, 2000). Based
primarily on a position in a business or organization, the most traditional view of
leadership is centered on power, control, and authority (Wielkiewicz, 2000). It
focuses on hierarchical, top-down positions such as chief executive officer,
president, chair, manager, and captain (Rost & Barker, 2000; Shertzer & Schuh,
2004; Wielkiewicz, 2000). Most commonly referred to as the industrial paradigm of
leadership, this view of has dominated society throughout many centuries (Komives
et al., 1998; Rost & Barker, 2000; Shertzer & Schuh, 2004). Rost defines the
industrial paradigm of leadership as “great men and women with certain preferred
traits who influence followers to do what the leaders wish in order to achieve
excellence defined by organizational goals” (as cited in Rost & Barker, 2000, p. 4).
There are myths associated with leadership within the industrial paradigm. It
is believed that holding a formal/ hierarchical position is required to be considered a
leader. Further, it is believed that leaders are born with an innate set of
characteristics that cannot be taught, including charisma (Komives et al., 1998;
Shertzer & Schuh, 2004). In this paradigm, it is also believed that there is only one
way of leading. Rost and Barker (2000) posit that:

47

Specifically, leadership education has presumed top-down, hierarchical
structure; it is goal oriented, where the goal is defined by some level of
organizational performance, it focuses on bureaucratic efficiencies; it is
centered on self-interest; it is founded on materialism; it is male (or male
characteristic) dominated; it uses utilitarian ethics; and it uses quantitative
methods to solve rational/technocratic problems. (p. 4)

As demonstrated in the above quote, the industrial paradigm of leadership is very
practical and mechanical. This view of leadership is also heavily concentrated on the
characteristics of the leader. It is about meeting the goals set and everything is
centered on the wants and ideas of the leader. Ultimately, the nature of the industrial
paradigm does not allow for individual leadership differences such as culture or
gender.
There are specific properties associated with leadership under the industrial
paradigm. These properties include individualism, power, and control over others.
The industrial paradigm of leadership lacks any focus on relationship between the
leader and the members within the group (Komives et al., 1998). Its primary focus is
on individualism. This conventional view of leadership follows the assumption that
leadership occurs exclusively in groups/organizations and can only be provided by
one person, thereby characterizing leadership as an individual property (Shertzer &
Schuh, 2004). Ultimately, this industrial paradigm of leadership requires that a leader
be an extrovert, thus excluding introverts from that position (Shertzer & Schuh,
2004).
Along with a focus on individuality, power and control over others is also
important to this conventional paradigm of leadership. This conventional view

48

typically requires the election or identification of a leader (through position) who
exerts control and influence over the group members (Komives et al., 1998). Most of
the focus in this view of leadership is on “the leader’s behaviors to get followers to
do what the leader wants” (Komives et al., 1998, p. 11; Rost & Barker, 2000). This
paradigm further suggests that the leader is responsible for the organizational
planning and motivating of others within the group. Furthermore, leaders are
responsible for the success or failure of the group, therefore giving them power over
the group (Komives et al., 1998).With its focus on hierarchical positions; the
industrial paradigm of leadership dismisses the role of the group and ultimately
promotes a passiveness of followers (Komives et al., 1998). Based on the properties
of individuality, power, and control over others, this paradigm of leadership is
typically associated with characteristics commonly associated with males (Rost &
Barker., 2000). For some African Americans, this is paradigm of leadership with
which they are most often associated.
Emerging Views of Leadership
As discussed in the previous section, leadership in the past was thought of in
terms of power and influence over others. The conventional views of leadership are
typically represented through hierarchical leadership positions, and focuses on the
individualistic aspect of leadership. Despite the popularity of the conventional
views, there are contemporary views, known as the postindustrial paradigm, that
challenge these views of leadership. Within these contemporary views, focus is
placed on relationships, not individualism (Komives et al., 1998; Shertzer & Schuh,

49

2004). Unlike the industrial paradigm, leadership within the postindustrial paradigm
is concentrates on creating change (Shertzer & Schuh, 2004).
Because the postindustrial paradigm conceptualizes everyone as leaders, it is
considered more inclusive. This leadership paradigm focuses on relationships within
a group or organization, which has led Komives and associates (1998) to define
contemporary leadership as being “a relational process of people together
attempting to accomplish change or make a difference to benefit the common good”
(p. 31). According to Shertzer and Schuh (2004), by focusing on relationships,
leadership belongs to the group not just to an individual in an elected or hierarchical
position. Shertzer and Schuh (2004) further believe that leadership can occur at all
levels. Most importantly, this paradigm believes that leadership is meant to evoke
change (Shertzer & Schuh, 2004; Zenger, Ulrich, & Smallwood, 2000).
Relational leadership can be defined through five key elements. These
elements include inclusiveness, empowerment, purposefulness, ethics, and process-
orientation. The inclusive element of leadership calls for understanding and valuing
diverse views and styles within a group. Komives et al. (2000) emphasize, “being
inclusive means developing the strengths and talents of group members so they can
contribute to the groups goals” (p. 74). The next element, empowering, is based on
the idea that everyone has something to offer. Under this element, power and
authority are shared between the positional leader and the group, thereby increasing
the self-esteem of the individuals involved. The purposeful element of relational
leadership centers on finding a common goal or vision for the group and sticking

50

with it. The ethical element of relational leadership calls for the gain of others over
personal gain. Lastly, the process-orientation element focuses on the collaboration
used to get things done, and is what connects the other four elements. According to
Komives et al. (1998), this element is about how the group remains in tact. Such
traits as reflection, understanding, feedback, and coalition building are highly valued.
Several assumptions separate the postindustrial paradigm of leadership that
sets from the industrial paradigm. Along with the previously described elements of
relational leadership, it can be assumed that leaders are made, not born with certain
skills like in the industrial paradigm (Komives et al., 1998). This paradigm of
leadership also asserts that an individual’s environment can lead to the development
of important leadership skills (Komives et al., 1998). Further, it is thought that
leadership can be learned and demonstrated by any stakeholder within the
organization or business, not just by those holding a position or title (Komives et al.,
1998; Shertzer & Schuh, 2004). This belief helps demonstrate the inclusive nature of
the postindustrial paradigm in comparison to the industrial paradigm. The
contemporary view of leadership also maintains that there is no right approach to
leadership. Leadership approaches can be influenced by various personal
characteristics including gender, culture, and values (Komives et al., 1998).
Leadership can also be demonstrated through supportive actions, more so than
controlling actions, which is another major difference between the two paradigms. In
this contemporary view of leadership, leaders value the contributions made by
others, and share power and authority with others involved (Komives et al., 1998).

51

Ultimately, the postindustrial paradigm of leadership defines this relationship, as
one of influence not power (Rost & Barker, 2000). Rost and Barker (2000) assert
that postindustrial leadership “is influencing, but not coercive; it is collaborative and
not directed; and it is based in no ‘followers’ in this relationship because everyone is
involved in the same relationship, hence the word collaborators” (p. 5).
There are several theories that have contributed to the development of the
postindustrial paradigm of leadership. According to Komives et al. (1998), these
theories, all of which focus on reciprocity, include transforming leadership, servant
leadership, and followership. Under transforming leadership, it is believed that
leadership can be practiced at all levels of an organization. According to Komives et
al. (1998), power is used to recognize the common goals and purposes of the group.
Within transformational leadership, some believe that leadership and the needs/goals
of followers cannot be separated (Burns, as cited in Komives et al., 1998).
Ultimately, power is not to be used for manipulation. Within servant leadership, the
needs of others are put before the needs of the leader. Through this view of
leadership, the leader is an individual who wants to serve others and make a
difference (Komives et al., 1998). Lastly, Komives et al. (1998) asserts, “servant-
leadership is for those who are served to grow, to become more knowledgeable, and
empowered, to gain interdependence or independence, and to become servant-leaders
themselves” (p. 45). The last major theory discussed, followership, is thought of as
being a role within leadership. According to Komives et al. (1998), followership
focuses on the differing yet equally important roles of the leaders and followers.

52

Based on the information provided, these theories help to further demonstrate the
differences between the industrial paradigm and the postindustrial paradigm. The
table below shows, the general differences between the two paradigms
Table 1: General Comparison of Leadership Views (Paradigms)
Conventional Views
(Industrial Paradigm)
Contemporary Views
( Postindustrial Paradigm)

Requires hierarchical/elected positions

Based on relationships

Individual Property/Exclusive

Belongs to the group/Inclusive

Demonstrated through controlling actions

Collaborative

Goal Oriented

Change Oriented

Born with certain innate leadership skills

Can be taught/skills are not necessarily
innate

Only one correct way to lead

Leadership can be influenced by personal
characteristics including gender and
ethnicity

Authoritative/Subordinate Relationships

Relationship of influence not power

Promotion of passiveness of those not in a
leadership role

Empowering/ Leadership can come from
anyone involved

Focus of self-interest

Focus on reciprocity

Power/Authority over others

Power/Authority shared with others

Leader is responsible for obtaining the goal

Every person plays a role in creating
change

Ultimately, this shift in perspectives places no individual in control, thereby allowing
for flexibility in leadership (Komives et al., 1998). For some individuals, typically

53

women and students of color, this is the view of leadership with which they most
closely associate (Arminio et al., 2000).
Leadership & Higher Education
On the campuses of higher education institutions, both of the aforementioned
paradigms are present. However, the presence of the industrial paradigm of
leadership is much stronger on most college campuses (Shertzer & Schuh, 2004).
Initially discussed in the previous chapter, out-of-class activities are considered the
“laboratory” for leadership development (Guido-DiBrito & Batchelor, 1988). As
further emphasized by Guido-DiBrito and Batchelor (1988), these student activities
provide valuable opportunities for self-discovery, increased self-esteem, and peer
feedback. Ultimately, student activities provide students with the opportunity to learn
and practice transferable skills. Kezar and Morarity (2000) assert that “involvement
opportunities are clearly important for the development of leadership among all
groups, yet different types of involvement opportunities are helpful in developing
leadership for each subgroup” (p. 67). Unfortunately with the traditional leadership
ideologies that govern many campuses the most recognized forms of leadership
include hierarchical positions, where influence is exerted over others such as student
government, student organizations, campus activity boards, and residential life
(Arminio et al., 2000; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001; Cress et al., 2001). According to a
study conducted by Arminio et al. (2000), student affairs administrators require these
campus activities to fulfill the traditional hierarchical positions of president, vice
president, and chair; therefore following the industrial paradigm. With this being the

54

case, leadership development of college students needs to be representative of the
total community. It is important to recognize differences among student groups,
including ethnicity and gender, because these differences can dictate students’
leadership development. Guido-DiBrito and Batchelor (1988) assert that “ignoring or
devaluing such differences can stifle the growth of students, their organizations, and
their institutions” (p.53).
Leadership and African American Undergraduates
The leadership paradigm in which an individual may be associated is
dependent upon their leadership value orientation. For most African American
undergraduates, the elements of the postindustrial paradigm of leadership best
describe their leadership views (Arminio et al., 2000). However, some African
American students can be associated with the elements of the industrial paradigm. As
previously discussed, the postindustrial paradigm centers leadership around
contributions and collectivity, where the industrial paradigm focuses mainly on
positions of power and influence. Several studies (e.g., Arminio et al., 2000,
Kimbrough, 1995; Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001)
found that African American students at PWIs tend to not put as much credence in
holding an hierarchical/elected position in an organization. However, research
conducted by Kezar and Morarity (2000), says differently. Their research found that
African American women actually consider holding a leadership position as being
important to their development. These differing views of leadership help further

55

demonstrate the important role of understanding individual leadership value
orientations.
Aside from this differing value orientation of leadership, other factors can
explain the trends in African American leadership. As previously mentioned,
research gathered by Arminio et al. (2000), further suggests that some students of
color sometimes opt out of positional leadership because they are turned off by the
term “leader” and it’s associated benefits. As previously discussed in Chapter One,
research has shown other reasons that explain trends in African American student
leadership include feelings of cultural abandonment, trouble obtaining leadership in
positions in mainstream organizations, and overwhelming demands such as being
considered the spokesperson of their race (Arminio et al., 2000; Kimbrough, 1995;
Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998; Marcy, 1986; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001).
Numerous studies (e.g., Arminio et al., 2000; Kimbrough, 1995; Kimbrough &
Hutcheson, 1998; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001) have further proven that some African
American students tend to consider themselves a leader, regardless of whether they
hold a leadership position. In fact, research has also proven that African American
students are more concerned with demonstrating leadership through involvement in
their community, rather than being elected into a hierarchical position (Sutton &
Kimbrough, 2001). It therefore can be assumed that some African American students
do not view leadership as being influence over others (industrial paradigm) but rather
view leadership as the collective relationship with others (postindustrial paradigm).

56

In sum, leadership is a very complex phenomenon. Leadership can be
grouped into two distinct paradigms, the industrial paradigm and the postindustrial
paradigm. Each of these two leadership paradigms are representative of various
leadership values. The industrial paradigm is associated with conventional
leadership values like hierarchical positions, power, and control over others. The
postindustrial paradigm of leadership places relationships and collectivity as its
focus. An individual’s leadership value orientation can greatly influence leadership
experiences, and consequently leadership development. To adequately explore
leadership experiences, it is important to understand the various paradigms that can
explain the leadership value orientations, thereby helping to frame this study.
Ultimately, leadership experiences are not just affected by leadership value
orientation; they are also influenced by involvement in campus activities, which are
in turn influenced by racial identity development.
Conclusion
In sum, involvement in campus activities and organizations is very important
to leadership experiences and thus development for college students. As indicated in
the opening quote of this chapter, leadership experiences in college provide students
with tangible skills for survival in the “real world.” The involvement preferences of
African American students are often dependent upon their racial identity
development. The various stages of identity development can help determine the
types of organizations African American students will frequent for participation.
Additionally, several factors either can positively or negatively affect the out-of-class

57

involvement of African American students at PWIs. These factors include campus
environment, racially-affiliated organizations, and the presence of African American
cultural centers. Knowledge of this information will be useful in understanding the
factors that shape the involvement and leadership experiences of African American
students at PWIs.
As reviewed in this chapter, the leadership experiences of many African
American students align with the postindustrial paradigm of leadership. These
students tend to develop and demonstrate leadership through involvement in student
organizations. However, some African American students’ views on leadership
resonate more with the industrial paradigm of leadership. Students associated with
this paradigm tend to experience and develop leadership through an elected position
in a club or organization. Knowing students’ perceived leadership experience in
relation to the various paradigms helps to better understand the leadership culture of
organizations in which African American students at PWIs are involved and how this
culture influences their leadership experiences.
Overall, this chapter provides the framework used to examine the leadership
experiences and thus development of African American students at predominantly
White institutions. The reviewed literature revealed that an African American
students’ leadership development could be attributed to many factors including
involvement, racial identity, and value orientations. These three factors are closely
intertwined with one another and ultimately help to influence the types of leadership
experiences and development that an individual has. Further, it is known that

58

involvement in student activities is a factor in leadership experiences and thus
development. It is also known that racial identity development not only influences
the type of organization in which an individual is involved, but also it can affect
whether an individual chooses to pursue leadership through collective actions or
hierarchical positions. What remains unknown is how organization type, mainstream
vs. racially-affiliated, shapes leadership experiences and thus development of
African Americans at predominantly White institutions. In the next chapter, the
methodology of this qualitative research study is discussed.

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CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS
Introduction
The methodological design of this qualitative study is discussed in this
chapter. As previously mentioned in Chapters One and Two, the purpose of this
study was to examine the leadership experiences and development of African
Americans at predominantly White institutions with regard to their involvement
preferences (mainstream organizations vs. racially-affiliated organizations). To fulfill
this purpose, the focus of this study was at one predominantly White institution in
Southern California. With the focus of illuminating the various leadership
experiences and thus development of African American undergraduates at this
institution, the following three questions guided this qualitative study:
1. What are African American students’ perceptions of their leadership
experiences?
2. What underlying factors influence African American students’ involvement
preferences?
3. How does the type of organization influence African American students’
leadership experiences?
Methodological Approach: Case Study
A qualitative research approach of case study was used in this study. Merriam
(1998) describes a case study as “an intensive, holistic description and analysis of a
single instance, phenomenon, or social unit” (1998, p. 27). Case studies are typically
used to gain a better understanding of a situation and tend to reveal a lot of

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information about fewer things (Merriam, 1998). Results from case studies are
thought to be rich and holistic accounts of the phenomenon, and can influence such
things as policy, practice, and future research (Merriam, 1998). As discussed in
Chapter One, the overarching research question that guided this qualitative study was
“How do the leadership experiences of African American undergraduates at
predominantly White institutions, who are involved in mainstream campus
organizations, differ from their African American peers who participate in racially-
affiliated campus organizations?” This question along with the aforementioned sub-
questions called for personal information that quantitative methods such as surveys
and experiments cannot adequately capture. According to Yin (2003), employing a
case study methodology is beneficial in answering this “how” question.
Case studies seek to explore a phenomenon (case) within its context (Yin,
2003). According to Merriam (1998), “by concentrating on a single phenomenon or
entity (case), the researcher aims to uncover the interaction of significant factors
characteristic of the phenomenon” (p. 29). The phenomenon for this case study is the
influence of organizational type on the leadership experiences of African Americans
at a predominantly White institution. Each individual student involved and his or her
experiences are ultimately the case. Within this case study, the institution and the
type of organizations (mainstream or racially-affiliated) are also units of analysis,
therefore making it a nested case study.
Case studies differ from some of the other methods of qualitative research
because it requires that the phenomenon being studied must occur within a bounded

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system. According to Creswell (1998), a bounded system requires that there be an
end to the research being gathered. This end can come in the form of people
involved, location, or time (Creswell, 1998; Merriam, 1998). For this case study, the
bounded system is Pacific Coast University (PacU). It is important to recognize that
leadership development can occur from experiences outside of PacU, both prior to
attending college and after college. Leadership differences can also occur during
college with the type of organization African American students participate in, or the
positions they hold. However, I am only concerned with the leadership development
that occurs from the students’ experiences at PacU. For the purposes of this study,
PacU serves as the commonality in their leadership experiences, and therefore
constitutes my bounded system.
Due to the uniqueness of this study’s focus, a within site comparative case
study was chosen “for what it can reveal about the phenomenon” (Merriam, 1998, p.
33). In this comparative case study of leadership experiences, a comparison between
the leadership experiences of African American undergraduates involved in
mainstream organizations to the leadership experiences of African American
undergraduates involved in racially-affiliated organizations is made.
According to Merriam (1998), the overall goal of a study can dictate the type
of case study. There are three kinds of case studies: descriptive, interpretive, and
evaluative. The goal of this case study is to provide an in-depth description and
interpretation of African American student leadership experiences at a highly
selective PWI. Therefore, this case study is a cross between descriptive and

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interpretative. According to Merriam (1998), descriptive case studies present
detailed information about the phenomenon that does not already exist, while
interpretative case studies help to develop “conceptual categories.” As mentioned in
Chapter One, higher education plays an important role in developing leaders for
society, and research has proven that there is a lack of African American leaders in
mainstream organizations at PWIs. Because very little research has examined the
leadership experiences of African American students based on organizational type
(mainstream vs. racially-affiliated), it is important to not only describe the
experience in detail but also interpret it. The findings from this research help to
illuminate the influence of organizational affiliation on the leadership experiences
and thus development of African American students at PWIs. To this end, a case
study is the best methodological approach for this study.
Research Site
This case study was conducted at Pacific Coast University (PacU). Located
in Southern California, PacU is a large, private, elite, highly selective, predominantly
White, research institution. During the 2006-2007 academic year, PacU was home to
33,330 students, 16,730 undergraduates and 16,600 graduate students. Of these
undergraduate students, 973 or 5.8 percent were African American. It is important to
note that while PacU is predominantly White (47 percent), collectively the campus is
racially diverse, therefore making PacU considerably “less White” than some of its
peer institutions. Despite being racially diverse with regard to enrollment numbers,
the culture of PacU remains predominantly White.

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PacU has over 600 clubs and organizations in which students can
participate. These student clubs and organizations serve many interests including
academic, social, political, spiritual, professional, recreational, and community
service. All of these organizations are required by the Office of Campus Activities to
have an executive board or designated leader. Popular mainstream organizations or
positions at PacU include Student Government, Residential Advisor, Orientation
Advisor, University Ambassador, University Residential Student Community
(URSC) and Program Board.
Within these 600 clubs and organizations, are 40 racially-affiliated clubs and
organizations, catering specifically to the cultural needs and interests of African
American students. A major part of African American undergraduate involvement at
PacU occurs within these racially-affiliated organizations. Their presence on campus
accounts for at least 40 African American undergraduates as organizational leaders.
Along with this majority involvement in racially-affiliated organizations there is also
a critical mass of African American students who are involved in mainstream
organizations, and an even larger amount of African American students involved in
both types of organizations. African American involvement in mainstream
organizations does not occur in popular organizations but it definitely exist in the
mainstream organizations that are academic, recreational, and community service
oriented. This involvement in different types of student organizations provided the
basis for the comparisons in this study.

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Pacific Coast University was selected as the site of this research study
because of its unique demographics. In addition, PacU as an institution appears to
have a high degree of student involvement. A popular news magazine named Pacific
Coast University as the “School of the Year” in 2000. The basis for this recognition
included its welcoming campus environment, student composition, campus location,
and social environment. Most importantly, PacU offers its students a plethora of
involvement opportunities including 600 clubs and organizations. This wide array of
student organizations, including the 40 racially-affiliated organizations, allows
students to choose where they want to get involved. Further, PacU was considered by
Black Enterprise as one of the “50 Best Colleges for African Americans” to attend
(Black Enterprise Special Report “50 Best Colleges for African Americans”, 2004).
Part of the criteria for this list included the five-year graduation rate for African
Americans, and the schools’ social environment. PacU was considered a good social
environment for African American students, which further supports it being chosen
as the research site for this study.
Participants
The sample for this study was comprised of African American
undergraduates at Pacific Coast University. To gather the participants for this study,
the researcher used purposeful sampling. Patton (2003) defines purposeful sampling
as “selecting information-rich cases whose study will illuminate the questions under
study” (p. 230). Having an information-rich case provided the researcher with
detailed information regarding these leadership experiences. The participants of this

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study had to meet the criteria of being self-identified or primarily identified
themselves as African American (to not exclude mixed race participants), have a
junior or senior class standing, and actively involved in mainstream, racially-
affiliated, or both types of campus organizations.
Sampling
To obtain participants for this study, the following purposeful sampling
methods were used: criterion sampling, snowball sampling, and stratified purposeful
sampling. Patton (2003) contends that criterion sampling is “picking all cases that
meet some criterion” (p. 243). In this case study, the set criteria were race, academic
class standing, and active involvement within campus organizations. Snowball
sampling entails identifying “cases of interests from people who know people who
know what cases are information-rich” (Creswell, 2003, p. 119). In this case study,
snowball sampling included contacting various student affairs professionals for the
names of students who met the aforementioned criteria, as well as asking the various
participants to identify peers who met the same criteria. According to Patton (2003),
stratified purposeful sampling is useful when demonstrating and comparing
characteristics amongst subgroups within a study. The subgroups within this case
study were the types of organizations in which students were involved (mainstream,
racially affiliated, or both types of organizations). For the purpose of this
comparative case study, the leadership experiences of the participants were
compared based on organizational affiliation. Together, the three sampling methods
helped the researcher recruit the best information-rich participants.

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Recruitment
Upon receiving approval from the Institutional Review Board (IRB), I shared
the criteria for participation in this study with various campus administrators at PacU
ranging from academic advising (i.e., Schools of Business, Communication,
Journalism, Engineering, and the College of Letters, Arts, & Sciences) to the
Division of Student Affairs (i.e., Campus Activities, the Black Cultural Center,
Athletics, Diversity Recruitment, Peer Health Education, and Orientation). The
administrators were asked to recommend current African American students who
participate in the various student organizations with whom they work. Each of the
campus professionals contacted helped to identify African American leaders within
the various student organizations, therefore making them a great resource in
recruiting participants for this study. To further recruit participants, I also attended a
Black Student Union (BSU) meeting in which the criteria for this study was shared
with the representatives from the 40 racially-affiliated organizations.
About half of the participants were recruited for this study, from contacting
the various campus administrators and attending the BSU meeting. These initial
participants helped to recruit the remaining participants. At the end of the individual
one-on-one interviews, each participant was asked to recommend other students who
met the criteria for this study. During this recruitment process, the same names were
consistently mentioned, including the names of individuals who had already been
recruited. According to Patton (2003), participants recommended by several different
people, have a special importance to the research study. The repetition of certain

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names, reassured the researcher that information-rich participants were recruited for
the study.
After gathering the names of students who met the criteria, I contacted each
potential participant and described the goals and purpose of the study. I also
answered any additional questions they held. Further, each student was informed that
a campus administrator or fellow student recommended him or her, and that his or
her participation in the study was voluntary. Once I confirmed their willingness to
participate, a time and location for a one-on-one interview was scheduled.
Additionally, each participant was emailed an informed consent form that they were
asked to review, sign and return to me at our scheduled interview. Overall, 25
participants were recruited for this study. Of these 25 participants, eight were
primarily involved in racially-affiliated organizations, five were primarily involved
in mainstream organizations, and eleven were involved in both types of
organizations.
Data Collection Procedure
According to Creswell (1998), data collection for case studies comes from
multiple sources including observations, interviews, audio-visual, and documents. In
an effort to examine the influence of involvement choices on the leadership
experiences of African American undergraduates at PacU, I conducted a series of
one-on-one interviews with 25 purposefully selected participants, during the fall
2006 semester. The use of sampling strategies described above allowed for the
strategic selection of information-rich cases (Patton, 2003). These information-rich

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cases helped to capture an individual’s perception on his or her leadership
experiences in college. As discussed in Creswell (1998), when doing one-on-one
interviews it is imperative to have participants who are able to speak candidly about
their experiences. Using a flexible interview protocol (see Appendix A), the
interviews consisted of semi-structured open-ended questions. These questions
allowed me to ask follow-up questions in order to reach a clearer understanding of
the phenomenon. The interview protocol focused primarily on the participants’
leadership experiences and the influence of salient themes discussed in the review of
the literature (Chapter Two). The participants were first asked to describe their
activity involvement at PacU. The following was discussed during this portion of the
interview: factors influencing involvement choices, views on various organization
types, and the affects of their involvement choices were discussed. Next, the
interviews transitioned into a discussion of leadership experiences, which was the
focus of the study. These questions focused on the individual’s perception of
leadership, including their leadership experiences at PacU, the role of organizational
affiliation on these experiences, challenges faced as a leader, the role of race, and
how have leadership experiences influenced their lives. Based on the participants’
responses, adjustments were made to the protocol during the interview process. The
goal was to ultimately uncover how their organizational involvement had shaped
their leadership experiences.
Each interview lasted one hour to an hour and a half (between 60-90
minutes) and occurred at various locations throughout the PacU campus. Prior to the

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start of each interview, the participants completed a profile form (Appendix B). The
interviews were informal and began with a brief discussion on my leadership
experience in college and how my life was shaped. The interview then shifted in
focus from my experiences to the participants’ experiences. In sharing my own
personal leadership experiences in college, the participants appeared more
comfortable and relaxed, therefore allowing them to open up to me. At the
conclusion of each interview, the participants were informed of the next steps, which
included interview transcript feedback, possible observations and focus groups
(member checks). All interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim.
In addition to the one-on-one interviews, a few non-participant observations
were also conducted. These observations occurred prior to beginning and following
the completion of the one-on-one interviews. Before beginning the individual
interview process, I observed two PacU student events at the start of the fall 2006
semester, (1) the Involvement Fair, and (2) Black Welcome Week Expo. These
observations gave further insight into the involvement trends of African American
students at PacU.
Involvement Fair. The PacU Involvement Fair was held the first week of
classes during the fall semester. Student organizations filled Athenian Parkway, the
major campus thoroughfare, from 11am-2pm, in an effort to recruit new students to
their organization. Due to the large quantity of student organizations and the limited
amount of space, each organization is required to register for participation in the fair.
This year, 110 student organizations participated in the Involvement Fair. These

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organizations included (but were not limited to) political, religious, community
service, intramural sports teams, academically related, professional, White Greek
Letter and Multicultural Greek organizations. Throughout the fair, Athenian Parkway
was packed with students. Some were returning students who were socializing with
their friends, while other students were new and sought involvement in the various
organizations.
There was some African American student participation in the Involvement
Fair. Ten racially-affiliated organizations participated in the events, and a few
mainstream organization tables had African American student representatives.
Further, some African American students stopped and inquired at the tables of
academic or professional organizations. Very few African American students
stopped at the White Greek Letter Organization and community service tables. In
fact, the majority of African American students primarily stopped at the tables of
racially-affiliated organizations.
Black Welcome Week Expo. The Black Welcome Week Expo was held the
second week of classes during the fall semester. Sponsored by the Black Cultural
Center and the Black Student Union, the Black Welcome Week Expo is designed to
introduce new students to the 40 racially-affiliated organizations at PacU. As with
prior years, the expo took place between 11am-2pm along Athenian Parkway.
Similar to the Involvement Fair, tables occupied by representatives of the 40 racially-
affiliated organizations filled the thoroughfare. At noon, the expo officially kicked
off, with a DJ from a local radio station playing popular hip-hop music and the

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director of the Black Cultural Center taking the microphone. During the noon hour,
several racially-affiliated organizations performed including the hip-hop dance team,
and the Black Theatrical Student Association. In addition, several clubs and
organizations made announcements about their upcoming programs. Throughout the
expo, African American students congregated along Athenian Parkway stopping at
tables and socializing with their peers. New African American students stopped at
tables and picked up information about the various organizations. Overall, the Black
Welcome Week Expo closely resembled the Involvement Fair, except more African
American students participated. It is important to note that no mainstream
organizations participated in the Black Welcome Week Expo. Further, few non-
ethnic minority students stopped at the tables to express interests. Some stopped to
watch the performances at noon, but that was the extent of their involvement.
After completing the individual one-on-one interviews with the participants, I
felt it necessary to conduct a few additional observations. In an effort to gain further
insight into the leadership experiences, I attended a few organizational meetings.
Specifically, I attended two Black Student Union general meetings, and two racially-
affiliated organizations general meetings. In the BSU general meetings, I was able to
capture 11 participants, who were primarily involved in racially-affiliated or both
types of organizations. Only two mainstream participants were present at the BSU
general meetings. Observing the meetings allowed me to see how the participants
acted when representing their respective organizations. I mainly focused on their
demeanor, noting whether they were controlling, supportive, reserved, outspoken.

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Additionally, observing the Black Student Union general meeting allowed me to see
the interaction of the various leaders in one setting. It is important to note that all of
the observations were random, and the participants did not know when or to what
event I was coming, therefore allowing me to witness their normal behavior.
Data Analysis
Several methods can be employed, when conducting data analysis of a
qualitative study. The methods used typically depend on the design of the study, but
also depend upon the questions being answered (Creswell, 1998). In an effort to
capture the essence or the phenomenon of the leadership experiences and thus
development of African American undergraduates at PacU, I felt it was necessary to
employ a hybrid approach to data analysis. Therefore, a few of the analysis methods
typically associated with case studies and phenomenology were used.
Before beginning my data analysis, I first examined my own preconceived
ideas regarding the leadership experiences of African Americans based on
organizational type (mainstream vs. racially-affiliated). This process is known as
epoche, and is associated with phenomenology. Moustakas (1994) defines epoche as
being “the process of data analysis in which the researcher sets aside, as far as is
humanly possible, all preconceived experiences to best understand the experiences of
participants in the study” (Creswell, 1998, p. 235). To begin this epoche process, I
reflected on my experiences as a student leader in college (See Appendix E). During
this reflection, I became more aware of my assumptions and viewpoints. I

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remembered that as an African American undergraduate student at a large
predominantly White public institution, I held the following general assumptions:
• There was a difference in being a leader in a racially-affiliated
organization and being one in a mainstream organization. It just seemed
like my friends who were involved in student government always had so
much negativity to deal with, that I as a leader in racially-affiliated
organizations did not have. Therefore, I felt that being a leader in a
mainstream organization (i.e. student government, campus newspaper)
was more strenuous.
• Most African American students who were involved in mainstream
organizations were not in touch with their African American cultural
identity.
With regard to differences between racially-affiliated and mainstream organizations,
I assumed the following:
Racially-affiliated Organization
• Were not as recognized on campus, only within the African American
community
• Always had to fundraise for programs and events (i.e. bake sales, soul
food lunches, and car washes), because it seemed like every time we
submitted a funding proposal, there was never enough money
• The BSU was comprised of militants or people who exhibited a
particular perception of “blackness”

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• Seemed more social because everyone knew each other, but always
seemed to be working hard
• Black Greek Letter Organizations lacked the financial resources of their
mainstream counterpart. For example, no Black Greek Letter
Organization could afford a house on “Fraternity Row”
Mainstream Organizations
• Were widely-recognized across campus
• Were fake and for resume building
• Were exclusive, meaning that I as an African American student was not
welcomed
• Had a lot of money or a always received funding, because I never saw
them fundraising in the quad
• Seemed to be less personable
This initial step of reflection was important, because I needed to first recognize any
assumptions that I held based on my own leadership experiences and development in
college before I examined the findings. It is only after this reflection that I entered
the analysis process setting aside my prior assumptions or ideas.
Once this process was complete, I began the data analysis by intensely
reviewing the interview transcripts and looking for the emergence of relevant issues
(Creswell, 1998). This analysis process is known as categorical aggregation and is
associated with case studies. According to Creswell (1998), there is some overlap in
the classification stages between case studies (categorical aggregation) and

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phenomenology (horizonalization). After an initial review, the transcripts were
separated into three groups based on the self-reported involvement of the
participants. These three involvement groups were mainstream, racially-affiliated,
and involvement in both types of organizations. After separating the transcripts into
the three groups, I carefully read each transcript line-by-line, noting the key points
that emerged in the margin and therefore beginning the coding process. Next, these
codes as well as key quotes were extracted from the transcript and used to develop a
quick facts reference sheet for each participant. At the bottom of each reference
sheet, reflective notes were included. From these reference sheets, reoccurring codes
were highlighted. Tables were then created to track the reoccurrences or patterns of
the codes. Codes were first categorized based on the sub-questions of the study. The
similar codes for each sub-question were grouped together and initial categories were
formed. The categories represented the relationship between the grouped codes.
After the categories were established, they were compared amongst the three groups,
and were collapsed into a shorter list of thematic categories (Appendix E). At the end
of this analysis, the thematic categories that emerged answered each of the sub-
questions and helped to provide a detailed description of the involvement factors,
leadership experiences and leadership outcomes of African American undergraduates
at PacU. Lastly, after creating this description of the case, I developed naturalistic
generalizations on the leadership experiences of African American students at PacU
based on organizational affiliation. Creswell (1998) asserts that these generalizations

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are those “people can learn from the case either for themselves or for applying it to
a population of cases” (p. 154).
Trustworthiness
According to Creswell (1998), the basic principle of verification for a
qualitative study is answering: “How do we know that the qualitative study is
believable, accurate, and right?” (p. 193). In a qualitative study, the answer to this
question can be obtained in various ways. As discussed by Creswell (1998), these
ways include external audits, clarifying researcher bias, prolonged engagement in the
field, triangulation, peer review, negative case analysis, member checks, and rich
thick descriptions. In an effort to check the accuracy of the findings from this study,
the following two verification strategies were employed, clarifying researcher biases
and member checks. These strategies provide this case study with internal validity
and reliability.
Clarifying researcher bias was one strategy utilized in this case study.
Creswell (1998) defines clarifying of researcher bias as “the researcher comments on
past experiences, biases, prejudices, and orientations that have likely shaped the
interpretation and approach to the study” (p. 202). As a previous student leader of
racially-affiliated organizations and current advisor to several student organizations
(Appendix E), it is important that the reader understand my position from the outset
of this study. From these experiences, this study was guided with the assumption that
differences in leadership experiences do exists between African American students
in mainstream organizations and those in racially-affiliated organizations. The

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majority of clarifying the researcher biases occurred during the epoche process of
the data analysis. Once I recognized the assumptions I held, it was important that I
did not allow them to bias my interpretations of the research findings. Clarifying the
biases held by me provided this study with internal validity and reliability.
The second strategy utilized to verify the findings of this study was member
checks. As defined by Creswell (1998), member checks “involves taking data,
analyses, interpretations, and conclusions back to the participants so that they can
judge the accuracy and credibility of the account” (p. 203). Member checks are
considered by Lincoln and Guba (1985) to be crucial in establishing credibility of a
study and its findings (as cited in Creswell, 1998). They help to determine whether
the findings from the study match reality (internal validity). The member checks for
this study occurred in a two-step process. The first step of this member check came
during the one-on-one interviews. After each interview was transcribed and
reviewed, it was emailed to the participants for their feedback. The participants were
asked to clarify any inaccuracies presented during the interviews. Each participant
was asked to respond with changes and if there was no response, the researcher
viewed it as no changes to the transcript. All of the participants reported no changes
after reviewing their transcripts. The member check at this point of the data
collection process helped ensure that the leadership experiences of these students
were adequately captured.
The final step of this member check came in the form of focus groups. Two
focus groups were held in order to gain feedback on the findings. Thirteen

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participants (52 percent of the sample) attended one of the two focus groups.
During the focus groups, the participants were presented with the findings from the
study. The participants were allowed to ask questions, provide clarification, and
correct any inaccuracies. A non-participant observer was present to capture the non-
communicative feedback, such as expressions and gestures. All of the participants
who attended the focus groups reported that the findings were consistent with their
collective leadership experiences.
Limitations of the Study
Aside from potential affects from the research findings of this study, several
limitations did exist. First, this case study was centered at one institution and
therefore cannot be generalized to other institutions. Conducting this study at more
than one PWI could have yielded a different result. Such factors as campus
environment, number of African American students, involvement opportunities, and
the strength of the African American community could greatly influence
experiences, possibly altering the findings.
In addition, the study could have benefited from more frequent and balanced
non-participant observations, which is the second limitation of the study. In the
present study, observations occurred mainly in racially-affiliated organizations and at
only one mainstream campus event. The schedules of the students’ did not always
coincide with the researchers’ and therefore limited the usage of observations.
Another limitation of this study is the participants’ lack of consciousness on
various personal factors that influenced their leadership experiences. For example,

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some of the participants were unaware of gender’s influence on these experiences.
These participants would make reference to gender when describing their leadership
experiences; however, when specifically questioned about the role of gender in their
leadership, most did not consciously recognize its influence. While I was successful
in recognizing this lack of awareness and deciphering the influence of gender for the
findings, it is possible that other influencing factors in which the participants were
unaware could have possibly been missed in the findings.
The last limitation of this study is selection bias. Because participants were
recruited via campus administrators and fellow students, personal bias could have
occurred, especially among recommendations offered by fellow students.
Consequently, potential participants could have been overlooked. Additionally, this
study contained a small sample size, which may have caused the researcher to
possibly miss other information-rich participants. Including a wider sample or using
different recruitment strategies could have possibly altered the research findings.
Ethical Considerations
The highest ethical standards were used, throughout the data collection and
analysis process. The rules and regulations set forth by the Institutional Review
Board at PacU were strictly followed. Participants were informed of the study’s
purpose and that their participation was confidential. They were also made aware
that their participation was voluntary and they could choose to withdraw from this
study at any time. Prior to conducting the interviews, participants signed a consent
form and completed a participant profile (see Appendix B). The participant profile

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provided general background information that I used for reference during the data
analysis process. Each participant was reassured that I would be the only person who
viewed this profile. Due to the personal nature of this study and its location, no
identifying characteristics, such as names, were used during the interview process
and data analysis. To further protect the identity of the participants, all audio
recordings and transcripts were stored on my computer and password protected.
Conclusion
This chapter has provided the methodological design of this qualitative
research study. In an effort to describe and interpret the leadership experiences of
African American undergraduates at PacU, a case study was conducted. The data
collection methods of this case study included one-on-one interviews, and non-
participant observations. A hybrid approach of data analysis was utilized, combining
approaches from case study and phenomenology. Lastly, the research findings were
verified using the qualitative strategies of clarifying researcher biases and member
checks. In the following chapter, I present the findings of the study. Finally, in
Chapter Five, the implications of this study are discussed and practical
recommendations are offered.

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CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS

Findings from interviews with the 25 African American student leaders at
Pacific Coast University (PacU) are presented in this chapter. Instead of using the
real names of the participants, pseudonyms are provided, therefore allowing the
participants to comfortably reflect on their involvement and leadership experiences
at PacU. The primary research question for the study, specifically examined the
differences in leadership experiences based on organizational type. The rich and
meaningful descriptions provided by the findings reveal that both mainstream and
racially-affiliated organizations are key in the leadership development of African
American students at PacU.
Throughout this chapter, the findings are presented in relation the following
sub-research questions:
1. What underlying factors influence African American students’ involvement
preferences?
2. What are African American students’ perceptions of their leadership
experiences?
3. How does the type of organization influence African American students’
leadership experiences?
In order to examine the leadership experiences, the findings are broken down into
various categories within each of the research questions. With differences being a
crucial part of the primary research question, an in depth discussion on the
differences that emerged is warranted. In each of the sections that follow, the

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differences between the various categories are discussed in detail. This chapter will
conclude with a summary of key findings.
What underlying factors influence African American involvement preferences?

The first question addressed examines the underlying factors behind the
participants’ involvement preferences. From an analysis of the data collected through
the 25 individual interviews, eight thematic categories emerged with regard to the
underlying factors that influenced the participants’ involvement preferences. These
eight thematic categories include: (1) intrinsic values, (2) personal growth, (3)
making a difference, (4) initial peer interaction in residence hall, (5) current and
future opportunities, (6) perspective on organization focus, (7) familiarity, and (8)
getting connected.
Table 2: Break Down by Organization Type of Thematic Categories Relating to the
Underlying Involvement Factors

Categories Mainstream Racially-Affiliated Both

Intrinsic Values

Yes Yes Yes
Personal Growth

Yes Yes Yes
Make a Difference

Yes Yes Yes
Initial Peer Interaction No Yes Yes

Current and Future
Opportunities
Yes Yes Yes
Perspective on Org
Focus
Yes Yes Yes
Familiarity

Yes Yes Yes
Get Connected

Yes Yes Yes

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As noted in the above table, the findings produced several similarities across the
three involvement groups (mainstream, racially-affiliated, and both) and only one
difference. In the following section, this difference will be discussed followed by a
highlight of the similarities.
Differences

Initial Peer Interaction: First-Year Residence Halls
Initial peer interaction was the only different factor to emerge with regard
involvement. For participants involved in racially-affiliated or both types of
organizations, peer interaction was an important factor that shaped their involvement
preferences. The vast majority of the participants learned about and became
interested in various types of organizations by way of their peers’ involvement. In
most cases, the majority of the participants actually got involved in organizations in
which their peers were involved. The importance of initial peer interaction and its
role in involvement was embodied in the following reflection offered by Kenny, a
racially-affiliated participant:
Well, I’ve always heard about the organizations and pretty much had an
interest in business and pretty much being involved and staying in touch with
the black community here on campus and I had a lot of friends in most of
these organizations, so I found them to be interesting and after doing a little
research on the organizations, involved myself in them.

While some aspects of initial peer interaction surfaced throughout all the
findings, there was one aspect of initial peer interactions that only emerged for
students involved in racially-affiliated or in both mainstream and racially-affiliated
organizations. The findings from this study revealed that at PacU, a particular first-

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year residence hall, Bradley Place, greatly influenced initial peer interaction and
thus involvement preferences. Bradley Place, the African American themed
residence floor, was designed to cater to the needs of African American students at
PacU. As demonstrated in the table below, the majority of this study’s participants
(13/25) lived on Bradley Place during their first-year at PacU.
Table 3: Organizational Breakdown of First-Year Residence Halls

Type of
Organization
Bradley Place Other Residence Halls
Mainstream

0 5
Racially-Affiliated

6 3
Both

7 4

A considerable amount of the participants involved in racially-affiliated or
both types of organizations, felt that Bradley Place played a major role in their peer
interaction and shaping their involvement. Reasons as to why the participants chose
to live on Bradley Place could be attributed to their background. For some students
(i.e., those from predominantly African American environments), Bradley Place
provided the comfort and familiarity they desired as a new student on a
predominantly White campus, while for others (i.e. those from predominantly White
environments) Bradley Place provided exposure into the African American
community. During his reflection on Bradley Place, Kevin, raised in a predominantly
African American community, shared the following:
When I first came to college, applying to PacU, applying for dorms, I knew
there was special interest housing dorms and so I applied for the African

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American Themed Floor Housing, which is in Athens Tower. That’s one
example of how I went immediately to my own race. I didn’t scope out other
dorm rooms or dorm buildings or a different type of friends, I just went
straight to the black community and, I don’t know, it’s just probably because
coming to a large university, even though you’re already outnumbered, you
know there’s not that many of you, and so you’re going to try to meet as
many of you as possible and that was one of the ways where I knew I could
probably feel comfortable, feel at home, feel like people understand me, by
going to a dorm where the majority of the people were of my race.

In fact, the majority of participants reported that Bradley Place was fundamental in
getting them connected to the African American community at PacU. While
reflecting on the role that Bradley Place played in her involvement, Jillian asserted:
I do believe, however, that because I lived on Bradley [my] freshman year,
that kind of immersed me in the black community. Had I lived in Pacific or
somewhere else, my life might be completely different and I might be
on…like a Delta Delta Delta or something, who knows.

This connection to the African American community can also be attributed to the
relationship between the Black Student Union (BSU) and the Black Cultural Center
(BCC) at PacU. Many of the participants reported that the BSU affiliated clubs and
organizations were very active on Bradley Place, often times visiting and doing
events on the floor. For example, Reggie, who was involved in both mainstream and
racially-affiliated organizations, reflected on the relationship between BSA and
Bradley Place:
I lived on Bradley Place my freshman year, so that was a gateway into seeing
the [black community]…you know, all the different organizations would
always come on Bradley…you know, when they had events they might throw
an event on Bradley, so you got…I got to see the kind of wide…the whole
spectrum of African American clubs and organizations my freshman year and
it kind of just set precedent of what people do here, what the African
Americans to [do] here.

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The participants reflected on many benefits to living on Bradley Place.
Aside from peer interaction, many of the former residents felt that living on Bradley
Place, helped them to pursue various leadership opportunities on campus. The
majority of the participants felt this encouragement stemmed from the warm and
supportive environment that Bradley Place fostered. In fact, many of the former
residents of Bradley Place pursued leadership opportunities within the 40
organizations associated with the Black Student Union (BSU), and credited their
leadership experiences with living on Bradley Place and the relationships they
formed as a result. For example, Bianca, who was solely involved in racially-
affiliated organizations, stated the following when recalling the effects of living on
Bradley Place on her current involvement:
I guess too just having that Bradley [Place] experience where I got to know a
lot of the black students that were coming in my year, so those students are
now the same ones that are in similar leadership positions, so these are my
friends, these are people that I’m comfortable with already, and it just makes
for a really good environment because we’re working together, doing co-
sponsored events with different organizations. You know, it makes it really
easier to do once you already have that foundation set with the people that are
going to be running these organizations...that are going to be involved in
these organizations.

Although the majority of the participants who were involved in racially-
affiliated or both types of organizations lived on Bradley Place, a small number did
not. It is important to note that none of the students who were involved in only
mainstream organizations lived on Bradley Place. In the reflections of these students,
they made no mention of their first-year residence halls during their interviews.
However, the findings revealed that their intrinsic values, comfort, and familiarity

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really fueled their involvement preferences. The mention of these factors takes us to
the next section in which the similarities of involvement preferences for all
participants are discussed.
Similarities
There were several similarities amongst the participants involved in
mainstream, racially-affiliated, and both types of organizations are highlighted.
These similarities include: intrinsic values, personal growth, making a difference,
affect of current opportunities on the future, perspective on organization focus,
familiarity, and getting connected.
Intrinsic Values
The intrinsic values held by the participants emerged as a major factor that
influenced their involvement preferences. The types of organizations in which the
students became involved were dictated by the students’ internal values, thereby
giving their involvement efforts meaning. For some, such motivations included
meeting people with similar goals, having a voice, feeling the responsibility to lift
others up, and filling a void they feel exists. Stephanie, who was involved in both
types of organizations, credited her current involvement with her desire to fill an
existing void within the African American community:
Part of it has been not…at times seeing a void of some sort and just kind of
wanting to [fill it]…instead of waiting for someone else to fill that void, kind
of just trying to fill it myself as far as a program or some type of initiative
that I felt like should have been in place and wasn’t in place.

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While Brittany, a mainstream participant, described how her desire to be a student
representative at PacU has guided her involvement choices:
I think I just have a knack for wanting to represent this school, represent this
entity, so the first thing I got involved with was the School of
Communication Admissions [Office] and their hiring process, and then I later
found out someone was a Pepster and I just did because that’s amazing work
that the alumni…being able to kind of be the student voice for them, for
people who are so far removed from their days at PacU.

In other cases, these intrinsic values included stepping outside of a comfort zone to
try something new, gaining diverse exposure, developing and building relationships
with different people, or taking advantage of future opportunities. For example,
Kevin explained how his quest to meet new people fueled his involvement
preferences:
One factor includes gaining more friends and knowing different people. One
of the reasons that encouraged me to become a part of so many
organizations is that I am not just closed in my own little circle, but I get to
actually go out there and meet new people, get new friends, gain new
hobbies, new interests, so that’s one of the factors.

While for others, it meant focusing their efforts on improving the African American
community. For instance, Wendy, who was involved in racially-affiliated
organizations, described her commitment to the African American community when
discussing her involvement motivation.
I think my commitment to the African American community in general
compels me to become involved in organizations that I think are helping the
community or that civically or spiritually aiding to the general good I guess.

Regardless of what motivated students to participate, the organizations at PacU
provide opportunities for them to meet these internal values.

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Growth
The desire to grow personally and professionally was another factor that
shaped the participants’ involvement preferences. Students involved in mainstream
organizations were seeking to gain diverse exposure and strengthen their
interpersonal skills; both of which they felt were necessary to be successful. For
example, Olivia, a mainstream participant, offered the following:
It’s a multicultural sorority, so that was the main thing that attracted me to it
because I’ve always had friends from different backgrounds and I feel that
it’s important not to limit yourself to one group, so that was the main thing,
and also that they’re very big on academics and keeping up in school and like
pursuing grad school.

The students who reported involvement in racially-affiliated organizations were
looking to expand their knowledge. As such, Justin shared the following in regard to
how his involvement shaped him:
It’s definitely increased my leadership ability. Like I said, before I came to
school…to college, I wasn’t much in the leadership trip. I was just more like,
“I’m going to do me and not really worry about leading any organizations,”
but then when I came here, I definitely fostered my leadership skills through
being an integral part of some of these different organizations.

Lastly, students in both types of organizations were looking to expand their horizons
and gain an enhanced perspective. For example, Reggie discussed the following as
gains from his involvement:
So that’s been a big thing, just kind of expanding my horizons, maybe go out
of my comfort zones because there’s been times where I’ve maybe had to
give presentations to a group or just help lead people or find out how to lead
people, so that’s definitely been a big advantage, you know, being in the
organizations. And increasing my social network, that’s huge. You can be a
social person and if you’re in the house all day, no one’s ever going to know
that.

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Making a Difference
The vast majority of the participants revealed that making a difference was
very important in their involvement. Making a difference was often referred to as
giving back through contributions, being the best person possible, encouraging
others, and serving the community, all of which were things the participants
intrinsically valued. For example, when discussing what attracted him to the
organizations in which he is currently involved, James, a participant in both types of
organizations, shared the following:
I wanted to be able to give back. I’m not necessarily from L.A., but I’m
getting my education here and it was just really important to reach out to the
community that really needs leaders and for me, a lot of these organizations,
you know, that’s really what they were founded on what they were really
striving towards and you can do a lot by yourself, but when you’re together
with someone, you can always do more, so it just made sense to kind of go
with these different coalitions of people who were doing really good things in
the community and just making their presence a little more widespread

With most participants, making a difference really came down to feeling a
responsibility to fix things that they perceived as wrong. For example, Lawrence, a
mainstream participant, shared his desire to help fix the access to college problems
that plague K-12 schools in the community surrounding PacU. He demonstrated this
desire through tutoring and coordinating learning enrichment programs that help
foster interests in science and engineering. Other participants, specifically those
involved in racially-affiliated and both types of organizations, making a difference
was aimed at the African American community at PacU and the surrounding

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community. Regardless of the focus, making a difference was really about stepping
outside of themselves and focusing their attention on others.
Current Opportunities that Affect the Future
Another factor that greatly contributed to the participants’ involvement
preferences was the possibility of new opportunities now and in the future. The
appeal of such opportunities related to the participants’ intrinsic values. The findings
demonstrated that students looked to these opportunities to gain professional
experience such as networking, enhancing leadership skills, increased time
management, improved communication skills, and personal accountability. For
example, Todd, a participant in both types of organizations, provided the following
reflection on the opportunities his involvement has provided:
Well, all of the organizations that I’ve been involved with have brought me
opportunities within I would say the professional advancement of my college
career. I’ve learned more of the steps that are necessary in order for me to
succeed past college, the steps that are necessary in order for me to just
succeed in the field of…in the professional field that I choose to go into,
rather it be business…whether it be business or law or anything that I’
studying at the time. I think being involved in those orgs has spawned a
deeper level of understanding towards what is necessary to be successful in
the years to come.

In other cases, participants hoped their involvement would help them stand out by
representing the university and providing a student voice, like being a student
ambassador for PacU. While for some participants, the current opportunities
presented through their involvement allowed them to serve as a positive example for
the African American community.

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Perspective on Organization Focus
The participants’ perceptions of an organization’s focus, was another
important factor that shaped their involvement preferences. How students perceived
organizations greatly influenced whether or not they became involved. Across
Participants in all three groups viewed all organizations, regardless of organizational
focus, as outlets that encourage social interaction amongst PacU students.
However, aside from being social outlets several differences between the
various types of organizations were addressed. In most cases, the participants
described these organizations in terms of either being culturally appealing or geared
toward the general campus community at PacU. Typically, the events of mainstream
organizations were perceived as focusing on the general PacU community, while the
events of racially-affiliated organizations were thought to exclusively cater to the
needs and interests of African American students at PacU. When describing the
differences between mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations, Kevin, a
participant in both organizations, felt that, “everything that you do in the black
organization is geared toward black people, whereas other organizations are just for
the betterment of the whole population.” Perceptions such as these played a major
role in the participants’ involvement. For participants who were involved in racially-
affiliated or both types of organizations, the perspective of feeling needed and valued
in the organization was a big factor that affected their involvement choices. In his
reflection, Reggie shared the following views about feeling welcomed in a
mainstream organization:

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I feel welcome, but at the same time, I don’t necessarily feel want…not
wanted. In the black organizations, it’s constantly, “Come join….come out to
this, come out to….” Kind of the mainstream, they have their member base,
they’re going to be fine without you, so it’s kind of….you know, they might
put a flyer out here and there and if you don’t join, it’s no sweat off their
back. So I don’t feel any apprehensions of joining, but at the same time it’s
kind of…black people, it’s kind of human nature, people want to go where
they feel appreciated, where they feel wanted and I feel that in some of the
African American organizations….

These students wanted to not only feel that their efforts meant something but also
that the organization needed them.
Despite the differences that existed between the two organization types, the
participants involved in mainstream or both types of organizations held a neutral
perspective on the various types of organizations. As for participants who were
primarily involved in racially-affiliated organizations, they often held a more
negative perception of mainstream organizations. These negative perceptions
included experiencing more difficulty in pursuing a leadership position, and having
to work harder to network within mainstream organizations. For example, Bianca,
who was solely involved in racially-affiliated organizations, shared the following
when discussing her preference of racially-affiliated over mainstream organizations,
“Like I have to take an extra step to become friends with these people, whereas if I
join the black orgs, I’m already friends with them and it’s just a supplement to that
friendship.” This difference in opinion between participants involved in mainstream
or racially-affiliated organizations can partially be attributed to the fact that the
majority of racially-affiliated participants were solely involved in these

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organizations, while the majority of mainstream participants were involved in one
racially-affiliated organization.
Familiarity
Familiarity was another major factor that influenced involvement
preferences. For the purposes of this study, familiarity refers to the participants’
background, such as high school involvement and the environment in which they
were reared. For all participants, familiarity was ultimately about an individual’s
comfort zone. The findings revealed that the environment in which the participants
were reared affected the level of comfort they experienced, which in turn influenced
the types of organizations in which they became involved. Some students who were
from a predominantly White environment felt more comfortable being involved in
mainstream organizations, while others sought involvement within the African
American campus community. Wendy, a racially-affiliated participant and former
resident of Bradley Place, recalled the influence of her previous environment on her
current involvement: “…it’s definitely an intentional effort because I think I came
from a school where it was so the opposite of any resemblance of a black community
that I was…I was on BCC’s website before I even applied.” However, Meredith,
who participated primarily in mainstream organizations, offered the following:
I’ve just always grown up with a very diverse group of people and so I don’t
limit myself to just being involved with the black community on campus or
with just black organizations or things like that, and leadership style, just
learning to deal with different types of people, different people in general. I
think that people’s past experiences have a lot to do with how they approach
certain situations and how they decide to lead people.

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For students who were raised in a predominantly African American environment,
they either chose to be involved in mainstream organizations or preferred
involvement in racially-affiliated organizations. When reflecting on the role of
background environment in his involvement at PacU, Kenny, a former Bradley Place
resident solely involved in racially-affiliated organizations, discussed how he was
born and raised in the African American community, so his involvement in racially-
affiliated organizations was nothing new to him. “I’m very comfortable. I grew up
and was born and raised around the African American community, so this is pretty
much the same, nothing different at all.”
It is important to note that for most of the participants who were involved in
both types of organizations, background familiarity may have shaped where they
initially got involved, but they eventually branched out and sought involvement in
various types of organizations. For example, the majority of participants involved in
both types of organizations first became involved in a racially-affiliated organization
and then branched out. When asked why they branched out, many of the participants
did not want to limit themselves and recognized the different opportunities and
benefits offered through various organization types, while others, such as Jillian,
were afraid of looking to “ethnocentric” to employers.
Getting Connected
Finding a connection to campus was another primary factor that influenced
the involvement preferences of the participants. Regardless of the organizational
affiliation, all of the students were looking to find their niche when they first came to

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PacU. They were looking to interact with people and feel a part of something.
When describing how she chose her involvement, Leslie, a participant in both types
of organizations, shared:
…the factors that made me join Delta [Sigma Theta Sorority] is because I
was looking to be a part of the black community, looking for other people
to…you know, other girls to be a part of because I definitely am from New
York, I have no family out here, and Delta [Sigma Theta Sorority] provided
that with…provided that for me.

For many students, especially those involved in racially-affiliated or both types of
organizations, they were specifically looking to stay in touch with the African
American community. Others were looking for a unifying and common thread.
Students who were involved in mainstream organizations appeared to be more
concerned about finding organizations that met their professional interests and goals.
For example, Meredith asserted:
Being pre-med, there’s a lot of different…different inlets and outlets that you
gotta explore, different requirements that you have to fulfill, and really it’s
just about being as prepared as I can, being in volunteer service and
community service, and things like that, so it’s about being efficient
and…yeah.

Further, the vast majority of participants revealed that once you get involved in a
particular group it is only natural that you continue involvement in that type of
group. Traci, who was involved in both organizations asserted:
…I think that once you come, you get comfortable in the organization, you
start building connections and you stay and you grow and it becomes a part
of you, you become a part of it, and it’s a beautiful thing, so I think it kind
of…it gets people at the beginning, right at the outset, and I think that’s
what helps a lot of people stay, you know.

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Ultimately, every participant was looking to find a place of comfort and support
regardless of his or her prior environment.
In this section, the underlying factors behind the participants’ involvement
preferences were discussed. The findings produced eight factors that directly
contributed to the types of organizations in which the participants became involved.
While the majority of the factors were similar amongst all the participants, an area of
difference did emerge. This area of difference centered on the initial peer interaction
that occurred within the African American first-year residence hall and the
contributing role this interaction played with respect to these involvement
preferences. In the next section, the perceived leadership experiences of the
participants will be discussed.
What are African American students’ perceptions of their leadership experiences?

The next question to be addressed, delves into the perceptions of leadership
experiences held by the participants. The findings produced 13 thematic categories
that help to understand the leadership experiences of the participants. These
categories include: (1) setting a positive example, (2) focusing on the African
American community, (3) feelings of additional pressure, (4) opportunities for
growth, (5) helping others, (6) various displays of leadership, (7) collaboration, (8)
creating change, (9) gender perspectives, (10) challenging, (11) leadership
validation, (12) a leader is a leader, (13) drive to work harder. The table below
displays the differences and similarities of perceived leadership experiences by

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organizational type. In this section, the differences followed by the similarities of
the participants’ leadership experiences are discussed.
Table 4: Demonstration of Differences and Similarities of Perceived Leadership
Experiences

Categories Mainstream Racially-
Affiliated
Both

Positive Example

Yes Yes Yes
Focus on African
American Community
No Yes Yes
Additional Pressure

Yes Yes Yes
Growth Opportunities

Yes Yes Yes
Helping Others

No Yes Yes
Various Displays of
Leadership
Yes Yes Yes
Collaboration

No Yes Yes
Change Agent

Yes Yes Yes
Gender Perspectives

No Yes Yes
Challenging

Yes Yes Yes
Validation

Yes Yes Yes
Leader is a Leader

Yes Yes Yes
Drive to Work Harder

Yes Yes Yes

Differences

As demonstrated in the above table, the findings revealed four areas in which
the students’ perception of their leadership experiences differed among those who
were involved in mainstream organizations, racially-affiliated, or both. The
differences include: (1) focus on the African American community, (2) helping

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others, (3) collaboration, and (4) gender perspectives. It is important to note that all
of these differences were factors that did not emerge for the students primarily
involved in mainstream organizations. However, these factors did influence students
involved in racially-affiliated or both types of organizations. In this section, the
differences in the perceived leadership experiences between students involved in
mainstream organizations and those who are involved in racially-affiliated or both
types of organizations will be discussed.
Focus on the African American Community

Strengthening the African American community was a primary focus for
participants who were involved in racially-affiliated or both types of organizations.
Both groups felt the responsibility to help enhance the African American student
experience at PacU. Further, both participant groups felt it was necessary to uphold
the African American community, and one way was through involvement. When
describing the focus of her efforts, Bianca shared:
You are really trying to better the black community and make a change, that
you go beyond the expected, that you are constantly striving to do more and
that you really have passion for what you’re doing. It’s really just…I feel like
it’s just a responsibility, whether you ask for it or not.

Because of this, it is easy to understand why the majority of these students’
involvement efforts were concentrated within the African American community.
Many of the participants who were involved in racially-affiliated
organizations or both kinds of organizations felt needed in the African American
community. Therefore, members in both groups sought various ways in which they

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could meet this need. The efforts put forth by these students varied from being
campus focused to extending to extending their involvement into the community
surrounding PacU. For the campus community, meeting this need meant promoting
African American culture, providing representation, or simply being an active
participant. Justin, who was primarily involved in racially-affiliated organizations,
shared the following when describing his role as an African American leader at
PacU:
It means to uphold the African American culture and to make sure that the
African American community doesn’t lose that identity, you know. And
honestly, over the past couple of years, I’ve felt that waning. When I got here
my freshman year, it seemed like the African American community was so
much more vibrant than it is and it’s the responsibility of organizational
leaders, such as myself, such as president of any organization, black
organization on campus, to foster more of an involvement in black culture
and to uphold the traditions that have been there.

Justin goes on to say the responsibility of African American campus leaders was to
keep the “black tradition alive at PacU because it is so scarce.” When extending into
the surrounding community, meeting this need came in the form of giving back or
serving as a role model for the youth.
Typically filling the need that exists within the African American campus and
larger community was addressed only by racially-affiliated campus organizations.
Students perceived that these campus organizations, regardless of their aim
(professional preparation, community service, mentorship), had a commitment to the
Black community, which students did not perceive to be the case for mainstream
organizations. In his reflection, Reggie explained:

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I see a lot of the African American organizations that are usually focused in
or geared towards African Americans solely, whether it be a 100 Black
Men…100 Black Men is not limited to a 100 black men, but that’s all that’s
in the organizations or…there’s another…NAACP, they can have Caucasian
members, but it’s kind of geared towards our community and kind of
uplifting our community. It seems like every black organization tends to
focus on us, which is a good thing because there’s a lot to improve on.

Most of the participants involved in racially-affiliated or both types of organizations
felt that mainstream organizations lacked this focus and instead primarily focused on
the general community, where race was not an area of concern. For example, Jillian
asserted:
African American organizations acknowledge that past history and struggle
and our lower position in society, whereas mainstream organizations kind of
have a, “We’re all equal. We don’t acknowledge that,” and although it’s good
to have an ideal of equality…this might sound pessimistic, but I don’t believe
it’s there and I’m not a black nationalist, I don’t believe that blacks and
whites should have separate societies, but I do believe that a culture of
oppression is [important]… so I feel like African American culture has
embraced that, whereas mainstream organizations dismiss it and kind of
sugarcoat it.

Additionally, these participants believed that racially-affiliated organizations were
smaller and were newer to campus; therefore, the students felt their participation was
needed in order for these organizations to survive.
Though the participants in racially-affiliated or both types of organizations
were focused on strengthening the African American community, the methods
through which they achieved this differed. For the students who were involved in
both types of organizations, one way of strengthening the African American
community was to expand their involvement to mainstream organizations. Their
involvement in mainstream organizations was a way of demonstrating that the

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African American campus community was not separate. For instance, James
asserted:
I understand like the way to continue the community is to kind of penetrate
the mainstream culture and be able to have different experiences with them
and get to know different people and just really kind of build the name of the
Black community at PacU. We don’t want people to think that we’re just to
ourselves or that we don’t understand the meaning of being a diverse campus.
These students had a desire to be aware of what is happening in the African
American campus community, while providing a minority voice within the
mainstream campus community. Most importantly, they considered their
involvement as a way of positively representing the African American community.
These students realized that with their involvement in mainstream organizations,
they become the face of the African American campus community and therefore
their actions were automatically reflective of the community. For example, Sydney, a
participant in both types of organizations, described this representation in the
following reflection:
Definitely, being like an African American leader on campus, I find that
when I have interactions with other people on campus, even with other
leaders on campus, I’m always trying to make sure that I’m putting the best
face forward because I’m always conscious of their [mainstream] leaders
especially thinking of me as like the face of the African American
community and I’m always trying to put my best foot forward and I always
feel like I need to go above and beyond if I’m in a room with like other
leaders from other ethnic groups.

However, many students who were primarily involved in racially-affiliated
organizations did not express a need or desire to get involved in mainstream
organizations. These students felt their efforts were needed in the racially-affiliated
organizations, and therefore restricted their involvement to just these organizations.

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Carly, a racially-affiliated participant explained her aversion to involvement in
mainstream organizations as follows:
I didn’t feel an urgency to join one is because they’re already established and
they’re serving their purpose and either way they’re going to do OK, and so I
kind of feel like I need to be working in an area where we need to advance
[the Black community].

Regardless of the methods employed, students involved solely in racially-affiliated
and both kinds of organizations remained focused on the African American
community.
Helping Others

Closely related to the focus on strengthening the African American
community was the desire to help others. Students involved in both or racially-
affiliated organizations felt an important way to strengthen the African American
community was through helping other people. Helping other people including their
peers and the members of the surrounding community was something that these
participants greatly valued, therefore giving their efforts meaning. For these students,
helping others was really about working with people as you uplift them. In her
discussion on helping others, Jillian asserted:
Sometimes I think maybe the black organizations that I’m a part of are
because I really, truly feel like the…my race is in need of uplifting
leadership. There’s so much of a demand for leadership and a need for
growth and I feel invested in the community and I feel like one of the more
blessed people in the community, and something I think about is how Martin
Luther King said, “None of us are free until we are all free,” and so I feel like
it’s my responsibility to lift as I climb…

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The students focused their efforts on putting the success and well-being of others
first. They wanted to see the goals and dreams of others become a reality. It is
important to note that for students involved in mainstream organizations helping
others was more of an outcome of their efforts rather than the focus.
Fostering leadership was an important way in which the participants helped
other people. Getting others to step up and recognize their leadership potential was
important to both groups. For instance, Reggie believed that the number of leaders
fostered was the real measure of leadership:
And another big kind of mainstay in leadership that I think you can measure
leadership with is how many leaders do you develop yourself because I mean,
you could be…I mean, 100 Black Men could be the organization of the
century this year, but then after next year, if I go abroad or…who’s going to
be able to step up to the plate and be able to kind of maintain this, …I think
it’s all about how you develop other leaders and you do that by letting them
lead, so it’s definitely a kind of difficult process that you learn and you go
through.

Many of the participants who held leadership positions talked about how listening,
delegation of task, and letting others have a voice within the organization, were ways
they helped to foster leadership among their peers. The findings also revealed that
the participants highly valued putting trust in others’ abilities, thereby motivating
and empowering the participants to lead. For example, when describing the role of a
leader, James stated:
…the best thing that they do, in my opinion, is help people find their core
competencies and bring those out so that they use them. I think that people
who are leaders…it’s not necessarily that they are like the best person for the
job or they’re…they have so much talent and stuff like that. They do, but for
the most part, I think the thing they’re best at is looking at the team that they
have and the people that surround them and being able to like strategically

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place those people in positions where they’re going to shine and where
they’re going to be able to, you know, complete the task at-hand and just
whatever initiative or whatever their purpose is, collaboratively they’re going
to get done because those people are doing exactly what they are best at and
they’re doing it well…

Ultimately, the goal of the participants involved in racially-affiliated or both types of
organizations were to provide others with a sense of worth. Additionally, many of
the participants, who were all juniors and seniors, felt it was their duty to serve as
teachers for the underclassmen. The participants felt that someone had taken the time
to teach them what was needed, and now it was time for them to do the same. While
discussing his responsibilities as a leader, Reggie further reflected:
It’s been people come through PacU who have told me, “Reggie, you should
do this or you should definitely look out for this, you have qualities for that,”
so there’s been a lot of people here that kind of helped mentor me and kind of
mold me into what I am today and then continue to do this. So you kind of
see it as, you kind of gotta pass the torch on to the younger kids. I see a lot of
kids now that are sophomores or freshmen, [and] I’m telling them about
business programs I did or telling them about the tutor, so it’s kind of…it
feels like it’s my duty to kind of pass it on.

Collaboration

The findings from this study revealed that collaborative leadership was
important in the experiences of students involved in racially-affiliated or both types
of organizations. These participants felt it was necessary to create an environment of
“communal leadership”, where everyone had an important role in the decision-
making process. For example, Justin, who primarily participated in racially-
affiliated organizations, shared this notion of communal leadership with the
following:

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I feel like the best leader is somebody who can work with people rather than
work above people. In my organization, BBA, we have it set up to
where…yeah, I’m the president and then I have my V.P., V.P. of finance,
V.P. of marketing, that kind of thing. It looks hierarchical to the outside eye,
but really, inside the organization, everybody is pretty equal. We have it set
up to where we have major events throughout the year and each person is
the chairperson for that different event. So I was the chairperson for our
tailgate that we did in September, Pace-Nebraska tailgate, and then my V.P.
of marketing, [name], is the chairperson for our next event, Secrets of
Corporate America, and then our V.P., [name], is the chairperson for the
Business Law and Accounting Dinner, so we set it up that way to where it’s
more like different projects and there’s a project manager and the manager
works with the team so that everybody feels that they have an equal role in
the organization. It’s not just me saying, “[name] do this. [name] do that.
[name], do that,” you know. That’s not the way that I want to roll because I
feel like it’s easier and a lot more fun to work with people rather than just
kind of delegate everything, you know.

Students who were involved in both types of organizations felt that the executive
boards in mainstream organizations made all of the decisions for the group.
Therefore, students involved in both types of organizations, experienced
collaborative leadership solely through their involvement in racially-affiliated
organizations. It is important to note that mainstream participants discussed
positions more than collaboration when talking about leadership experiences within
their organizations.
Relationships were highly valued within this collaborative style of leadership
that appears to govern racially-affiliated organizations. Every person involved was
equal regardless of position held. For those who did hold leadership positions, they
felt it was important to work with the members, not above them. Meaning that those
in leadership positions felt that each member had a valued voice in the decision-
making process of the group. The findings further revealed that the participants

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believed that valuing relationships helped to unify and strengthen the African
American campus community. For example, Todd reflected:
I think that there’s a big focus and a good focus on collaboration here at PacU
and I feel that because I’ve been given…or because I am in various
leadership roles, I’m able to connect with other individuals in leadership roles
on campus and through that, I’m…we all are able to bring a deeper level of
community to the community.

When describing the collaborative nature of racially-affiliated organizations,
the participants often discussed co-sponsorship of events with other organizations
that catered to the needs of the African American students at PacU. By working
together, the participants felt that more strides could be made to improve PacU’s
African American community. Because of the collaborative nature that defined
racially-affiliated organizations, many participants in leadership positions felt a
deeper connection with their peers, as well as with other leaders in racially-affiliated
organizations. Many attributed this strong peer connection to the friendship they
shared since their first-year at PacU. Reflecting on his leadership experiences, James
shared:
For the most part, I pretty much know the presidents or directors of a lot of
the black organizations on campus either because they’re my year or I know
them…I know them because they were on my floor or they came around a
lot, the students who I used to mentor and stuff like that, so I think I have
pretty good relationships with them and just really…I think even though we
have different aims…some people are more towards the social side, some
people are more towards the community side, some people are towards
the activism side, but I think we all understand that we each are playing a part
to the same goal and that’s just the perpetuity of black people at PacU and
making sure that as it continues on…it’s easier as it goes along. So I have
pretty good relationships with everyone, especially people within the realm of
community service and just social activism and stuff like that. …I’m able to
really reach out to them for anything that I might need and vice versa.

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Participants considered this friendship an added benefit to their leadership because
they had the opportunity to watch each other grow over the years. The participants in
leadership positions felt that the leaders of the racially-affiliated organizations were
supportive of one another, often times sharing ideas, and helping each other.
Further, the participants who were involved in both or racially-affiliated
organizations felt that this good rapport between the leaders offered insight and a
chance to learn from one another. The good rapport amongst leaders also helped in
challenging one another to step-up their performance, therefore bringing out each
other’s best.
Gender Perspectives

Gender perspectives also emerged as a difference in perceived leadership
experiences of participants involved in racially-affiliated or both types of
organizations. The findings revealed that primarily male participants rather than
female participants commented about gender The male participants in involved in
racially-affiliated or both types of organizations felt that there were certain
expectations of them because of their gender. The male participants believed that as
men, they had additional responsibilities their female counterparts did not. During
his reflection, William asserted:
I mean, as a man, I think we have certain responsibilities that differ, as far as
gender is concerned, from females and if you’re not living up to them
responsibilities, then you don’t quite earn the manly title, the man title.

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One such responsibility included promoting a positive image of African American
males. Many of the male participants felt that African American males were not
viewed in the most positive light; therefore, part of their job as leaders was to change
this perception. For most male participants, this meant carrying themselves in a
respectful manner. For example, Brian shared: “Gender had a small role because to
me as a man, the definition of a man is just being responsible and honest and
dignified and representing your community in a positive way.” Additionally, the
male participants felt that part of being a man, meant stepping up and being a
trailblazer. Therefore, the male participants felt that it was necessary for them to
initiate change.
The findings further revealed that male participants dealt with
misconceptions, often times being highly scrutinized and underestimated. The males
reported that these misconceptions fueled their motivation to work harder. For
instance when discussing the impact of gender on his experiences, Reggie shared:
I don’t know, it seems like in college, a lot of the clubs and organizations is
just…I mean, even getting into college, there’s a lot more women, so I
guess…I kind of hear this…throughout the years, I hear some like girls on
campus might say…might discount a lot of the guys because they’re like,
“Oh, he’s a guy, he’s not doing too much for that organization,” or, “He’s
not on top of his game,” so you definitely…you don’t want to be that guy
that’s talked about in the E [Executive] board meeting of the Black Women
Student Association, so it’s definitely another motivating factor to just kind
of stay on top of your things and kind of produce quality results because, you
know, you just don’t want to be the ordinary guy that’s just doing this just to
put on his resume, so actually make an impact here.

It is important to note that this finding did not emerge for mainstream organization
participants; however, this does not suggest that mainstream participants did not feel

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this. As demonstrated in the table below, the majority of male participants were
involved either solely in racially-affiliated organizations or in both types of
organizations. Since there was only one male participant primarily involved in
mainstream organizations, there was not enough information collected to determine
whether gender was also a factor in these organizations as well.
Table 5: Gender Breakdown of Participants by Type of Organization

Type of Organization Number of Male
Participants
Number of Female
Participants
Mainstream

1 4
Racially-Affiliated

5 4
Both

5 6

Additionally, this difference in findings between organizational groups can be
attributed to the focus of the organizations. For example, racially-affiliated
organizations focus on improving the African American community. With this being
the case, factors plaguing the general African American community (i.e., negative
perception of males) were felt. Whereas mainstream organizations were more
generally focused, so issues plaguing the African American community were not
necessarily felt.
The majority of female participants in these two groups reported no direct
impact of gender. This can partially be attributed to the fact that the female
participants were heavily involved in female oriented organizations, meaning that the
majority of their continuous interactions were with other females (i.e., sororities and
other organizations that foster sisterhood). Further, this finding may also be

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attributed to the fact that the majority of the participants felt that the campus
organizations in which they were involved, were female dominated. Despite the fact
that the majority of females did not report feeling an impact of gender on their
leadership experiences, the findings revealed that the females were rather unaware of
the influence of gender on these experiences. For example, some females felt that
women were naturally more sensitive and understanding than men. This notion was
embodied in the following reflection offered by Leslie:
Gender affects your style because women generally are more nurturing
leaders and I feel like I definitely understand where you’re coming from and I
always make a point…even if I’m about to chastise you…even in my
relationships, if I’m about to chastise you, I will say, “I appreciate you
sending this to me, but you didn’t do what I asked you to do, but know that I
thank you to do this,” Even though Dr. Phil says when you say the word
“but,” it negates everything you said before that, the person knows where I’m
coming from, but I’m also going to let you know what you need to do and
what you didn’t do, so I think that being a female does affect that because
you’re more nurturing.

Similarly, Emily shared: “You know, women are more like delicate and more social
and more…I don’t know, it seems like a lot of the female RAs are more amicable
than the guys, so…yeah.” The female participants in both groups perceived their
level of sensitivity to be the biggest asset in their leadership experiences.
Similarities

Analysis of the data produced 13 areas of similarity with regard to the
participants’ perceived leadership experiences. These areas of similarity include: (1)
Positive Example, (2) Additional Pressure, (3) Growth Opportunities, (4) Various
Displays of Leadership (5) Versatility, (6) Change Agent, (7) Challenging, (8)

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Validation, (9) a Leader is a Leader, and (10) Drive to Work Harder. In the
following section, each of these similarities will be highlighted.
Positive Example
Across the three groups, the participants felt that setting a positive example or
being a positive role model was an important and welcomed part of their leadership
experiences. For example, Carly offered the following reflection:
In a sense, every African American at PacU is a leader because uneducated
people do look up to us like, “Wow! PacU, man! You’re smart. I wish I could
be there,” you know, so it’s like we’re setting an example just by being here
and being educated, but those of us who take that extra step and become
leaders really sets the tone for other students here, as well as in the
surrounding community.

The vast majority of the students believed that people were constantly watching them
and that the best way to lead was by example. For students in mainstream
organizations, this positive example varied from serving as a role model for
underclassmen to carrying themselves in a certain manner. In her reflection, Liana
shared the following about being a role model:
And I think I’ve definitely been a leader amongst my peers because a lot of
people come….like when you have underclassmen and they don’t know…I
don’t know, I guess they like come into college thinking, “OK, I’m going to
go wild. I’m free and everything,” and you kind of gotta sit them down and
be like, “Calm down.”…. Yeah, like, “You definitely don’t want to make this
mistake and that mistake, but let me get you on the right track.” So yeah,
definitely being a role model to other people….

The students involved in racially-affiliated organizations believed that setting a
positive example included providing good representation of the African American
community and setting the tone for African American students and the surrounding

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community. Lastly, the students involved in both organizations felt that setting a
positive example meant always putting your best face forward. Traci shared the
following on the importance of setting a positive example:
I’d say…well, for me, I feel it’s important because I just feel it’s important
that black people, the other black students see that there are black students in
leadership positions and doing things and trying to affect change on this
campus, in the world, as well as people who aren’t black to see that there are
black people who are trying to do good things and make the most of
themselves and others.

Students involved in both types of organizations felt that they were representing the
African American community among the mainstream community and therefore must
always carry themselves in a positive manner.
Additional Pressure
Feeling additional pressure from others was a point that echoed throughout
the participants leadership experiences. Regardless of organization type or whether
or not a position was held, all of the participants felt that being considered a leader
meant having the world on their shoulders. The students felt that as a leader, they
were always under the watchful eye of others within the mainstream and African
American campus community at PacU. For instance, Reggie said:
I think what it means to be an African American student leader is you’re
always going to be…you know, you’re always going to stand out in a crowd
no matter what, so…and then being an African American leader on campus,
it means that your actions, whatever you do, are just judged even more. You
know, they’re under more scrutiny now, because you’re seen as kind of the
face of the African American community, they see you out here just out and
just acting crazy, running amuck over here on campus, they’re going to
associate that….you know, “Reggie doing this or…,” you know, that’s kind
of what all black males here at PacU do,” so it definitely puts a…not a lot of

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pressure on you, but it puts more pressure on you to just kind of be more
aware and conscious of your actions and what you’re doing.

In fact, the majority of the participants felt as if they were constantly being examined
under a microscope. With this being the case, many often felt that the world was
waiting for them to make a mistake and therefore felt obligated to go above and
beyond. In her reflection, Liana asserted the following with regard to the pressures of
leadership:
I think it affects us in more ways than one. One is because you kind of have
to…people expect more from you. Like people…you cannot slip up. Oh,
my goodness, the day that you slip up, it’s just like you…the finger is
pointed at you, so you have to constantly be on your toes with that and just
kind of let people know that just because you’re African American you
don’t fall into the African American stereotypes.

Additional pressure from leadership experiences also meant that people
expected more from you. For instance, Kevin shared the following frustrations about
his leadership experiences: “Sometimes being expected to know everything and
having so many responsibilities and duties left up to you. Not being able to question
or not know. Also not being able to make mistakes or expected to make mistakes.”
Additionally, many felt that these high expectations put forth by others often resulted
in constant criticism from those who were not leaders. The majority of the
participants discussed how other people constantly judge them, therefore placing
additional pressure on them to meet the standards and ideals set by others.
For many of these students, leadership often meant being the representative
of the African American community. Because of this constant association of being
the voice of the African American campus community at PacU, the participants felt

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that they must be even more conscious of their behavior than their peers who were
not leaders. Students involved in mainstream organizations often felt that because
they were typically the only African American who were involved in mainstream
campus organizations, or one of only a few, they had the additional responsibility to
set the image of African American students in the mainstream campus community.
For students involved in both types of organizations, they felt that the African
American campus community lacked a voice within the larger mainstream
community at PacU, and therefore felt obligated and sometimes forced to provide
this voice. For example, Stephanie lamented how is often forced to be the voice of
the African American community, because she is the president of the BSU. The
majority of student primarily involved in racially-affiliated organizations felt that no
matter where they were at or what they were doing, their actions would
automatically represent the African American community.
Opportunities for Growth
The vast majority of the participants perceived their leadership experiences as
opportunities for personal growth. Such opportunities included both professional
development and personal enhancement. Students felt that PacU provided exposure
to different opportunities, professional development, and social interactions with
different people. Professionally, the students perceived their leadership experiences
as opportunities to build their resume, and enhance such professional skills as quick
thinking, decision-making, organization, active listening, and networking. They
credited their leadership experiences at PacU as being fundamental in learning the

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business side of organizations including task delegation, execution, and assessment,
thereby increasing their level of professionalism. For example, Brian said:
If anything, it’s helped me to become more of a well-rounded leader. I think a
good leader has to be willing to serve the community and lead with a sense of
perspective from the people that he is serving, so you have to be one of the
masses at some point to really appreciate what it is to lead and lead for the
people because it’s one thing to just always be in leadership roles…

Further, the participants were given the chance to learn that their actions dictate
everything and therefore that they must maintain a certain level of consciousness.
Along the same lines, Justin commented:
Being a leader is a double-edged sword just because like anything that
reflects poorly upon the organization ultimately comes back to you, so…but
you know, it’s an added burden, but it’s just something that you have to do.
You have to always conduct yourself in a manner that’s in keeping with your
leadership role; I believe.

The participants said that the most important aspect they gained through their
leadership opportunities was learning to put leadership in perspective. In most cases,
this perspective meant recognizing that leadership could come in various forms and
that elected positions were not everything. This realization helped many participants
recognize and value the contributions made by others. Through their experiences
both positive and negative, the students felt a greater appreciation on what it took to
be a leader.
On a more personal level, growth included opportunities to enhance
relationships. Feeling that they gained greater interpersonal skills, many students
spoke about learning how to get along with other people. For example, students
involved in both types of organizations viewed their leadership experiences as an

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opportunity to expand their social networks. Often times this meant stepping
outside of their comfort zone (i.e., the African American community) and gaining
exposure to other people. For instance, the following quote by James embodied this
notion:
I think just in not being afraid to branch out. Like I’ve done a lot of maybe
different programs and joined different organizations that weren’t typically in
what you would think would be the black realm of what you want to do. Like
with the Men Care Program, I’m one of maybe two African Americans in
that program and just when people find out that I’m actually participating in
it, like, “Oh, wow! I didn’t know they had any black people,” you know. Not
necessarily like it’s something that they didn’t think anyone would be
interested in, but it’s like when you go outside the realm of the black
organizations, a lot of times people are really surprised just because there’s so
much to do within our own community that some people kind of really don’t
find the time to branch out…

Through exposure, participants began to view things through a wider lens, learning
to look at the bigger picture. Additionally, they recognized the value in making
others feel comfortable. For students in mainstream organizations, this meant not
being afraid to be the only African American involved in the organization. For
students primarily involved in racially-affiliated organizations, opportunities for
growth translated into gaining confidence to take more risks. This increase in
confidence for students involved in racially-affiliated organizations was in part due
to the sense of support and encouragement experienced from their involvement.
Overall, the students felt that the opportunities for growth acquired through their
leadership experiences helped them to become better people.

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Various Displays of Leadership
Another important finding with respect to the participants’ perceived
leadership experiences dealt with how they demonstrated leadership. A good
majority of the participants believed that their actions defined their leadership
experiences. Many felt it was important to maintain the same amount of activity
within the organizations, regardless of position held. The majority of the participants
hoped that others would recognize that leadership was more about making a
contribution, rather than holding a position For example, Bianca explained:
…you can be a leader just in your actions and how much you attend
meetings. Just go to meetings and support events. You can lead in just the
attitude that you have about the program, the way you maybe promote events
just by word-of-mouth, the way you spread…I don’t know, just like
spreading knowledge and information about the organization is just really
leading in terms of you being a representation of that organization every time
that you advocate for it.

Many participants also spoke of their willingness to step up and take initiative to
make things happen. For some, this meant breaking the norm and stepping outside of
their comfort zone, even if it meant they would be the only African American
involved in the organization. Many hoped that by leaving their comfort zone, they
would inspire others to do the same.
Demeanor was another important way in which the participants’ displayed
leadership. For example, the students felt everyday actions such as speaking to
people and looking people in their eyes was an important part of being a leader. The
participants further believed that it was important for leaders to be aware of their

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attitudes and passion toward the goals at hand, because this awareness would extend
to the other members. In a reflection of her experiences, Jillian shared:
Even though I don’t necessarily right now have any leadership goals…I
mean, leadership positions that I’m actively involved in, I do think that I am a
leader in many of my personality traits, in the way that I prove to be a role-
model to others, and in the way that my excitement for things often transfers
and is kind of contagious to others sometimes.

Throughout the interviews, students commented on how their demeanor had an
effect on the reputation of the organizations in which they are involved. That meant
if their behavior was inappropriate, it would be associated with the organization. For
example, Justin explained:
I feel like a leader…the qualities of a leader reflects in, not only what he or
she does while they’re with the organization, but also outside of the
organization. Like when I’m on the so-called Stoop over by Commons, you
know, I don’t only represent Justin, I represent the BBA and I represent
Kappa Alpha Psi , represent different organizations that I might be part of
and if I act in a manner where it’s not conducive to, you know, the values that
the organization holds…like if I show up the Stoop drunk one day and start
like cussing somebody out or something outlandish like that, then people are
going to be like, “Ooh, Justin….,” you know, but like first and foremost, they
say, “Ooh, what’s wrong with Justin?” and then it’s like, “Oh, well, you
know, Justin is a Nupe.” So it’s like, “Oh, well, what’s wrong with these
Nupes. Yeah, these kids on the yard, they ain’t acting right,” that kind of
thing, and start making generalizations about the organization and then, “Oh,
well, Justin is the president of BBA. That’s not very professional,” that kind
of thing.

For the students, demeanor also included being confident, reliable, and relatable. For
example, Lawrence felt that a good leader was “someone who can identify with their
followers and their followers can identify with them”.
Versatility was another important display of leadership described by the
participants. These students felt that the key to versatility was adaptability. The

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students felt it was necessary to know when to lead and when to let others lead,
completely looking beyond position. For example, when describing his leadership
style, Derek shared the following:
I know when to back down or when someone else has more knowledge than
me can make more contributions than I can, so like I’ll allow them to step up
to the position or whatever and then like I’ll help them or contribute whatever
I can, you know, and I think that’s also part of being a leader, is knowing
when… Yeah, knowing when to step up, but also knowing when to step
down because there’s always someone who knows more than you and that’s
not a bad thing…

Furthermore, the participants felt that leadership required the ability to lead and to
follow. As demonstrated in the above quote, the participants felt that being able to
follow allowed them the opportunity to support others. By being versatile, the
participants said they were able to gain experience and master different roles in a
group setting.
Change Agent
Across the three groups, the participants felt that a leader’s main goal was to
initiate change. Many students recognized that as leaders, they had the power and
responsibility to drive a group toward change and therefore acted upon it. For
example, when characterizing leadership, James stated:
I think of leadership as…basically, leadership is the vehicle that institutes
change. It’s like…you know, it’s a characterization of someone who
is…they’re usually like the catalyst for something. They’re the ones who are
in the middle of different movements or different initiatives that…you know,
be they big or small, that are going to have a positive impact on the campus
or the city or what have you…

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This was especially true for the students involved in the racially-affiliated or
mainstream organizations. Many of these students felt that sometimes the
organizations became routine therefore being afraid to “rock the boat” and do things
differently. They felt that in order to make change, leaders could not be afraid to take
risks. The majority of the participants felt that through open-mindedness and new
ideas, their experiences allowed them to take things into a different and positive
direction. For some, this positive direction was increasing the number of African
Americans in their major or who attend PacU, or strengthening personal
relationships in mainstream organizations. While for others, new directions meant
increasing the number of African American students holding a position in Student
Government. During his reflection, Steven commented on the lack of African
American representation on student government at PacU and how he planned to
bring about change:
I think they won’t change until someone…until…like I don’t foresee it being
more representation for African American students, they’re not going to
change until some more African American students start showing up and
saying, “Hey, here’s the problem. This is an issue. We want to be on this,”
but…you know what I’m saying? And then not only just saying this is a
problem, provide a resolution. Say, “Hey, why are there no black people? We
have six African American students that would like to interview for your
positions. When are the days?” Don’t just say, “Oh, you guys don’t have any
black people,” or, “You ain’t letting black people [in]…”

He further goes on to describe how he wanted to bring about change to student
government:
Get six people that want positions, plant people in different places, you know,
so…but I think they would change. I’ve talked to the lady and she said,
“Yeah, I’ll tell you when the dates are for the interviews,” so I was like,

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“Well, I’m going to go find people in different organizations that would like
to hold a position.”

Another important aspect of leadership was the participants’ willingness to accept
change. For instance, Sydney, who is involved in both types of organizations,
believed that a leader “definitely needs to be someone who is open, open to change,
open to ideas.” Many participants felt that not only was it important to create change,
but it was also their duty as a leader to accept change.
Challenging
When discussing their leadership experiences, all of the participants spoke of
similar challenges. In most cases, the students felt as if they had taken on too much
responsibility and struggled with finding the right balance. For example, Steven felt
that “having too much on your plate at one time” was probably one of the biggest
challenges that many leaders faced. Several participants felt that things were just
thrown upon them, therefore expanding their responsibilities. For many, their
leadership experiences meant personal sacrifices, including a loss of individuality
and impossible time constraints.
Another challenge the participants faced was learning to say no. Many said
they felt they had to agree to do anything asked of them for fear of letting others
down, even if it meant sacrificing sleep or study time. For example, during Lawrence
commented on how he sometimes doesn’t have time to eat because of all his
leadership commitments. Leslie provided another example, when she discussed how
as the editor-in-chief for the African American student run newspaper, people often

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called her all hours of the night, constantly asking questions and taking away from
her study time. Many participants had to realize that they could not be all things to
all people.
Several leaders also discussed the challenge of creating harmony within the
group and amongst other organizations. In most cases, creating harmony meant
getting everyone involved on the same page. For the participants, learning to
compromise and getting everyone to see the objective at hand was another hurdle in
to overcome. Bianca helped to explain this notion:
I think another thing, when you have a lot of people in leadership, it’s really
just coming to a consensus with different things that you want to do. That’s
been a challenge, just in getting everybody on one accord. That has been
difficult at some times.

While in other cases, maintaining harmony became a challenge when the leaders
tried to make changes within their organization. For example, several of the
participants who were involved primarily in mainstream organizations but also were
involved in at least one racially-affiliated organization, often felt challenged when
they tried to make mainstream organizations more collaborative and personable. In
addition, many of the participants pointed out that mainstream and racially-affiliated
organizations do not work together, often missing co-sponsorship opportunities.
Lastly, the majority of participants in racially-affiliated and both types of
organizations felt that getting funding for racially-affiliated events was an arduous
process because these events focused on the surrounding community and did not
draw a big campus crowd.

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Validation
Many participants at PacU reported feeling validated as an important aspect
of their leadership experiences. Validation as a leader was discussed in various
forms. For the majority of the students, seeing the fruits of their labor was an
important part of their leadership experiences. Knowing they made a difference in
someone’s life provided them with a sense of satisfaction. For example, James
shared this importance in his reflection:
Like I’ve literally seen some of the students that I’ve mentored throughout
my years here go…start off at different colleges and go off in just different
areas of life that were a lot more positive than the outlook that they had when
I met them was. They didn’t really see themselves being able to achieve
such things, so it really just lets you know that your hard work does pay off
and just being someone who can kind of instill the principles of
determination and just thinking beyond your means, you know, how powerful
that is. I think that really helped just me personally as…just my
aspirations, like the things I want to do with a business or just even later in
life, like it just really showed me that determination goes a very long
way and things that don’t seem at all feasible are really possible.

In addition, knowing their efforts and sacrifices were making a difference further
motivated them to give back and continue to strive toward change.
For others visibility on campus defined them as a leader. Visibility could
mean simply being active in many organizations. It could also mean holding various
elected or appointed leadership positions within campus organizations. For other
participants, leadership validation came from within. These students internally felt
that their actions represented and upheld that of a leader. However, the most strongly
emphasized form of validation came from the opinions of peers. For example,
Bianca explained:

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It’s kind of hard because I feel like it’s kind of…you don’t really establish
yourself as leaders, it’s how others perceive you and so it’s kind of hard for
me to say, “I’m a leader,” because it’s not really something that I can put a
title on. It’s not something that I can physically say, “Because I do this, this
and that, I’m a leader.” It’s really how others perceive me and how others
look to me as relates to an organization, as relates to just me as a person that
really determines whether or not I would be considered a leader or not, so….

Several participants said they felt reassured as leaders when peers turned to them for
advice, helped to reassure their leadership. Other participants discussed how they
were mentored and molded by upperclassmen when they first came to PacU. This
guidance provided by their peers, helped give the students the confidence they
needed to continue as a leader.
Leader is a Leader
Overall, the students did not believe that being an African American leader
meant anything different from being a leader in general. In his reflection on being a
leader, Todd, who was involved in both types of organizations believed, “To be
black and to be a student leader, from my eyes it really just means…there’s no
difference between being black and being a student leader or being of any other race
and being a student leader.” The participants involved in both types of organizations
believed that as a leader, they were doing everything a mainstream leader did, but
just from a black perspective. To them, leadership was not defined by race but
instead by effort. James embodied this notion in the following quote:
I think that the biggest thing about being black was to show that it’s not about
being black. It’s about the work ethic and just the things that you want to do
with your life and just really going out and showing that, you know, “Yeah,
I’m black, but I’m so much more than that,” ….

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Participants involved in racially-affiliated organizations felt that being an African
American leader in their organization was not that big of a deal, because everyone
involved was African American. In fact, some found it easier to assume leadership
within the African American community because of their race. While students
involved in mainstream organizations stated that race was not a motivating factor for
being a leader within their organizations. It was not about making a statement for
them; it was about contributing.
The vast majority of the students believe that certain challenges existed
because of their race, but these challenges did not take away from their ability to be a
leader. In fact, the participants felt that the challenges posed by their race would still
exist regardless of whether they were a leader. Most importantly, the participants felt
that race had nothing to do with them as a leader per se, but it influenced their values
and interests.
Drive to Work Harder
Though the participants felt that being a leader was the same regardless of
race, the findings did reveal that race had some bearing on their overall leadership
experiences. In most cases, race motivated them to work harder to succeed, provide
representation in various types of organizations, and ultimately shaped their
involvement choice. Because they were African American, many participants,
especially those involved primarily in racially-affiliated organizations, concentrated
their leadership efforts on the African American community. In fact, students
involved in racially-affiliated and both types of organizations, felt that because of

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their race, they were more in tune with the needs of community. For students
involved in mainstream organizations, race and culture helped to keep them
grounded. In addition, the majority of the students; especially those involved in
mainstream or both types of organizations, felt that race encouraged them to take
advantage of opportunities that may not have always existed. For instance, Olivia, a
mainstream participant asserted:
I think just like being African American it’s important…like from our
background where we couldn’t even attend school and everything, it’s
important to take advantage of all the opportunities that you have, so like if
you have the opportunity to become a leadership….like be in a leadership
position within your organization, I think it’s important to take advantage of
that because, like I said, your grandparents may have never even had
opportunities like that.

Many participants, especially the males, felt it necessary to dismiss stereotypes about
African Americans constantly being mistaken for an athlete. Though most were not
offended, the repeated misconception motivated them to demonstrate that not all
African American males at PacU were on athletic scholarships. In trying to dismiss
these stereotypes, these students were motivated to work harder and prove
themselves.
This section discussed thee perceived leadership experiences of the
participants. Overall, the students held similar perceptions of their leadership
experiences. From the findings, 13 categories emerged that helped to provide insight
into the leadership experiences of the participants. Their perceptions of leadership
are grounded in what is intrinsically important (value orientations) to them. For
students involved in racially-affiliated and both organizations, leadership is centered

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on the African American community and focuses on helping others. Additionally,
while race does not define their leadership, for students who are involved in both and
racially-affiliated organizations race serves as a motivator to make changes in and
strengthen the African American community. In the last section, the influence of
organizational type on the leadership experiences will be addressed.
How does the type of organizations influence African American students’ leadership
experiences?

The final sub-question to be addressed examines the influence of
organizational type on the leadership experiences of the participants. From the
findings, nine categories emerged that helped to describe the relationship between
the type of organization and the leadership experiences of the African American
students at PacU. These nine thematic categories include: (1) developing a new
outlook, (2) social growth, (3) importance of fit, (4) exposure to varied leadership
styles, (5) reputation of the organization, (6) enhanced leadership, (7)a desire to
strengthen the African American community, (8) heightened drive to face
challenges, and (9) personal insights.

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Table 6: Impact of Organization Type on Leadership Experiences

Categories Mainstream Racially-Affiliated Both

New Outlook

Yes Yes Yes
Social Growth (Try New
Things)
No Yes Yes
Fit (Match)

Yes Yes No
Varied Leadership
Styles
No No Yes
Organizations
Reputations
Yes Yes Yes
Enhanced Leadership

Yes Yes Yes

Strengthen Black
Community
No Yes Yes
Heightened Drive

Yes No Yes
Personal Insights

Yes Yes Yes

The table above denotes the similarities and differences that emerged from the data.
In this section, these differences followed by a highlight of the similarities will be
discussed.
Differences

As noted in Table 5, five areas of difference among the three groups
emerged. These differences are (1) social growth, (2) importance of fit, (3) focus on
strengthening the black community, (4) varied leadership styles, and (5) heightened
drive.
Social Growth

Growing socially was one difference among the three groups that emerged
from the findings. Specifically this social growth was seen in the leadership

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experiences of students involved in racially-affiliated or both types of organizations.
For these students, the organizations they were involved in gave them the confidence
to try new things. Traci, who never participated in leadership positions prior to
attending PacU, provided an example of this growth: “I never, ever, ever thought I
would be president. I never thought…I’ve never been captain of anything, I never
chaired anything, I never organized anything, but now I’m president…” Traci
attributed this growth to the support and encouragement she received from her
organization. In racially-affiliated organizations, this social growth included pursing
elected leadership positions and becoming more outspoken amongst the group.
Precious, who reported that her leadership experiences gave her the confidence to
become more outspoken and try new things such as participating in various beauty
pageants, shared an example of this social growth.
I think I’ve become more outspoken and think that goes like into the
classroom as well….when people have validated your leadership experience,
it gives you more confidence to really speak your mind and like be a
representative of that organization so I think it’s definitely helped me in my
classes. It’s helped me…like my public speaking, which I used when I did
Black and Gold, and now I’m like doing all these pageants, which are a great
way to like get on your soapbox and like tell people what you think and break
down barriers.

This increase in confidence can be attributed to the warm and supporting atmosphere
that racially-affiliated organizations provide for African American students. For
students involved in both types of organizations, trying new things included coming
out of their comfort zone. An example of this was seen in the following reflection
offered by Todd:

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I found myself more involved in black organizations, black-run events,
black, black, black, and now that I’m in my third year, I’ve branched out a
little bit more. Just within the individuals that I associated myself with, I’ve
branched out a little bit more.

Branching out allowed for exposure to new opportunities. Further, it allowed them
the chance to diversify their social circles by meeting other people with similar
interests. Ultimately, the type of organization allowed students in racially-affiliated
and both organizations the opportunity to try new experiences or tasks. For students
involved in mainstream organizations, social growth was not a consistent finding in
the data, but professional growth was. Students in mainstream organizations
consistently reported gains in professional development as an impact of their
involvement on their leadership development. This does not mean that students
involved in mainstream organizations were not growing socially; it just was not
something that emerged from the data.
Importance of Fit

The importance of finding the right fit was another difference that emerged
from the data. The participants in mainstream or racially-affiliated organizations
were concerned about finding a match between their interest and their involvement
choices. For both groups of students, finding their comfort zone gave them the
confidence and opportunities to become a leader, and in some cases furthered their
leadership skills. The ways in which students found this fit was found, varied
between these two groups. For example, students who participated in racially-
affiliated organizations were looking to feel welcomed and find a sense of comfort.

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Many of the racially-affiliated participants attributed this desire to the fact that
PacU was a predominantly White campus and this made them want to associate with
people of the same racial/ ethnic background. For example, Brian shared the
following statement with regard to finding a fit at PacU:
You feel more comfortable being around people that are like you and it’s
very easy to be drawn to that at a predominantly white school where you may
be the only person of your ethnicity in your class. You kind of desire that
community and family, to be with someone who looks like you and so if you
get the opportunity, you’re just kind of are drawn to it, some students
anyway.

In addition to finding comfort, these participants were also looking to participate in
things that satisfied their internal drive, like giving back and strengthening the
African American community. In her reflection, Bianca explained that with over 40
African American organizations, there was no need for her to go outside of the
African American community to fulfill her student involvement interests. Many of
the students involved in racially-affiliated organizations wanted to feel that they were
wanted and that their help was needed. Because they felt comfortable in their
organizations, most of the students involved in racially-affiliated organizations were
more willing to take more risks and try things differently. It could be that this
willingness to try new things can be attributed to the comfort and reassurance
provided by racially-affiliated organizations.
While comfort was also an important factor for students in mainstream
organizations, the factors that created this comfort differed from those involved in
racially-affiliated organizations. Meeting personal goals was a primary concern for

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students involved in mainstream organizations. Unlike, their peers involved in
racially-affiliated organizations, these personal goals were more centered primarily
on their academic and professional pursuits. Most of these students were looking to
gain direct preparation for their future endeavors. Participants involved in
mainstream organizations were also concerned with finding other individuals who
shared in their professional interests. For these students, being around students of
the same racial/ethnic background was not as important to finding this match.
Rather, these students felt that being recruited by current members of the
organizations, regardless of the member’s race, or being around their classmates was
all that they needed to feel comfortable and welcomed. As illustrated in the
following statement offered by Liana, being around her classmates and the common
interests shared provided, her with the comfort she needed:
Usually they’re class-associated, so the E [Entrepreneurship] Club I feel
comfortable because those are my classmates…. but most of the clubs that
I’m in, we all have like a common interest, so that’s…I guess that’s what
makes me feel comfortable.

Students also looked at an organization’s public image when deciding whether it
was the right fit. Similar to their peers involved in racially-affiliated organizations,
students involved in mainstream organizations really wanted to see how their
presence could mesh with the rest of the organization’s members.
Finding this match was not an huge issue for students involved in both
organizations, which would explain why this finding did not emerge for this group.
The majority of the participants who were involved in both organizations became

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involved in racially-affiliated organizations first. With this being the case, one may
argue that the students have already found a proper fit through their involvement in
racially-affiliated organizations. For the majority of these students, the search for
comfort was already achieved and they were now looking to further their exposure.
Focus on Strengthening the African American Community
Strengthening the African American community emerged as a major effect of
organization type on the leadership experiences of students involved in racially-
affiliated or both types of organizations. This area previously emerged as major
difference in the leadership perceptions held by the participants. The participants’
involvement within these two organizational groups allowed them opportunities to
strengthen the African American community. The type of organization in which
these students were involved provided a focus for their leadership experiences. For
the majority of the participants, this focus meant filling a void and striving to make
changes within the African American community. For example, Stephanie revealed
the following about her responsibility to make changes:
I feel…like you can’t be an African American student leader on campus
without being an advocate because there is so much that like we are not
recognized for or even something as small as like the Tommy’s, those awards
that they give to organizations that they view…like a lot of people don’t even
care, but for the longest, it would never be like a black org that’s getting these
awards and it’d be ridiculous because people were getting awards for
community service when all they’re doing is cutting checks, but…so I guess
what I think it means to be a black student leader on this campus is just to be
comfortable with your position, like not only are you serving whatever your
interest group is, but you’re also going to have to be involved in some type of
advocacy because our level of representation…not even just with numbers,
but just recognition is not where it should be.

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In fact, most of these participants felt the African American community was in need
of leadership and they hoped to provide this through their involvement. Further,
many of these students felt that their leadership not only provided representation
within the African American community, but also added strength and voice to it as
well. Jillian, who participated in both types of organizations, shared the following
with respect to adding this voice:
I feel like there’s still a large struggle and so black students who experience
racism and understand those frustrations, especially at a predominantly white
institution, feel naturally inclined to add strength and voice to the minority
community over the mainstream or white community.

Focusing on the African American community is natural for those involved in
racially-affiliated organizations. As previously mentioned, the mission statements of
racially-affiliated organizations are focused on some aspect of the black community,
on and off campus. Therefore, one can assume that for the majority of participants
involved in both types of organizations, racially-affiliated organizations greatly
influenced the focus of their leadership experiences, at least with respect to the
African American community, more so than mainstream organizations.
Varied Leadership Styles
Exposure to varied leadership styles was a finding that emerged only for the
participants involved in both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations. Many
of these participants felt that mainstream organizations were more focused on self-
gain and therefore the leadership experiences in these organizations reflected this,
while leadership in racially-affiliated organizations was considered more self-

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reflective. In addition, several participants felt that racially-affiliated organizations
highly valued relationships among its members. Due to the relatively small size of
the African American community, participants felt that member turnover has a
greater impact in the racially-affiliated organizations than in mainstream
organizations. As such, James shared his views regarding this issue:
Well, I think that like there’s definitely still structure within the black
organizations. I just think that because we don’t have the wealth in terms of
numbers here, that it needs to be more of a collaborative effort in order for
people to, one, stay interested in what’s going on with their organization
because you don’t want to get to the point where people feel as though they
don’t matter because for some organizations, once they lose somebody, it’s
really hard to get somebody else, you know. So our community is pretty
close-knit, so if I’m the president of 100 Black Men let’s say and I have a
falling out with my secretary or what have because I’m power tripping and
stuff like that, that’s going to pretty much get around, so it’s not like I could
just go to the other side of campus and just find somebody who doesn’t know
who I am and I can just talk them into become part of it, but yeah, I think that
for the most part, organizationally, it would be a lot easier as far as turnover
in the mainstream orgs to just find someone who can take over that
organization or can take over that position, whereas in the black community,
we have to kind of really stick together and be able to be more collaborative
so that everyone feels like they have a purpose.

When describing the leadership experiences in mainstream organizations,
these students felt that a lack of inner collaboration existed within the group. Several
participants felt that as a member of a mainstream organization nothing was even
required of you because the executive board made all of the decisions and did all the
work. During her reflection on leadership differences between mainstream and
racially-affiliated organizations, Sydney shared:
…like I see a lot of the mainstream organizations here on campus as just
being the types of organizations where it’s you come because you want to get
something from the organization. Not really put in, but to get something. I

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feel like only the people who are the E board of the mainstream
organizations that I’ve seen are the ones who really put in a lot, but everyone
else, like members and stuff, it’s really just getting something out of there
based upon the topic that the organization focuses around, like med school or
political involvement…. yeah, with the black student organizations, you need
to put in and you can also take stuff out….

However, several participants felt that leadership in racially-affiliated organizations
was more of a shared responsibility in the group. For instance, this reflection shared
by Stephanie embodied the differences between both groups:
I definitely feel like in the black orgs, people hold people accountable more,
so say like for Mortar Board, I’m a member…membership in these
organizations means you don’t have to do anything. You can come to the
meetings if you want. If not, you just basically are on the listserve and show
up to the events after we plan it all and they’re comfortable with that. Like I
was a member of Blacks in Action… and no, you can’t just be a member.
You can’t just come to the day of the thing, like the day of an event. You still
have to contribute in some way.

She further went on to say:

…like black orgs, they’ll kind of vocalize their kind of like displeasure with
you if you don’t [contribute], like say we’re all making baskets or something
one day, whereas in Mortar Board, they’ll just email me, “Hey, we made the
baskets, but you can just come on this day when we drop them off,”
whereas black orgs would be like, “Well, where were you when we made
these baskets?” There’s a big…I feel like a higher level of accountability in
the black orgs, so I guess it does contribute to like a sense of collaboration
because it’s not just like a couple of people making all the decisions.

Regardless of position, the members of racially-affiliated organizations were held
accountable to make contributions to the group.
This exposure to various leadership styles in various settings, allowed the
participants to gain an alternative viewpoint of leadership. Further, they were
provided with the opportunity to experience the strengths and weaknesses of the

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varied styles. Ultimately, for students involved in both mainstream and racially-
affiliated organizations, this exposure helped to create a more well rounded
leadership experience. From this difference described by participants involved in
both types of organizations, it was evident that students just involved in one type of
organization were experiencing a slightly limited view of leadership. These students
were only privy to one type of leadership and therefore missed the experiences, both
positive and negative, that the other type of organization offered.
Heightened Drive
The final difference that emerged from the data was the heightened drive that
some of the participants experienced. This heightened drive experienced directly
related to the differences found between the organization types. The findings
revealed that this heightened drive was prevalent in students involved in mainstream
or both types of organizations and meant something different to these two groups.
For example, students who participated primarily in mainstream organizations
believed that these organizations lacked several things they personally valued. In
fact, four of five students who were primarily involved in mainstream organizations,
also reported involvement in one racially-affiliated organization. It is important to
note that this involvement in one racially-affiliated organization was not enough to
classify the participants as being involved in both types of organizations. However,
their involvement in at least one racially-affiliated organization was enough to
provide these students with some insight into the different experiences the different
types of organizations could bring. Mainstream participants felt that these

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organizations lacked the community feeling of racially-affiliated organizations. For
instance, Meredith shared:
Well, yeah, that’s really…the community united feeling that I think is most
challenging with being a leader, especially in that organization, and I would
like it to be better because, like I said, I really like input from outside sources
because I don’t think that I have all the ideas. You know, there’s some very
creative people out there, people with great ideas that…you know, ideas that
I respect and don’t mind input at all.

As previously mentioned, students perceived mainstream organizations as more
focused on self-gains and lacking member accountability, so the collaborative nature
students found in racially-affiliated organizations simply did not exist for them in
mainstream organizations. The mainstream organization members were not expected
to provide their input to the executive board, which helps demonstrate the lack of
collaborative leadership that exists within these organizations. Lastly, the
participants involved in mainstream organizations missed the personal connection
that members of racially-affiliated organizations shared. Often, outside of the
organization meetings and events, the members did not socialize as much as those
involved in racially-affiliated organizations. This can be attributed to the fact that
most of the members involved in these organizations became involved in them for
professional gains. When describing the social nature of mainstream organizations,
Liana provided the following example:
OK, so…but some of those people, it’s like we have an interest in fashion,
but I wouldn’t hang out with them after the meeting or something like that.
And the same with like the Entrepreneurship Club. Like a lot of times it’s
very I guess like…it’s very…it’s solely like business. I mean, you go there
and you’re like, “Hey, Bob. Hey, Joe. What can you do for me?” You know
what I mean? So it’s never like, “Oh, you know what, let’s take the time out

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to get to know each other and how about we go to a movie sometime,” and I
think in a black organization, you do more of that. You do more of hanging
out with people than to just talk about one interest that you guys have in
common and then talk about what you can do for each other, but it’s more
like a mutual thing, like, “Let’s be friends.”

From their experiences, these participants developed a heightened drive to not only
face these challenges presented by their involvement, but also strived to bring a
greater sense of unity, accountability, and relationship building to mainstream
organizations.
For participants involved in both types of organizations, seeing the
differences within the various types of organizations had a different effect on them.
In most cases, the differences experienced through their involvement in both types of
organizations produced a heightened drive in the form of dedication. For most of
these students, the quality of their leadership experiences became more important
than the quantity. In some instances, this drive created a greater level of
consciousness about the African American community and therefore became the
focus of their leadership efforts. With regard to this increased consciousness, Reggie
shared the following reflection:
Some of the things I think that shaped my leadership with some of the
choices…being within a lot of the African American organizations, getting in
them initially because friends or you know people in them, I think has made
me a lot more conscious to the state of our people, some of the things that
need to get done, so that’s one big, huge thing that…and I see a lot more
pride in my community and trying to uplift my community because you’re
around so many positive people, you see them and they’re going to do
great things, you know, within the future and you want to see that for the next
generation. You want to see the next generation go above and beyond what
you did, so that’s definitely one thing…I became a lot more aware of what’s

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going on and kind of stayed up to date with our people and kind of
improving our people, so it kind of helps you instill a passion in you.

The differences experienced by these students based on their participation in both
organizations often resulted in a drive to advocate for the African American
community. They experienced a greater yearning to step up and make an impact.
Additionally, for many, this drive helped them have a deeper level of commitment,
therefore putting the same passion in everything that they did regardless of the
organizations’ focus.
For students involved in racially-affiliated organizations, this difference was
not experienced because the majority of these students were involved in solely in
racially-affiliated organizations. Only three of the nine participants who were
involved in racially-affiliated organizations were also involved in one mainstream
organization. Lack of participation outside of the African American campus
community helped to explain why this factor did not emerge as an impact of
involvement on their leadership experiences. In addition, racially-affiliated
organizations were mainly concentrated on various aspects of the Black community.
Therefore, one can assume that the drive already existed when the students initially
became involved.
Similarities
There were four areas of similarities that emerged from the data. These
similarities include (1) developing a new outlook, (2) reputations of the organization,

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(3) enhanced leadership, and (4) personal insight. In the paragraphs that follow,
these similarities will be highlighted
New Outlook
For the vast majority of the participants, the types of organizations in which
they were involved influenced their leadership experiences by providing the students
with a new outlook or perspective. Across the three participant groups, this new
outlook challenged them to step outside of the box with their thinking. Justin, who
was involved primarily in racially-affiliated organizations, discussed the following
on how being a residential advisor (RA) helped him to become more open-minded:
…but I feel like being an RA, you have to have a more diverse perspective
than you would in black organizations because there’s so many types of
residents that you might have. You know, you might have handicapped
residents, you might have homosexual residents, white residents, black
residents, you know, foreign residents, international exchange students. I
have a whole bunch of transfer students. You know, international students
from Hong Kong, that kind of thing. You know, just like taking that huge
melting pot because PacU truly is a very diverse campus in that respect.
Melting pot of people you might have in your building and then creating
programming that’s conducive to that body and being there for people and
understanding people’s differences, you know. That’s something that you
won’t get in the black community just because it’s a little bit more
homogenous…. being an RA, you can’t be closed-minded.

In most cases, the students reported that through their involvement they
learned new methods for doing things, and developed new ideas. This is especially
true for participants involved in both types of organizations. For instance, these
students discussed how they often took ideas from their mainstream involvement
back to the racially-affiliated organizations and vice versa. The following quote by
Sydney provided this insight:

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Like being in other organizations can be a good thing or a bad thing because
like with some people, they bring their old ideas and they are stuck in that
mindset and they’re like, “Oh, well, we did it this way da-da-da-da and it
worked great.” And we’re like, “OK, but I see these problems….But then
also of course it can be a good thing because then they bring in other ideas
that you never even thought of because it’s a totally different type of
organization.

Participants who were primarily involved in racially-affiliated or mainstream
organizations looked at their involvement as an opportunity to learn from each other
and from the leaders that preceded them. Both groups felt that their involvement
provided a well-rounded perspective, which taught them how to handle various
situations. For instance, Kenny shared:
Like I said, just from me being involved in these organizations, I’ve come
across many situations and many issues that I’ve had to confront and deal
with and from that, I’ve learned how to improve my leadership skills and
how to handle certain situations.

This enhanced outlook could be attributed to the perspective brought by their peers
who are involved in both types of organizations. This outlook can be attributed to
their prior experiences before coming to PacU.
In addition, the perspectives provided through their involvement helped the
participants to clarify their perceptions, and recognize the possibilities that could
occur. For example, the participants involved in both organizations were able to see
parallels between mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations. As a result, the
various organizations provided the participants with different vantage points, which
ultimately help them to expand their leadership horizons.

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Reputations of Organizations
The findings revealed that the reputations of the organizations had a major
influence on the leadership experiences of the participants. These reputations were
very important in determining where the participants sought involvement, therefore
dictating where the majority of their leadership experiences occurred. Across the
three groups, the participants agreed on certain aspects of the various organizations.
For one, all of the participants described mainstream organizations as being larger in
size and more recognized. The participants believed that these organizations catered
toward the general student body and were believed to have more money and
resources. Racially-affiliated organizations were thought to cater more toward the
needs and interests of the African American students at PacU and the surrounding
community. Further, many participants spoke of racially-affiliated organizations as
being a common thread amongst the African American students at PacU.
Despite the similarities in views of organizations, some differences in
reputation did exist. For one, students involved in racially-affiliated organizations
believed that mainstream organizations were oblivious to race and lacked cultural
sensitivity. Further, they felt it would be more difficult to network and become
leaders within mainstream organizations. While in racially-affiliated organizations
these students felt more welcomed and considered leadership as more obtainable.
For racially-affiliated participants, the reputation that leadership and networking
might be more challenging in mainstream organizations make participation in these
organizations less appealing.

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For students involved in mainstream organizations, they believed racially-
affiliated organizations were more personable. Unlike their current involvement, the
participants felt that member input was highly valued in racially-affiliated
organizations and was not in mainstream organizations. For example, Brittany, who
was primarily involved in mainstream organizations, offered the following
comparison:
CBSA [Communication Black Student Association] is a thousand times more
collaborative and PRSSA [Public Relations Student Association] is more
traditional. We are the members and they put on stuff for us. CBSA says,
“Like do you want? What do you want to benefit you? We’re here….”
They’re here…well, I know they’re both here for the “people,” but CBSA
makes it a lot more obvious because it’s…I mean, after every event, they give
us feedback forms, like they want to know, “How we can make this better.
What do you want to see happen? You can come to our E board meetings if
you want to,” you know.

The participants, who were involved in both mainstream and racially-affiliated
organizations, viewed the mainstream organizations as having no real societal
impact. When describing the differences between the organizations, Stephanie
asserted:
And another thing is that even though sometimes…some organizations I’m
in…it has nothing to do with like their mission statement…most of the Black
organizations have some component of like community, outside of the PacU
community, of reaching out in some way and a lot of the non-black ones
don’t have that component. They’re more like insulated.

Participants involved in both types of organizations often spoke of these
(mainstream) organizations only being good for professional preparation. These
students further believed that their involvement was less valued in mainstream
organizations. However, in racially-affiliated organizations, these students felt a

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greater sense of belonging and that they were privy to more leadership
opportunities. This is in part due to the small member size and newness of most
racially-affiliated organizations. Most importantly, these students felt they could be
involved in both types of organizations and that one did not undermine the other,
meaning they saw the benefits of involvement in both.
Enhanced Leadership
The vast majority of the participants felt that their involvement experiences
enhanced their leadership. The organizations provided them with the avenue to put
their leadership skills to use. For example, Steven, a racially-affiliated participant,
felt that he was a leader prior to coming to PacU, but the organizations served as a
way for him to showcase his leadership talents. Most viewed their experiences as a
chance to learn. For example Traci, described how her leadership in racially-
affiliated organizations taught her it was acceptable to ask for help, while her
leadership in mainstream organizations helped her gain confidence in making quick
decisions. Other things learned included, organization, open mindedness, diplomacy,
sensitivity, and humility. According to Jillian, her experiences taught her how to be
a “real leader” and get things done.
But coming here, seeing how people actually work…because I developed a
mentality of pretending to work, kind of learning how to play the game, and
seeing these leaders taught me kind of that it’s not about playing the game,
it’s about making a difference and really working and they’re so inspired and
competent and they put their words into action, which is something that I
failed to do coming to this school, but now I feel like I am more learning to
put my words into action instead of taking the guise of leader and kind of
being a boss. So I think it’s made me more humble in terms of understanding
what a leader is because I see true leadership.

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In some cases, enhanced leadership was seen through a greater appreciation
for relationships. These students recognized the importance of maintaining and
expanding their social networks. For instance, Kenny a participant in racially-
affiliated organizations reported that once he became a leader he developed a greater
appreciation for his relationship with this predecessors and alumni. For many,
including Kenny, becoming a leader helped them appreciate the hard work and
sacrifice made by others. More importantly, it helped them to recognize the
importance of support within the organization.
Personal Insights
The last similarity revealed by the findings focused on the personal insights
gained by the participants with regard to their involvement and leadership
experiences. The findings revealed that these insights were an important aspect in the
relationship between organization type and leadership experiences. Some of the
insights included, racial disparity, organization similarities, limited views, and
missed opportunities. For example, participants involved in racially-affiliated
organizations recognized that because of the homogeneity of their involvement, they
had not taken advantage of all the involvement opportunities that PacU offered. In
fact, some of these participants felt their involvement gave them a limited view of
only the African American community causing them to lose touch with the
mainstream community. In his reflection, Justin shared the following about his
limited views:

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It’s like I’ve gotten a better understanding of the black community, better
than I ever had during high school, so it’s really good because I get now. I get
how to foster black culture and how to, you know, be cool with the black
community and that kind of thing because when I was in high school,
basically that was all white boys, white girls, and that kind of thing. It’s like I
wasn’t very culturally attuned to what was going on. Now I feel like I
am, but at the same time, it’s like…I feel like sometimes I lose touch with
what’s going on outside of the black community because it’s like different
things that might be going on campus. Sometimes I don’t…I won’t go so far
as to say that they don’t matter to me, but then it’s kind of they’re less
important to me.

Other participants realized that within their “homogeneous” environment, was a level
of heterogeneity that existed. Based on their prior experiences, each member of the
African American community brought a different perspective. However, these
students felt their much-needed impact in the African American community,
outweighed the missed opportunities.
Participants involved in both or racially-affiliated organizations felt that
white students viewed racially-affiliated organizations as being exclusionary because
of the reference of race in the organization’s name, and therefore opted out of
involvement. When trying to recruit other students for participation in racially-
affiliated organizations, the participants were often dismissed. In her reflection,
Jillian, a participant of both types of organizations, offered the following:
For example, I’ve tried to get white people or other people to join
Communication Black Student Association and they say I am not black and
I’m looking like it doesn’t matter and I end up just getting really frustrated
and angry at them. I asked one girl, “Well, what could Communication Black
Student Association do to excite you to join our group or come to our
events?” She said, “Maybe you could take the black out of your
organization’s name.”

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Participants in mainstream organizations came to realize the racial disparity that
existed between mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations. These students
realized they were part of a few African American students who were involved in
mainstream organizations. They further realized that because of this, they would
often be the only African American on the executive boards of mainstream
organizations. The participants also came to the realization that the relationship
between the executive board and the members in mainstream organizations could be
strengthened. For instance, Meredith provided the following reflection:
I guess that’s another thing that we could probably on, is the relationship
between the board and the members. That could probably be strengthened a
lot. I mean, they don’t have…I don’t think that they’re intimidated to come
and talk to us, but I don’t feel like there is…that they use us as a resource as
much.

Several participants discussed how there was less interaction between the group
members and the executive board than in racially-affiliated organizations. As for
students involved in both types of organizations, their involvement helped them to
see the benefits of both as well as recognize the similarities that exist between the
two groups. They also recognized the possibility of collaboration.
This section discussed the influence of organizational affiliation on
leadership experiences of African American participants. The findings produced nine
factors that directly influenced these leadership experiences. Overall, the findings
revealed that differences in organization type did influence the leadership
experiences of the participants. Specifically, these differences included the focus,

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member dynamics, and leadership style that existed within the organizations in
which the members were involved.
Summary of Findings
The three sub-questions that guided this study were addressed in this chapter.
The findings presented help provide insight into the leadership experiences of the
participants based on organizational affiliation. Specifically, the findings provided a
deeper understanding of the involvement motivation, leadership perceptions, and
leadership outcomes of 25 African American leaders at Pacific Coast University.
Overall, the findings revealed many similarities between the three groups of
participants. For instance, most participants, regardless of the type of organizational
involvement, pretty much became involved for the same reasons. Further, the vast
majority of the participants reported similar leadership experiences and outcomes.
However, the findings revealed several key differences amongst the three
involvement groups, and these differences were the heart of this research study. The
only difference that emerged with regard to involvement preferences dealt with the
initial peer interaction typically experienced in their first-year residence hall.
Differences in the perceived leadership experiences of the participants included
focusing on the African American community, helping others, collaboration, and
gender perspectives. The differences in leadership outcomes amongst the participants
included social growth, finding the right fit, exposure to various leadership styles,
strengthening the African American community, and developing a heightened drive.
The majority of the differences often emerged between the participants involved in

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mainstream organization and those who are involved in racially-affiliated or both
types of organizations. While the participants involved in racially-affiliated and both
types of organizations may have became involved for the same reasons and held
similar leadership perception, the outcomes from these experiences differed. In
Chapter Five, a summary of these findings, implications for practice as well as
recommendations for future research is provided.

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CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS
This study examined the differences in leadership experiences of African
American students at a predominantly White institution (PWI) based on
organizational affiliation (mainstream vs. racially-affiliated). Twenty-five African
American undergraduate leaders at Pacific Coast University (PacU) comprised the
sample of this study. Through individual interviews with each participant, this study
identified similarities and differences in involvement preferences, leadership
perceptions, and leadership outcomes of African American students at PacU.
Ultimately, the findings from these interviews provide insight into the differences in
leadership experiences based on organizational involvement.
In this chapter, I recap the major findings of this study. Following this recap,
is a discussion on the relationship between the findings and the reviewed literature
on leadership experiences of African American undergraduates at PWIs. Next, I offer
recommendations for practice. Lastly, recommendations for future research on the
leadership development of African American college students conclude this chapter.
Major Findings
Based on the information revealed in this study, seven major findings regarding
the differing experiences of leadership emerged:
1. Leadership in mainstream organizations provides power, authority, and
absolute decision-making; while leadership in racially-affiliated
organizations provides teamwork amongst all group members. Therefore,
differing styles of leadership offer various experiences and benefits.

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2. Being involved in both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations
provides African American students with alternative leadership viewpoints.
Students involved in both types of organizations are able to see how different
styles of leadership work in various situations. For example, students leaders
in racially-affiliated organizations get the chance to experience collaborative
leadership and witness the positive effects of giving others a voice.
However, students involved in mainstream organizations gain increased
confidence in quick decision-making. Ultimately, being involved in both
types of organizations allows these students to adapt their leadership style to
that of the group, which is excellent practice for the real world.
3. Being involved in both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations
allows participants to exchange ideas within the various types of
organizations, therefore bringing new perspectives.
4. Experiencing leadership in just one type of organization can result in a
limited perspective of leadership. For example, students solely involved in
mainstream organizations are only experiencing the hierarchical style of
leadership and therefore may experience problems when placed in a
collaborative leadership situation. The same can be said for participants
solely involved in racially-affiliated organizations. Exposure to just the
collaborative style of leadership can be problematic when placed in a
situation in which all the decision-making is placed on the leader.

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5. There are benefits to being involved in at least one type of organization that
differs from your primary involvement. For example, several of the
participants who were primarily involved in mainstream organizations, also
were involved in at least one racially-affiliated organization. Therefore, they
have some connection with the African American community. This
connection allows them to see what their experience in mainstream
leadership is lacking. For example, these participants realize how racially-
affiliated organizations are more personable and thus try to bring this aspect
to the mainstream organizations. Further, these students gain exposure to the
collaborative style of leadership that governs racially-affiliated organizations.
Whereas the majority of the racially-affiliated participants were solely
involved in these organizations, therefore lacking any interaction and
exposure outside of the African American community.
6. Strengthening the African American community is important for those
students involved in racially-affiliated and both types of organizations, thus
making it the primary focus of these students’ involvement and leadership
experiences.
7. What makes a difference in the leadership development of African American
students directly relates to the ways in which students have relevant
leadership experiences. The internalization of these experiences greatly
influences their style of leadership. For the participants of this study, a
personalized leadership experience focused more on fostering relationships

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within organizations and making sure that everyone felt valued. While a
depersonalized leadership experience focused more on power, position, and
authority, rather than fostering relationships within the group. The findings
from this study revealed that the leadership style commonly found in racially-
affiliated organizations was communal and focused on giving back to the
African American community. There was a greater sense of connection
between the members and the goals of racially-affiliated organizations,
therefore making the leadership experiences in these organizations more
personalized. On the contrary, the leadership styles commonly found in
mainstream organizations was more hierarchical and focused on professional
self gain. Therefore, the leadership experiences in mainstream organizations
were more depersonalized.
Discussion
Numerous studies have explored the involvement and leadership experiences
of African American students’ at PWIs, while other studies have examined the
influence of racial identity development in the involvement choices of these students.
There has also been a substantial amount of published research on the benefits of
leadership development and the role of involvement in this development. The
findings from the present study combine various aspects of previous studies on
involvement and leadership development of African American students at PWIs.
In this section, the findings from this study and their relationship to the
reviewed literature are discussed. Generally speaking, the conclusions produced by

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the reviewed literature are congruent with the findings of the present study;
however, there are a few areas in which the findings differed from the literature. The
findings and their relationship to the literature are organized into three areas, (1)
involvement factors, (2) influence of racial identity, and (3) leadership experiences in
relation to leadership paradigms.
Involvement Factors
As mentioned in Chapters One and Two, involvement is often the vehicle
through which students experience leadership, which makes it an important factor in
this study. Several studies (e.g., Fleming, 1984; Kimbrough, 1995; Lavant & Terrell,
1994; Person & Christensen, 1996; Rooney, 1985; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001)
reported that African American students consider mainstream organizations as not
being able to meet their cultural interests. The findings from this study were
consistent with these aforementioned studies on African American student
involvement. The participants of this study viewed mainstream organizations as
catering toward its members and the general PacU community, thereby excluding
cultural interests. They believed that racially-affiliated organizations concentrated
on African American students and improving the community surrounding PacU.
Therefore, the events and programs of racially-affiliated organizations cater to this
population, meaning that these organizations were more than likely able to meet their
cultural needs.
The findings further revealed that the participants felt racially-affiliated
organizations helped foster a warm and supportive environment for African

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American students at PacU, which is also consistent with the literature (DeSousa &
Kuh, 1992; Harper et al., 2005; Person & Christensen, 1996; Sedlacek, 1987; Sutton
& Kimbrough, 2001; Williamson). In addition, racially-affiliated participants
focused on the gains of others rather than self-gain. Seeing the success and growth
of others pleased these students, and racially-affiliated organizations allowed for this
opportunity. Specifically, these students were concerned with strengthening the
African American community, therefore making the findings from this study
consistent with the literature. For participants in mainstream organizations, their
interests focused on themselves (i.e., gaining professional exposure and networking).
Unlike in racially-affiliated organizations, others benefiting from their experience is
more of an indirect outcome rather than the focus of mainstream participants.
As further revealed from this study’s findings, African Americans at PacU
were not involved in student government. For some of the participants, they saw no
value in student government, for others they believed it would be impossible to get
an elected position. This finding also supports previous reports that African
American students are not involved in student government (e.g., Harper et al., 2005;
Lavant & Terrell, 1994; Person & Christensen, 1996; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001) or
that student government does not interest many African American students at PWIs
(Kezar & Morarity, 2000; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001).
Several inconsistencies emerged with regard to involvement between the
literature and the findings from this study. At PacU, a significant number of African
Americans were actively involved in mainstream organizations, though the numbers

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could be higher. This involvement occurred in the following types of organizations:
academic/career focused (i.e., honor societies, academic major clubs, professional
networking), residential life, university ambassador, or intramural athletics. While
these students were primarily involved in racially-affiliated organizations, several
were also involved in mainstream organizations. Many felt that while the African
American community is supportive, racially-affiliated organizations could not teach
them everything needed to survive in the “real world”. Therefore, in an effort to
diversify their experiences, these students extended their involvement into many of
the aforementioned mainstream organizations. In fact, the majority of the
participants were involved in both racially-affiliated and mainstream organizations.
This finding was inconsistent with previous studies (i.e., Harper et al., 2005; Lavant
& Terrell, 1994; Person & Christensen, 1996; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001) that stated
that African American involvement in mainstream organizations is marginal. While
this finding may be true for most PWIs, it was not true for the participants at PacU.
The literature reported that the campus environments at most PWIs were
generally unwelcoming and hostile (e.g., DeSousa & Kuh, 1996; Lavant & Terrell,
1994; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001; Sutton & Terrell, 1997). However, this was not
the case at PacU. The participants all felt that PacU, for the most part, was a
welcoming place for African American students. In fact, the majority of the
participants felt that PacU offered a plethora of resources. This welcoming
environment can be attributed to a number of factors including the level of diversity
that exists on campus, including the substantial population of minority students. The

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varied opportunities for involvement including the 40 racially-affiliated
organizations, also contributed to this welcoming environment. Having the option to
participate in organizations that catered to their cultural needs helped to create a
welcoming feeling for racial/ethnic minority students at PacU.
Another important factor that did not emerge from the findings was the role
of Black Cultural Centers. The published literature discussed how these centers were
vital to the integration of African American students at PWIs; however, the Black
Cultural Center at PacU was only briefly mentioned by a few students. Rather, many
of the participants considered the Black Student Union to be more of a factor in their
involvement. This does not mean that the Black Cultural Center was not important;
the participants just did not mention it, therefore making this finding (or lack thereof)
neither consistent nor inconsistent with the literature. In addition, it is important to
recognize that the structure of Black Cultural Centers differs by institution. At PacU,
the Black Cultural Center is more focused on programming rather than a place of
socialization. This programmatic focus could partially explain why the participants
in this study did not consider the Black Cultural Center as being instrumental to their
leadership experiences.
The literature (e.g., Feagin et al., 1996; Furr & Elling, 2002; Sedlacek, 1987)
also reported that African American students at PWIs experienced feelings of tension
and less support from full-time professionals (including faculty); however, none of
the findings from this study were consistent with those claims. Overall, the African
American students at PacU felt supported and comfortable on campus. Many

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attributed this feeling of support and comfort to the closeness of the African
American campus community and the involvement options that PacU provided. It
can also be assumed that this feeling of support and closeness can be attributed
indirectly to the Black Cultural Center on campus. Despite the fact that students did
not mention it as being an influential factor in their involvement, the presence of the
center alone can help to provide a sense of comfort.
Involvement and Racial Identity
The reviewed literature provided insight into the various stages of racial
identity for African Americans. These stages were beneficial in understanding the
involvement preferences and experiences of African American students, which was
consistent with several researchers’ findings (Flowers, 2004; Mitchell & Dell, 1992;
Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). Understanding the various stages of racial identity
development allowed the researcher to gain a deeper insight into the participants. For
example, one participant was once primarily involved in mainstream organizations,
and now reports that she is involved in both types of organizations. After
experiencing several hostile actions, she became disenchanted with mainstream
organizations and sought out involvement in racially-affiliated organizations,
specifically a Black Greek Letter Organization. For a period, she immersed herself
completely into the African American community, and now has branched her
involvement back into mainstream organizations. This participant’s development
mirrors the various stages set forth in Cross’ Black Racial Identity Theory (1971,
1991, 1995). Knowledge of the various stages of racial identity development

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theories, allowed the researcher to identify the stages in which the participants were
in, therefore gaining a deeper insight into their experiences.
Another important factor was the influence of background on the
involvement preferences of the participants. White (1998) posited that prior
experiences, such as the social environment in which participants grew up in, or
socioeconomic status, helped dictate the types of organizations in which participants
became involved. Findings from this study revealed that background familiarity was
vital in determining how the participants became connected to campus. For
example, being raised in a diverse community made some of the students want to
continue this exposure by seeking out involvement in mainstream organizations.
While many students reared in predominantly African American communities, chose
involvement in racially-affiliated organizations (such as living on the African
American themed residence floor) because the culture of the organization was
already familiar to them. Therefore, these findings with regard to background
familiarity, were consistent with those from White’s (1998) research. Further, the
background familiarity of the participants also helped contribute to the heterogeneity
found within the African American community at PacU, which also supports the
findings of several researchers including Marcy (1986) and White (1998).
Leadership Experiences in Relation to Leadership Paradigms
In general, the leadership experiences of African American students involved
in racially-affiliated or both organizations fit under the postindustrial paradigm.
Students involved in racially-affiliated organizations experienced more collaborative

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and communal leadership. Within this environment, each member had a voice and
felt valued. Leadership was defined by the contributions made rather than the
positions held. This style of leadership reflects the postindustrial paradigm, which is
concentrated around collectivity, contribution, and relationships (Kezar et al., in
press; Komives et al., 1998; Shertzer & Schuh, 2004). The executive boards of
racially-affiliated organizations are more symbolic rather than power oriented,
meaning that executive board members act more as figureheads than decision-
makers. Further, leadership within racially-affiliated organizations is also
concentrated on empowering others within the group. Therefore, helping and
encouraging others was vital to the experiences of the leaders. Racially-affiliated
organizations also had a higher level of member accountability. Members were
expected to not only give their input, but to also be active participants within the
organization. This accountability helped members feel valued and important to the
organization. This finding is also consistent with several published studies (Komives
et al., 1998; Shertzer & Schuh, 2004). Lastly, the findings revealed that many of the
participants involved in racially-affiliated organizations felt that obtaining a
leadership position in mainstream organizations would be an arduous task. This
finding is also consistent with the findings from the Arminio et al. (2000) study.
The leadership experiences of African American students involved in
mainstream organizations contained aspects of the industrial and postindustrial
paradigms of leadership. Mainstream leadership was more “traditional,” meaning
that its leaders experienced a more hierarchical style of leadership in which position

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denotes authority and power. This style of leadership mirrors the industrial
paradigm of leadership, in which influence, position, and authority define leadership
(Komives et al., 1998; Shertzer & Schuh, 2004). Within this paradigm, the
designated leaders have all the decision-making power (Komives et al., 1998). The
findings also revealed that member accountability in the decision-making process is
not strong in mainstream organizations. Member input was neither encouraged nor
forced by the executive board. This lack of accountability not only put the decision-
making power in the hands of the executive board, but also failed to foster leadership
in others. Further, the findings reveal that participants in these organizations
experience a more individualistic focus of leadership, meaning they are more
concerned with personal gains rather than benefiting others. These factors further
help make the experiences within mainstream organizations consistent with the
industrial paradigm of leadership (Komives et al., 1998; Shertzer & Schuh, 2004).
While the experiences of mainstream participants reflect the industrial
paradigm of leadership, the values held by these students more closely represent the
postindustrial paradigm. Despite their experiences of hierarchical leadership,
mainstream participants held value in collectivity and relationships. In fact,
mainstream participants strive to bring these aspects to their organizations. Efforts to
make mainstream organizations more inclusive include, attempting to develop
friendships with members in the organizations and trying to cater to the interests of
the members by getting their feedback. However, due to the nature of mainstream
organizations, the experiences of the participants do not match their leadership

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values. Despite these efforts, the environment of mainstream organizations
typically does not change. Many mainstream organizations follow the traditions in
which they were founded, so therefore they are not as open to change.
The findings also revealed that the leaders, regardless of organizational
affiliation, felt pressure to represent all African American students at PacU. These
feelings were especially true for mainstream participants and students involved in
both types of organizations. This finding was consistent with those from several
scholars including Arminio et al (2000) as well as Sutton and Kimbrough (2001).
Further, the African American students at PacU believe they demonstrate leadership
in various ways, not just through holding a position. This finding was congruent with
the findings from several notable scholars (e.g., Arminio et al., 2000; Kezar &
Morarity, 2000; Kimbrough, 1995; Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998; Sutton &
Kimbrough, 2001) who reported that holding a position was not important to the
leadership experiences of African American students.
Aside from the areas of consistency with regard to leadership experiences,
some findings incongruent with the literature also emerged. For instance, the
research by Arminio et al (2000) stated that the term “leader” often turned off many
African American students; however, this was not the case for the participants
involved in this study. The participants, regardless of organizational affiliation, did
not mind the association with the term “leader.” In fact, most felt that being a leader
was their duty as an African American student at PacU. Further, the reviewed
literature (Arminio et al., 2000; Kimbrough, 1995; Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998;

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Marcy, 1986; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001) revealed that most African American
students tended to look at involvement in mainstream organizations as an
abandonment of their culture; however this finding also did not hold true for the
participants at PacU. Participants primarily involved in racially-affiliated
organizations, were not concerned with abandonment of their culture; rather they
were more concerned with uplifting their race. They felt that involvement in
mainstream organizations would not allow for this uplifting. Participants involved in
both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations, did not look at their
involvement in mainstream organizations as abandoning their cultural heritage;
instead, they viewed this involvement as a chance to represent their culture within
the mainstream organizations, while diversifying their experiences.
Recommendations for Practice
Findings from this study revealed a number of recommendations that could
help further foster leadership development of African American students at
predominantly White institutions. Thus, recommendations for student affairs
administrators and African American student leaders are offered in this section.
1. Promote collaboration between mainstream organizations and racially-affiliated
organizations. Each group already collaborates on events with one another within
their respective communities (i.e., general campus and African American) so why
not occasionally work together? Collaboration is an opportunity for students
involved in both types of organizations to share resources with one another. Working
together will also help with exposure to various leadership styles. In addition,

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collaboration will help provide exposure into the various organizations, therefore
allowing participants to recognize similarities that exist between them. For example,
the PacU Pre-Law Society and the Black Pre-Law Society both provide support and
activities for students interested in pursing a legal career. Of course, the racially-
affiliated organization caters specifically to African American students who are
interested in becoming lawyers, but it is not an exclusive group. Both groups
separately host guest speakers in the legal profession, sponsor trips to law firms and
court houses, and coordinate “talks” with law school admissions representatives and
faculty. Instead of duplicating the same events, why not collaborate on a couple of
the larger events like visits to law firms or inviting admissions representatives?
Additionally, collaboration with mainstream organizations is a way for
racially-affiliated organizations to receive exposure within the mainstream
community. Many of the participants in the present study often mentioned the size
and reputation of mainstream organizations when comparing them to racially-
affiliated organizations. In most cases, the mainstream organizations have been at
PacU longer, are larger, and more well known across the university. For racially-
affiliated organizations, this exposure within the mainstream community can be vital
to their survival. Moreover, mainstream participants would be able to better see
what racially-affiliated organizations (i.e., Black Pre-Law Society) could offer, thus
allowing mainstream participants to see that racially-affiliated organizations are not
exclusively for African American students. By removing some of the ambiguities
surrounding various organizations, collaboration amongst the groups can help

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encourage students to try new things. Promoting collaboration between mainstream
and racially-affiliated organizations will also allow students (in both organizations)
to gain exposure while remaining in their comfort zone.
2. Both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations should be trained in varying
approaches to leadership. As discussed in the previous section, leadership in
mainstream organizations tends to be based on position and hierarchy, meaning
power is associated with position within the group. While leadership in racially-
affiliated organizations is more communal, meaning power is shared. Students who
are involved in both types of organizations have the opportunity to experience both
styles of leadership. However, students who are only involved in one of these
organization types do not gain exposure to alternative leadership styles. Leadership
training that exposes the students to varied approaches of leadership would help
mainstream participants better understand the concepts and benefits of collective
leadership (which governs racially-affiliated organizations), thus making these
organizations more welcoming to underrepresented minority students. In addition,
participants in racially-affiliated organizations would gain insight into the concepts
and benefits of positional leadership, therefore allowing them to better understand
the structure and values of mainstream organizations. Further, training in the varied
approaches to leadership will also help students adapt their leadership style based on
their environment.
3. Advisors of racially-affiliated organizations should encourage members to
participate in more university wide events, such as the Involvement Fair. At the

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beginning of each semester, the Office of Campus Activities coordinates an
Involvement Fair, in which the various clubs and organizations have a chance to
recruit new students as members. In the fall 2006 Involvement Fair, less than ten (out
of forty) racially-affiliated organizations, out of 112 organizations on campus,
participated in the fair. The Involvement Fair is an opportunity for organizations to
become known to the student body and highlight the programs and events they
sponsor. Not participating in university wide events, can make racially-affiliated
organizations appear exclusive. More participation in university wide events, like the
Involvement Fair, would help introduce the mainstream campus to what racially-
affiliated organizations have to offer. It would be a good way of outreaching to all
students, including African American students who are not connected to the African
American community. Additionally, all forty racially-affiliated organizations
typically participate in Black Welcome Week, but mainstream organizations are
usually absent. While the focus of the Black Welcome Week is to inform the new
students about what the Black community has to offer, in a sense, the exclusion of
mainstream organizations may turn some possible participants off.
4. Fair distribution of campus recognition awards amongst all student organizations.
Often the participants in racially-affiliated organizations feel their organizations are
not rewarded or acknowledged among the mainstream campus community for their
leadership efforts and community service work. Many members of the racially-
affiliated organizations feel that the efforts of mainstream organizations are more
valued by the rest of the university than their own. Due to this feeling, many racially-

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affiliated organizations chose not to apply for campus recognition awards. Advisors
of racially-affiliated organizations should encourage these organizations to apply for
these awards. Even if they do not win, applying for the campus recognition awards
would help bring attention to their efforts and help them feel valued. Further, the
student affairs office in charge of awarding campus recognition should make a
concerted effort to include organizations such as those who are racially-affiliated in
this recognition. In addition, equitable campus recognition may encourage other
students, particularly non-ethnic minorities, to seek involvement in these groups
based on its efforts or even help promote collaboration amongst the groups.
5. Equivalent funding and support for racially-affiliated organizations from student
based funding committees. It is important that racially-affiliated organizations are
funded and supported by student based funding committees (e.g., Philanthropy Fund,
Leadership Fund, and other funds sponsored through Student Senate) at the same
levels as mainstream student organizations because these organizations play an
instrumental role in the lives of racial/ethnic minorities at predominantly White
institutions. Mainstream organizations are thought to receive more funding from
these committees for their programs and events. Several of participants in the
current study, felt it was harder for them to receive funds from these student based
funding committees sponsored by the PacU Student Senate, and when they did get
funding it was often less than mainstream organizations. Many attributed this lack of
funding to the fact that mainstream organizations are larger and tend to draw larger
crowds to their events. For the majority of racially-affiliated organizations, the

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member base is smaller, and most of their events draw more people from the
community than from the PacU campus. Therefore funding committees consider
these programs and events as less successful than these offered by mainstream
organizations. However, for racially-affiliated organizations these smaller events are
considered a huge success.
6. Increased awareness of various types of student organizations by residential
leadership. For most first-year students, residence halls play an important role in
getting them connected to campus life. This was especially the case at PacU, where
students who lived on the African American themed special interest floor, Bradley
Place, reported numerous benefits such as leadership encouragement and an
automatic connection to the African American campus community. Residential
leaders need to be well versed about the various student organizations and programs
that exist on campus. This is especially true for residential leaders who oversee
traditional residence halls (non-special interest housing). These leaders need to be
aware of racially-affiliated student organizations so that they can support African
Americans and other minority students living in their residence hall. The same can
be said for the residential leadership in special interest housing, such as Bradley
Place. These residential advisors need to also be aware of and promote the
mainstream organizations, just as they do the racially-affiliated organizations.
7. Expansion of African American themed special interest housing, Bradley Place.
Several of the participants of the current study lived on Bradley Place. As discussed
in the previous recommendation, there are several associated benefits with living on

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Bradley Place, one of which is leadership development. The good majority of
former Bradley Place residents are the leaders of the African American campus
community at PacU. Currently, the African American themed residential floor at
PacU, can only house 32 African American residents, therefore excluding many
African American students from this experience. With the associated benefits of
living on Bradley Place being far-reaching, expanding the floor to accommodate
more than 32 students would allow more African American students to experience
the benefits that come from living on Bradley Place. For PWIs that do not offer
African American themed special interest housing, creating this housing option can
be useful in helping get African American students connected to campus as well as
help alleviate some of the discomfort felt by African American students at PWIs.
Ultimately, as proven in the findings from the current study, the expansion or
creation of special interests housing such as Bradley Place can be beneficial in the
leadership development of African American undergraduates.
Recommendations for Future Research
The present study provided insight into the differences in leadership
experiences of African American undergraduates based on their organizational
affiliation. Through these findings, areas for future research also emerged. All of the
recommendations discussed in the following paragraphs would help provide further
insight into leadership development in college.
The present study focused on Juniors and Seniors. These participants
reflected on their various leadership experiences over the last 2-3 years. Although

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they provided insightful reflections, the research relied entirely upon these
reflections. Thus, a longitudinal study examining the leadership development of
African American undergraduates at PWIs from their first-year through their senior
year would be helpful, thereby allowing the researcher to witness the growth of the
participants.
Delving deeper into the student’s background prior to attending college is
another area of possible research. Several of the participants referred to the
background in which they were reared and how it helped shape the types of
organizations they sought out at PacU. Though they briefly discussed this
information, a study that focuses specifically on their leadership experiences in high
school would provide insight into which style of leadership they are most
accustomed. In pursuing a study of this nature, it is important that the researcher also
be aware of influencing factors such as gender, age, and race because the participants
may not necessarily recognize these influences in their leadership experiences, which
was the case for gender in this study. Being cognizant of factors such as the
aforementioned will help to provide additional insight that can be helpful in tailoring
leadership development programs.
Another opportunity for future research involves the exploration of
spirituality and its influence on the leadership development of African American
undergraduates. Several of the participants in this study referred to their spirituality
when talking about their involvement and leadership experiences. Many felt that
their spirituality motivated their involvement and kept them grounded as a leader. As

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a growing trend in college student development, a study that examines the role of
spirituality in leadership is therefore warranted.
The influence of academic major on leadership experiences is another
possible area for future research. In the present study, the vast majority of the
participants at PacU were pursuing an academic major in a professional school (i.e.,
Business, Communication, and Engineering). For example, many of the participants
who were majoring in Business, talked about the large quantity of group projects and
presentations their major called for, while other participants in other majors (i.e.,
psychology, sociology, and political science) made no mention of these factors.
How do these differing academic experiences influence their leadership
development?
A closer examination into the role of Black Cultural Centers at PWIs is
another possible area for future research. Because there were inconsistencies
between this study’s findings and the literature reviewed, further exploration is
warranted. Many of these centers were founded over thirty years ago and are often
still operating under the principles in which they were founded. With the changing
demographic of African American students attending PWIs (i.e., from predominantly
white or diverse backgrounds), the needs of these students are different from those
who were in college ten years ago. Are students really utilizing the services of these
centers? Do cultural centers really meet the needs of the millennial student? Further,
delving deeper into how cultural centers contribute to institutional culture of today’s
PWIs is also warranted.

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In addition, the present study was only conducted at one highly selective,
private-research, predominantly White university. Therefore, this study could be
expanded to include other similar 4-year institutions as well as liberal arts colleges,
public 4-year institutions, and historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs).
Specifically, a comparison in leadership experiences between African American
students at HBCUs involved in “traditional” mainstream organizations (i.e., student
government, residential life, university ambassador, campus newspapers), to those
with similar leadership experiences at PWIs, would provide further insight into
organizational dynamics. Is the leadership culture of mainstream organizations at
HBCUs based more on position, like in mainstream organizations at PWIs or is the
leadership culture more communal like the racially-affiliated organizations at PWIs?
It is important to note that in replicating this study at other 4-year institutions, like
HBCUs, the current theoretical framework should be expanded to include research
on institutional culture and climate. A comparative study of this nature would
provide further insight into the role that institutional culture plays in shaping
leadership styles.
Although the aim of the present study focused on the differing experiences of
African American undergraduates at PWIs, a study that examines how mainstream
students (non racial/ethnic minority) view racially-affiliated organizations would be
insightful. Throughout this study, several participants gave examples of attempting
to recruit mainstream students to participate in racially-affiliated organizations and
were rebuffed. Typically, the mainstream students gave the reason that because a

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reference to race was in the title of the racially-affiliated organizations, mainstream
students viewed them as exclusively for African American students. Thus, a study
that explores the views held by mainstream students about racially-affiliated
organizations would produce insightful information on whether the reference to race
is a turn off to non-racial/ethnic minorities.
Along the same lines, a study that critically examines the dynamics in
mainstream organizations would be beneficial. Many mainstream organizations have
been in existence for decades, some even dating back to the when the university was
established. With this being the case, the good majority of these organizations are
based on traditions that existed when racial/ ethnic minority students could not attend
PWIs. The findings from the present study revealed that when African American
students attempted to bring about changes within mainstream organizations, they
were met with opposition. Why is this the case? Are mainstream organizations really
so focused on traditions that they do not evolve to meet the needs of today’s
students? A study with this focus would provide insightful information into the
nature of mainstream organizations.
Lastly, a study that looks at the professional success of African American
students who participate in mainstream organizations vs. racially-affiliated
organization is warranted. Specifically, this study should examine whether there are
varied levels of professional success. While many of the racially-affiliated
participants felt they were making a difference and benefiting from their involvement
in these organizations, most did wonder if they were missing out by not currently

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being involved in mainstream organizations. Further, does limiting oneself to a
particular community limit success? Results from this study would provide insight
into the impact of organizational involvement on future success.
Closing
Leadership in mainstream and racially affiliated organizations provides
students with two important, yet distinct styles of leadership. Mainstream
organizations offer a more authoritative approach to leadership, while racially-
affiliated organizations present a communal style of leadership. Both styles of
leadership are practical and equally beneficial. It is my hope that the conclusions
presented in this study offer some new insights into the differing leadership
experiences of African American undergraduates at predominantly White
institutions. In closing, the following vignettes are just examples of what two leaders
have gained from their differing leadership experiences at Pacific Coast University.
Justin

Prior to enrolling at PacU, being a leader was the furthest thing from his
mind. However once he came to PacU and became a part of the African American
community, something inside of him awakened and he realized his leadership
potential and the opportunities he had to create change. At PacU, he immersed
himself in the African American community, by living on Bradley Place and
participating primarily in racially-affiliated organizations. As a distinguished
member of Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity, Incorporated and 100 Black Men, he
diligently committed himself to setting a positive image for young African American

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males. As the president of the Black Business Association, he learned the value of
networking, group decision making, and fostering leadership in others. While as a
residential advisor he learned how to take the authoritative role, be more accepting,
and step outside of his comfort zone. Today we know him as Justin; in the future,
there is no predicting the possibility of his reach. What we can determine is that his
leadership experiences at PacU helped to shape the leader he is today and will
continue to shape the leader he will become tomorrow.
Traci
Before coming to college, she never thought of herself as a leader. However
once she came to PacU, she recognized the lack of racial minorities and women in
science and engineering. This created a desire within her to bring about change and
increase the numbers of underrepresented minorities. She actively became involved
in both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations. Her focus in mainstream
organizations was to positively represent African American students within the
mainstream community, while her involvement in racially-affiliated organizations
was to be around people who shared her culture. The continuous support and
encouragement she received from her involvement in National Society of Black
Engineering (NSBE) helped her take on various leadership roles, something that was
completely out of her character. Through her leadership experiences in NSBE, she
learned the value in listening and letting others have a voice. As one of two African
American tutors in the sciences, she learned the value of not giving people the
answers, but instead provides them with the tools to find the answer themselves. She

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also enjoys the satisfaction of seeing the look on the faces of non-ethnic minorities
when they realize she is their tutor. As the only African American woman to
compete in a regional engineering competition that was dominated by White males,
she was inspired to prove as a woman and as a racial minority, she was a force to be
reckoned with. This year, she is the co-chair for the competition. Upon her
graduation from PacU in May, she plans to pursue a PhD in Civil Engineering, with
the goal of becoming an Engineering professor. Today, we call her Traci, but in the
future, we will read about her as Dr. Stevens. Where she would be without her
experiences at PacU, she does not know. Much like Justin, PacU has shaped Traci
into the leader that stands before us.

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APPENDIX A: INDIVIDUAL INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

1. Can you please describe the types of organizations you frequent
participation
[Follow Up]: What attracted you to the organizations you are
currently involved with?
[Follow Up]: What was your involvement like prior to coming to
PacU?

2. What factors (personal and organizational) have been instrumental in
your involvement at PacU?

3. What do you perceive as being the role of African American student
organizations on campus?
[Follow Up]: How about mainstream organizations?
[Follow Up]: Do you feel that differences exist between the two? If so
what?

4. How comfortable are you with being involved in African American
student organizations?
[Follow Up]: How welcomed do you feel to participate in various
mainstream campus organizations?

5. What do you feel attributes to some African American students being
more involved in racial-affiliated organizations over mainstream
organizations?
[Follow Up]: How about vice versa?

6. How has your organizational involvement shaped you as a person?

7. What opportunities has your involvement in (insert type) organizations
provided you with?
[Follow Up]: Do you feel that being involved in these organizations
have helped or hindered you in any way?
[Follow Up]: What reasons have led you to feel this way?

8. How has your involvement changed over the last two years?
[Follow Up]: What can you attribute to this change?
[Follow Up]: What impact has this had on your leadership
development?

9. How do you define or characterize leadership?

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[Follow Up]: Do you consider yourself a campus leader?
[Follow Up]: What makes you say this?

10. What does it mean to be an African American student leader at PacU?

11. Tell me about your leadership experiences at PacU
[Follow Up]: In what ways do you demonstrate leadership at PacU?
[Follow Up]: What types of organizations did these experiences
occur?
[Follow Up]: How important is it for you to demonstrate leadership?

12. How do you describe your leadership style?
[Follow Up]: What role has culture played (if any) in your leadership
style?
[Follow Up]: What role has gender played (if any) in this style?

13. What are some of the challenges (if any) you experience as a leader?

14. As a leader, tell me about your relationship with other campus leaders?
[Follow Up]: How about with the rest of your organization?
[Follow Up]: How about with the remaining campus community?

15. What factors do you feel have been instrumental in your leadership
experiences at PacU?

16. What do you feel are the positives and negatives associated with being a
leader?

17. In what ways has your leadership experiences been affected by your
involvement choices?

18. What role has your racial identity played in your leadership experiences?
[Follow Up]: What about your involvement preferences?
[Follow Up]: Do you feel there are certain expectations or stereotypes
of you because of your race?
[Follow Up]: Can you explain further?

19. How has gender influenced your leadership experiences?
[Follow Up]: How about your involvement preferences?
[Follow Up]: Do you feel that there are certain expectations or
stereotypes of you because of your gender?
[Follow Up]: What makes you say this?

187

20. What affect has the campus environment had on your leadership
experiences?
[Follow Up]: How has it affected your involvement preferences?
[Follow Up]: Do you perceive the campus environment as being
helpful or hindering to your involvement and leadership experiences?
[Follow Up]: What makes you say this?

21. What do you hope to gain from your leadership experience?

22. How have you evolved as a campus leader?

For those who are involved/leaders in both types of organizations, the
following additional questions will be asked:

23. What factors motivate you to be involved in these various types of
organizations?

24. What are the differences (if any) between the various types of
organizations that you are involved with?
[Follow Up]: How have these differences influenced your leadership
experiences?

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APPENDIX B: PARTICIAPANT PROFILE FORM

ID# _________ Date _______________________

Name ___________________________________ Age _____________

Phone Number ___________________ Email Address _______________________

Gender (Please Circle) Ethnicity/Race (Please Circle)
Male African American
Female Mixed Heritage

Class Standing _________ Major ______________________________________

Campus Activities

Type of Organization Primarily Involved (Please Circle) Mainstream (traditional)
Racially-affiliated
Both

Number of Leadership Positions Held (In College) ___________

Please List Organizations Involved, Leadership Positions Held, & Year Held

____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

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APPENDIX C: TYPES OF ORGANIZATIONS REPRESENTED
Mainstream Organizations
• Academically-related
• Co-curricular community service (paired with a general education
course)
• Dance Squad
• Honor Societies
• Intramural Club Sports
• Leadership Development Programs
• Peer Health Advocate
• Pre-Professional
• Religious
• Residential Building Government
• Residential Advisor
• University Student Ambassadors
• Youth Camp
Racially-Affiliated Organizations
• Academically related
• African American Campus Publication
• African American Themed Residence Floor
• Black Greek Letter Organizations

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• Black Student Union
• Community Service
• Community Unification
• Diversity Recruitment
• Honor Society
• Minority Youth Mentorship
• Praise Dance Ministry
• Pre-professionalism
• Social Activism

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APPENDIX D: PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS
William: A senior majoring in Accounting. William is involved in both mainstream
and racially-affiliated organizations and is a member of the PacU football team. The
majority of his involvement is focused on his academic pursuits, and setting a
positive image of African American males.

Derek: A junior transfer student who is majoring Sociology. Derek is very
committed to mentoring African American males and strengthening the unity of the
African American community. His involvement includes Save Our Selves, 100
Black Men, and the Diversity Recruitment Leaders. Despite this being his first-year
at PacU, Derek has been so involved in the PacU community over the last couple of
years that he helped co-found an organization and was elected president before
actually starting PacU.

Kevin: A junior double majoring in Psychology and Religion. Kevin considers his
involvement as being in both racially-affiliated and mainstream organizations. His
involvement includes Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity Incorporated, Black Student Union
Executive Board, PacU Hospital Volunteer, and Summer Camp Counselor for the
PacU School of Accounting. Kevin is a former resident of Bradley Place. When
asked why he sought involvement in mainstream organizations, Kevin replied, “You
can’t go to the Black community for everything.”

192

Todd: A junior majoring in Business Administration. Todd considers his
involvement as being in racially-affiliated and both types of organizations. As a first-
year student, Todd lived on Bradley Place and totally immersed himself into the
African American community at PacU. Now as a junior, Todd has extended his
involvement out into the mainstream community. All of Todd’s involvement focuses
on his academic major and professional goals.

Olivia: A junior who is majoring in Psychology. Olivia is solely involved in
mainstream organizations. When she came to PacU, she wanted to get involved with
a diverse group of people who were committed to academic pursuits. Olivia is a
commuter student, who commutes over 2 hours to campus. She attributes this
commute as limiting her involvement.

Bianca: A junior majoring in Print Journalism. Bianca, a former resident of Bradley
Place, is solely involved in racially-affiliated organizations. Her organizational
involvements include social activism, academic major and professional development,
spirituality, and diversity recruitment. She feels that the African American
community has so much to offer, with regard to organizations, “there is no need to
try mainstream organizations.”

Carly: A junior transfer student majoring in Fine Arts. During her first-year at PacU,
Carly lived on Bradley Place. She is solely involved in racially-affiliated
organizations. The majority of Carly’s involvement experiences focus on her

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spiritual growth and setting a positive image of African Americans, especially
females.

Reggie: A junior majoring in Business Administration. Reggie is a former resident of
Bradley Place. He is actively involved in both mainstream and racially-affiliated
organizations. The types of organizations in which Reggie is involved ranged from
mentoring youth to professional goals. Examples of these organizations include 100
Black Men, the National Association of Black Accountants, PacU Sports Business
Association, Emerging Leaders Program, and the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People.

Emily: A junior majoring in Business Administration. Emily considers her
involvement to be in both racially-affiliated and mainstream organizations. The types
of organizations in which Emily is involved included Residential Life, Building
Government, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP), and Sisters in Spirit. Emily is from a diverse community in Orange
County and initially when coming to PacU, she did not seek involvement in racially-
affiliated organizations. She credits her current involvement in racially-affiliated
organizations to her friend that encouraged her to attend a NAACP meeting.

Traci: A senior majoring in Civil Engineering. Traci considers her involvement to be
in both racially-affiliated and mainstream organizations. The majority of her
involvement is focused on her major and includes the National Society of Black

194

Engineers, Supplemental Instruction Leaders, and Associated General Contractors.
Traci did not live on Bradley Place as a first-year student, but did have an African
American roommate. Prior to coming to PacU, Traci never held a leadership
position.

Precious: A junior majoring in Political Science. Precious is solely involved in
racially-affiliated organizations. She is actively involved in organizations that focus
on social activism, mentoring African American female youth, spiritual growth, and
unifying the African American community. When discussing why she is not
involved in mainstream organizations, Precious feels that the African American
community needs work and she is not comfortable stepping outside when there a lot
needed within.

Wendy: A junior majoring in Business Administration. Wendy, who is a former
resident of Bradley Place, is primarily involved in racially-affiliated organizations.
Her involvement focused on spiritual growth and social activism. Wendy is from a
predominantly white community and sought out racially-affiliate organizations when
she arrived at PacU. She credits living on Bradley Place as being an instrumental
factor that shaped her desire to be involved within the Black community. Wendy is
involved in one mainstream organization that relates to her academic major and
professional pursuits.

195

Steven: A senior majoring in Biology. Steven is very committed to the African
American community at PacU and is solely involved with racially-affiliated
organizations. The type of organizations in which Steven is involved includes social
activism, spiritual growth, and his career aspiration of becoming a doctor.

Lawrence: A senior majoring in Biomedical Engineering. Lawrence is actively
involved in mainstream organizations. The majority of his involvement is
academically related and includes Engineering Ambassadors, Blue Key Honor
Society, American Medical Students Association, Supplemental Instruction Leader,
Associated Students of Biomedical Engineering, and Athenian Camp. Lawrence is
also involved in one racially-affiliated organization, the National Society of Black
Engineers.

Brian: A senior majoring in Theater. As a first-year student, Brian lived on Bradley
Place. He is solely involved in racially-affiliated organizations. The majority of his
involvement focuses on keeping the African American community informed, as well
as providing a positive image of African American males at PacU.

Sydney: A junior majoring in Neuroscience. Sydney considers her involvement to be
in both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations. The types of organizations
in which she is involved included peer health educator, African American female
youth mentorship, social activism, and medical school preparation requirements. As
a first-year student, Sydney lived on Bradley Place.

196

Justin: A junior majoring in Business Administration. Justin is a primarily involved
in racially-affiliated organizations. As a first-year, he lived on Bradley Place. Some
of Justin’s involvement included Bradley Place Scholars, Black Business
Association, Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity, Incorporated, 100 Black Men, and
residential advisor.

Jillian: A junior majoring in Communications. She is involved in both mainstream
and racially-affiliated organizations. During her first-year at PacU, Jillian was a
resident of Bradley Place. She credits her experience on Bradley Place with her
involvement in racially-affiliated organizations. In a fear of looking to
“ethnocentric” Jillian became involved in mainstream organizations. Overall, the
type of organizations in which Jillian is involved includes Residential Life, academic
major and intended career, university recruitment and community service.

Stephanie: A senior double majoring in English and Communications. Stephanie is
involved in both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations. The majority of
her mainstream organizations include honor societies, while the majority of her
racially-affiliated organizations focus on community service, her academic major
and career pursuits, as well as sisterhood. As a first-year student, Stephanie lived on
Bradley Place. Currently she serves as the President of the Black Student Union. In
this position, she often feels forced to be the voice of the African American
community at PacU.

197

Kenny: A junior majoring in Business Administration. Different from twin brother
Kevin’s involvement, Kenny is solely involved in racially-affiliated organizations.
The majority of his involvement focuses on community service, brotherhood, and
career aspirations. These organizations include Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity,
Incorporated, National Association of Black Accountants, and the Black Student
Union.

James: A senior majoring in Business Administration. James is involved in both
mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations. As a first-year student, he lived on
Bradley Place. His racially-affiliated involvement is concentrated on community
service, brotherhood, and mentorship. The mainstream organizations in which James
is involved are related to his academic major, and promoting a positive and healthy
image of African American males. James feels that his best way to strengthen the
African American community is to extend his involvement into the mainstream
community.

Liana: A senior transfer student majoring in Business Administration. Liana is
primarily involved in mainstream organizations that are related to her major and
professional pursuits. These organizations include the Entrepreneur’s Club, Fashion
Club, and Athenian Real Estate Association. She is also involved in two racially-
affiliated religious organizations.

198

Leslie: A senior majoring in Print Journalism. Leslie considers her involvement to
include both mainstream and racially-affiliated organizations. Initially she was
involved solely in mainstream organizations, but always felt that she was
representing the African American community. Over the years she has slowly
became involved in the African American community. Her involvement is
concentrated on her academic major and professional pursuits, as well as community
service and sisterhood. She credits her involvement in Delta Sigma Theta Sorority,
Incorporated, with bringing her into the African American community at PacU.

Brittany: A junior majoring in Public Relations. Brittany is primarily involved in
mainstream organizations and is very interested in representing the student voice at
PacU. She is involved in organizations that focus on her academic major and
professional organizations, residential building government, honor societies, and
student-alumni relations. She is also involved in dance troops and the PacU
performing arts committee. Brittany is very much interested in representing the
student voice at PacU.

Meredith: A senior double majoring in Sociology and Biology. Meredith is primarily
involved in mainstream organizations. All of Meredith’s involvement is concentrated
on becoming a physician and includes organizations such as the American Medical
Student’s Association, Athletic Medical Team Trainer, PacU Red Cross, and
Children’s Hospital Volunteer. Meredith is also involved in one racially-affiliated
organization.

199

APPENDIX E: BACKGROUND OF THE RESEARCHER

As an African American undergraduate student at a predominantly White
institution, I was very involved in campus life. My involvement was completely
focused within the African American community and included Black Greek Letter
Organizations, diversity recruitment, community mentorship, and professionally
affiliated organizations. Through my various organizational involvements, I
experienced leadership in both a positional and contributional capacity. As a first-
year student in college, I volunteered for many organizations and events. I was
always showing my support for others by helping out or offering encouragement. My
peers would often count on me to handle things and pick up the slack of others.
Despite my unwavering commitment to my organizations and my peers counting on
me for various things, I did not feel as if my efforts constituted leadership. I
completely undervalued the importance of my contributions. It was not until my
junior year, when I held my first elected position in my sorority that I realized the
importance of others’ contributions. As president, it really made a difference when
my members stepped up to do things and followed through. The contributions of
others helped to enhance my role as president. Further, I realized that my position
within the sorority was more symbolic. I was more of a figurehead, rather than the
absolute decision maker. I learned that power was not beholden unto the president
but to all of the organizations members. I therefore gained a greater appreciation for
collective leadership. With this epiphany, I began to reflect on my experiences thus
far, and realized that I had been a leader within the African American campus

200

community for the past three years. I thought back to my first-year and realized how
the upperclassmen mentored and encouraged me. As an upperclassman, I found
myself doing the same thing for the new African American students.
Overall, my various leadership experiences within racially-affiliated
organizations in college highly stressed collectivity and contributions. From these
experiences, I learned many valuable skills that have translated into my professional
life. These skills included an increasing confidence, greater organization, working
with the group, hearing the voice of others, and the strength to face challenges.
Ultimately, the various leadership experiences helped me to become the successful
person that I am today. Looking back, I realized that my involvement and leadership
experiences were limited to racially-affiliated organizations. Although my
experiences were positive, I often wonder how they would have differed had I
ventured into mainstream organizations.
Today, as a student affairs professional, I serve as the advisor to four student
organizations at PacU. Three of these organizations are racially-affiliated and one
organization is considered mainstream. I recognize several differences in the
dynamics between the racially-affiliated and mainstream organizations. For example,
I notice that my interaction with the mainstream organization is strictly with the
executive board. Nevertheless, my interactions with the racially-affiliated
organizations are with various members, not just the executive board. It is common
for the members to come by my office or approach me on campus about various
facets of the organization and of their personal life. It is almost as if I am a big sister

201

or mentor for the racially-affiliated organizations. Further, I notice that with the
mainstream organization, electronic communication amongst the members only
occurs when an event is nearing; however, the executive board is in constant
communication. In racially-affiliated organizations, the executive board sends out
weekly update emails to the members as well as several inquiries into the members’
interests. As the advisor to these various groups, I wonder how the different
organizational dynamics influence the leadership experiences of group members.
Aside from the possible implications that this research can provide, the personal
experiences herein described further enhances the significance of the present study to
me.

202

APPENDIX F: THEMATIC CATERGORIES
What underlying factors influence African American students’ involvement
preferences?

Growth (Personal)
Expand Horizons
Knowledge
Strengthen Interpersonal Skills
Exposure (Eye-opening)

Perspective on Organizations (Focus)
Support base for black students
For general student body
Culturally-appealing
Social outlet

Familiarity
Background (environment reared)
Comfort Zone
Upbringing (level of diversity within)

Initial Peer Interaction
Peer Involvement
Freshman Residence Halls

Current & Future Opportunities
Career Aspirations
Enhance Professional Skills
Enhanced Leadership
Making Connections
Demonstrate Leadership
Representation

Make a Difference
Give Back (contribute)
Helping Others
Responsibility to make changes (step outside of self)
Further Black Community (advancement)

Intrinsic Values
Diverse Exposure
Personal Preferences (Interests)

203

Personal Responsibilities

Get Connected
Fit
Comfort (Finding Niche)
Connectedness
Sense of Belonging

What are African American students’ perceptions of their leadership experiences?

Positive Example
Role Model

Additional Pressure
Continuous
Pressure from outside
Being watched

Growth Opportunities
Enhance Self
Enhanced Skills
Gaining Perspective
Increased Comfort
Hands on experience
Explore options

Various Displays of Leadership
Stepping Up
Putting best foot forward
Making contributions
Demeanor
Leaving comfort zone
Awareness
Versatility
Relatable
Reliable

Change Agent
Initiate Change
Make Changes

204

Collaboration
Working together
Relationships
Supportive
Friendship Prior

Challenging
Getting on same page
Self-sacrifice
Taking on too much

Helping Others
Encourage others
Foster leadership in
Thinking of others (Selfless)

Drive to Work Harder
Motivation (Driving Force) to succeed
Dismiss stereotypes

Black Community (focus on)
Strengthen

Validation
Visibility (Positions Held)
Peers
Seeing Impact

Leader is a Leader
Not about race

Gender Perspectives
Sensitivity
Expectations (males)

How does the type of organization influence African American students’ leadership
experiences?

New Outlook
Enhanced Perspectives
Eye-opening
Exposure

205

Social Growth (Try Something New)
Social Enhancement
Increased Confidence
Branching Out

Fit (Match)
Welcoming
Finding right fit
Personal Goals

Varied Leadership Styles (in orgs)
Shared Responsibility
Alternative Viewpoint
Member Accountability
Self-gain vs. self-reflective

Organization Reputations
Focus
Values Member Input
Personable vs. Non-personable
Level of Recognition
More general
Size

Enhanced Leadership (Strengthened)
Learning Process
Be a mentor
Stay focused

Strengthen Black Community
Help for Advancement
Seeing a need
Provide representation

Heightened Driven
Strive for improvements
Make an impact
Instill a passion

Personal Realizations
Similarities between orgs
Missed Opportunities

206

Limited View
More Hurdles
Exclusionary
No Community Feeling (personal connections)

207

APPENDIX G: SAMPLE ANALYSIS TABLE

CATERGORY: FAMILARITY

Name Org Type Quote Meaning

William

Both

I think it’s just the
background. Some black
people grew up with the
exposure and with the
consciousness of the issues
that are going on, some
didn’t. The ones that
didn’t, just really don’t feel
any need to take any action
for it. The ones that did,
do, so they get involved.
(pg. 5)

Background

Olivia

Mainstream

I think that probably is like
associated just with their
upbringing and how they
were before coming to
college because I know a
lot of people are just like,
“Oh, I don’t care who my
friends are. I want people
from all backgrounds and I
want to hang out with
everybody,” so I think that
also ties into how you get
involved on campus and
what type of organizations
you get involved in. (pg 3)

Upbringing

Reggie

Both

I think a lot of that has to
do with background. Like I
was saying, for instance, I
was raised in an African
American background, so I
feel a lot more comfortable
with being around my
people, but at the same

Background/
Comfort zone

208

time, it can go to the other
end where a lot of people
who were raised in just
mixed environments,
maybe all Caucasian, and
so when they come to
college, they feel like they
want to get the black
experience. They want to
get involved in the
different types of clubs and
organizations because this
is kind of around
that...that’s something they
never experienced, so they
want to get that
experience, so I think that
it’s kind of the background
and I think that’s kind of
the mainstay. (pg 4)

Wendy

Racially-
Affiliated

I mean…but it’s definitely
an intentional effort
because I think I came
from a school where it was
so the opposite of any
resemblance of a black
community that I was…I
was on BCC’s website
before I even applied.
Like, OK, I’m going to do
this, this, this, this, and
this. (pg.7)

Background

Steven

Racially-
Affiliated

It’s funny, coming from an
all-white school, I come in
and see it, I’m like,
“Shoot, man, this is a
historically black college
for me.” I’ve never seen so
many black people in my
life in the college
experience the academic

Upbringing

209

experience, so I had no
problem at all being
involved in the African
American organizations.
(pg. 6)

Kenny

Racially-
Affiliated

I’m very comfortable. I
grew up and was born and
raised around the African
American community, so
this is pretty much the
same, nothing different at
all. (pg 2)

Comfort zone

James

Both

I think for the most part…I
think it could just be the
environment that they
come up in. Like me, I
know for the most part a
lot of them came up in
generally less culturally
diverse backgrounds, so I
think that they just stick
with what they know and I
don’t think they can
necessarily be faulted for
that because most of the
time, those students don’t
necessarily live on Bradley
Place, they don’t really
know too many black
people because they might
have came in with
someone from their high
school or what have you
and they might be living at
Marks Tower and if you’re
over in the area, in the
Marks with the…what’s
the other one? Marks
Tower. ( pg 4)

Background

Liana

Mainstream

I think…and this could be

Upbringing

210

my opinion, but I think
that a lot of people that…a
lot of people who were
raised predominantly
around…I don’t want to
say white, but like another
race other than black and
they better identify with
them, so they feel more
comfortable in those
settings than someone that
is more affiliated with
black people, but I mean,
that can be the reason. (pg
4)

Meredith

Mainstream

I’ve just always grown up
with a very diverse group
of people and so I don’t
limit myself to just being
involved with the black
community on campus or
with just black
organizations or things like
that, and leadership style,
just learning to deal with
different types of people,
different people in general.
I think that people’s past
experiences have a lot to
do with how they approach
certain situations and how
they decide to lead people.
(pg. 19)

Background

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APPENDIX H: SAMPLE ANALYSIS TABLE

CATERGORY: FOCUS ON THE AFRICAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY

Name Org Type Quote Meaning

Bianca

Racially-
Affiliated

You are really trying to
better the black community
and make a change, that
you go beyond the
expected, that you are
constantly striving to do
more and that you really
have passion for what
you’re doing. It’s really
just…I feel like it’s just a
responsibility, whether you
ask for it or not. (pg. 9)

Strengthen

Carly

Racially-
Affiliated

I didn’t feel an urgency to
join one is because they’re
already established and
they’re serving their
purpose and either way
they’re going to do OK,
and so I kind of feel like I
need to be working in an
area where we need to
advance [the Black
community]. (pg1)

Needed

Reggie

Both

I see a lot of the African
American organizations
that are usually focused in
or geared towards African
Americans solely, whether
it be a 100 Black
Men…100 Black Men is
not limited to a 100 black
men, but that’s all that’s in
the organizations
or…there’s
another…NAACP, they

Strengthen

212

can have Caucasian
members, but it’s kind of
geared towards our
community and kind of
uplifting our community. It
seems like every black
organization tends to focus
on us, which is a good
thing because there’s a lot
to improve on, but at the
same time, I think the
mainstream organizations
kind of appeal to the
masses. (p. 3)

Wendy

Racially-
Affiliated

I thought about that the
other day. I mean, it’s
definitely not something
that I would knock down
[participating in
mainstream organizations],
but sometimes I think the
way my mind is oriented,
if it’s not something that I
see as directly benefiting
the African American
community, then I may not
be as inclined to take a
leadership role in it. (pg. 3)

Focus

Justin

Racially-
Affiliated

It means to uphold the
African American culture
and to make sure that the
African American
community doesn’t lose
that identity, you know.
And honestly, over the past
couple of years, I’ve felt
that waning. When I got
here my freshman year, it
seemed like the African
American community was
so much more vibrant than

Uphold

213

it is and it’s the
responsibility of
organizational leaders,
such as myself, such as
president of any
organization, black
organization on campus, to
foster more of an
involvement in black
culture and to uphold the
traditions that have been
there. (pg. 10)

Jillian

Both

African American
organizations acknowledge
that past history and
struggle and our lower
position in society,
whereas mainstream
organizations kind of have
a, “We’re all equal. We
don’t acknowledge that,”
and although it’s good to
have an ideal of
equality…this might sound
pessimistic, but I don’t
believe it’s there and I’m
not a black nationalist, I
don’t believe that blacks
and whites should have
separate societies, but I do
believe that a culture of
oppression is…. so I feel
like African American
culture has embraced that,
whereas mainstream
organizations dismiss it
and kind of sugarcoat it.
(pg 3)

Focus

James

Both

I understand like the way
to continue the community
is to kind of penetrate the

Strengthen

214

mainstream culture and be
able to have different
experiences with them and
get to know different
people and just really kind
of build the name of the
black community at PacU.
We don’t want people to
think that we’re just to
ourselves or that we don’t
understand the meaning of
being a diverse campus.
(pg. 8)

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APPENDIX I: SAMPLE ANALYSIS TABLE

CATERGORY: PERSONAL INSIGHT

Name Org Type Quote Meaning

Bianca

Racially-
Affiliated

Yeah, I think that…I mean, I
know that it’s even hard to
get people that aren’t black to
even come to CBSA events,
let alone join. I’m like, “No,
you don’t have to be black to
come. You can be anything,”
but just because there’s black
in the title they’re not
as…you know what I
mean…prone to coming to
the events, so I think it kind
of works in that way in terms
of them just not feeling
that…they look at CBSA,
they come to our information
table and they don’t see
people that are like them.
They don’t see…you know
what I mean? And they kind
of feel like it’s already an
exclusive group and that
they’re kind of intruding on
it, like it’s not open to them
and when that’s not the case,
but it kind of comes off that
way, having anything saying
black in the title kind of just
is a turnoff. (6, pg 4)

Exclusionary

Wendy

Racially-
Affiliated

The only hindrance would be
that I’ve just gotten
complacent in terms of
branching out of my comfort
zone, but most definitely
helped my college
experience. (pg 4)

Missed
opportunities

Justin

Racially-
Affiliated

It’s like I’ve gotten a better
understanding of the black
community, better than I ever

Limited view/
Missed
opportunities

216

had during high school, so
it’s really good because I get
now. I get how to foster black
culture and how to, you
know, be cool with the black
community and that kind of
thing because when I was in
high school, basically that
was all white boys, white
girls, and that kind of thing.
It’s like I wasn’t very
culturally attuned to what
was going on. Now I feel like
I am, but at the same time,
it’s like…I feel like
sometimes I lose touch with
what’s going on outside of
the black community because
it’s like different things that
might be going on campus.
Sometimes I don’t…I won’t
go so far as to say that they
don’t matter to me, but then
it’s kind of they’re less
important to me. (pg 15)

Jillian

Both

For example, I’ve tried to get
white people or other people
to join Annenberg Black
Student Association and they
say I am not black and I’m
looking like it doesn’t matter
and I end up just getting
really frustrated and angry at
them. I asked one girl, “Well,
what could Annenberg Black
Student Association do to
excite you to join our group
or come to our events?” She
said, “Maybe you could take
the black out of your
organization’s name.” (pg
17)

Exclusionary

Stephanie

Both

…do I recognize the
potential for the two different
types of organization to like

Recognize
similarities

217

collaborate, like the non-
white and the black…the
non-black ones and the black
ones because I definitely feel
like that’s something that
would probably maybe kind
of increase like the
recognition of black
organizations on this campus
if…because most likely, a
black student will be a leader
in the black org, but they’ll at
least be a member of the
other org, but they don’t
really ever think about
merging the two even for one
event, but I feel like that
would help bring a larger
awareness of all of the things
that the black organizations
do and it would like help
black students see, you know,
there are other organizations
out there that do similar
programs as them and maybe
make more effective ones,
but I feel like it’s something
that people think is like an
either/or type of thing, but it
doesn’t have to be. (pg 13)

James

Both

Like with some of the other
mainstream organizations, I
kind of saw how different
parallels could be drawn with
some of the black
organizations that I saw,
so…but you know, at first
glance, it wasn’t like that. I
just thought this is a just
another campus organization
that’s trying to do some good
stuff, but probably wouldn’t
go too much further than that,
but you know, it’s always
clearer on the inside, so just
when I see something that I

Recognize
similarities

218

feel a great sense of
commonality with in terms of
their mission, just take a
closer look at it and work at it
as if I’m doing for my
nephew, you know, so it’s
that same type of…that same
type of vigor and just energy
when you deal with it. (pg
18)

Leslie

Both

Like I’m definitely doing
more work than I’d ever do
at the Athenian News. I
would never lay anything
out, would never write, I
would never be in charge
of 15 writers, so I’m
definitely doing more
work, but I’m not taken as
seriously because I’m,
number one, the name
“black” is in it or it’s not
the mainstream
publication….I tell my
white friends, “Check out
Black Voices,” and they’re
kind of like, “OK. It’s not
for me.” Like, “Yes, it is.
Read it. I read your shit.”
Exactly, or I ask them, “Do
you want to write for it?”
“I’m not black, blah, blah.”
I was like, “That’s the
point.” Everybody
writes…I’m not like the
good Trojan that I’m not
going to write racist ass
articles as long as I have
people of different types in
there, so like sometimes I
am uncomfortable because
it just seems second
rate...you’re second rate

Exclusionary
(Not as
valued)

219

sometimes if you’re part of
the Annenberg Black
Student Association, but
you’re not in the
Annenberg Student
Association. You’re just
second rate. (pg 5)

Brittany

Mainstream I think just knowing that I
needed both just for sanity,
for the real world. You know,
PRSSA is invaluable in
making great PR contacts.
And then Annenberg, it’s like
these are people I can look up
to when they come to speak
about their fields and just
kind of knowing
the…because it’s going to be
different for you. In PRSSA,
this is what happened to you,
but how is it really for us? So
just kind of knowing that
both are equally as beneficial
in the real world. (pg. 12)

Recognize
similarities

Meredith

Mainstream

I guess that’s another thing
that we could probably on, is
the relationship between the
board and the members. That
could probably be
strengthened a lot. I mean,
they don’t have…I don’t
think that they’re intimidated
to come and talk to us, but I
don’t feel like there is…that
they use us as a resource as
much. (pg 11)

Lack of
community
feeling

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The influence of organizational affiliation on the leadership experiences of African American students at predominantly White institutions are examined in this study. The motivation behind the study was the need for additional insight on how the leadership experiences of African American students involved in mainstream campus organizations differed from those involved in racially-affiliated organizations.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Hawkins, Viannda M. (author)

Core Title The influences of student organizational type on the leadership development of African American students at predominantly white institutions: a case study

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 06/27/2007

Defense Date 04/27/2007

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American undergraduates,leadership development,OAI-PMH Harvest,predominantly White institutions

Language English

Advisor Kezar, Adrianna (committee chair), Harper, Shaun (committee member), Jun, Alexander (committee member), White, Lori (committee member)

Creator Email vhawkins@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m560

Unique identifier UC1191762

Identifier etd-Hawkins-20070627 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-510399 (legacy record id),usctheses-m560 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Hawkins-20070627.pdf

Dmrecord 510399

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Hawkins, Viannda M.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu