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Racism, discrimination and stereotypes: the cost of success for Black women in the workplace

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Racism, discrimination and stereotypes: the cost of success for Black women in the workplace

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Racism, Discrimination and Stereotypes: The Cost of Success for Black Women in the
Workplace
by
Tiffany A. Young

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August, 2021

© Copyright by Tiffany A. Young 2021
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Tiffany A. Young certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Brandi Jones
Erika Patall
Patricia Tobey, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021

iv
Abstract
Black women in America experience a double minority status in the workplace in that they are
Black and they are women. This double minority status can create unique experiences for Black
women in the workplace in which they utilize shifting (Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Jones &
Shorter-Gooden, 2004), armoring (Bell & Nkomo, 1998, Faulkner, 1983) and stereotype
endorsement to cope with racism, discrimination and stereotype threat at work. Shifting includes
adjusting one’s behavior, appearance, speech or other parts of the self or identity, to deal with
racism and discrimination that occur at work. Armoring is the socialization of how to deal with
racism and discrimination passed on by parents and families. Stereotype endorsement refers to
the belief in and use of stereotypical identities of Black women, such as the “strong Black
woman.” While shifting between identities, using armoring and stereotype endorsement is
generally seen as a strength and may come easily for many Black women, I argue that these
coping strategies may have a negative impact on their wellbeing. This study sought to investigate
the use of stereotype endorsement and to contribute to the body of knowledge on shifting
(Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2004) and armoring (Bell & Nkomo, 1998;
Faulkner, 1983) to better understand the relationship between the use of these strategies at work
and Black women’s well-being. This study included interviews with 15 Black women, 2-week
journals submitted by 2 Black women and the completion of the General Well-being Schedule to
measure wellbeing and general distress levels of all participants. Findings support that Black
women engage in shifting, armoring and stereotype endorsement when experiencing racism,
discrimination and stereotype threat at work. Analysis of the relationship between these coping
strategies and Black women’s wellbeing support that armoring and shifting were positively

v
correlated with distress levels. Results were mixed regarding participants use of stereotype
endorsement and their relative distress levels.
Keywords: Shifting, armoring, stereotype threat, Black women, work, trauma, wellbeing,
health, wearing a mask, strong black woman, superwoman, angry black woman.

vi
Dedication
To Grammy, I am your legacy. Your support, thoughtfulness and sacrifices were not in vain.
This is dedicated to you.

vii
Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I have to acknowledge and honor my Heavenly Father above.
And only second to Him, I want to acknowledge all of my family and friends, but especially my
mother, Yvette, my brother, Christopher, and my daughter, Leilani. These individuals made
major sacrifices in their lives and with their time because they love me and wanted to see me
succeed. There is no way I would have ever made it through this process without the love,
support and sacrifices my family made. From watching Leilani, letting me crash at their house
every week because I lived nearly two hours away from campus (thanks Grandma!), cooking me
food, letting me vent, cleaning my house and just giving me the space to be me. This just would
not have happened without all of you! Ya’ll know it is too many of you to name you all! But I
love you ALL and I sincerely thank you!
I also want to acknowledge and thank my dissertation committee, especially my chair,
Dr. Patricia Tobey, for sharing their time, wisdom (and sacrificing vacations) just so that I can
finish and provide a quality product. Thank you! Thank you for allowing me to explore a topic
near and dear to my heart. To all the faculty and support staff at the University of Southern
California who has ever helped me, from the health center, to the library and the writing center,
thank you all for providing the ancillary support I needed to get this work accomplished.
Next I would like to acknowledge the various organizations that were supportive of this
work and helped make it a reality. The National Council of Negro Women were instrumental in
getting the word out about my research across the country. I am so grateful for their support and
would not have received the outpouring of responses I got without them. Additionally, I’d like to
acknowledge the Association of Black Social Workers – Los Angeles Chapter, the UC Riverside

viii
Black Alumni Chapter and the Black Doctoral Network. These organizations all supported this
work in one way or another.
To all my participants: Thank you for sharing your stories and allowing me and the world
the opportunity to learn from you. I am humbled by your experiences and honored that you
trusted me enough with your story. Of course, this work is completely impossible without you.
Thank you!
Finally, last, but by no means least, I acknowledge and honor my late grandmother,
Florence Fisher who passed away during the middle of my data collection. She was well aware
of the research I was doing and was extremely excited about the topic. My grandmother
supported me throughout my whole college career and it is bitter-sweet to be here and not be
able to celebrate this occasion with her. Grammy, this is dedicated to you. I love you always.

ix
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. x
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Overview of The Study .......................................................................................... 13
Statement of the Problem .......................................................................................................... 14
Background of the Problem.................................................................................................... 15
Purpose of This Study................................................................................................................ 16
Research Question and Hypothesis ........................................................................................ 16
Importance of the Study ......................................................................................................... 19
Terms ......................................................................................................................................... 19
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 22
Slavery and Emancipation ......................................................................................................... 22
Agony ..................................................................................................................................... 23
Brutality .................................................................................................................................. 25
Dehumanizing ........................................................................................................................ 26
Beyond the Civil Rights Movement .......................................................................................... 28
Racism .................................................................................................................................... 30
Intra-racial Diversity .............................................................................................................. 31
The Relationship Between Past Oppression and Current Discrimination ................................. 32
Persistent Stereotypes About Black Women .......................................................................... 33
Mammy .................................................................................................................................. 34
Jezebel .................................................................................................................................... 35
Sapphire .................................................................................................................................. 36
Coping with Discrimination ...................................................................................................... 37
Respectability and Courage .................................................................................................... 39
Self-Reliance and Strength ..................................................................................................... 41
The Strong Black Woman ...................................................................................................... 43
Health Implications.................................................................................................................... 45
Gaps in the Research ................................................................................................................. 50
The Theories Shaping This Framework .................................................................................... 51
Intersectionality ...................................................................................................................... 51
Social Cognitive Theory......................................................................................................... 52
Summary .................................................................................................................................... 54
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 56
Sample and Population .............................................................................................................. 56
Instrumentation .......................................................................................................................... 57
Data Collection Procedures ....................................................................................................... 59
Confidentiality ........................................................................................................................ 62

x
Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................. 62
Limitations and Delimitations ................................................................................................... 63
Positionality ............................................................................................................................ 65
Limitations ............................................................................................................................. 66
Delimitations .......................................................................................................................... 66
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 68
Research Question 1: Shifting ................................................................................................... 73
Wearing A Mask .................................................................................................................... 74
Avoiding the Angry Black Woman Stereotype...................................................................... 78
Professional Recognition........................................................................................................ 79
Cognitive Process of Shifting ................................................................................................. 81
Rejection of Shifting .............................................................................................................. 82
Concluding Thoughts on Shifting .......................................................................................... 85
Research Question 2: Armoring ................................................................................................ 85
The Relationship Between Armoring & Shifting ................................................................... 86
Armoring As A Buffer ........................................................................................................... 89
Armoring and Self-Respect .................................................................................................... 90
The Failure of Armoring ........................................................................................................ 92
Concluding Thoughts on Armoring ....................................................................................... 94
Research Question 3: Stereotype Endorsement ......................................................................... 95
The Strong Black Woman ...................................................................................................... 96
The Superwoman.................................................................................................................... 98
Concluding Thoughts on Stereotype Endorsement ................................................................ 99
Research Question 4: General Well-being .............................................................................. 100
The Results ........................................................................................................................... 100
Discussion on Results........................................................................................................... 104
Summary .................................................................................................................................. 107
Chapter Five: Discussion ............................................................................................................ 109
Discussion Of The Findings .................................................................................................... 109
The Importance Of The Findings ......................................................................................... 110
Implications For Practice ..................................................................................................... 113
Recommendations For Research .......................................................................................... 116
Conclusions ............................................................................................................................. 119
References ................................................................................................................................... 121
Appendix A: Information Sheet For Exempt Research .............................................................. 131
Appendix B: Demographic Questionnaire .................................................................................. 134
Appendix C: General Well-Being Schedule (Gwbs) .................................................................. 139
Appendix D: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 147
Appendix E: Journal Entry Prompts ........................................................................................... 149
Appendix F: Theoretical Framework .......................................................................................... 151
List of Tables

xi
Table 1: Steps of Method Used to Complete Study 61
Table 2: Education and Income Levels of Participants 71

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Coping Strategies and Health Outcomes Model 18
Figure 2: Clark, et al.’s (1999) Biopsychosocial Model 49
Figure 3: Example of Bandura’s Triadic Reciprocal Determinism & Symbols 54
Figure 4: Participants’ General Well-being Scores by Level of Distress 101
Figure 5: Frequency of Coping Strategy by Distress Level (All Participants) 102
Figure 6: Frequency of Coping Strategy by Distress Level (Interview Participants Only) 103
Figure 7: Frequency of Shifting by Distress Level (Journal Participants Only) 104

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Chapter One: Overview Of The Study
Black American women in the United States have endured the effects of discrimination
even before the founding of the country. These women live with a double minority status being
not only women, but Black women. This double minority status creates additional barriers for
Black women. These barriers range from Jim Crow and protectionist laws of the past to negative
stereotypes and the effects of implicit bias on Black women today. Obtaining those “unalienable
rights” to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness is difficult for Black women. While many
employers tout that they are an “equal opportunity” employer, the difficulties that Black women
experience in obtaining higher level and leadership positions would suggest otherwise. These
unfortunate circumstances can lead to increased health issues (Bell & Nkomo, 1998) and
limitations in upward mobility for Black women (Bell & Nkomo, 2003).
Statistically, Black women do not occupy their fair share of the managerial positions
currently held by women. According to statistics obtained from the Bureau of Labor Statistics
(BLS, 2020), Black women made up approximately 13.8% of all women employed in 2019 and
occupied 11.44% of the management positions occupied by women. Women of Hispanic
heritage were found to make up 4.6% of all women employed in 2019 but held 10.3% of the
management level positions held by women (BLS, 2020). White women made up just over 76%
of the proportion of women employed in 2019 and held over 78% of the managerial positions
occupied by women (BLS, 2020).
In spite of these barriers, there are Black women who have successfully navigated their
way to the top of their fields. Serena Williams, Simone Biles and Misty Copeland are but a few
examples of Black women who have been able to break racial barriers and be recognized as top
talents. Research suggests that this type of success occurs through identity shifting (Dickens &

14
Chavez, 2018). Identity shifting includes changing one’s behavior, speech or other parts of
themselves in a manner perceived to be more acceptable by a dominant group (Dickens &
Chavez, 2018). Engaging in this behavior is often seen as a positive coping strategy for Black
women (Bell & Nkomo, 1998) that leads to desired outcomes in ascending the career ladder
(Dickens & Chavez, 2018).
Statement of the Problem
While the resiliency of Black women in the face of adversity in the workplace is certainly
admirable, their success often comes at a cost. This cost results from Black women engaging in
identity shifting in response to experiences of identity threat and stereotype threat. This behavior
can also lead to the use of armoring. Emerson and Murphy (2014) describe identity threat as the
experience of negative emotions caused by a perceived negative perception of one’s group by an
outsider. They argue that an identity threat can lead to increased hyper vigilance, increased
anxiety, and health issues. Stereotype threat refers to the fear one has about confirming negative
stereotypes about the group they identify with (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Stereotype threat can
lead to self-consciousness, anxiety and impaired efficiency (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Armoring
is described by Bell and Nkomo (1998) as the way Black girls are socialized to cope with racism
and discrimination. They suggest that armoring can lead to maladaptive behaviors. These
behaviors include Black women taking on a “superwoman” identity and feeling a need to do
everything on her own, without support (Bell & Nkomo, 1998). Negative stereotypes serve to
remind these women that they do not fit in with the dominant culture of the organization they
work for (Catalyst, 2004). This can lead to isolation within the workplace. Taken together these
experiences and coping strategies can have a negative impact on Black women’s health and
wellbeing.

15
There is a dearth of research that explores the impact of identity shifting on Black
women. Scant evidence exists on how identity shifting impacts Black women’s health and
wellbeing or how Black women learn to utilize identity shifting. While Black women in general
tend to be understudied as a group, when they are the subject of research, they are studied as if
they are a monolithic group devoid of diversity. Additionally, there is limited research to explore
the intersectionality of Black women’s double minority status as Black, women. There is even
less research to explore variances within the community of Black women with regards to
socioeconomic status, education, experiences of discrimination or even coping strategies to deal
with those experiences of discrimination. This research study seeks to take a look at some of
these variances in relation to the coping strategies Black women use in the workplace to deal
with perceived experiences of racism and discrimination.
Background of the Problem
Black women’s experiences of racism and discrimination in U.S. workplaces has
historical roots that began well before the United States of America established itself as a
sovereign nation. Black slaves were commodified, oppressed and used to build much of the
infrastructure and wealth in America that exists today. In order to maintain Black individuals’
status as a slave, many myths, ideologies and stereotypes developed in order to maintain their
lower status in the country and rationalize their oppression (bell hooks, 1981; Davis, 1981). As I
will explore in the next chapter, many of these myths, stereotypes and ideologies have left a
legacy that continues to disenfranchise and hurt Black women today.
While the U.S. has had a long history of civil rights movements for disenfranchised
groups due to racism and discrimination, little has been done for Black women specifically. The
glass ceiling is a term commonly used to refer to the barriers women face in obtaining equal pay

16
and equal opportunities in the workforce (Aiken, Salmon & Hanges, 2013; Dickens, Womack &
Dimes, 2019). The problems women faced with discriminatory practices in the workplace was so
pervasive that the U.S. government instituted the Glass Ceiling Commission in 1991 to examine
these barriers (Aiken, Salmon & Hanges, 2013). However, the Glass Ceiling Commission did
little to impact the rights of Black women by its closing in 1996. The concrete ceiling, as it is
often referred to (Ray & Davis, 1988, as cited in Holder, Jackson & Ponterotto, 2015), alludes to
the double minority status that Black women have as women and Black Americans and how this
status impacts them throughout their careers (Dickens, Womack & Dimes, 2019). The double
minority status of Black women makes them a unique group that is disenfranchised in unique
ways that requires unique interventions.
Purpose of This Study
This study seeks to examine more closely Black women’s perceived experiences with
discrimination, racism and stereotype threat in the workplace. Specifically, it will look at how
Black women may use identity shifting to cope with perceived experiences of racism and
discrimination and how those coping strategies impact their health and wellbeing. This study will
also seek to look at how Black women’s perceived experience of racism and discrimination and
subsequent coping strategies might impact their health and differ among various subgroups
within their community. I hope that this study will shed more light on some of the systemic
changes that need to occur to create a safer, healthier and more equitable space for Black women
in the workplace.
Research Question and Hypothesis
This study will be guided by five research questions:

17
(1) In what ways, if any, do Black women’s coping strategies in response to perceived
racism, discrimination or stereotype threat in their workplace exemplify identity shifting?
(2) In what ways, if any, do Black women’s coping strategies in response to perceived
racism, discrimination or stereotype threat in their workplace exemplify armoring?
(3) When do Black women endorse stereotypical identities of Black women while in the
workplace?
(4) What is the relationship between various coping strategies used by Black women in
response to perceived racism, discrimination or stereotype threat and their perceived
health outcomes?
This research study builds upon several different concepts to create a model to describe
how Black women adapt to racism and discrimination in the workplace. The concepts used to
develop this model include the concepts of armoring discussed by Bell and Nkomo (1998) and
Faulkner, (1983); the concept of identity shifting (or simply shifting) discussed by Jones and
Shorter-Gooden (2004) and Dickens and Chavez (2018); and Steele and Aronson’s (1995)
concept of stereotype threat. For this study, these concepts have been combined into a model to
explain how Black women respond to racism and discrimination at work. The model proposes
that Black women learn to use armoring to deal with the racism and discrimination that occurs in
the world and engage in identity shifting when presented with a stereotype threat in the
workplace.

18
Figure 1
Coping Strategies and Health Outcomes Model

The way in which Black women engage in identity shifting is proposed to be informed by
the armoring techniques they learn as a child. This study seeks to understand how the use of this
coping strategy impacts Black women’s health and wellbeing. To date, no research has been
found on the use of stereotype endorsement by Black women in the workplace when
experiencing racism, discrimination or stereotype threat. This study will seek to discover how
stereotype endorsement might also fit in the above model.

19
Importance of the Study
This study aims to provide additional evidence on the use of shifting among Black
women to cope with racism and discrimination, especially as it occurs in the workplace. Racism
and discrimination has been consistently shown to have a negative impact on the mental health
of Black women (Black, Johnson, VanHoose, 2015; Lewis & Van Dyke, 2018; Paradies, et al.,
2015). While evidence has largely been mixed with regards to perceived racism and
discrimination’s impact on the physical health of Black people in general (Black, et al., 2015,
Paradies, et al., 2015), many of these studies do not look at Black women separately, how
specific coping strategies may mediate health outcomes or even consider the diversity that exists
among Black women (Lewis and Van Dyke, 2018). Scarce literature exists on Black women to
begin with and there is even less information on how Black women cope with racism and
discrimination in the workplace. This study will add to the literature that exists on how Black
women cope with racism and discrimination in the workplace and how these coping strategies
may impact their health.
In this study, I will use the term “Black” as opposed to “African-American” for
simplicity and consistency. The term “African-American” will primarily be used only to remain
consistent with the terminology used by a specific study or research paper when that specific
study is being referenced. However, the term “Black” as used in this paper, intends to
incorporate individuals who may describe themselves as “African-American” instead of (or in
addition to) “Black.”
Terms
Armoring: When a girl learns “cultural attitudes, preferences and legitimate behaviors for
two cultural contexts” (Bell & Nkomo, 1998, p. 286).

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Black Feminist Movement: A social political movement that struggles “against racial,
sexual, heterosexual and class oppression” and seeks to develop strategies that adequately
address the interlocking nature of oppression (The Combahee River Collective, 2014).
Concrete Ceiling: Significantly reduced or non-existent opportunities for career
advancement (Ray & Davis, 1988, as cited in Holder, et al., 2015).
Glass Ceiling: Invisible barriers that impact the advancement of women and other
marginalized individuals in the workplace (Dickens, Womack & Dimes, 2019).
Identity Shifting: Changing one’s outward attitude, behavior or tone to placate others
(Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2004).
Fending Off the Stereotype: Increasing one’s efforts on a task after experiencing a
stereotype threat (Block, Koch, Liberman, Merriweather & Roberson, 2011).
Gendered Racism: The intersection of race and sexism (Lewis, Williams, Peppers &
Gadson, 2017).
Jezebel: A stereotype of Black women that characterizes them as sexually aggressive and
served to justify their oppression and sexual assault during slavery (Davis, 1981).
Intersectionality: The experience of oppression based on multiple characteristics of an
individual as opposed to a single characteristic (Crenshaw, 1989).
Mammy: A stereotype of Black women that characterizes them as an obese woman who
serves in a domestic capacity to a White family loyally without adhering to any of her own needs
(Thomas, Witherspoon & Speight, 2004).
Respectability / Respectability Politics: Adopting the manners and behaviors deemed to
be “respectable” by the dominant group in an attempt to counter negative views of what it means
to be Black (Winfrey Harris, 2015).

21
Sapphire: A stereotype of Black women named after “Sapphire” in the 1950’s show
Amos and Andy that characterizes Black women as “bossy, bitchy and hateful” and lacking
femininity (Ladson-Billings, 2009, p. 89).
Social Cognitive Theory: A theory that addresses how people acquire knowledge, how
they regulate their behavior and create social systems to organize their lives (Bandura, 2012).
Stereotype Threat: A person’s behavior or features that conform to a negative stereotype
and make the stereotype appear more plausible, thereby creating a self-evaluative threat
(Aronson & Steele, 1995).
The Strong Black Woman: A Black woman who is expected to put others’ needs before
her own, suppress her emotions, show resilience in the face of adversity and resist asking for
help from others (Jerald, Cole, Ward & Avery, 2017).
The Super Woman: A professional, articulate, and extremely talented Black woman who
can take on an abundant amount of work without fear, weakness or insecurities (Reynolds-
Dobbs, Thomas & Harrison, 2008).

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Chapter Two: Literature Review
Before we begin to take a deep dive into the theories that expound on the experiences of
Black women in the workforce in America, it is important to have a good understanding of the
experiences and perceptions of Black women from a historical perspective in America. This
chapter will begin by exploring discrimination in the lives of Black women in America from
slavery to the Civil Rights Movement. We will then take a look at the legacy of these
experiences and how they shape Black women’s lives today, particularly in the workforce.
Finally, this chapter will conclude with a description of the theories that ground the discussion
surrounding Black women’s response to stereotypes in the workplace.
Slavery and Emancipation
An exploration into the origins of slavery in America and how it shaped the lives of
Black women today will reveal three central themes in their experience: (1) agony, (2) brutality
and (3) dehumanization. Agony refers to the enduring pain and suffering caused by the
experience of being a slave and a Black woman in America. The term trauma places a negative
slant on the way a person handles a traumatizing experience. Trauma says that something is
wrong with the person, not the experience. I prefer the term “agony” as it acknowledges and
honors the pain caused by an extremely painful event. Brutality refers to the vicious treatment
Black women have endured due to their status as a slave, as Black and as a woman. Finally,
dehumanization refers to the way Black women have been seen as less than human by the
dominating class throughout American history. Each one of these themes will be looked at from
a historical perspective and help create the lens through which we will understand Black
women’s experience in the workplace today. While it is true that many of the experiences that

23
will be described below will also hold true for Black men, these descriptions will focus on and
emphasize the experience from the perception of Black women.
Agony
The agony of becoming a slave started long before Black women arrived in America and
would continue throughout her lifetime. If she was not killed during her capture on the continent
of Africa, she would have to survive her trip to the coast of Africa as well as her holding cell in a
slave factory or “barracoon” (Buba & Rediker, 2014). The journey to the coast of Africa was
unforgiving as newly captured slaves were shackled together, hands, feet and necks (Christopher,
2018). They were rarely fed, barely given water and slowing down or falling meant lashes, or
worse yet, death (Christopher, 2018). Once arriving to the slave factory, conditions were not
much better. While women’s experiences in the slave factory have been silenced by their
oppressors, it can be assumed that they experienced sexual assault and those who were pregnant
would have to give birth there (Christopher, 2018). They would not know how long they would
be there; it could be days, weeks or months (Christopher, 2018).
Conditions for Black women and others would not improve once sold and taken aboard
the ship headed towards the Americas through the Middle Passage. They were chained and
placed below deck, positioned to maximize space, in squalor conditions (Warren, 2016). In many
African communities, women were pampered when they were pregnant and giving birth (hooks,
1981). To now go through the experience of pregnancy and childbirth as a slave on these ships
was both demoralizing and physically harmful (hooks, 1981). While great numbers of captured
Africans resisted, some attempted suicide and others simply died due to the horrific conditions in
which they were being held captive (Elliott & Hughes, 2019). In one horrific incident, described
by bell hooks (1981), a nine-month old baby was flogged for not eating, the child’s feet were

24
dipped in boiling hot water and the child died when he was dropped by the captain. As if this was
not torture enough for the mother and child, the captain then ordered the mother to throw her
own child overboard. These men, women and children were separated from their families, their
culture, their land, their language in the most agonizing way to embark on a journey to an
unknown place and uncertain fate.
The 246 years of slavery (Elliott & Hughes, 2019) that African women, (Negro women,
Colored women and today African-American or Black women) would endure would be rife with
coerced labor, degradation, physical assault and sexual assault. These women would experience
and witness the beating of their children, husbands and others (James, 2004). Harriet Jacobs
(1861), a former slave, described how hundreds of lashes resulted in puddles of blood, gore on
the ground and clots of blood covering the whole back. Being helpless to protect their adult
children from beatings was often times an unbearable pain these women endured (Jones, 2009).
Many Black women became pregnant as a result of rape by their slave owners (King, 1996;
Warren, 2016). Because they received no prenatal care, were mal-nourished and expected to
continue to work as usual, many women lost their infant children either before or after giving
birth (Jones, 2009; King, 1996). Those that did give birth could experience engorged breasts as a
result of not being able to feed their infant child and be punished for not keeping up with their
normal work (Davis, 1981). As another form of punishment, some women would be locked away
for days, unable to feed their nursing children (Jacobs, 1861). Some babies died this way (James,
2004). Women would learn to suffer silently and hide their anguish as they listened to pleas from
their children when they or the child were being sold and separated (Jones, 2009). This is only a
small glimpse into the agony of being a Black, female slave during this time in America.

25
Brutality
The brutality that Black women experienced as slaves cannot be emphasized enough.
Many advances in the field of medicine can find its roots in the mutilation, suffering and blood
of Black, female slaves. The infamous, J. Marion Sims, known as the father of modern
gynecology, used Black slaves, without anesthesia, to perfect his vesicovaginal fistula repair
surgery (Spattel & White, 2011). One historian described how “each naked, unanesthetized slave
woman had to be forcibly restrained by the other physicians through her shrieks of agony as
Sims determinedly sliced, then sutured her genitalia,” (Washington, 2006, as cited in Spattel &
White, 2011; p. 2426). Harvey Leonidas Byrd, a physician, would place 12-year-old Harriet
through electromagnetic therapy for up to 60 minutes at a time in an attempt to learn to cure
seizures (Kenny, 2015). In 1852, physician William Aiken performed a series of experimental
surgeries on his slave, Lucinda in attempt to remove a tumor close to her eye and test new
medical tools (Kenny, 2015). Aiken drilled holes in Lucinda’s head, used acid to soften her
bones and caused a worsening of her appearance (Kenny, 2015). Lucinda’s appearance had
declined so much that Aiken did not allow for a published “after” picture (Kenny, 2015) to
compare to the original “hideous and unsightly deformity” of Lucinda (Aiken, 1858, as cited in
Kenny, 2015, p. 17). Physicians and medical students also found a way to use slaves’ bodies
upon death. While offended by the practice of grave robbing, Black slaves had little choice in the
manner of how their bodies were used following death (Savitt, 1982). Horrendously, many
Black, female slaves endured torture at the hands of medical professionals.
The punishment and harsh treatment that Black women suffered at the hands of their
masters and mistresses was unthinkable. Louisa Picquet, a former slave, described how all she
could do was pray that she may die when her master threatened to “blow my brains out,”

26
(Mattison, 2010, p. 57). When Mattie Jackson took a blow to the head by her master, the blood
ran over her clothing and gave her a “frightful appearance,” (Thompson, 2010, p. 110). Being
pregnant or nursing did not protect a woman from harsh punishment. Jacqueline Jones (2009)
described how pregnant women could be beaten so harshly that both milk and blood would flow
from her breasts. As if excruciating experiments and horrific punishments were not enough,
Black women also had to endure sexual harassment in a way that was not apparently experienced
by Black men. Some Black women were purchased exclusively for the sexual pleasure of the
enslaver (Robertson, 1996). Not only was this an invasion of the one thing she would hope to
have control over, her body, but it also caused disruptions for the Black woman between her and
the enslaver’s wife as well as her and her fellow, enslaved husband. These inconveniences could
lead to her family being sold and separated, remaining and receiving the scorn of the wife
(Jacobs, 1861; Robertson, 1996) or being left to raise the children on her own without the help of
her husband (Thompson, 2010).
Dehumanization
Black women (and indeed, black men and children as well) were viewed as less than
human during this time period. First and foremost, Black women were seen as property, not
human beings. They were placed on display for bidding and taken to back rooms for further
examination into their ability to produce children (Jacobs, 1861) or for verification that they
were virtuous (Mattison, 2010). While scant evidence exists, it is believed that several slave
owners engaged in “breeding” their female slaves with select male slaves (Jones, 2009;
Robertson, 1996).
The sentiment that Black people were less than human was codified in the laws of the
nation. The most famous of these being the Dred Scott Decision of 1856. In the opinion of Chief

27
Justice Roger Taney, Mr. Scott could not bring a lawsuit about in the country (of the United
States) because a “free negro” was “not a ‘citizen’ within the meaning of the Constitution of the
United States,” (United States Supreme Court, 1860). Chief Justice Taney went on further to
proclaim that the Constitution never referred to the African race except to “treat them as persons
whom it was morally lawful to deal in as articles of property,” (United States Supreme Court,
1860). Former slave, Mattie Jackson, recalled that her former mistress would rather see her
children dead than “on an equal footing with a nigger,” (Thompson, 2010). Even after the
fourteenth amendment of the United States Constitution did eventually grant Black women
citizenship, it would still be a long while before they would be granted suffrage after Black men.
During the Reconstruction Period, following the Civil War, Black women continued to
find themselves in a precarious position. Once emancipation was granted to former slaves across
the country, Black women would find themselves tending more to their children, their husbands
and also helping to support the family (King, 1996). Because opportunities for work remained
nearly non-existent following emancipation, many families chose to stay on the plantation where
they were a former slave (Jones, 2009). The former slave owners, now the bosses, complained
often that women did not work as much as they did when they were slaves and spent too much
time at home (Jones, 2009). Black women were seen as “lazy” or “idle” (Jones, 2009). While
many White women stayed home and carried out domestic duties (via their servants) they did not
see it fit that a Black woman should have the same privilege (Jones, 2009). Moreover, Black
women were not just taking care of their children. They were also ensuring that their husbands
had what they needed to be able to work, such as food and clothes (Jones, 2009). Furthermore,
because Black men often times could not earn enough on their own, Black women often times
had to go out and work as well to supplement their income (Jones, 2009). The practice of doing it

28
all, working, taking care of the family and the household remains today and will be discussed
later on in this chapter.
Beyond the Civil Rights Movement
While Black women may have been emancipated along with their families, the struggle
for equality would continue. While emancipation surely was a hard fought and won battle, there
would be many more “movements” to follow to help Black people recover from the two-hundred
plus years of slavery that they endured as a group. The movements, which I will collectively
refer to as the “Liberation Movements,” included the Civil Rights Movement, the Black Power
Movement, the Black Panther Movement and others to name a few. Black women would
consistently find that their interests were not represented. The Black Feminist Movement would
emerge as Black women began to realize that their voice, their struggle and their unique needs
were not being acknowledged and certainly were not being addressed by the many movements
happening at the time (Beal, 2008). The challenges experienced by Black women would be
highlighted by sexism, racism and intra-racial diversity. The following paragraphs will further
discuss how sexism, racism and intra-racial diversity continued to be mechanisms of
discrimination against Black women.
Sexism
Prior to emancipation, Black women and Black men were united in their efforts to end
slavery. This unity continued well into the Post-Reconstruction Era and into the Civil Rights
Movement. Indeed, many Black women considered the fight against oppression and racism as
extremely important, something they were willing to sacrifice their lives for (Breines, 2006;
Robnett, 1997). Many Black women even found it empowering to be part of a movement that
was working to change their lives for the better (Robnett, 1997). However, during the Black

29
Power Movement, the fight seemed to take a shift towards improving the rights of Black men
and not necessarily those of Black women (Roth, 2004; Smith, 1985).
It was widely believed that Black men had been oppressed as a result of the position
Black women had held, seemingly above them (Beal, 2008; Roth, 2004; Smith, 1985). The
rhetoric became that Black men needed to be raised up by occupying more leadership positions
and opportunities. Black women, by contrast, were expected to take a step back and support
Black men. That Black women had not been as oppressed by the racism in the country as Black
men had. The rhetoric continued that when Black men were raised up, then the whole
community of Black people would be raised.
A report written in 1965 by the United States Department of Labor, Office of Policy,
Planning and Research released a report entitled: The Negro Family: The Case for National
Action (known as the Moynihan Report) is largely held as having a major influence on this line
of reasoning. In the report, the author argued that many of the challenges faced by the Black
community could be traced to discrimination and disenfranchisement of the Black man in
society, not necessarily the Black woman:
In essence, the Negro community has been forced into a matriarchal structure
which, because it is so out of line with the rest of the American society, seriously retards
the progress of the group as a whole, and imposes a crushing burden on the Negro male
and, in consequence, on a great many Negro women as well. (U.S. Department of Labor,
1965, p. 29)
This text has often been cited as the driving force behind the shift in the Civil Rights Movement
from focusing on the equity and rights for Black people to the equity and rights for Black men in
the Black Liberation Movement (Roth, 2006). Black women were discouraged from leadership

30
roles (Beal, 2008; Roth, 2006; Smith, 1985), and encouraged to fully support Black men (Beal,
2008; Breines, 2006; Smith, 1985). Many Black women would not acknowledge or they would
downplay the gender inequities occurring within the movement. To many Black women during
this time, to discuss gender issues seemed trivial compared to the fight against racism (Breines,
2006; Robnett, 1997).
Racism
While there were many, many Black women who would not discuss gender issues during
the Black Power movement, there were some who did. These women began to speak up
regarding the issues that pertained to their identity as Black and women. For these women, it was
very clear that their needs needed to be advocated for and they also knew that it was not going to
happen in the White Women’s Movement and it wasn’t happening in the Black Power Movement
either. The “SNCC Position Paper” (anonymously written in 1964 for the Student Non-violent
Coordinating Committee) is considered to be one of the cornerstones of the (White) Women’s
Liberation Movement. In the paper, the authors bring attention to the inequalities women faced
within the organization, such as being relegated to administrative tasks such as typing, taking
notes and being identified as “girls” next to their names.
In 1970, Francis Beal wrote Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female explaining the
major differences between the White Feminist Movement and the Black Feminist Movement.
Quite distinct from the SNCC Position Paper, Beal described women’s inequalities as the mass
sterilization of Black women, extreme economic exploitation of Black women, Black women
being experimented on and the lack of equitable and healthy access to abortions (Beal, 2008).
Beal argued that the White Women’s Liberation Movement had little in common with the Black
Liberation Movement. Indeed, several Black feminists argued that White feminists were not

31
aware of their White privilege and had a very superficial understanding of how racism impacted
Black women (Beal, 2008; Breines, 2006; Smith, 1985). Additionally, White feminism appeared
to focus on patriarchal dominance whereas for Black feminist, gaining gender equality did not
necessitate dichotomous conflict with males (Beal, 2008). A lack of understanding in the (White)
Women’s Liberation Movement and a lack of interest in advocating their needs in the Black
Liberation Movement, those few Black women who were willing to speak up about gender
inequality were forced to create their own movement, the Black Feminist Movement.
Intra-racial Diversity
By and large, while the Black Feminist Movement did take form, it was not as influential
as many of its members had hoped it would be. The movement was relatively short-lived and
fractured. Black women had a difficult time finding a united voice. Different ideologies on
various issues crippled its advocacy work (Breines, 2006). These issues included ideas about
sexual identity, gender identity, health and class issues (Breines, 2006). There was so much
division and differences of opinion among Black women at the time that the Black Feminist
Movement as a whole could not sustain itself (Breines, 2006). Part of the problems that plagued
the Black Feminist Movement was an inability for Black women to be diverse within their
community.
There are many stereotypes that presume to describe who Black women are or should be.
These stereotypes include the “angry black woman,” the “strong Black woman,” and the belief
that Black women are hyper-sexualized to name a few (Reynolds-Dobbs, Thomas & Harrison,
2008). Some of these stereotypes are embraced by Black women while others are not. The
weight these stereotypes place on the community of Black women typecast them, their identity
and who they are. These stereotypes ignore the rich diversity within the community and place an

32
immense pressure on Black women to subscribe to a certain stereotype, the strong black woman
for instance, or fight hard against a stereotype, such as the angry Black woman. Black women
exist as Lesbians. Black women exist as quiet and non-confrontational. Black women exist who
prefer to be stay-at-home mothers and some who prefer to be CEOs of major corporations.
However, the image of who a Black woman is or should be is so pervasive in our society that
sometimes it is forgotten that we are diverse and that there are subcultures within our greater
community of Black women.
Unfortunately, this inability to be diverse led to the disbandment of many Black Feminist
Movement groups. It was not enough that Black women were dealing with oppression from the
outside. The oppression also caused pressure within the community. The pressure to fit a
particular mold (or break it) became so pervasive that the various Black Feminist groups could
not be different and could not have different opinions while still uniting against the universal
oppression occurring to them. In fact, there were some Black women who would not support the
movement at all as they felt it was betraying the race, distracting from the greater fight against
racism and did not fit-in with their prescribed gender role (Breines, 2006; Robnett, 1997). With
the stakes raised high, Black women had to prioritize which issues were raised and which would
wait. They were not able to advocate for diverse causes, it was too risky in the fight against
racism.
The Relationship Between Past Oppression and Current Discrimination
Black women in America have had a long history of discrimination. The history and
legacy of slavery has had an enduring impact on the way Black women identify and relate to
others. Additionally, this legacy has shaped how Black women are perceived and treated by
others today. Black women have endured a lot of pain, both physically and mentally as a result

33
of being captured and commodified. They were separated from their land, culture and people
(Christopher, 2018). They endured vicious treatment throughout slavery by being beaten (Jones,
2009; Thompson, 2010), experimented on (Kenny, 2015; Spattel & White, 2011) and sexually
assaulted (Robertson, 1996). Black women were portrayed as less than human, seen as “lazy”
and “idle” and not fit to have the same life-style as White women (Jones, 2009). We’ve also seen
Black women endure sexism within the Black community and even a subcategory of racism with
the (White) Women’s Movement. The community of Black women as a whole has not been able
to fully express (or be accepted for) the full range of diversity within the group for fear of losing
the fight against racism and discrimination. The history of Black women in America is a history
plagued with discrimination and racism that continues today.
Black women in this country have always been placed at a disadvantage, yet still persist
in breaking barriers, including the concrete ceiling. Black women should be one of the most
sought-after groups in the workplace given everything they have went through and how it
translates into the work environment. Resiliency, adaptability, persistence and hard work are
traits that many Black women have as a result of the legacy of racism and discrimination. In this
section, I am going to take a deeper dive into the persistent stereotypes about Black women that
impact their work-life, how Black women cope with them and how this coping strategy impacts
their health and wellbeing.
Persistent Stereotypes About Black Women
America’s legacy of slavery has left three prominent stereotypes about Black women that
persist today and contribute to the existence of the concrete ceiling, the invisible barrier that
makes it difficult for Black women to ascend the career ladder. These stereotypes are the
mammy, the jezebel and the sapphire. These stereotypes (or myths) about Black women were

34
developed during slavery and in the antebellum South (Reynolds-Dobbs, et al., 2008). They
served the purpose of justifying the harsh treatment of Black women described above (Rosenthal,
2016). They made it easier to dehumanize Black women. These three stereotypes play a
significant role in shaping how Black women have coped to break the concrete ceiling. In the
following paragraphs, I will briefly describe each one of these myths and how they contribute to
the concrete ceiling and how Black women have coped with these stereotypes to break the
concrete ceiling.
Mammy
The stereotype of the mammy is a prevailing archetype of Black women that has had a
lasting impact on Black women in America. The mammy is usually characterized as an obese
woman, who is very maternal and caring for a White family (Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016). The
mammy is asexual, hardworking and puts the care of the White children in her care above her
own (Collins, 2000). The mammy is very loving and very loyal to the White family (Collins,
2000); she does not present as someone who has any needs of her own and lives only to serve
others (Winfrey Harris, 2015). The mammy does not have a life of her own; her only goal and
duty is to serve at the pleasure of a White family.
The stereotype and characterization of the mammy is important to understand because it
has had a negative impact on Black women in the workforce today. The mammy character is
satisfied with her position in servitude to a White family (Winfrey Harris, 2015). She is
hardworking and does not desire growth or personal fulfillment (Rosenthal, 2016). The mammy
stereotype allows employers to easily overlook the promotion of Black women because it
suggests that they are satisfied and should be appreciative with where they are (Reynolds-Dobbs,
et al., 2008). The mammy characterization also suggests that Black women should not occupy

35
leadership positions as their position in life is to constantly work at the pleasure of others and not
in positions of leadership (Reynolds-Dobbs, et al., 2008). The mammy characterization has
persistently allowed for Black women to be stereotyped in this way and limited their
opportunities for growth and promotion.
Jezebel
They myth of the jezebel is yet another stereotype of Black women that has continued to
have a negative impact on Black women. The jezebel is a Black woman who is hyper sexualized
and has an appetite for sex that is believed to exceed that of men (Winfrey Harris, 2015). Not
only does the jezebel have a healthy appetite for sex, but she is also sexually aggressive in her
quest to fulfil her desire (Collins, 2000). The jezebel is considered to be immoral, and always
sexually available (Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016). In their study, Rosenthal and Lobel (2016) found
that Black women were perceived to have had more sexual partners, more sexual encounters and
perceived to be less likely to use birth control in comparison to White women. The jezebel’s
sexual behavior and external expression is contrary to what is perceived to be culturally
acceptable in American society.
The legacy of the jezebel character has painted Black women in a negative light and
impacted their image at work. For instance, the jezebel is perceived to be immoral (Walley-Jean,
2009) and is not associated with any characteristics of leadership. If a Black woman is being
stereotyped as a jezebel at work, her chances for promotion most certainly will be affected. The
jezebel is not admired for her intellect, productivity or potential leadership. The jezebel
stereotype not only stymies Black women’s opportunities in the workplace, but it also serves to
permit sexual harassment and assault of Black women in the workplace (Collins, 2000). This can
happen when others rationalize that Black women desire sex more than others (Walley-Jean,

36
2009). Discussed later on in this chapter, the jezebel character also led to the practice of Black
women adapting their identity to come off as less sexual. This served to protect Black women
and help prevent them from becoming a victim (Harris-Perry, 2011). This stereotype has not only
made it harder for Black women to promote at work but has also served to create work
environments that do not always feel safe for Black women.
Sapphire
Finally, the sapphire myth has also shaped stereotypes of Black women in America. The
sapphire myth proclaims that Black women are emasculating and difficult to work with (Winfrey
Harris, 2015). The sapphire character is aggressive, dominating, “manly” and works hard to get
to where she is (Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016). The sapphire is good at what she does and can
compete with men and win; at the same time the sapphire is undesired by men romantically
(Winfrey Harris, 2015). The sapphire epitomizes the stereotype of the “angry Black woman”
myth (Winfrey Harris, 2015) in which she is difficult to get along with or the “independent
woman” myth. While the sapphire is really good at what she does, many of the characteristics
associated with this stereotype would suggest just the opposite (Walley-Jean, 2009).
While the sapphire character has some traits typically associated with valuable
employees, this myth still remains troublesome for Black women. The sapphire character and
identity was born out of discrimination (Collins, 2000; Walley-Jean, 2009). Some Black women
took on this identity due to the limitations imposed on them by racism (Smith, 1985; Woods-
Giscombé, 2010). The sapphire (or what Collins refers to as the “Black Lady”) identity tells
Black women that they have to “work twice as hard” as others to have equal opportunities due to
discriminatory practices (Collins, 2000). Yet, the stereotype and characterization of Black
women as a sapphire allows employers to pass over Black women for growth opportunities. This

37
stereotype does not honor the pain, suffering and disenfranchisement Black women have
experienced due to discrimination. These experiences would lead anyone to experience anger
(Walley-Jean, 2009). The irony of this myth is that Black women are being denied promotions
on the basis of their seemingly aggressive behavior in response to racism. Yet, this very behavior
is a direct result of discrimination Black women have experienced (Walley-Jean, 2009). It is
further infuriating that successful Black women are told that they are taking away opportunities
from Black men and that they are taking away opportunities from White individuals through
affirmative action (Collins, 2000).
Coping with Discrimination
Perceived racism against Black women in the workplace can often occur based on
negative stereotypes as described earlier. The historical legacy of slavery produced many
negative stereotypes of Black women that justified and allowed racism to occur. Many Black
women are fully aware of the stereotypes surrounding both their race and gender. The mammy,
jezebel and sapphire are not new concepts to most Black women, even if they recognize the
stereotype by a different name. Having dealt with the effects of discrimination their whole lives,
for generations, Black women have had to adapt in order to accomplish their goals. In certain
situations, Black women become keenly aware of the negative stereotypes against them, clearing
the way for the presence of a stereotype threat. Steele (2010) describes a stereotype threat as a
situation in which a person becomes aware of the possibility that others around them may
associate them with a negative stereotype for the group the individual identifies with. The person
subsequently becomes anxious about the possibility of confirming that negative stereotype about
their group or identity to be true (Steele, 2010). The presence of stereotype threat in the

38
workplace is the catalyst for the adaptive behaviors Black women use to overcome systemic
barriers. Stereotype threat is simply a symptom of perceived racism.
To cope with the limitations placed before them by stereotypes and stereotype threats,
many Black women have engaged in what is known as fending off the stereotype. Block, et al.
(2011) describes fending off the stereotype as the behavior of an individual that is intended to
distance that individual from being associated with a negative stereotype about their group. In
this paper, I argue that Black women have been fending off the stereotype at work through
various forms of identity shifting that has been passed down through generations. As mentioned
earlier, identity shifting involves changing one’s behavior, appearance, speech, mannerisms or
other forms of the self in order to match that of a dominant group (Dickens & Chavez, 2018;
Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2004). This shifting can come in the form of adjusting one’s behavior
in a manner perceived to be more acceptable by an employer (Carbado & Gulati, 2000),
changing one’s physical appearance, such as hair styles, to match White ideals of professional
appearance (Allen & Lewis, 2016) or working extremely hard so as not to be seen as lazy
(Block, et al., 2011). Looking at the historical experience of Black women through the lens of
identity shifting reveals several instances in which Black women have used this technique.
Identity shifting takes on various forms for Black women and has been taught, not only as
a means of gaining success, but also as a means of staying safe. Armoring may be described as
one of those ways that Black women have learned to protect themselves in the face of racism and
discrimination. Faulkner (1983) describes armoring in the following way:
The armoring process…refers to specific behavioral and cognitive skills used by black
and other people of color to promote self-caring during direct encounters with racist
experiences and/or racist ideologies. The armoring process is not unique to people of

39
color; however, as a skill it is more developed among people of color because this group
is the most stressed by the mark of oppression. (p. 195-196)
The armoring process as described by Faulkner (1983) occurs in childhood. Bell and Nkomo
(1998) furthered the description of armoring by describing four different lessons that young,
Black girls are taught as they are growing up in order to deal with and overcome racism. These
four lessons during the armoring process include: respectability, courage, self-reliance and
strength. I will go through each one of these methods of armoring and describe their relationship
to the myths above, the stereotype they fend off and how these identities have benefited Black
women in the workforce today.
Respectability and Courage
Bell and Nkomo (1998) argue that respectability and courage are taught to Black girls
who grow up in supportive families with more resources. Bell and Nkomo describe supportive
families as those with two parents, having middle class status, and where the parents have
college degrees. They describe respectability for Black women as a manner of controlling
sexuality and carrying themselves with dignity. In respectability politics, Black women are
expected to dress a certain way so as not to be seen as hypersexual. It requires that Black women
carry themselves in public as if they have no sexual desire at all, even in their private lives
(Harris-Perry, 2011). Respectability can also be described as responding to disrespectful or
hostile situations in a docile manner in hopes of disproving negative stereotypes of Black women
(Dickens & Chavez, 2018). Respectability is about showing the dominant group that Black
women are just like them (Winfrey Harris, 2015).
The jezebel archetype and the stereotype that Black women are hypersexual can be seen
as the source of this adaptation. The idea that a Black woman needs to carry herself with

40
respectability is born out of a desire to disprove the jezebel stereotype (Harris-Perry, 2011). In
the workplace, as well as in other situations, having respectability is a strategy to prevent
becoming the victim of sexual harassment or assault. Respectability is also used by Black
women to let the dominant group know that they do not fit the jezebel stereotype. During the
Civil Rights Era, when many Black women worked as maids and housekeepers for wealthier
White families, respectability was essential to keeping the job (Harris-Perry, 2011). In a world
where the laws were not built to protect Black women, but to oppress them, respectability helped
keep jobs by doing three things: (1) it helped reduce the possibility of being a victim by a
member of the household she worked for, (2) it prevented problems between her and the White
woman she worked for and (3) it prevented Black women from having to rely on a legal system
that inevitably would not protect them (Harris-Perry, 2011).
Courage is a form of armoring that teaches Black girls that they can conquer the world in
spite of racism and discrimination (Bell & Nkomo, 1998). Bell & Nkomo (1998) assert that
when learning about courage, Black girls are taught to appreciate their unique features in a way
that it may not be appreciated by the outside world. They continue that Black girls were taught
that so long as they worked hard, they could make their dreams come true. Additionally, Black
parents who were encouraging their Black girls would expose them to the arts, cultural events,
travel and other places not typically accessible to working class, Black families (Bell & Nkomo,
1998). This exposure served to introduce Black girls to upper middle-class White culture.
Courage teaches young, Black girls, “I can do anything you can do.”
The armoring technique of courage has a unique way in which it helps Black women to
break barriers. Having courage helps Black women to deal with the slew of negative messages
thrown at them about their ability and potential (Bell & Nkomo, 1998). Courage allows Black

41
women to live confidently in two worlds (Bell & Nkomo, 1998). I would argue that the notion
that Black women have to work “twice as hard” as others to accomplish their goals also has roots
in the armoring technique of courage. Courage fends off the stereotype that Black women are not
sophisticated or that they are unrefined (Bell & Nkomo, 1998). Additionally, courage allows
Black women to assimilate with the dominant culture (Bell & Nkomo, 1998), especially in a
workplace environment. This technique can be used in a situation where a Black woman is
presented with a stereotype threat and is a good example of identity shifting.
Self-Reliance and Strength
Bell and Nkomo (1998) argue that self-reliance and strength are taught to Black girls who
come from families that struggle for survival. The Black women who grew up in these families
have experienced at least one instance of a destabilizing event such as a death, extreme financial
hardship, divorce, fights between parents or even alcoholism (Bell & Nkomo, 1998). Self-
reliance lessons teach Black girls to prepare to be able to take care of themselves and not have to
depend on others for financial security (Bell & Nkomo, 1998). Bell & Nkomo (1998) describe
how these women observed their caregivers struggle to make ends meet and become worn out
and tired in the process. They explain how for some women the experience of the loss of a
breadwinner drastically impacted their lives and solidified the need to be self-reliant. Other
times, women were forced to become self-reliant at a young age out of necessity, taking care of
younger siblings or helping around the house while their caregivers worked (Bell & Nkomo,
1998). Self-reliance prepares young, Black girls to take care of themselves.
Bell & Nkomo (1998) argue that self-reliance gave rise to the identity of the
superwoman. The superwoman is a woman who is expected to do it all: care for her children,
work, take care of the household and take care of others with little if any help (Reynolds-Dobbs,

42
Thomas, & Harrison, 2008). The superwoman is determined to succeed, despite having limited
resources and is obligated to bear strength (Woods-Giscombé, 2010). She is not offered any help
with her impending and never-ending load of responsibilities because she is not seen as someone
who needs help (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). This perception is not only as a result of her race,
but her gender (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). Beauboeuf-Lafontant argues that taking on this
identity results in many Black men believing or benefiting from this myth by not providing
Black women with needed support (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). While the superwoman identity
is very similar to, and in some respects, indistinguishable from the strong black woman identity
that will be described below, I would argue that the distinguishing characteristic of the
superwoman is that she relies on her strength to cope with her overwhelming amount of
responsibilities.
Self-reliance and the superwoman identity go hand in hand in how they impact Black
women in the workforce today. Black women are taught to be self-reliant and perceived to
embody a superwoman identity (Bell & Nkomo, 1998), many times they can be seen taking on
more at work than others (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2004). They may be expected to join various
committees, take on more responsibility and work longer hours with little if any support
(Reynolds-Dobbs, et al., 2008). While she is often times not offered any assistance or support,
she also may not ask for any either (Jerold, et al., 2017). After all, she is expected to be self-
reliant and any deviation from this can cause her very identity as a Black woman to be
questioned (Beaumboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). When she can no longer continue to function at this
level and begins to ask for support or assistance, she then risks questions about her work
performance or ability (Dickens & Chavez, 2018). The self-reliant, superwoman is very
reminiscent of the sapphire stereotype described above. It serves to fend off the stereotype of the

43
“angry black woman” as well as those stereotypes surrounding Black women as being lazy.
However, this coping strategy often times can have a major impact on the health and wellbeing
of Black women.
The final lesson young, Black girls learn according to Bell and Nkomo (1998) is to be
strong and how to endure pain without complaining. This may be one of the most enduring
myths and identities that continuously plague Black women today. Bell & Nkomo (1998) argue
that young Black girls are taught that they have an extra burden to bear and need to have the
strength required to carry that extra burden. Beauboeuf-Lafontant (2009) further explains how
Black women are expected to survive all forms of adversity without scarring, are supposed to be
available to everyone twenty-four hours a day without complaining and must always put others’
needs above her own. Expressing distress over the burden of this responsibility or the pain and
the suffering that it causes, is not accepted as a characteristic of what it means to be a Black
woman (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Bell & Nkomo, 1998) and is taught not to be done (Bell &
Nkomo, 1998). This inadvertently results in silent suffering (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Bell &
Nkomo, 1998) in which Black women endure pain without seeking support.
The Strong Black Woman
Of course, the armoring technique of strength has led to the identity and myth of the
strong black woman (SBW). Smith (1985) argues that not only is the strong black woman a myth
but that it is also an identity that developed out of necessity in light of the situations Black
women found themselves in due to racism and discrimination. Recall earlier the discussion on
Black women following the Reconstruction Era. After emancipation, Black men had a very
difficult time earning enough money alone to care for the family (Beal, 2008; Woods-
Giscombé). Black women not only took on the responsibility of caring for their children,

44
maintaining the house and supporting their husbands, but they also had to go to work too to make
sure ends would meet (Jones, 2009). It is not because Black women inherently have more
strength than women of other backgrounds, it is because of the nature of the system that they
were born in that they have had to take on so much responsibility with little help (Beal, 2008).
Strength can also find its roots in the mammy caricature. Mammies were made out to be very
maternalistic figures, who did not have needs of her own, was very strong and did not complain
about her plight (Walley-Jean, 2009).
The strong Black woman identity is deeply ingrained in American society. In a survey of
599 White women, 591 Black women and 603 Asian women in America the characteristic of
“strength” (along with “angry” and “dominance”) was more often times attributed to Black
women than White or Asian women (Rosette, et al., 2016). Not only do other racial groups see
Black women as strong, but Black women themselves take on the identity of the strong Black
woman. In a mixed methods study of 90 college women, West, et al. (2016) found that 83% of
participants identified with the SBW identity. In the same study, of the 16% of participants that
did not identify with the SBW identity, only 2% were not aspiring to. The high association of
Black women with the SBW identity can lead to negative impacts. In West, et al.’s (2016) study,
it was found that 57 out of 83 participants believed the SBW image had an impact on their
health, including avoiding asking for assistance from others or the expectation to cope with more
in comparison to other racial groups. Strength is strongly associated with Black women and has
the potential to lead to negative implications.
Like the superwoman, the strong black woman identity also has implications for Black
women in the workplace. For some Black women, this comes in the form of enduring racism and
discrimination in the workplace, many times silently. This may include refraining from filing

45
legitimate complaints, rarely taking advantage of vacation and sick time, and engaging in
respectability politics by having a docile response to offending or discriminatory practices in the
workplace (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2014). Harris-Perry (2011) describes how some Black
women have adopted an identity at work that does not truly represent who they are as a person
and is created for the sole purpose of making those around her feel more comfortable. These are
all examples of self-sacrificing, putting others’ needs above one’s own and enduring suffering
without complaining; classic characteristics of the strong black woman.
Health Implications
The shifting identities Black women use to break through the concrete ceiling have
negative health implications. These implications usually come in the form of stress that has both
physiological and psychological negative health outcomes. When someone believes that they are
being discriminated against or are the victim of racism, this experience can cause stress
(American Psychological Association, 2011). The body responds to stress physiologically in
ways such as producing increased stress hormones, increased heart rate or sweat (Paradies, et al.,
2015). However, there are also psychological responses to stress that include symptoms of
depression and, or anxiety (Paradies, et al., 2015). For higher socioeconomic status Black women
stress is sustained for longer periods of time due to increased exposure to racism or
discrimination (Hudson, Neighbors, Geronimus & Jackson, 2016). When stress is prolonged in
this way, it is called chronic stress (American Psychological Association, 2011). Coping daily
with chronic stress associated with racism and discrimination has been found to be associated
with an increased risk for coronary vascular diseases, obesity, diabetes, depression and
autoimmune disorders (American Psychological Association, 2011).

46
Another way in which Black women can be susceptible to an increased risk for health
problems is through maladaptive behaviors. Jerold, et al., 2017 argue that the coping techniques
Black women use when addressing negative stereotypes and racism can deplete the cognitive
resources they have available to use healthier coping strategies. This is particularly salient with
the strong black woman stereotype in which Black women are expected to prioritize others’
needs above their own, display strength through adversity and suppress their emotions (Jerold, et
al., 2017). This type of behavior can result in stress that leads to behaviors such as increased
tobacco use or increased substance use (Jerold, et al., 2017). Additionally, when Black women
endorse the use of the strong black woman stereotype to cope with discrimination, they will not
show that they are in emotional distress and in many cases will not seek help so as not to appear
weak (Abrams, Hill & Maxwell, 2019) increasing their health risks. Instead, these women use
the very identity of being strong as an adaptive strategy to shield themselves from the negative
emotions they may experience (Abrams, Hill & Maxwell, 2019). Abrams, et al., 2019 argues that
maintaining the strong black woman identity can prove to be overwhelming for Black women
and lead to increased depressive symptomology.
Although it is clear that Black people as a community tend to have worse health
outcomes in comparison to White people, linking these outcomes directly with racism and
discrimination has proved to be complicated. The evidence linking negative mental health
outcomes for Black women has been fairly consistent while the evidence linking negative
physical health outcomes has been mixed (Black, et al., 2015; Lewis & Van Dyke, 2018;
Paradies, et al., 2015). Black, Johnson and VanHoose (2015) argue that while some coping
strategies can reduce the effects of stress, others may make it worse. They also suggest that the
mixed results may be due to different illnesses interacting with discrimination differently than

47
others. Lewis and Van Dyke (2018) argue that evidence linking racism and discrimination with
negative physical health outcomes has been inconclusive due to researchers’ tendencies to study
African Americans (Black people) as a monolithic group and not taking into account the
variation within the group. They cite differences in socioeconomic strategies and experiences of
racism or discrimination. These challenges in directly linking racism and discrimination with
health outcomes for the Black community continues to be challenging today.
The effects of oppression and racism, however, has been linked to trauma in Black
individuals. These effects mainly have to do with perceptions of racism and the coping
mechanisms chosen to deal with these experiences. Clark, et al. (1999) provides a useful model
for examining this phenomenon referred to as the biopsychosocial model (see Error! Reference
source not found.). In Clark et al.’s (1999) model, individuals interpret an event in the
environment (as racist). These events and experiences are interpreted through their own unique
experiences, thoughts and behaviors (what Clark, et al. 1999 refer to as “constitutional factors,”
“sociodemographic factors” and “psychological and behavioral factors”). The interpretation of
these events as filtered through these various factors lead to adaptive or maladaptive coping
strategies that influence health outcomes (Clark, et al., 1999). In other words, how we see a
(racist) situation, interpret it and choose to deal with it will lead to better or worse health
outcomes, including wellbeing.
Further research has shown how Clark, et al.’s (1999) model plays out in the work
environment. Smith (2008) describes how dealing with racist experiences on a regular basis leads
to physiological and psychological strain known as racial battle fatigue. That is, having to
constantly battle and deal with microaggressions and overt racism takes a toll on both the
physical and mental wellbeing of individuals. Okello, et al. (2020) in their study of thirty-five

48
Black employees in higher education found that participants often experienced exhaustion,
described how they couldn’t be themselves and felt like they had to wear a mask and hide their
pain. This experience inevitably creates stress as it requires taking on multiple identities and
suppressing emotions.
The coping strategies used to deal with racism and discrimination are survival strategies
that may no longer benefit Black women. Dr. Joy DeGruy (2005) argues that Black Americans
may be using maladaptive coping strategies as a direct result of multigenerational trauma caused
by slavery and racism. She refers to this as post traumatic slave syndrome (PTSS). She asserts
that there are many beliefs and coping strategies used by Black people today that were intended
to prepare children for a life of slavery and survival (DeGruy, 2005). She suggests that beliefs
such as the notion that some Black children do not believe they will be successful (though they
have aspirations to be) are no longer useful though they served a purpose in the past (DeGruy,
2005). A purpose in which one had to accept their condition as a slave in order to survive
(DeGruy, 2005). I suggest that Black women in the workplace are experiencing racial battle
fatigue and may be using maladaptive coping strategies (such as the SBW) as a result of PTSS.
These experiences (of microaggressions, racism, racial battle fatigue) will ultimately have an
impact on her health and wellbeing.

49

Figure 2
Clark, et al. (1999) Biopsychosocial Model

Copyright © 1999 by American Psychological Association. Reproduced with permission. Clark, R., Anderson, N. B., Clark, V.
R., & Williams, D. R. (1999). Racism as a Stressor for African Americans. American Psychologist, 54(10), 805–816.

50
Gaps in the Research
The review of the literature above has revealed several gaps that do not address the
unique experiences of Black women. Much of the research that exists looks at Black women’s
experience with racism as a Black person or their experience with discrimination as a woman.
Looking at gendered racism appears to be still growing. Not only do researchers not look at the
intersectionality of Black women’s experiences with racism and discrimination, seldom is it
looked at in the context of their work environments. The literature rarely talks about Black
women’s coping strategies to deal with racism and discrimination at work. The research is
getting closer to a universal understanding of the stereotypes that exist to perpetuate racism and
discrimination against Black women, but still has long to go in the creation of a unified
definition for each of them. Furthermore, the research lacks in information regarding Black
women’s endorsement of various stereotypical identities, such as the strong black woman. Little
is known about the extent to which Black women identify as a strong Black woman, a
superwoman or as a sapphire. While addressing a unified understanding of the stereotypes is
beyond the scope of this study, examining the extent to which these identities are endorsed by
Black women is important to see what role, if any, they play in Black women coping with
discrimination and racism at work.
Additionally, little is known about how Black women’s coping strategies might be related
to their health outcomes. While it is widely accepted that stress is related to negative health
outcomes, the research is lacking in better understanding this relationship through the use of
various coping strategies. The extent to which these various coping strategies may reduce health
risks or increase them is not well understood. Only one study by Jerald, et al, (2017) was found
that specifically addressed the complex relationship between being a Black woman, coping with

51
negative stereotypes and gendered racism and how these impacted Black women’s health. This
study will also look at this very same phenomenon in the context of the work environment.
The Theories Shaping This Framework
There are two main theories that will be used to guide the research in this study:
Intersectionality and Social Cognitive Theory. These theories are embedded in the core of the
Coping Strategies and Health Outcomes model (Figure 1) described above. Below, I will briefly
describe the theories and their most pertinent aspects as they apply to my topic of discussion and
subsequent research.
Intersectionality
The concept of intersectionality provides a useful lens to understand the context of this
research study. While not a new concept, the term was first coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in
1989 (Bridges, 2019). Crenshaw (1989) describes intersectionality as the unique experience of
individuals who are disadvantaged, oppressed or left out due to their intersecting axes of various
identities. Crenshaw specifically uses Black women as an example to illustrate her argument.
She describes how Black women were disenfranchised by the legal system in several cases of
discrimination. In each case, the court sided with the defendants because they had shown that
they had either not discriminated against Black men (and therefore could not have discriminated
against Black women) or had not discriminated against White women (and therefore could not
have discriminated against Black women) (Crenshaw, 1989). Crenshaw argues that the courts
failed to see the racist or discriminatory practices because they saw Black women as either Black
or women, but not as Black women, a distinct group.
Intersectionality is at the heart and soul of this research study. Intersectionality helps to
explain and make meaning of many of the issues of discrimination and racism that Black women

52
face. Because Black women experience a double minority status, their unique challenges are
often times overlooked. This can be especially true in a work environment that can be dominated
by White, male leadership. It is through the lens of intersectionality that this study will explore
Black women’s unique experience with racism and discrimination, their unique coping strategies
to it and how it impacts their health.
Social Cognitive Theory
Social Cognitive Theory (SCT) was developed by Albert Bandura and explains how
people interact with their environment to learn. SCT is very broad and includes several different
concepts as part of the theory. For the purposes of this research paper, I will focus on the
concepts of triadic reciprocal determinism and symbols. Reciprocal determinism describes the
relationship between a person, their external environment and their behavior (Bandura, 1989).
Bandura (1989) explains that what people think and feel impacts how they will behave. In turn,
what is seen and experienced in the environment impacts how people think (Bandura, 1989).
Finally, how one behaves impacts the environment and vice versa. Bandura also explains how
symbols are a way in which people attach meanings to various experiences through a cognitive
process. The symbols people create impact their subsequent behavior (Bandura, 1989).
At first glance, SCT may seem like an abstract concept that does not apply to the
discussion on Black women’s double minority status, its implications for health and various
coping strategies. However, SCT provides a useful framework to explain the relationship
between these concepts very well. To apply the concept of triadic reciprocal determinism to this
discussion, consider the following: The experience of racism and discrimination can be seen as
activities happening in the environment. Through a cognitive process, these experiences are
interpreted to be racist or discriminatory. How Black women choose to cope with these

53
experiences can be seen as the behavior. To interpret something as racist or discriminatory
requires the use of symbols based on a person’s prior experience, observations and knowledge.
SCT provides a useful way to look at and understand the complexities of the relationship
between Black women’s experience with racism and discrimination, their subsequent coping
strategies and its impact on health as it pertains to their work environments.

54
54
Figure 3
Example of Bandura’s Triadic Reciprocal Determinism & Symbols

Summary
Black women have been discriminated against since their arrival in the Americas from
the continent of Africa. This discrimination has taken many forms and Black women have been a
target of such harsh treatment as a result of not only their race, but also their gender. To cope
with the discrimination and oppression that they have experienced, many Black women have
been armored to use identity shifting or endorsing stereotypes such as the “strong black woman”

55
as coping strategies. While generally seen as a positive and healthy way to cope with
discrimination, these strategies can also negatively impact Black women’s health and wellbeing.
While the research has clearly shown a history of discrimination against Black women, there is
much more to be discovered about the potential health risks of discrimination and racism. This is
especially true as it relates to Black women and how they cope with discrimination at work.
While there is a moderate amount of research on the problems leading to discrimination, there
isn’t as much information on the solutions to fixing this problem, especially from the
perspectives of Black women. There is a tendency to study Black women as a whole as opposed
to looking at the diversity within the group. While diversity can span from sexual identity,
religious beliefs, socio-economic status and gender identity among so many other identities,
these differences are often times not considered in the research. While this paper will not
endeavor to look at all of these variables, it will attempt to look at the problem as it manifests
differently for different Black women. The concepts of intersectionality and SCT provide a
useful framework for understanding Black women’s unique experiences.

56
Chapter Three: Methodology
This study sought to gain a better understanding of how Black women cope with
perceived racism and discrimination using shifting, armoring and stereotype endorsements. This
study also sought to understand how this strategy may impact the health and wellbeing of Black
women. In order to ascertain this information, I collected data using a combination of interviews,
surveys and journal entries from seventeen participants who self-identified as Black or African-
American women born and raised in the United States whose parents were also born in the
United States. Participants’ responses to interviews, surveys and journal entries were analyzed
for any similarities with armoring, identity shifting or stereotypical identities of Black women,
such as the SBW. Once all interviews and surveys were coded for shifting, armoring and
stereotype endorsements, these results were matched with the participants’ scores on the General
Well-being Schedule to determine the relationship between the use of these coping strategies and
participants’ measured wellbeing. This chapter will describe the details of my analysis, review
what instruments were used to conduct this investigation, review how data was collected and
analyzed and finally discuss some ethical considerations that were made.
Sample and Population
In order to conduct this study, I used purposeful sampling, convenience sampling and
snowball sampling. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) define purposeful sampling as the selection of a
sample based on where the researcher would gain the greatest amount of insight. Because this
study focuses specifically on Black women who have experienced stereotype threat, racism or
discrimination at work, my sample consisted of individuals who met this criterion. Participants
not only had to be born and raised primarily in the United States, but their parents as well had to
be born in the United States. Participants had to identify as Black or African-American.

57
Participants were also required to be employed in a social service profession, loosely and broadly
defined as employment outside of STEM fields (science, technology, engineering and math).
Convenience sampling, a form of purposeful sampling, entails selecting a sample based
on time, money and access (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I used convenience sampling due to
limitations in my access to specific industries, businesses and professional organizations.
Snowball sampling, also a form purposeful sampling, entails asking participants for
recommendations on others who might meet the criteria for participation in the study (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). Many of the participants in the study learned about the study through the
National Council for Negro Women. Others heard about it from a friend or relative, through the
University of California, Riverside Black Alumni Chapter, LinkedIn or just through personal
communication with me.
Instrumentation
I used a combination of surveys, interviews and journal entries to answer the research
questions. The surveys were used for three purposes: to verify that participants met criteria to
participate in the study, to obtain demographic information and to collect answers regarding
participants’ wellbeing. The wellbeing questions on the survey came from the General Well-
Being Schedule (GWBS) developed by Harold Dupuy (McDowell, 2006). The surveys and
journals were completed remotely, online using Microsoft Forms. The following sections
describe the instrumentation in more detail.
I used the interviews and the journals as data collection instruments in order to improve
credibility of the results. Credibility refers to how plausible the findings are (Lincoln & Guba,
1985). Using a variety of methods to collect data and confirm findings is known as triangulation
(Creswell, 2018). The two-week journals were used to yield information that participants may

58
not have been comfortable divulging during a live interview. The journals also had the added
benefit that participants were able to record events as they happened. In this way, the journals
provided an account on participants’ experiences closer to the actual day they occurred. This was
not always possible with interview participants. The journals were limited to two weeks as
research has shown that the longer journals are kept, the less detailed information participants
provide over time (Wiseman, Conteh & Matovu, 2005). As such, online journals automatically
closed after a designated period of time of not more than three weeks. The extra week was left
open in case participants needed more time to make an entry for the previous two weeks. There
were no entries provided beyond the two-week period.
The General Well-Being Schedule (GWBS) was used to measure the general well-being
of participants for the past month. The GWBS was developed by Harold J. Dupuy in 1977 and is
intended to measure general psychological well-being and distress (McDowell, 2006). The
GWBS is an 18-item questionnaire that measures distress and wellbeing by asking a series of
questions measured on a six-item ordinal scale for fourteen of the questions and an eleven-item
interval scale for four of the questions. Some of the questions are reversed scored. Dupuy also
developed the GWBS to measure six subscales: anxiety, depression, positive well-being, self-
control, vitality and general health. The GWBS has been found to be a valid and reliable tool
many times, including with African-American women (Taylor, et al., 2003). In Taylor’s, et al.
(2003) study, which consisted of 599 African-American women, the GWBS 18-item scale was
found to have a Cronbach score of 0.92. However, Taylor, et al. (2003) found that the six
subscales used in the 18-item version of the GWBS was not reliable for African-American
women and therefore was not used in this study.

59
Data Collection Procedures
The data collection procedures for this study started with the recruitment process.
Informational fliers and postings asked potential participants to contact me by email or phone if
they were interested in participating in the research study and met the criteria that was listed. A
total of thirty-eight, self-identified Black women expressed interest in participating. Each
potential participant that expressed interest in participating was provided with a pseudonym, a
participant identification number, the risk information sheet and a hyperlink to complete the
demographic survey (see

60
Appendix B) via Microsoft Forms. The demographic survey not only collected
demographic information but also verified whether or not potential participants met the criteria
to participate in the research study and obtained their preference for participation by interview or
journal writing. Of the 38 who expressed interest in participating, 25 completed the demographic
survey, 24 met the criteria to participate and 17 completed an interview or journal and the
GWBS. Of the 17 participants, all elected to participate via an interview with the exception of
two participants who completed a two-week journal.
Due to the COVID-19 pandemic that occurred during the time frame of this research, all
interviews were conducted remotely. Once interview participants had completed the
demographic survey and were found to be eligible to participate, they were scheduled for a
phone interview via exchanges through email. After the interview was scheduled, participants
were once again reminded via email of their participant identification number and pseudonym
and instructed to complete the GWBS prior to their interview, but no sooner than the day of the
interview. The GWBS survey was transposed to Microsoft Forms to make it convenient and easy
for all participants to complete it remotely. All interviews were conducted by phone and
recorded with participants’ permission. Only one of the fifteen interviews were conducted by
video on Google Meets in which the participant was not visible during the interview.
During the interviews, participants were asked to describe the type of work they do, the
racism and discrimination they experienced at work and to describe how they coped with it. All
interviews were recorded (with participants’ permission) and uploaded to the website Otter.ai
where they were transcribed. Only one interview was transcribed by hand. Each transcription
was reviewed for accuracy before being uploaded to Atlas.ti where they were coded for
examples of shifting, armoring or endorsement of stereotypical identities such as the “strong

61
black woman.” Additionally, examples of participants rejecting the idea of shifting at work, the
belief that they failed to benefit from armoring or found endorsing the stereotypes was
problematic were all also coded. This was done to find any evidence that may counter the
existence of these coping strategies. Each code in each interview was counted for the frequency
it was mentioned or whenever an example of it was given. Participants’ interviews were then
grouped by their GWBS rating, “positive well-being,” “moderate distress,” or “severe distress.”
For each group of participants, the totals of each code for each participant was added together to
highlight the relationship between participants’ wellbeing and the use of shifting, armoring or
endorsing stereotypes about Black women. For example, all the codes for shifting for all the
participants who scored with “positive well-being” were added together to examine shifting
behavior among this particular group of participants.
Participants who elected to participate via journaling completed their journals using
prompts provided on Microsoft Forms (see

62
Appendix B). These participants each had a unique hyperlink where they would be able to
make a journal entry as often as they’d like for a two-week period they were working. The
journal would automatically close after three weeks to give participants more time to make an
entry for the previous two weeks. Keeping with best practices, each participant had a scheduled
appointment prior to beginning their journals to explain the procedures for using Microsoft
Forms for their journals (Wiseman, Conteh & Matovu, 2005). Journal entry participants were
asked to write about their experiences with racism and discrimination at work and to describe
how they coped with it. At the end of each entry, participants were asked whether or not it was
their last day of journaling. When participants marked “yes” Microsoft Forms prompted these
participants to answer the questions for the GWBS survey at the conclusion of their journaling.
Each entry of the two journal submissions were combined into one document (one document for
each journal submission, resulting in two documents) and uploaded to ATLAS.ti for coding the
same way interviews were coded. Both journal submissions were also divided by GWBS levels
to analyze the relationship between coping strategies and general well-being.

Table 1
Steps of Method Used to Complete Study
Steps
Interview Participants
(Qualitative)
Journal Entry
Participants
(Qualitative)
Step #1
Demographic &
Criteria
Demographics &
Criteria
Step #2
GWBS Completion
Journal Entry
Submission
Step #3
Interview Completion GWBS Survey

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Step #4
Transcription, Review
& Analysis
Analysis

Confidentiality
Confidentiality and data protection of participants’ information was important. The
online demographic survey, the GWBS and the Journal did not ask for the name of participants,
but instead asked for a participant identification number and a pseudonym. A pseudonym was
used in place of participants’ actual names to protect their confidentiality when discussing results
and providing examples of actual responses. I kept a record of the email addresses associated
with the corresponding participant identification numbers and pseudonyms but the actual data
itself never had any identifying information on it as to who provided the responses. All data
captured and saved on my personal computer was stored in a password protected file linked to
my University of Southern California student account with One Drive. Maxwell (2013) points
out that it is important to keep in mind that any evidence obtained that, if published, could
potentially cause harm to a participant should not be published for the safety of the participant.
Therefore, any evidence that could potentially harm one of the participants was not published
here.
Data Analysis
Data analysis for each of my research questions was similar with the exception of
question four, which was quantitative. My fourth research question sought to understand the
relationship between the use of various coping strategies and participants’ wellbeing. In order to
answer this question, I first needed to understand how Black women were coping with racism,
discrimination and stereotypes at work. This is the core of what my first three research questions

64
sought to answer. To better understand the coping strategies, I transcribed and coded interviews
and journal entries to look for themes or patterns in coping strategies that looked like armoring,
or identity shifting. I also looked for patterns or themes around the extent Black women believed
in and tried to emulate certain stereotypes about Black women and how this was used to deal
with racism and discrimination at work. I counted each time a participant mentioned or provided
an example of a specific experience that resembled shifting, armoring or stereotype endorsement.
The corresponding number of mentions and experiences for each one of these categories was
used to answer research question four. Coding was done using the software, ATLAS.ti. Journal
entries and interview transcriptions were imported into ATLAS.ti for coding.
Once coding was completed, I looked at the responses to the GWBS. A composite score
was generated for each respondent and was matched with the corresponding distress category
(“positive wellbeing,” “moderate distress” or “severe distress”) based on their score. Scores
between 0-60 indicated “severe distress,” scores between 61-72 indicated “moderate distress”
and scores between 73-110 indicated “positive wellbeing.” Therefore, each participant’s survey
results indicated whether or not they had “positive wellbeing,” “moderate distress” or “severe
distress.” Participants were grouped by their GWBS distress category and the total number of
mentions and or experiences (of shifting, armoring or stereotype endorsement) for all the
participants in each distress category was used to determine how the coping strategies were
impacting their wellbeing. I then looked for similarities or differences in the number of mentions
and or experiences based on distress category. In this way, I could clearly see which coping
strategies were being used more or less by participants in each distress category. For instance, I
could compare the use of shifting among the group of participants with “positive wellbeing”
versus those with “severe wellbeing” to see how shifting was impacting participants’ wellbeing.

65
Limitations and Delimitations
While I have endeavored to create a sound and ethical research study, it was inevitable
that it would have limitations and some ethical dilemmas. As this research study required
participation from human subjects it was important first and foremost to consider how their
participation in this study could potentially negatively impact them. Racism and discrimination
are heavy topics to deal with. Asking participants to recall and describe in detail the experiences
that they have had with racism, discrimination and stereotypes had the potential to cause
emotional injury. Participants who discussed experiences that may have been particularly
traumatizing for them ran the risk of being retraumatized by recanting these experiences. In order
to address this potential risk, I reminded participants that they need only share what they feel
comfortable in sharing and that they may withdraw their participation at any time. Participants
had the option to withdraw in the middle of journaling, in the middle of an interview or even in
the middle of completing one of the surveys. Although resources were readily available for
participants who may have experienced negative emotions during interviews or journals, all
participants were able to name sources of support to handle their emotions and the additional
resources did not seem to be needed.
In addition to protecting the well-being of participants, it is also very important to protect
their confidentiality. The information that participants shared during the course of data collection
could have had negative consequences for them if their identities were revealed and linked with
their responses. I solicited sensitive information from participants regarding their well-being as
well as information about their perceived experiences with racism, discrimination and
stereotypes at work. While there are certainly laws that are meant to protect persons from
discrimination, this research study would not exist if those laws were perfectly upheld. Names

66
and exact places of employment were not asked on the surveys. All data published in this
manuscript utilized pseudonyms as opposed to real names and vague information about locations
of participants or their places of employment.
As the researcher conducting this investigation and as a Black woman who may identify
in several ways with many of the participants, there are also ethics I needed to consider for
myself. As a human being, I also have the potential to experience vicarious trauma in conducting
this investigation. In fact, reading for and writing the literature review for this dissertation was
often times very difficult. It was important for me to remain cognizant of my own response to
hearing about others’ various experiences and while analyzing the data.
Positionality
As a Black woman who has experienced racism and discrimination in the workplace, I
had to be aware of my own biases and be implicit about my own subjectivity. Merriam and
Tisdell (2016) discuss that the researcher in qualitative studies is not an objective participant in
the study, but in fact is the instrument by which the study is being conducted. While this is not
considered to be a negative aspect of qualitative research, it is important to be open about it. As a
Black woman who has experienced racism, discrimination and stereotype threat at work, there
were many instances when I would relate to the information provided by the participants. For
this reason, as the instrument, I ran the risk of making conclusions that only look like my own
experiences. In order to minimize this risk, I used triangulation and also sought alternative
explanations to my findings as suggested by Merriam and Tisdell (2016). The triangulation I
used in conducting this research study was aimed to increase credibility of my findings. The
journal entries offered an opportunity for participants to discuss the general topic without my

67
presence or the influence that my presence could cause. Taken together, these strategies
produced more credible findings.
Limitations
One limitation to this study is the fact that racism and discrimination are subjective
perceptions of the participants and analyzed through my subjectivity. There may be some
nuances to each individual’s understanding of these concepts and therefore their experiences.
While I sought to analyze the data collected for patterns or themes, the fact that these nuanced
understandings exist will make the findings unique to the group of participants in this study and
may not hold true for a different group given the same set of questions.
A second limitation to this study was the fact that participants were asked to provide
information on what they have experienced as opposed to being observed to see what really
happened. Having participants participate through interviews and journals meant that events
were filtered through participants’ perceptions and memory. Participants may not have recalled
events as they actually occurred, may have left out important details or perceived an event in a
totally different way than others may have. While this could have potentially impacted the
accuracy of the facts provided, it should be noted however that the point of this study was not to
determine what is and is not discrimination, but how Black women who perceive discrimination
cope with it at work. In this respect, it did not matter if I agreed with participants on whether or
not an event was discriminatory, only that the participant thought it was.
Delimitations
There were several delimitations to this study. One of the biggest delimitations to this
study was the fact that there was no way to make absolute statements about the relationship
between participants’ coping strategies and their perceived well-being. While I was able to draw

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out general themes and patterns about the relationship between the coping strategies and
participants’ perceived well-being, the fact remains that there could be several other variables
contributing to participants’ scores on the GWBS, including the fact that this study was
conducted during a worldwide COVID-19 pandemic. There is no way to say with absolute
certainty that a particular score on the GWBS is directly related to the coping strategies
participants described.
Additionally, the GWBS provided an idea about the level of distress an individual may
have experienced in the past, but not much else. I did not have concrete data about participants’
health (such as diagnoses for diabetes or heart conditions) or their increased or decreased health
risks. No data was collected on the physical health conditions of clients outside of what was self-
reported and even these self-reported conditions were not analyzed. This study strictly looked at
how armoring, shifting and endorsing stereotypes might impact participants wellbeing,
essentially their distress levels.
Finally, this study did not look at intragroup racism, that is, racism within the Black
community aimed at members of the Black community (Clark, et al., 1999). This includes issues
such as colorism, in which there are beliefs that having lighter skin is preferential over darker
skin, or internalized racism. These issues were simply too complex to evaluate within this study.
Therefore, intragroup racism was not analyzed or addressed within this study.

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Chapter Four: Findings
This study was a mixed a methods study looking at how the use of shifting, armoring, and
stereotypes in the workplace impacted Black women’s wellbeing. There were four research
questions:
(1) In what ways, if any, do Black women’s coping strategies in response to perceived
racism, discrimination or stereotype threat in their workplace exemplify identity shifting?
(2) In what ways, if any, do Black women’s coping strategies in response to perceived
racism, discrimination or stereotype threat in their workplace exemplify armoring?
(3) When do Black women endorse stereotypical identities of Black women while in the
workplace?
(4) What is the relationship between various coping strategies used by Black women in
response to perceived racism, discrimination or stereotype threat and their perceived
health outcomes?
I will begin this chapter by describing the findings broadly, followed by a description of the
participants and ending with an important statement about the participants and the current events
that were taking place at the time of data collection. This chapter will then continue with a
detailed account of the results for each research question.
Broad Description of Findings
Research questions one through three needed to be answered first in order to answer
question four. Therefore, findings will be discussed for research questions one through three first
before diving into the results for research question four. Broadly speaking findings supported
shifting and armoring behavior by participants to cope with racism, discrimination and
stereotype threat at work. Additionally, findings revealed that participants most commonly

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embraced the SBW and superwoman identities as an additional coping strategy. While findings
strongly supported the use of shifting, armoring and stereotype endorsement, there were also
findings to suggest that these coping strategies were not always supported by the participants.
With the exception of two participants, all other participants provided examples of shifting,
armoring or stereotype endorsement to cope with racism and discrimination, regardless of
whether or not they agreed with the practice. Additionally, findings clearly indicated that use of
armoring and shifting as a coping strategy had an impact on the participants’ wellbeing. These
participants tended to have lower rates of wellbeing. However, results for how stereotype
endorsement impacted participants wellbeing were not as decisive.
The findings from this study were impacted by the lower number of participants who
submitted journal entries. Because there were so few participants who submitted a journal (two
out of seventeen), very little data was ascertained from the journal submissions. This had an
impact on my ability to compare journal submission findings with interview findings as they
related to shifting’s impact on participants’ wellbeing. Furthermore, while shifting was
discovered to be a coping strategy used by the journal entry participants, the frequency of its use
was very low in comparison to what was discovered among interview participants. Had there
been additional journal submissions, perhaps more in-depth discoveries would have been found
within the journal submissions. Furthermore, had the data for journal entries been monitored as it
was being submitted, perhaps more detailed instructions could have been provided to participants
to elicit richer data submission. However, this was simply not possible for me to do due to
incurring a family crisis event during data collection. Although the journal submission data is
limited, support for the use of shifting behaviors as a coping strategy was discovered, though
shifting’s impact on participants wellbeing was not well supported.

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Description of Participants
There was a total of seventeen participants who took part in this study. Fifteen
participants provided an interview and two provided a two-week journal of their experiences at
work. Participants were residents of one of ten different states in the United States, primarily
located on the West Coast, East Coast and Southern part of the United States. Participants’ ages
ranged from twenty-four years of age to seventy-eight years of age with the median age being
forty-eight. Participants’ highest education levels were primarily at the graduate degree level.
One participant had as high as a high school diploma, one had as high as a Bachelor’s degree,
nine of them had as high as a master’s degree and six had doctorate degrees (including a juris
doctorate). Income ranges for participants were mixed with five participants making between
$40,000 and $60,000 a year, four making between $60,001 and $80,000 a year, three making
between $80,001 a year and $100,000 a year and five of them having incomes of $100,001 a year
or more. Out of a total of thirty-eight participants who expressed interest in participating in the
study, twenty-five completed the demographic and qualification survey, twenty-four met criteria
to participate and seventeen completed an interview or journal. While all participants were
employed through some type of social service field, they varied from being entrepreneurs,
employees in executive or management level positions with subordinates to non-supervisory
positions. Exact positions and employment is not provided for to protect the confidentiality of
participants.

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Table 2
Education and Income Levels of Participants
Education Level
HS Diploma Bachelor’s Degree Master’s Degree Doctorate Degree
1 1 9 6
Income Levels
$40K – $60K $60K-$80K $80K – $100K $100K +
5 4 3 5

Trauma and Current Events
Although trauma was not addressed by any of the original research questions, it is
important to note that many of the participants described traumatic events of racism and
discrimination that occurred to them during the course of their employment. During interviews,
the emotions behind the traumatic events were quite evident and some encounters were recalled
with tears. There were more than a few instances in which interviewees expressed feelings of
defeat, disappointment and regrettable acceptance of the limitations placed on them for upward
mobility and respect. These participants discussed how opportunities for promotions seemed too
far out of reach no matter what they did, how professional they were or what changes they made.
Some participants also discussed how their positions were often times not respected, such as
being dismissed by subordinates or challenged by clients who wanted to speak with a supervisor.
These experiences, while not the center of this specific research study, were significant enough

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that it was important to mention them. It is through these experiences of trauma that the above
research questions were answered.
Equally important to acknowledging the trauma participants experienced is to
acknowledge what was happening in the United states at the time participants were interviewed
or submitted journals. The country was in the middle of dealing with a pandemic caused by
COVID-19 (Coronavirus Disease 2019). This pandemic not only caused the deaths of hundreds
of thousands of Americans by 2021 (Centers for Disease Control, 2021), it also separated
families from having regular in person contact with each other for months, moved much of the
workforce from office buildings to home offices, students from schools to online classrooms and
quarantined individuals (meaning they had to stay home unless it was essential to go out) for
months. Hugging loved ones was discouraged, masks were required to be worn in most indoor
spaces and maintaining a distance of at least six feet from those outside of your household was
the mantra. Sports leagues such as the NFL (National Football League) or the MLB (Major
League Baseball) would continue without spectators and many forms of entertainment such as
concerts, ballets and even the movie theatres were closed for months. I would be completely
remiss if I did not acknowledge the loss, pain, and tragedy that was caused by the pandemic and
affected the whole nation, in fact, every nation on earth. The additional stressors of the pandemic
no doubt would have played a role in the stress levels of participants.
Additionally, it should be noted that the United States was deeply divided during the time
of my data collection. It was a presidential election year in 2020 and a change in the federal
administration in 2021. To say that many Black Americans felt deeply marginalized, oppressed,
undervalued and as if living in America under the federal administration in 2020 was unsafe, is
an understatement. The death of George Floyd in 2020 in Minnesota by police after being pinned

74
down by three officers on his back while uttering the words “I can't breathe” due to allegations
he had used a counterfeit $20 bill propelled the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement to new
heights. Many Black individuals around America found themselves both traumatized and
stunned by Mr. Floyd's death and the federal response to his death. Mr. Floyd’s death in many
protests and riots. While Mr. Floyd's death certainly had an impact on the movement and the
nation, he was but one of several other deaths that had occurred to Black individuals at the hands
of police during this time. While the experiences of Black women with the pandemic and the
BLM movement is certainly outside of the scope of this specific research study, it is important to
note the context in which this study was conducted as these events likely impacted participants.
In the sections that follow, I will discuss the findings of each research question in more
detail in sequential order. Each section will identify the research question being answered and
address specific themes within the findings for that specific question. Additionally, each section
will address any findings that did not support the use of shifting, armoring or stereotype
endorsement to cope with racism and discrimination.
Research Question 1: Shifting
My first research question sought to answer the following: In what ways, if any, do Black
women’s coping strategies in response to perceived racism, discrimination or stereotype threat in
their workplace exemplify identity shifting? The results of my analysis indicated that participants
definitely engaged in shifting as one of their coping mechanisms in response to racism,
discrimination and stereotype threat at work. Out of a total of fifteen interviews, only two
interviewees did not provide any examples of shifting. Both participants of journaling also
provided examples of shifting at work. In addition to looking for examples of shifting at work, I
also looked for evidence that was contrary to using shifting as a strategy to cope with racism and

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discrimination at work. I refer to this as “rejection of shifting.” While eight of the interviewees
provided statements that they either did not engage in shifting or was against it, seven of those
eight participants still provided examples in which they were engaging in shifting behavior at
work. There was no evidence found for the rejection of shifting behavior among the journal entry
participants.
There were five key themes discovered regarding the shifting behaviors participants
engaged in. These themes were: (1) Wearing a “mask” and hiding true feelings, emotions,
identity or true self, (2) Avoiding the “angry Black woman” stereotype, (3) obtaining
professional recognition, (4) the internal cognitive process of shifting and (5) the rejection of
shifting. The first two themes were by far the most prevalent of all of the themes discovered. In
the sections that follow, I will describe each theme in more detail and provide examples that
support them.
Wearing A Mask
One of the major themes discovered within the data was that participants felt like they
had to wear a “mask” while they were at work. Many of the participants described the experience
of shifting at work as the wearing of a mask or having to put on a performance. Putting on the
mask referred to pretending to be someone other than their true, authentic selves.
I think with the mask...is kind of, you don't allow stuff to penetrate. So you're like a fake
person. Like I always say, like a Stepford wife, like, you're not really you…you're not
really sharing yourself with them.
…
Say my name is really Kenya. But when I go to work, I'm going to be Kindle. So I'm
Kenya all the way drive into work. I sit in the car for a minute to just put on the Kindle.

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So when I go into the building, while they're still calling me Kenya, they're getting
Kindle. So I laugh at their, you know, their jokes. You know, that don't relate to anything.
I try not to internalize, you know, the things that they say. (Eileen)
The mask is donning a personality, a way of being and behaviors that may not be typical of that
person’s everyday character. Wearing the mask requires one to actively portray a persona and
consistently be aware of how they are being perceived by others. It is an engaging and cognitive
process that does not always occur as naturally as it would seem.
…you have to start seeing yourself in the way that White people see you. Or even more,
so how you want them to perceive you, right? If you don't want them to perceive you
through all these stereotypical lenses, then you have to craft your identity, your language,
you know, your whole person in ways that are inauthentic, and that, that's traumatizing
and all black people experience this, even those who benefit from whiteness. (Stephanie)
The mask is not only a guide for how to interact with others while at work to cope with racism
and discrimination, but it is also an attempt at controlling negative stereotypes others may be
tempted to place on you while at work. Wearing the mask appears to be a profound experience of
crafting a work identity that requires thoughtfulness, energy and a little self-sacrifice to maintain.
While not every participant described the experience of shifting in terms of “wearing a mask,”
their descriptions were very akin to this concept. Other times shifting was referred to as “playing
the game” or “code switching.” Although the exact terms used to describe shifting behavior
varied among participants, the experiences they shared about what it was and how it felt were
very similar.

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Why She Wears the Mask
In addition to describing what it meant to shift and wear a mask at work, many of the
participants also described why wearing the mask was necessary. Participants commented that
wearing a mask was needed in order to hide their emotions and personal challenges from
colleagues and superiors. Participants often times discussed how the need to mask their emotions
was necessary to appear to be strong and capable in front of their peers at work. Many
participants did not want anyone at work to suspect that there would ever be a problem with
them performing their work duties.
I have to put my face on so I can go and deal with these folks at work. Because they don’t
care that I’m depressed. They don’t care that I’m having anxiety today. They don’t care
that I cried in the car on my lunch break. They want me to show up and do what they’re
asking me to do. And if I ask to take a day off, its gon’ be a problem. (Toni)
Feeling the need to hide emotions and potential personal challenges was a common theme among
the participants. Many participants described behaviors in which they retreated, took breaks,
closed office doors or went to the bathroom in order to handle their emotions before returning
and re-presenting themselves under the guise of their masks.
So I was feeling very anxious of anxiety of having anxiety attacks, but nobody knew that
but me. Nobody in the office knew that because I was, I was showing, exhibiting or
presenting the face of strength to everybody else. (Glenda)
Participants’ descriptions casted a picture in which Black women are not allowed to reveal their
true emotions. Their descriptions paint a picture as if revealing emotions or personal challenges
and struggles would indicate a sign of weakness that would be interpreted as their inability to do
their job.

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And so I looked at him. And I said, why wasn't I focused? He said, “Yes! What has your
problem been? You don't want...” And I said, my father was dying. That's all I can think
about. And I looked at our President and I said, “may I be excused?” Because I knew I
was about to lose it. (Emily)
I would posit that it is experiences like Emily’s that participants are trying to avoid by hiding
their true emotions. They do not want their ability to perform their work tasks to be questioned.
Therefore, they hide these emotions and personal challenges in order to avoid any questions
about their ability to perform their work tasks.
Many participants felt the need to engage in shifting behavior not only to mask their
emotions but also to simply meet their basic needs. In these instances, participants commented
on how it was necessary for them to have benefits such as life insurance or health insurance and
the real need for consistent income. In this regard, shifting behaviors were not conducted simply
to look good and have a better opportunity for advancement, they were done in order to avoid
unemployment and meet their own basic needs and those of their family.
…when can I be me? I don't know when I can be me. It took hours to be me. It's
exhausting. Because I'm somebody else for like 9, 10 hours, then, okay, now I can be me
but I have to be someone else to have a paycheck. I have to be someone else to have
insurance. I have to be someone else to have 401k. (Eileen)
Having the need to meet basic necessities, especially the need for regular income was common.
Shifting was required to obtain employment, maintain employment and regulate personal
responses to acts of discrimination.
When you go to these jobs to keep the job or first even to get the job, you got to put on a
façade, you got to put on another layer and put on a mask put on what works in the, in

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that environment. You have to cater to the dictates of the hiring authority that the people
you work with. You have to have another, you have to be almost schizophrenic without
being schizophrenic, you know? (Belinda)
Shifting behavior through the wearing of a mask was a necessary coping strategy for many
participants simply so that they can obtain and maintain their employment. A lot of participants
made comments about how they would have wanted to react to situations of discrimination at
work, but knew that such a reaction, though justified, could lead to their termination. These
participants expressed concerns about potentially losing basic necessities, such as income,
insurance and retirement benefits if they did not choose to shift. In this respect, shifting can be
considered a survival technique for dealing with racism and discrimination at work, not merely
as a tool for advancement.
Avoiding the Angry Black Woman Stereotype
Another major theme that was extracted from the data was the desire for participants to
avoid being perceived as an angry Black woman. Many of the participants were very cognizant
of this stereotype and wanted to ensure that their behavior did not lead to them being stereotyped
in this way at work. The thought of being designated as the angry Black woman often times
elicited great disdain from participants. If there was any stereotype they could choose to avoid
being labeled as, the angry Black woman would have been number one.
…but the biggest thing for me is like not being the angry black woman. So when I'm
talking to someone, if I'm angry, really having to lower my voice, and kind of almost
pretend like I'm trying to put a child to sleep, or being a preschool teacher, so that it
doesn't come off as, “Oh my God, you're so mad right now.” And I'm thinking, I'm really
not, I'm just talking… (Erica)

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Consistently participants reported intentionally and strategically making shifts in the way they
talk so that they are not associated with the angry black woman stereotype. It was described as a
stressful endeavor to monitor their speech and cadence when faced with a stereotype threat.
I have to think like, okay, I don't want them to think that I am mean or that I'm angry or
that I'm trying to cause a problem so let me slow my cadence down when I respond. Let
me whisper instead of talking in my regular tone. Let me, like all of these things that are
so stressful. Like in a conversation, you have to think about all these things just so that
other people don’t perceive you in a negative light. (Toni)
There were many more examples that could have been shared. Avoiding the angry Black woman
stereotype was nearly a universal endeavor among the participants of this study. Shifting was one
of the ways participants avoided being labeled as the angry Black woman.
Professional Recognition
A third way that shifting manifested itself as described by the participants of the study is
through a desire to obtain professional recognition and earn the respect of colleagues and
superiors at work. Some participants expressed concerns about how their cultural or creative
expressions may be misconstrued as unprofessional. Others commented that they had to
overwork and outdo their colleagues in order to receive the same level of respect. In either case,
participants did not believe that if they performed or behaved in the same manner as their White
colleagues that it would be accepted by their employers. Therefore, they donned the mask and
took extra steps to be noticed at work, to gain respect at work and simply to be seen as equal to
their White counterparts.
…there's a large number of black women on the team, but they are not the women that
are normally chosen to do, to lead activity. And they have the same amount of experience

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or more. And they're more than capable, but there's just this idea that we have to be better
than our counterparts. And that we also have to make sure we speak up every single time
there's a meeting to make sure that we are being seen as being a contributor and not just
being a passive spectator. And then also, just the idea that because we've had this
experience, when we do a one to one with our supervisor, sometimes it's, it can be five
minutes. And then you talk to your other staff, and [they’re] like, yeah, we were on the
phone for like 30-45 minutes. And you're like, Why?… And so you just kind of wonder
what the differences are. And you feel like you have to always be performing more to be
taken seriously.
This was the sentiment of many of the women in the study. Participants often described how they
may have the same background or even better credentials than some of their White counterparts
but were often passed over for promotions or not recognized for their contributions in the same
way. Participants also described being penalized more harshly for similar or less serious
infractions than their White counterparts. In order to overcome these obstacles, they shift.
And it'd be like, “Oh, well, could you tell me a little about, you know, the little things that
you're doing?” And it's like, how, why are you being so condescending? And it stopped
because I didn't bite back. I know better than that. Because it's just career suicide. And so
what I did, you know, I just I bit my tongue. And I just, I said let me let my work speak
for it. So let me show her how to be a professional. And I invited her to my office once I
really got started with the implementation phase. And when she came in she was just
blown away at how I organized everything and how committed I was to it. And from then
on, the way she interacted with me was very different. (Sidney)

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For many of the Black women in this study, simply performing at the same level as their White
counterparts was not an option if they wanted professional recognition. There was always an idea
in the back of their mind that they would need to do more if they ever wanted an opportunity to
get ahead or to be recognized for their talents. For the participants, there was no such thing as
average performance. If they wanted to be seen as professional, proficient in their jobs and
recognized for their contributions they had to outperform their White counterparts.
Cognitive Process of Shifting
Many participants described an internal process they had when shifting in response to
stereotype threat. This cognitive process involved thinking about how they were being perceived,
how their potential response to the situation would be perceived and what the consequences may
be for each response. This process was often described as happening in the moment and
requiring a great deal of energy to ensure the most appropriate response to the situation was
provided.
Because in my mind, this is what, this is my thought. If I am seeing this behavior on this
white woman's part in pushing me out of my room, then my supervisor's going to see that
too. I don't need to speak up. Because see what it's going to do is going to make folks
believe or perceive that I'm angry. So, I consciously decided to not be as confrontational
than I would have normally been. So, for example, my first inclination would have been
to go up to this woman and say, look, you have one more time to touch my thing. If you
touch my things, one more time, you and I are going to have it up. And I don't mean in a
physical sense, she would have constructed that or construe that as me being physically
threatening towards her. Because I know that it's typically how some white women
interpret things and, you know, receive things, and I would have been seen as the one to

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have threatened her…I perceived how the world would see this interaction. So I just said,
you know, don't confront her, don't confront her, go to your supervisor, let your
supervisor confront her. (Glenda)
There is an internal conversation that many participants described going through in which they
consider the situation, consider their options for responding and the potential consequences for
each response (both personally and professionally) before finally landing on a decision as to how
they will respond. This was described as an exhausting and sometimes traumatizing process
within many of the interviews.
For me not being on means I'm able to say, I'm able to express my concerns without fear
of how does it look like as a black woman for me to make this comment. And how will it
be taken? If the comment is taken as it is, as opposed to the layers of she's Black, she's a
woman. How do I present this now to my, how do I present this concern that I share with
my leadership so that she will take it seriously and present it to someone else? (Erica)
Erica’s description really pointed out the internal conflict and conversation that other participants
described having as to how they should respond (or shift) in various work situations. They often
times have to consider how their actions might be perceived, misconstrued or otherwise
misinterpreted. They especially do not want their actions to represent them as an angry Black
woman. Therefore, they are intentional and thoughtful about their behavior in the workplace,
even if it is not their natural response, so as to make sure they are not stereotyped as the angry
black woman.
Rejection of Shifting
During the course of interviews, there were some participants who discussed their
opposition to shifting behavior. These participants discussed how they either did not engage in

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shifting behavior or how they had stopped shifting as much overtime. These participants
discussed how they had come to believe that it really did not matter what they did or how they
changed themselves, they still would be susceptible to experiences of racism and discrimination
at work.
I realized through a lot of different life experiences and life lessons that people are going
to think what they think. Especially White people. Whatever a White person thinks about
me as a Black person, is likely what they’re going to think. Whether they get a chance to
get to know me or not, at the end of the day they’re still White and I’m still Black. You
know, so whatever they were raised thinking of Black people, whatever they have
experienced with Black people, that’s always gonna be in the back of their mind. You
know, they’re going to apply it. They’re going to fill in the holes with things they don’t
know about Black people or with things they don’t know about me or fill in the blanks
with whatever experiences they have had or whatever assumption, thought or stereotype.
So I don’t really try to fight it anymore. (Toni)
There were more than a few participants who believed that their efforts were futile against
negative stereotypes of Black women. Other participants discussed how their shifting behaviors
had changed so that they could honor their heritage and create a positive example for their
children. These participants wanted to create a space where their children would not have to
grow up and feel the need to shift.
I want my daughter…I want her to know that even, even with that, like people are gonna
treat her a certain way. But who she is just she doesn't need to change how she looks. If
She wants to wear her hair in a certain way, braids, whatever, she can. She wants to wear
it straight, she can. But don't change it because that’s what this country wants you to do

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or that's what society wants you to do. You change it because that's what you want to do.
(Stephanie)
Besides believing that their shifting behavior was not going to make a difference in their
experiences of racism and discrimination at work or their desire to make things better for their
children, participants also commented how having more confidence in who they were and being
proud of who they were also influenced their choice to shift less. These participants discussed a
desire and ability to use less shifting. They also commented on how doing so made them feel
better and was often a source of power when they remained their authentic selves regardless of
how they may be perceived by others.
…I am still with the same employer and to have won my lawsuit gave me such strength.
It gave me such feelings of power that I don't do it anymore. I don't do it anymore. If I
need to speak up about something, I do it, and the chips fall where they may. And I, from
the point at which I won my lawsuit…it just changed me mentally. So to answer your
question, I no longer shift in my workplace. Not now, I don't do that. If I need to give you
some smoke, I'm gon' give you the smoke. I still try to do it professionally, with using
fact… but I'm just gonna share how I feel. And fire me if you want to, we'll be in court
again. (Glenda)
Although there were various reasons given for why some participants had chosen to decrease
their shifting behavior or declined to shift at all, these three points illustrated the most common
themes discovered as to why some participants were being more cognizant of their shifting
behaviors than others. It was not necessarily that these participants did not shift at all, but that
they did shift less overtime and found the idea of shifting to be problematic. Although there was
not enough evidence in this study to make a strong assertion, there did seem to be a tendency for

86
participants who were either more mature or had more experience in their career to shift less over
time in comparison to participants who were younger and or newer in their career field.
Concluding Thoughts on Shifting
The analysis of the interviews and the journals produced findings that indicated that
indeed participants did shift at work in response to racism, discrimination and stereotype threat.
Because there were fifteen interviews in comparison to two journal submissions, the findings
were much more evident in the interviews. Although shifting was referred to by different names
and phrases, the concept was the same. There was a general theme that shifting was necessary to
obtain employment, keep employment, and to be recognized for professional talent. There was
also a very strong desire by many participants to hide their emotions and personal challenges as
well as avoiding being labeled as an angry Black woman. Shifting often included a cognitive
process by which participants considered their actions and potential consequences in how they
shifted or if they didn’t shift. Nevertheless, many participants were very cognizant of how
stressful and traumatizing shifting can be and there were several participants who preferred not
to shift and had actually decreased the amount of shifting they were doing at work. Even with the
knowledge of how shifting may be negatively impacting them, it was rare to find participants
who did not shift at all. There were only two participants out of seventeen that provided no
evidence of shifting behavior at work. Shifting was definitely found to be a coping mechanism in
response to experiences of discrimination for most of the participants in the study.
Research Question 2: Armoring
My second research question sought to answer the following question: In what ways, if
any, do Black women’s coping strategies in response to perceived racism, discrimination or
stereotype threat in their workplace exemplify armoring? Upon analysis of the interviews, there

87
were several instances of armoring that were identified as a coping strategy for the way
participants coped with racism and discrimination at work. The journal entries did not capture
any instances of armoring and had not been expected to due to the complexity of armoring.
Participants’ descriptions of armoring indicated that (1) there was a relationship between
armoring and shifting behavior related to how participants dealt with racism and discrimination
at work (2) armoring provided confidence and a buffer against discriminatory and racist practices
at work, (3) armoring was related to participants’ self-respect and desire for mutual respect and
(4) that armoring was not always successful in assisting participants with coping with racism and
discrimination at work. Participants’ relationship with the use of armoring was complex. A few
of the participants commented on how armoring had failed to prepare them for the realities of
racism and discrimination that they would face as an adult. Although this was not a majority
opinion, there were enough comments on the subject to warrant a discussion on the failures of
armoring against racism and discrimination at work. In the sections that follow I will discuss the
three different faucets of armoring mentioned above as well as discuss some of the participants
concerns with the failings of armoring.
The Relationship Between Armoring & Shifting
In order to learn more about how participants were armored, they were asked to discuss
what they had learned growing up about what it means to be a Black woman. After analyzing the
responses, a relationship between shifting behaviors and armoring began to emerge. While
shifting focused on the behaviors participants engaged in at work to cope with racism and
discrimination, armoring informed them on how they should behave when confronted with
racism or discrimination. The teachings that participants learned growing up appear to have
impacted their decision to shift (or not) and what that shifting behavior would look like. For

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instance, Emily comments on how her mother wanted her to feel more comfortable and confident
in her own skin when she was younger; in fact Emily’s mother insisted that she enroll into a
Historically Black College or University (HBCU) to help her achieve more confidence in herself:
I had to learn how to embrace myself. I really, I think my mother thought that I really
wasn't comfortable in my own skin, if that makes any sense. So she needed me to mature
in to myself. She saw it, but I didn't. (Emily)
Although Emily reported that she was still working on her confidence at the time of the
interview, she took this lesson with her into her workplace and in how she engaged in shifting
behavior. Emily describes how she would wear a “suit of armor” in the form of a red outfit when
she needed more confidence to deal with her boss:
…the suit of armor is my confidence at the moment because had I not had it on, [my
boss] would have been able to strip, strip me of all confidence just like he wanted to. He
can't have me with a suit of armor on, he can't have me when I wear red. 'Cause when I
wear red. You can say whatever you want to, but I'm out working you. You're not better
than me, we're equals. We're less than equals really. This red it out does you in every
way.
Emily’s suit of armor gave her confidence when she was faced with discrimination and racism at
work. With their suit of armor on, many participants were able to withstand and deflect racism
and discrimination at work. Lessons they learned about how to deal with discrimination growing
up were often manifested in their behavior in the face of discrimination. While shifting may
occur very consciously, the use of armoring to dictate shifting behavior does not appear to occur
as deliberately.

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This ability to deflect negative, discriminatory feedback through armoring is a theme that
prevails among more than a few of the participants. Sam, a high school teacher, provides an
excellent example:
... [my mom] told me straight up, it's really hard [to be a Black woman]. And you're
going to have to go above and beyond, feel, you're going to have to like, work harder, be
faster, be stronger, yeah be all the above, you know, because people will expect nothing
from you, or of you …She really pushed us all the time, like to do our best with
everything we've done, with everything we do. (Sam)
Sam’s mother taught her that it was going to be hard for her to be a Black woman and that she
was going to have to “work harder” in order to stay ahead. This lesson translated into how Sam
went about shifting in her workplace where, in fact, her credentials were often questioned, she
was commonly mistaken to be a paraeducator, there was often surprise that she had a graduate
degree from a well-respected university and she often endured blatantly racist comments from
students. When discussing how she attempted to gain the respect of her colleagues and students
and reduce microaggressions at work, Sam, stated the following:
I really tried to open up to my students and do that. And also, like I mentioned, get
involved with sports. I even signed up to be a track coach ‘cause I did track and field in
college. And then I went ahead signed up to be a glee club advisor and I went ahead and
taught Sunday school with like, the teacher across the hall. So, I thought having these
little connections to the community and like showing my face more to my students and to
the families and to the community that that might actually help.
As taught by her mother earlier on in her life, Sam went “above and beyond” in an attempt to
mitigate the racism she was experiencing at work. Not only did she complete her regular day job,

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but she also became a Sunday school teacher, a track coach and a glee club advisor all in an
attempt to build a better relationship with her colleagues and students. These were not activities
Sam engaged in for fun, just because she wanted to. She was shifting and actively trying to fit
into the culture of her school community and earn their respect. Sam’s mother taught her how
hard she would have to work, and indeed she followed through. This was a recurring theme in
the armoring of the participants in which they would describe how they were armored and
inevitably provide examples of shifting behavior that aligned with their armoring.
Armoring As A Buffer
Armoring not only influenced how participants engaged in shifting behavior, but it also
served as a confidence booster in many instances. The confidence that armoring provided created
what many participants described as a shield. The shield helped protect participants from the
harmful, racial and discriminatory comments and actions they would endure in their workplace.
The shield helped participants to reframe the negative messages they were receiving and
otherwise come to the conclusion that those negative experiences did not define who they were.
In other words, armoring provided a positive self-image that participants were able to remain
confident in even when others attempted to impose negative messages about who they were.
Many participants described how growing up learning who they are, the value that they bring and
the heritage that they have to be proud of made it easier to combat the negative messages they
received in their workplace.
I just think once I know, kind of from the stock that I came from, and everybody has that
stock that you want to represent it well…And once you know that, hey, you have things to
be proud of too like, you're just different, like people can say whatever. But you know, the
truth. (Claire)

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Belinda provides another great example of how armoring acts as a buffer to the dangers of the
outside world. She stated,
…being raised in that tight knit close family and community, larger community, where
you had people who, who made you feel that you're, you're okay, you're enough, you're
more than enough that when you get on the job and you experience slights and
discrimination and all other kind of negative things and then tend to chip away at you, it
was a hardened surface around you that they couldn't get to your inner core and tear you
down and break you down.
Participants often describe how the confidence and pride in who they were that had been instilled
in them by their families made it more difficult for them to absorb negative messages and helped
them to withstand the negative impact of racism. Parents, families and communities infused
participants with loving messages of who they are and the heritage they had to be proud of. In so
doing, participants were less inclined to believe negative opinions about who they are and their
worth. This includes in the workplace where their efforts, talents and accomplishments were
often described as being underappreciated.
Armoring and Self-Respect
The analysis of the results also indicated that there were several instances of armoring
relating to a need for self-respect. In these instances, participants discussed how they were taught
growing up to require respect from others. Armoring through self-respect often times came in the
form of participants educating others about racist or discriminatory behavior at work or
challenging policies or decisions that appeared to be discriminatory in nature. While many
participants described this as a taxing task, they also described it as something absolutely
necessary to honor their past and protect future descendants. Ultimately, armoring through self-

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respect allowed participants to combat racism at work and gave them a sense of pride when they
were able to see real results based on their efforts.
So I feel like I have to, I stand on the shoulders of women that came before me that have
had to be strong, that have sacrifice, that have done all these things in life. And I can't
back down to people. Because I know that I always have to have a voice. Because they've
always had to have a voice. And I was not raised to shut up and take things. And when
you shut up and take things, you make yourself complacent to things, I have to be strong.
I have to, you know, face something, mean what I say, say what I mean. And I have to,
because I just can't go along with things. At times, it's like exhausting. Because I have to
take that role on as, as a woman, and as a strong black woman. (June)
Like June, many participants felt that they had to use their voice and not be complacent. They
were also aware, however, of the challenges that come along with having to use their voice and
respond to experiences of racism.
However, armoring using self-respect also came at the price of contributing to the anxiety
that many participants felt regarding how to respond to specific situations at work. This is very
similar to the internal cognitive process described earlier regarding shifting behavior. On the one
hand participants did not want to remain silent about what was going on, but at the other hand,
they had to be cognizant of how they were being perceived by others at work, which would
sometimes lead to shifting. It was a delicate balance and struggle to speak up and defend oneself
and also be conscious of how that defense was being perceived by others.
[My parents taught me] not to settle, not to let somebody outside of you tell you, you can
or cannot do this. Look, look inside yourself, go deep. And follow that urging, knowing

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regardless of whether it lines up with what people are telling you from the outside.
(Belinda)
Belinda shared how this teaching would manifest when dealing with racism and discrimination
later in life at work. Belinda discussed the challenges associated with having a level of self-
respect for who she is but also finding it difficult when she asserts her self-respect:
I was in a group where you break up into groups, and you kind of share what you really
think, you know, you're really honest, and I seem to feel like it was okay to be really
honest. And so I was the recorder and the spokesperson for this particular group. And I
shared with the group was talking about, and instead the administration had the
impression that this was my agenda, my narrative alone. And so they took steps to
retaliate against me for my honest, or courageous conversation. And so, this thing that's
inside of me, gets me in trouble a lot of times on the job with these people who don't
appreciate your honesty or your deep ideas, you have to stand up. And when you stand
up, you're a moving target, not even a moving target, a target.
In these examples of armoring we observe an experience in which participants are taught to
value who they are and where they come from. By being proud of their heritage and having
confidence in who they are, participants were able to stand up for themselves in the face of
racism at work. This was definitely not an easy task in every situation, but the armoring that
participants had would not allow them to simply accept discriminatory conditions.
The Failure of Armoring
While most participants provided descriptions that showed how armoring was helpful for
them when dealing with racism or discrimination at work, there were some participants that
described how armoring had failed to prepare them for the real world. These participants

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discussed how their parents encouraged them that if they just followed the rules and did their
best, they would be successful. They also described how some of the lessons they learned were
not necessarily conducive to their wellbeing and were actually harmful.
They really couldn't guide me. I, you know, not really saving properly, or not really
knowing how to utilize my funds. I didn't know, as soon as this experience [of
discrimination] is happening, that I needed to acquire a lawyer. I just, you know, my
mom always said, just continue to do a good job, they'll keep you, you know, just keep
your head down and just do your job. And what I realized is, as a Black woman, there's
no way you can ever keep your head down if they don't want you there. (Eileen)
When Eileen did eventually lose her job, she reported that her mother couldn’t understand why
after Eileen had followed all of her advice. Although the teachings provided by her mother
helped Eileen to endure what she was going through at work, the fact that she felt misguided by
her parents indicates that armoring had failed her. Participants who felt that armoring had failed
them were often surprised when they encountered acts of discrimination and racism after using
armoring.
So my parents, the way that I see them now looking back, they were not power to the
people at all. It was keep your head low, get your education, and, you know, coexist in
love with people. If you do this, this will happen. And I tell them now ya'll lied to me.
My parents were, my dad was a police officer. My mother was a social worker…. So
follow these rules. And so that's, that's what I did. I did what they told me to do. And life
was supposed to be wonderful. And it wasn't. (Sidney)
Sidney reported that it wasn’t until she started one of her first jobs that she began to understand
that she may be seen differently in the world. She stated,

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I was putting together an explanation for the elder couple about annuities. And I wanted
to make sure I got it right. I knew I had it, right. But I just wanted to make sure one more
time. And I asked [my boss] if I could run it by him…I read it to him. And I said, I think
that's right, but I just wanted to, and he said, “You're never going to be anything more
than somebody's secretary. So why don't you just quit?” And that, I think was my first
eye opener to what it was going to be like to deal with white men in the workplace.
When armoring failed, participants felt unprepared for the racism and discrimination they
endured. The armoring that was provided by their parents felt insufficient or misguided to guide
them through their experiences of racism at work. The participants were still armored and even
attempted to use the armor when faced with acts of discrimination, but it simply did not make
them feel any better about their situation in the end. While armoring was beneficial for most
participants in dealing with workplace discrimination and racism, there were some instances in
which it simply failed to prepare them and protect them as much as participants would have
hoped for.
Concluding Thoughts on Armoring
An analysis of the interviews definitely indicated that armoring had been used by
participants as a coping skill for dealing with racism and discrimination in the workplace. There
were several more examples of armoring provided by participants that were not captured in the
sample of examples provided above. Armoring helped participants by giving them a shield to
buffer the negative experiences of racism and discrimination that they encountered at work. In
other cases, armoring provided a guidance for how participants would choose to shift or
otherwise respond to acts of racism and discrimination when they occurred in the work-setting.
Having respect for themselves and their cultural values was one of the major ways in which a lot

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of participants engaged in armoring. Although armoring certainly did not manifest itself
perfectly for every participant in every situation, it certainly had benefits for many of the
participants. Armoring was a frequent coping strategy used by participants when experiencing
racism and discrimination at work.
Research Question 3: Stereotype Endorsement
My third research question focused on how Black women used stereotypical identities,
such as the “strong black woman” or the “superwoman” identity to cope with racism and
discrimination at work. The question specifically reads: When do Black women endorse
stereotypical identities of Black women while in the workplace? To answer this question, first I
had to look at what identities were actually being used by the participants. After reviewing the
interviews, the most prevalent identities most commonly associated with Black women that were
endorsed by the participants were that of the “strong Black woman,” (SBW) followed by the
“superwoman” identity. The identities are very closely related as indicated earlier in chapter 2.
While some participants described experiences that they attributed to the SBW identity, their
descriptions were more aligned with the superwoman identity. For this reason, when participants
described characteristics more closely linked with the superwoman identity while discussing the
SBW identity, they were coded and captured as the superwoman. Nevertheless, most of the
participants identified in some way with the SBW identity, although they acknowledged that
there were some negative consequences to having this identity. The SBW identity was most
often utilized by participants at work when they were faced with adversity and needed to endure
their experience while the superwoman identity was most often used to cope with exhaustion. In
the sections that follow, I will discuss in more detail when each identity was used and provide
examples that illustrate how participants used them.

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The Strong Black Woman
Strength was nearly universally discussed among the participants in one way or another.
There were several instances of strength being brought up and discussed by participants before I
had an opportunity to prompt them to discuss it. Participants often described how strength was
something they were armored with as described earlier. I was surprised (and pleased) to discover
that many of the participants were aware of the potential negative consequences of identifying
with the SBW. Exhaustion, silent suffering and a need to present the face of strength was
commonly described by participants, though not always acknowledge as a negative impact of
strength. In spite of this awareness, participants most often appreciated their ability to be strong.
Participants were particularly proud of their ability to withstand adversity at work and look back
at all the obstacles they had overcome. Strength was more often than not seen as a positive
quality to have as a Black woman. Strength provided the fortitude that many of the participants
relied on to carry them through discriminatory and often times traumatic situations happening at
work.
So, I was having that, that sense of confidence, what little is left, at this point. I still feel
like I identify with that because I been through a lot in my life, period. And whether it be
school or whether it be work having that mentality, though, that I can keep doing, like
pushing through all the obstacles and overcoming them, and how I became stronger as a
person makes me proud to say that I am a strong black woman, because that's how I see
it. (Sam)
The SBW identity seemed impenetrable. This may have been because acknowledging any
negative impact of strength would be counterintuitive to being an SBW or even a superwoman.
In other words, pointing out the trouble with being an SBW would also mean showing a sign of

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weakness that is not aligned with being an SBW. Additionally, pointing out those negative
impacts of having an SBW identity could also create a piercing in the shield created by armoring.
A piercing in the shield would mean having to acknowledge and deal with those negative
consequences often associated with strength (silent suffering, exhaustion, self-sacrifice). This, of
course, is the opposite of what is supposed to be achieved by having the SBW identity.
I think that I try to carry myself in a way that I'm not, I don't show fear, or weakness, you
know, in light of some of these things that happened, I have to put on a stone face, you
know, a front that I hear what you're saying, but it has nothing to do with me, you're not
going to intimidate me, you're not going to make me quit. (Belinda)
Nevertheless, SBW helps participants to endure painful experiences in the work environment.
Pride in being strong was a sentiment expressed by many of the participants. Having strength
appears to be akin to having a badge of honor that indicates that you have been through extreme
hardships and have endured and overcome them.
And I do feel proud about that because strength is something to, strength is something in
itself to be proud of. And then, just the many different ways that we can exhibit that. And
looking back on what I’ve been through, you know, it seem like, dang, I got through that
when I was feeling depressed, I got through that when I was having a lot of anxiety. I got
through that when I didn’t even want to work there no more. I got through that when I
was dealing with racism everyday. I got through that when I was discriminated against
and they told me I couldn’t and I did it anyway. Like that right there is like little pick me
ups. That, you know, creates pride. (Toni)

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Strength gave participants the ability to withstand their circumstances, no matter how bad they
were. Although using the SBW identity was not always easy, most participants found pride and a
source of power in using the identity.
The Superwoman
The superwoman identity was the second identity found to be used frequently by
participants in the workplace. Superwoman, was not specifically identified as separate from the
SBW by most participants. However, many elements that would describe the superwoman
identity were described by participants when speaking about being an SBW. The superwoman
identity seemed to help with the exhaustion of dealing with painful events. The superwoman
provided the endurance to keep going in spite of the negative consequences to self. The drive to
keep going was necessary to avoid perceived potential consequences of not moving forward.
These consequences can range from fear of termination, avoiding unpleasant or disappointing
experiences, such as racism, or potentially making other Black women look bad.
It's a tiring feeling to present yourself as, like, sure I can take on more work. Sure I can
do, to ensure I can do that and not say I'm really tired. Or saying I'm either having
personal issues, or I just don't want to do it and then not fear the repercussions of like I
said, being a team player or being that person, that can do everything without breaking.
….
I think it's how we're perceived because we're taught not to complain, so that we don't
lose opportunities. But then we also suffer because we're not using our voice and saying
this is not okay. (Erica)
Participants endorsing the superwoman identity described a feeling of exhaustion. This
exhaustion seemed to be associated with the stereotype threat of laziness. Similarly to avoiding

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the stereotype of the angry Black woman that we saw with shifting, participants endorsing the
superwoman wanted to avoid being stereotyped as lazy. There were some participants that were
keenly aware of how harmful having this identity could be, but it did not stop them from using it.
Because I code switch. They don't code switch. So I feel like I have to work twice as hard
because they [do not] code switch because I don't want to be perceived as a lazy black
woman that cannot get her work done. So I want to be perceived, I don't want to have that
stereotype. I want to be perceived as strong. I can do my work. I can handle pressure and
I could do everything I'm supposed to do and that's why I say it's exhausting. (June)
Most participants talked about the harmful effects of having the superwoman identity in the
broader sense of their lives and not just specifically at work. However, the superwoman identity
was commonly associated with the exhaustion of having to avoid appearing lazy, making sure
they’re not making Black women as a group look bad, and the exhaustion of fighting racism.
Concluding Thoughts on Stereotype Endorsement
The findings indicated that the participants endorsed the stereotypes of the strong black
woman and the superwoman when confronted with painful experiences. The SBW assisted
participants with withstanding the pain and pressure that accompanied acts of discrimination at
work. It provided a protective shield that many participants were proud to wear. The SBW
identity gave participants the confidence to know that they can withstand extreme pressure and
make it out on the other side. While the superwoman identity was not specifically identified by
most participants, participants provided several descriptions of the superwoman. The
superwoman identity helped participants cope with the mere exhaustion that accompanied their
experiences. Exhaustion that was sometimes caused by shifting. While participants
acknowledged how hard it was to keep up such an identity it did not stop them from using it.

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Both the SBW and the superwoman identities helped participants to endure the struggle of their
work situations.
Research Question 4: General Well-being
The fourth research question of this study sought to answer how the use of different
coping strategies to deal with racism and discrimination might impact the wellbeing of
participants. Specifically the question was as follows: What is the relationship between various
coping strategies used by Black women in response to perceived racism, discrimination or
stereotype threat and their perceived health outcomes? Above, we have already examined how
participants coped with these experiences. Now, we’re looking at how these experiences
impacted their wellbeing. When examining the results for interviews the results indicated that the
more participants engaged in shifting or armoring behavior the higher their distress level was on
the GWBS. Endorsing stereotypes did not provide conclusive evidence that it correlated with
participants’ distress levels. Additionally, with only two journal submissions, the results from
journal submissions only did not support a relationship between shifting behavior and distress
levels.
The Results
All seventeen participants completed the GWBS, however only sixteen were scorable as
one participant did not complete all of the questions of the survey. A score of between 0 and 60
indicated a level of “severe distress;” a score between 61 and 72 indicated a level of “moderate
distress” while a score between 73 and 110 indicated positive wellbeing. Participants’ scores
ranged from 30 to 81. The average score for participants was 60.43 while the median score was
64.5. Of the sixteen complete surveys, three participants scored in the “positive wellbeing”
category, six in the “moderate distress” category and seven in the “severe distress” category.

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Figure 4
Participants’ General Well-being Scores by Level of Distress

The results for research question four indicated that general wellbeing was impacted by
the use of shifting, armoring and stereotype endorsement. In the figure above, each color
represents a different distress level on the GWBS, with red indicating “severe distress,” yellow
representing “moderate distress,” and green indicating “positive wellbeing.” In each category,
participants who were rated to have positive well-being on the GWBS had the lowest usage of all
three categories of coping strategies. For both shifting and armoring, participants who more
frequently used these coping strategies also rated with higher levels of distress. Stereotype
endorsement was the only coping strategy that did not result in higher levels of distress based on
frequency of use or mentions within the data. Interestingly enough, participants who tended to
disagree with the use of shifting more frequently also tended to have higher levels of distress.
These results held up when examining the results of interview participants only (not journal

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submissions). However, for participants who chose to journal, there were no instances of severe
distress and results indicated that a higher frequency of engaging in shifting behavior was related
to a lower level of distress as measured by the GWBS.

Figure 5
Frequency of Coping Strategy by Distress Level (All Participants)

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Figure 6
Frequency of Coping Strategy by Distress Level (Interview Participants Only)

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Figure 7
Frequency of Shifting by Distress Level (Journal Participants Only)

Discussion on Results
The results of research question four regarding shifting were consistent with what was
expected during interviews. A higher frequency of shifting behavior was positively correlated
with a higher level of distress as measured by the GWBS. These results are not surprising
considering that this behavior was often described as “traumatizing” or “exhausting” by
participants. It takes a lot of effort to be constantly cognizant of your behavior, how you are
perceived by others and adjusting your behavior to be more accommodating for those around

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you. Having to don a mask or a different identity for a greater part of most of your day takes a lot
of energy. It may be tempting to attribute the higher levels of distress with the fact that this
research was conducted during a worldwide pandemic multiple instances of what many would
describe as social injustice. Of course, this would contribute to the distress level of participants.
However, the difference in distress levels between participants who rarely shifted and those that
did is relatively high. Although the journals entries did not confirm the results found in
interviews, this is most likely due to the low number of journal participants (2) compared to the
number of interview participants (15). With additional journal participants, there is a possibility
that the results would have turned out more similarly to that of the interview participants.
The results also indicated that there was a positive correlation between the use of
armoring and participants’ distress levels. This is also not surprising. The participants in this
study primarily relied on the superwoman identity and the SBW identity. The use of each
identity essentially requires that a participant is experiencing a stressful event in order to require
the need to use that identity. In this regard, it is possible that it may not be armoring itself that is
contributing to the higher levels of distress in so much as the use of armoring is an indication that
a participant is experiencing a stressful event. Without the stressful event perhaps there would be
less of a need to use strength or to be a superwoman.
The results did not indicate a positive correlation between stereotype endorsement and
participants’ relative distress levels. However, the results did show that participants who
endorsed stereotypes at work did tend to have a “severe” or “moderate” distress level compared
to those that used it less frequently. There are a few reasons that could contribute to these results.
First, assessing participants’ views on stereotypes and how these views may have been utilized in
the workplace was particularly difficult. Interviews typically ranged from forty-five minutes to

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an hour and a half. This was most likely not enough time to gain more in-depth information from
participants on their views of stereotypical identities of Black women and how they used them in
the workplace. This is also probably why the frequency of mentions and examples of use of
stereotype endorsements was found to be much less frequent in comparison to armoring and
shifting. With more in depth interviews, perhaps assessing stereotype endorsement would have
been easier and their use more apparent. However, in the time frame for this research, this was
simply not possible to do.
The results as they pertain to the rejection of shifting were quite surprising. I would have
thought that participants who rejected shifting more often would have been found to have more
positive wellbeing than those that embraced it more. However, this was not the case. The results
showed a positive correlation between the rejection of shifting and its relationship to
participants’ wellbeing. The more shifting was rejected, the higher the level of participants’
distress. One possible reason for this may be that in most cases, even participants who did not
fully embrace shifting, also provided examples of shifting behavior at work. Just because
participants did not agree with shifting, did not mean that they were not shifting at work. There is
also the possibility that these results are related to the internal cognitive process that many
participants described having in relation to how they should respond to discriminatory situations
at work. During these moments of internal conflict, participants often described having to decide
between responding and creating a teachable moment for others or shifting to be more passive
towards the moment. This internal cognitive process within itself could cause distress. Not only
in terms of having to make a decision on how to respond, but also in regards to participants’
desire to honor their history, ancestors and their identity as an SBW.

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Summary
Analysis of the interviews and journals yielded findings that supported evidence for the
use of shifting, armoring and the endorsement of stereotypes in the workplace (research
questions 1-3) and mixed results for how these coping strategies impacted participants’
wellbeing (research question 4). Shifting and armoring were found to be nearly universally used
among all participants with the exception of two participants out of seventeen in each case. It
was clear that shifting and armoring assisted participants with dealing with the experiences of
racism, discrimination and stereotype threats though there was not always agreement among the
participants on whether or not these coping strategies should be used at all. Findings for
stereotype endorsements were not as prevalent as they were for armoring and shifting, though
they were definitely present. Perhaps with longer, more in-depth interviews, more data would
have been collected on stereotype endorsements.
The data also showed that GWBS scores were clearly impacted by the use of armoring
and shifting. Data collected through the journal submissions corroborated the use of shifting
though they did not corroborate an impact to participants’ distress levels. With only two journal
submissions compared with fifteen interviews, this is not unexpected. While it is true that this
data was collected during the Coronavirus Pandemic, which would inevitably impact scores, the
differences in the scores between each distress level provide evidence that it was not merely the
pandemic that was impacting these scores. There was clearly a positive correlation between the
use of armoring and shifting behaviors at work and the corresponding GWBS distress levels.
These results were not as conclusive when it came to stereotype endorsements. Most likely due
to the lower amount of data collected on stereotype endorsements. Findings conclusively
indicated that participants used armoring, shifting and stereotype endorsements to cope with

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racism and discrimination at work and that shifting and armoring were both found to have a
negative impact on participants distress levels.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
Striving for success, recognition, respect, and an equal footing in the workplace is not
unfamiliar for the working, Black woman. There are many negative labels and stereotypes about
Black women. There has been much speculation that coping with and experiencing
discrimination may have a negative impact to their health and wellbeing. Identity shifting,
armoring and stereotype endorsements are some of the ways that Black women have learned to
cope with discrimination in the workplace over time. However, evidence to support these coping
strategies has been very limited. No research was found on how the use of armoring and shifting
impacted Black women’s wellbeing. This study sought not only to look at how Black women
were using shifting, armoring and stereotype endorsements to cope with discrimination at work
but also how these strategies were impacting their wellbeing. Through the analysis of interviews
and journal submissions of seventeen participants, this study examined how these strategies were
being used and how they impacted their wellbeing.
Discussion of the Findings
There were several key findings that emerged from the study for each research question.
The findings indicated that participants definitely utilized shifting, armoring and stereotype
endorsements to cope with racism, discrimination and stereotype threat at work. Participants
described shifting as “wearing a mask.” Although there were some participants that did not agree
with the practice of shifting, there were only two participants out of seventeen that did not
provide any examples of shifting behavior. Armoring was found to be related to shifting by
influencing how participants chose to shift at work. Armoring was also found to provide a buffer
that helped lessen the impact of discrimination by supporting participants’ confidence in
themselves. While there were a group of participants that discussed the failings of armoring,

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there was a lot more evidence to support armoring’s usefulness in buffering against
discrimination. Additionally, endorsing stereotypes was found to be used most frequently to
assist participants with enduring painful experiences associated with discrimination and the
exhaustion that accompanies it. These participants often used the SBW or superwoman identity
to assist with this. Finally, armoring and shifting were found to be positively correlated with
distress levels. In the sections that follow, I will discuss the importance of the findings, the
implications of the findings and suggestions for additional research before providing some
concluding thoughts on this research study.
The Importance of the Findings
Importance of Shifting and Armoring Findings
Learning that Black women use shifting, armoring and stereotype endorsement to cope
with racism and discrimination at work may not appear to be intriguing information or even
surprising information at first. Yet, it was. While conducting the interviews, there were many
times when participants took a pause to really consider what I was asking and what their
responses were to my questions. There were many instances where participants responded: “I
never thought about that.” As familiar as shifting was to some participants, looking at it full
circle and how it was impacting their lives was insightful for many participants. I know when I
first learned about stereotype threat, shifting and armoring and looked at my own experiences at
work, it created a since of relief for me. I thought, “Finally, something that explains and
understands my experience!” I would bet that a lot of the participants felt the same way and that
many more Black women will have this same sense of feeling understood after learning about
this study. That in and of itself creates value for these findings. Though they do not produce or
suggest a new way for coping with discriminatory or racist experiences at work, they do add to

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the universal understanding of Black women’s experiences at work. This allows for continued
discussion on the topic, potentially finding healthier ways of dealing with it and allowing others
outside of the community (of Black women) to understand and have compassion for these shared
experiences.
This study does not pretend to have created the concepts of shifting or armoring. Instead
this study adds to and supports the body of knowledge that already exists regarding shifting
(Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Dickens, et al., 2019; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2004) and armoring
(Bell & Nkomo, 1998; Bell & Nkomo, 2003; Faulkner, 1983). This was one of the main
purposes for this research: to add to the body of research that already existed because it was
limited. While the findings did not find a one-hundred percent alignment with Bell and Nkomo
(1998) in terms of the varying categories of armoring (self-reliance, respectability, strength and
courage), there were several examples of armoring in each one of those categories in addition to
examples of armoring that did not fall into one of these categories. The fact that this study found
a relationship between armoring and shifting appears to be new. It does not appear to be any
research to date linking both the concepts of armoring and shifting together in the literature. Not
only did this study continue to support the existence of shifting and armoring but it also took it a
step further to show that there is a relationship between using these coping strategies at work and
Black women’s wellbeing. This is important to know because it gives Black women knowledge
that they can use to be more cognizant about how these coping strategies may be impacting them
personally. This will help them to be more aware of their distress levels and take action to care
for their personal wellbeing.

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The Importance of Stereotype Endorsement Findings
Discovering that participants endorsed the superwoman and SBW identity when coping
with discrimination and racism at work is troubling. Research has already shown that identifying
with the superwoman identity is related to perceived higher rates of stress, a reluctance to seek
needed support and an obligation to self-sacrifice to help others (Woods-Giscombé, 2010).
Similarly, the SBW has also been found to be associated with silent suffering, suppression of
emotions, and self-sacrifice (Abrams, et al., 2019; Jerald, et al., 2017). The use of these identities
may indicate that she is going through trauma, stress or other painful experiences in a place
where she probably has to spend a great majority of her time. This aligns with Beauboeuf-
Lafontant’s (2009) assertion that the victimization of Black women is often buried in strength. In
other words, she is perceived to not need protection or support because she is so strong. Abrams,
et al. (2019) also discussed how Black women have “mastered” portraying strength while
concealing trauma. This assertion aligns very well with the findings in which many of the
participants described experiences of trauma but also strongly identified with and were proud of
their strength. This poses an extra burden of risk on Black women’s health and wellbeing. Not to
mention, Black women are also susceptible to health disparities such as barriers to diagnosis and
treatment of various diseases in comparison with White women (Jacob, et al., 2007). Being an
SBW or a superwoman is just an additional risk to her wellbeing. This is a completely different
level of systemic racism specific to Black women and their health and wellbeing.
The Importance of Wellbeing Findings
The findings that shifting and armoring impacted the wellbeing of participants is
significant. Although the finding is probably not surprising to many, it is important in that there
has been limited research conducted that makes the connection between wellbeing and shifting

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(Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2004) and armoring (Bell & Nkomo, 1998;
Faulkner, 1983). Anecdotally we know this to be true, but this study provides additional
empirical evidence to support this assertion. This finding is also significant in that it increases
awareness of the potential negative impacts of using shifting and armoring. Research has already
shown that experiencing racism and discrimination is already difficult in and of itself (Paradies,
et al., 2015; American Psychological Association, 2011; Black, et al., 2015). Having to also be
conscious of your behavior, how it is being interpreted by others and making adjustments to your
behavior in response to that interpretation can be stressful and exhausting. Knowing this
information will help more Black women to be cognizant of how experiencing racism and
discrimination at work may be impacting their wellbeing. With this knowledge, they have the
power to choose different coping strategies if appropriate. They may also be able to recognize
the source of some of their stress and anxiety and take measures to address it.
Implications for Practice
There are several implications of the findings for various stakeholders, including
employers, mental health providers, Black families and communities. These implications include
(1) implementing changes in how Black images of professionalism are perceived, (2) re-
evaluating the messages we are teaching young Black girls about how to confront racism and (3)
providing support tailored to and in consideration of Black women’s use of shifting, armoring
and stereotype endorsements. These implications honor Black women’s experiences with racism
and discrimination at work and suggest the need for additional support to Black women to
decrease distress levels. Below, each one of these implications are discussed in more detail along
with a brief discussion on their importance.

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Black Professionalism and Implications for Employers
The findings that Black women shift and endorse stereotypes are significant because they
provide useful information to employers of Black women. Shifting, and especially avoiding
being deemed the “angry Black woman,” really took effort as many of the participants lamented
that their natural reactions would be misconstrued as angry. As indicated by Winfrey Harris
(2015) the angry Black woman (or the sapphire) is seen as aggressive, and dominant and this was
definitely a stereotype participants were trying to avoid. Participants wanted to be seen as
professional and be recognized for their talents and accomplishments. Dickens and Chavez
(2018) referred to this as the “invisibility syndrome” in which Black women feel their abilities
are undervalued at work. Additionally, the fact that many participants endorsed the stereotype of
the superwoman so as not to appear lazy also supports earlier findings by Block, et al. (2011) and
Jones (2009) that Black women still feel as though they need to work twice as hard to achieve
professional recognition.
There is a delicate line between the image of professionalism and the exclusion of other
expressions of professional demeanor. Black women should not have to feel like they have to be
a completely different person or work harder than what is expected of their White counterparts at
work in order to keep their job. They should also have the space to experience and process their
emotions when traumatic events happen in the world, such as the death of George Floyd. This
information could and should be used to implement changes in the work environment to be a
more inclusive space for Black women. This would entail taking extra measures to accommodate
Black styles of professional clothing and hair styles. Allowing them to freely grieve and
experience the emotions tied to traumatic events that are particularly important in the Black
community without feeling the need to conceal them. Additionally, taking extra measures to

116
ensure that Black women employees are receiving the same amount of support with their career
endeavors as their non-Black counterparts would be necessary. The lack of support provided by
employers to assist participants in pursuing their career goals was indicative of the mammy
stereotype described by Winfrey Harris (2015), Rosenthal and Lobel (2016) and Reynolds-
Dobbs, et al. (2008) that insists Black women are happy where they are and do not seek personal
or professional growth. Employers also need to hold employees accountable for racist or
discriminatory remarks or actions that occur in the workplace. Knowing what Black women have
been experiencing at work when coping with racism or discrimination paves the way for changes
that are more conducive of Black women’s wellbeing at work.
Re-evaluating Messages to Young Black Girls – Implications for the Black Community
Understanding that armoring exists and also has the potential to fail Black women, may
be cause to re-evaluate what and how we are teaching young Black girls to confront racism. The
fact that there were several participants who felt that their parents “lied” to them indicates that
not all the lessons about how to confront racism are useful in adulthood. In fact, in some
instances, armoring created internal conflict and confusion as participants did not understand
why they were being subjected to harsh treatment when they had followed “all the rules.” This
aspect of armoring was not discussed in the research. Furthermore, some of those armoring
messages may be harmful, such as strength which discourages interdependency and encourages
suppression of emotions and suffering (Abrams, et al., 2019). Admittedly, there is no perfect
answer as to how Black women can cope with racism and discrimination at work and not suffer
negative consequences. However, Black communities, families, parents and caregivers of Black
girls may benefit from discussions about what lessons Black girls are being taught. The goal does
not have to be that these coping strategies should change, but rather that there is an increased

117
awareness of how they impact Black women’s wellbeing. In this way, Black women may feel
more prepared to deal with the negative effects of armoring and not feel as though they were lied
to.
Providing Additional Support – Implications for Healthcare Providers
Learning that shifting and armoring had an impact on participants wellbeing as well as
the fact that Black women use stereotype endorsements has implications for the type of support
provided to Black women. As mentioned earlier, there is a common misconception that because
Black women are “strong” they do not need as much help and support (Beauboeuf-Lafontant,
2009). This coupled with Black women’s identity as an SBW or superwoman that leads to silent
suffering, emotional suppression and a reluctance to seek support (Woods-Giscombé, 2010) has
the potential to create a gap in the support Black women receive. Healthcare professionals,
including mental health professionals, would benefit from having an understanding of this
phenomenon when working with Black women. For mental health professionals, this information
could be used to guide practice with Black women who endorse these stereotypes in order to
unpack and reframe some of the notions of strength. Mental health providers could help Black
women to become more comfortable seeking and receiving additional support that may
ultimately lead to an increase in their overall health. For other healthcare providers, this
information is helpful in assessing symptoms of various health factors. Knowing that Black
women must not appear “weak” or complain may mean asking more in-depth questions to assess
health and risk factors.
Recommendations for Research
There are five recommendations for further research that will be presented below. Each
recommendation is based upon observations that occurred during the course of this research that

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I believe will expand upon it and provide deeper clarity on some of the findings. The
recommendations are (1) to specifically examine Black women’s experience with trauma at work
and identify additional positive coping strategies and commonalities in experience, (2) to
investigate armoring so as to determine whether armoring itself is responsible for higher levels of
distress or if it is perhaps underlying trauma, (3) to examine the relationship between Black
women’s shifting behaviors at work and their age and years of experience in their professional
fields, (4) to look at shifting, armoring and stereotype endorsements among Black men at work
and (5) to continue the investigation on stereotype endorsements and its health implications.
Each recommendation is discussed below in greater detail.
Examining Black Women’s Experience with Trauma
During the course of data collection, several of the participants recanted stories of
traumatic events that had occurred to them at work. Participants reflected on these events
through tears, occasional feelings of shame and powerlessness but also with a deep sense of
triumph, strength and perseverance. While this study focused on coping strategies to address
experiences of racism and discrimination, it would be powerful to investigate the actual
experiences themselves and how those experiences have impacted Black women. The
participants in this study clearly persevered through their experiences. Further research into what
these experiences have in common and the collective ways that Black women have addressed
them (separately from armoring, shifting and stereotype endorsement) may yield a deeper
understanding of Black women’s coping strategies and the implications they have had on their
lives. Furthermore, looking at these experiences may yield additional information on what
changes need to occur in the workplace to reduce the experience of trauma for Black women.

119
Further Investigate Armoring
An additional recommendation for further research would be to consider taking a deeper
look at armoring to assess its true relationship with distress. While this research study clearly
indicated that there was a positive correlation with the use of armoring and distress levels, there
remains the possibility that it could in fact be the trauma underlying the use of armoring as
opposed to armoring itself that is responsible for the higher distress levels. This additional
research could potentially contradict the findings of this study in relation to the true factor
causing the low distress levels. However, this would only serve to help the community to grow to
support Black women and would allow a more accurate dialogue to take place. Bell and Nkomo
(1998) showed that armoring exists and this research supports that assertion. However, it would
be helpful to know whether or not it is truly armoring or the trauma that is really causing the
higher levels of distress among Black women.
Trends in Shifting Behavior
Additional research would also be beneficial in the area of looking at how shifting
behaviors change over time. In the course of this research study, there were several participants
who discussed how they had come to shift less overtime. It would be interesting to find out
whether or not there is a trend in which age and length of experience in one’s career impacts the
amount of shifting that occurs overtime. With only seventeen participants in this research study,
there simply was not enough data to concretely make this assertion, though there did seem to be
a tendency for this to be true. However, if a pattern were to be discovered in which shifting
behavior occurred less over one’s career and as they aged, perhaps there would be lessons to
learn that could be used to change how we armor young, Black girls.

120
Black Men and Shifting, Armoring and Stereotype Endorsement
Another great area of research would be to look at these same coping strategies in
relation to Black men. This study focused exclusively on Black women and how they used
shifting, armoring and stereotypes to cope with racism and discrimination at work. The literature
in the areas of shifting and armoring has mainly focused on Black women. This does not mean
however, that these coping strategies are not used by Black men. It would be interesting to see
how Black men use these strategies, if they do at all, and how their use of them differs from
Black women. Looking at how these strategies might impact Black men’s wellbeing and how it
looks different or similar to the impact on Black women’s wellbeing could lead to more
knowledge on effective strategies to support both groups.
Further Investigate Stereotype Endorsement
The findings for stereotype endorsement did not yield strong evidence to support its
impact on distress levels. Most likely this is simply due to the limited length of time of
interviews that did not allow for a deeper investigation into the use of stereotype endorsement to
cope with racism and discrimination. With more time and additional participants, perhaps more
would be learned to provide evidence that either supports or refutes the use of stereotype
endorsement on Black women’s wellbeing. This will be helpful in learning whether or not there
is a reason to be concerned about the use of stereotypes when coping with racism and
discrimination. We could learn that this may be a healthy way to cope or either learn that it is
harmful.
Conclusions
This research was very important because it added to the body of literature around
armoring, shifting and stereotype endorsement. Not only has the literature been limited in how

121
these coping strategies have been used by Black women in the workplace, but also in how it
impacts their wellbeing. To date, there has been no literature found that links the use of shifting
with how Black women armor. Not only does this research serve to support the evidence of the
existence of these strategies, but it also continues to broaden the discussion and description of
Black women’s experience. This in and of itself is valuable as it informs Black women that they
are not alone in their experiences. Just knowing that their (our) experiences are shared among
other Black women can be very validating and cathartic. Employers of Black women will benefit
from the knowledge gained through this research in terms of the need for creating more inclusive
work environments for Black women.

122
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APPENDIX A: INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH

STUDY TITLE: Racism, Discrimination and Stereotypes: The Cost of Success for Black
Women in the Workplace

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Tiffany A. Young

FACULTY ADVISOR: Patricia Tobey

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.

PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to learn more about how Black women cope with racism,
discrimination and stereotype threat at work. People experience stereotype threat when they fear
they may confirm a negative stereotype about their group. I am seeking to learn more about how
Black women cope with these experiences at work and how these coping strategies may impact
their health. You are invited as a possible participant because you identify as a Black / African-
American woman who has experienced racism, discrimination or stereotypes in the workplace.
About 40 participants will take part in the study.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you decide to take part, this is what will happen:

At minimum:
• You will complete one survey that asks questions regarding general characteristics as to
who you are. This survey takes approximately 5-10 minutes to complete.
• You will complete the General Well-Being Schedule (GWBS) that asks questions about
your wellbeing. This survey takes approximately 5-10 minutes to complete

If you agree to continue with further participation in the study:
• You will have your choice of participating in a virtual, face-to-face interview via
Zoom or participating in a two-week journaling exercise.
o If you choose to do an interview, you will be asked questions about your
experience with racism, discrimination and stereotypes at work. This
interview should take approximately 1 hour to complete. If the interview

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takes longer than 1 hour, you will have the choice to end the interview,
continue the interview take a break or schedule a second interview.
o If you choose to do the two-week journaling exercise, you will complete a
daily journal entry for two-weeks for every day you go to work. In the journal
you will describe any experiences of racism, discrimination or stereotypes
that you encountered for the day. Questions will be provided to get you
started with the journaling, but answers to these specific questions will not be
required. You will have one 15-30 minute phone or virtual, face-to-face
meeting via zoom to explain the process in more details prior to starting the
journal.
Finally, you will be asked if you would like to participate in a follow-up interview so that
the researcher may verify that she understood what you reported accurately.
• If you agreed and are selected, you will participate in a follow-up interview where
the researcher will report some of her findings to you and check with you to see if
they accurately represent what you reported in your interview or journal, if you
participated in one of these activities.
• AUDIO TAPING: Interviews will be audiotaped for note-taking purposes only, if
participant agrees. You have the right to participate without being taped.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will not be compensated for your participation in this research.

ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
There may be alternative(s) to participating in this study. These include to not participate in this
study. The risks and benefits will be explained to you.

CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team, and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. Efforts will be
made to limit the use and disclosure of your personal information, people who are required to
review this information. We may publish the information from this study in journals or present it
at meetings. If we do, we will not use your name.

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Your data will be stored in the researcher’s personal computer in a password protected folder.
Only the researcher will have access to your personal information. Personally identifying
information will be destroyed upon the completion of this study. The data collected, however,
will be kept indefinitely.

With your permission, audio recordings will take place for those who participate in an interview.
Only the principal investigator will have access to these audio recordings. Your real name will
not be recorded. These recordings will be maintained indefinitely.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, complaints, or think the research has hurt you, please contact
the investigator Tiffany A. Young at tiffanay@usc.edu or at xxx-xxx-xxxx. You may also
contact my faculty advisor, Dr. Patricia Tobey at tobey@usc.edu.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

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APPENDIX B: DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE

Instructions:

This survey should take about 10-15 minutes to complete in its entirety.

The survey is divided into two sections. The first section asks questions about who you are. The
second part of the survey asks questions about your health.

Please answer the following questions about who you are.

1. What is your participant ID number?
2. What is your pseudonym?
3. Would you describe your racial identify as African-American or Black?
a. Yes Continue
b. No End of Survey. Thank you for your participation in this survey!
Unfortunately your answers indicate that you may not qualify to participate in this
study. If you have any questions, please feel free to contact me at
tiffanay@usc.edu. Thank you for your time!
4. Do you identify with any other racial identity or ethnicity?
a. Yes Continue to ask question 4
b. No Continue to ask question 5
5. Please indicate your other racial or ethnic identity below.
6. What is your gender?
a. Woman
b. Man
i. End of Survey. Thank you for your participation in this survey!
Unfortunately your answers indicate that you may not qualify to

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participate in this study. If you have any questions, please feel free to
contact me at tiffanay@usc.edu. Thank you for your time!

c. Non-binary
d. Transgendered Woman
e. Transgendered Man
i. End of Survey. Thank you for your participation in this survey!
Unfortunately, your answers indicate that you may not qualify to
participate in this study. If you have any questions, please feel free to
contact me at tiffanay@usc.edu. Thank you for your time!
f. Other Continue to Question 6
g. Prefer Not to Answer
i. End of Survey. Thank you for your participation in this survey!
Unfortunately, your answers indicate that you may not qualify to
participate in this study. If you have any questions, please feel free to
contact me at tiffanay@usc.edu. Thank you for your time!

7. Please indicate your gender below.
8. Are you 18 years of age or older?
a. Yes
b. No
i. End of Survey. Thank you for your participation in this survey!
Unfortunately, your answers indicate that you may not qualify to
participate in this study. If you have any questions, please feel free to
contact me at tiffanay@usc.edu. Thank you for your time!

9. How old are you? (Please enter a number to indicate your age).
10. Are you currently employed?
a. Yes
b. No

137
i. End of Survey. Thank you for your participation in this survey!
Unfortunately, your answers indicate that you may not qualify to
participate in this study. If you have any questions, please feel free to
contact me at tiffanay@usc.edu. Thank you for your time!

11. Have you ever been stereotyped or experienced racism or discrimination at work?
a. Yes
b. No
i. End of Survey. Thank you for your participation in this survey!
Unfortunately, your answers indicate that you may not qualify to
participate in this study. If you have any questions, please feel free to
contact me at tiffanay@usc.edu. Thank you for your time!
12. Were your parents (or those who primarily raised you) born in the United States?
a. Yes
b. No
i. End of Survey. Thank you for your participation in this survey!
Unfortunately, your answers indicate that you may not qualify to
participate in this study. If you have any questions, please feel free to
contact me at tiffanay@usc.edu. Thank you for your time!

13. Were you primarily raised in the United States?
a. Yes
b. No
i. End of Survey. Thank you for your participation in this survey!
Unfortunately, your answers indicate that you may not qualify to
participate in this study. If you have any questions, please feel free to
contact me at tiffanay@usc.edu. Thank you for your time!

14. What is your professional field?
15. What is your professional title?
16. How many years of experience do you have working (total, your whole life)?
17. What is your annual income?
a. $0-$10,000

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b. $10,001 - $40,000
c. $40,001 - $60,000
d. $60,001 - $80,000
e. $80,001 - $100,000
f. $100,001 or more
18. What is your level of education?
a. High School Diploma Continue to Question 20
b. Certificate Continue to Question 20
c. Associate’s Degree Continue to Question 20
d. Bachelor’s Degree Continue to Question 20
e. Master’s Degree Continue to Question 20
f. Doctoral Degree Continue to Question 20
g. Other Continue to Question 19
19. Please indicate the highest level of education you have completed.
20. What state do you reside in?
21. What city do you reside in?
22. Would you like to share your experience in more detail through a journal or an interview
with the researcher?
a. Journal
b. Interview
23. End of Survey
a. Thank you! Your responses have been submitted. Thank you for taking your time
to share your experience with me. If you need any additional information, you
may contact me with the information below:
Tiffany Young

139
Tiffanay@usc.edu

140
APPENDIX C: GENERAL WELL-BEING SCHEDULE (GWBS)
Read: This section of the examination contains questions about how you feel and how things
have been going with you. For each question, mark (X) beside the answer which best applies to
you.
1. How have you been feeling in general? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] In excellent spirits
2 [ ] In very good spirits
3 [ ] In good spirits mostly
4 [ ] I have been up and down in spirits a lot
5 [ ] In low spirits mostly
6 [ ] In very low spirits
2. Have you been bothered by nervousness or your "nerves"? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] Extremely so-to the point where I could not work or take care of things
2 [ ] Very much so
3 [ ] Quite a bit
4 [ ] Some-enough to bother me
5 [ ] A little
6 [ ] Not at all
3. Have you been in firm control of your behavior, thoughts, emotions, or feelings? (DURING
THE PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] Yes, definitely so
2 [ ] Yes, for the most part
3 [ ] Generally so
4 [ ] Some-enough to bother me
5 [ ] A little
6 [ ] Not at all

141
4. Have you felt so sad, discourages, hopeless, or had so many problems that you wondered if
anything was worthwhile? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] Extremely so-to the point that I have just about given up
2 [ ] Very much so
3 [ ] Quite a bit
4 [ ] Some-enough to bother me
5 [ ] A little bit
6 [ ] Not at all
5. Have you been under or felt you were under any strain, stress, or pressure? (DURING THE
PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] Yes-almost more than I could bear or stand
2 [ ] Yes-quite a bit of pressure
3 [ ] Yes-some, more than usual
4 [ ] Yes-some, but about usual
5 [ ] Yes-a little
6 [ ] Not at all
6. How happy, satisfied, or pleased have you been with your personal life? (DURING THE
PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] Extremely happy-could not have been more satisfied or pleased
2 [ ] Very happy
3 [ ] Fairly happy
4 [ ] Satisfied-pleased
5 [ ] Somewhat dissatisfied
6 [ ] Very dissatisfied
7. Have you had any reason to wonder if you were losing your mind, or losing control over the
way you act, talk, think, feel, or of your memory? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] Not at all

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2 [ ] Only a little
3 [ ] Some-but not enough to be concerned or worried about
4 [ ] Some, and I have been a little concerned
5 [ ] Some, and I am quite concerned
6 [ ] Yes, very much so, and I am very concerned
8. Have you been anxious, worried, or upset? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] Extremely so-to the point of being sick or almost sick
2 [ ] Very much so
3 [ ] Quite a bit
4 [ ] Some-enough to bother me
5 [ ] A little bit
6 [ ] Not at all
9. Have you been waking up fresh and rested? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] Every day
2 [ ] Most every day
3 [ ] Fairly often
4 [ ] Less than half the time
5 [ ] Rarely
6 [ ] None of the time
10. Have you been bothered by any illness, bodily disorder, pains, or fears about your health?
(DURING THE PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] All the time
2 [ ] Most of the time
3 [ ] A good bit of the time
4 [ ] Some of the time

143
5 [ ] A little of the time
6 [ ] None of the time
11. Has your daily life been full of things that were interesting to you? (DURING THE PAST
MONTH)
1 [ ] All the time
2 [ ] Most of the time
3 [ ] A good bit of the time
4 [ ] Some of the time
5 [ ] A little of the time
6 [ ] None of the time
12. Have you felt down hearted and blue? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
1 [ ] All the time
2 [ ] Most of the time
3 [ ] A good bit of the time
4 [ ] Some of the time
5 [ ] A little of the time
6 [ ] None of the time
13. Have you been feeling emotionally stable and sure of yourself? (DURING THE PAST
MONTH)
1 [ ] All the time
2 [ ] Most of the time
3 [ ] A good bit of the time
4 [ ] Some of the time
5 [ ] A little of the time
6 [ ] None of the time
14. Have you felt tired, worn out, used-up, or exhausted? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)

144
1 [ ] All the time
2 [ ] Most of the time
3 [ ] A good bit of the time
4 [ ] Some of the time
5 [ ] A little of the time
6 [ ] None of the time
For each of the four scales below, note that the words at each end of the 0 to 10 scale describe
opposite feelings. Circle any number along which seems closest to how you have generally felt?
(DURING THE PAST MONTH)
15. How concerned or worried about your HEALTH have you been? (DURING THE PAST
MONTH)
0 [ ] Not concerned at all
1 [ ]
2 [ ]
3 [ ]
4 [ ]
5 [ ]
6 [ ]
7 [ ]
8 [ ]
9 [ ]
10 [ ] Very concerned
16. How RELEAXED or TENSE have you been? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
0 [ ] Very relaxed
1 [ ]
2 [ ]

145
3 [ ]
4 [ ]
5 [ ]
6 [ ]
7 [ ]
8 [ ]
9 [ ]
10 [ ] Very tense
17. How much ENERGY, PEP, and VITALITY have you felt? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
0 [ ] No energy AT ALL listless
1 [ ]
2 [ ]
3 [ ]
4 [ ]
5 [ ]
6 [ ]
7 [ ]
8 [ ]
9 [ ]
10 [ ] Very ENERGETIC, dynamic
18. How DEPRESSED or CHEERFUL have you been? (DURING THE PAST MONTH)
0 [ ] Very depressed
1 [ ]
2 [ ]
3 [ ]

146
4 [ ]
5 [ ]
6 [ ]
7 [ ]
8 [ ]
9 [ ]
10 [ ] Very cheerful
*Scoring:
Items 1, 3, 6, 7, 9, 11, 15, and 16 are reverse scored. The scores from all items are added together
and 14 are subtracted from the total to give a range of 0-110. There are three proposed cut-
points: total scores of 0-60 reflect "severe distress," 61-72 "moderate distress," and 73-110
"positive well-being".
Six sub-scores can be derived.

Subscore Label Question topics
Anxiety
2. nervousness
5. strain, stress, or pressure
8. anxious, worried, upset
16. relaxed, tense
Depression
4. sad, discouraged, hopeless
12. down-hearted, blue
18. depressed
Positive well-being
1. feeling in general
6. happy, satisfied with life
11. interesting daily life
Self-control
3. firm control of behavior, emotions
7. afraid losing mind, or losing control
13. emotionally stable, sure of self

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Subscore Label Question topics
Vitality
9. waking fresh, rested
14. feeling tired, worn out
17. energy level
General health
10. bothered by illness
15. concerned, worried about health
Protocol source: https://www.phenxtoolkit.org/protocols/view/630701

* I contacted PhenX Toolkit on two separate occasions due to issues with the scoring. Question 13 should also be
reverse scored.

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APPENDIX D: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
Date: Time Start: Time End:
Initials: Pseudonym:
Interview
Questions
Interview Question
Research
Questions
1.
What are the stereotypes about Black or African American women in
the United States that you are aware of?

Probes:
A) Please tell me more about this stereotype.

B) What parts, if any, of this stereotype do you find to be somewhat true?
b.1: Why do you believe this?

C) What parts, if any, of this stereotype do you find to be somewhat
false?
c.1: Why do you believe this?

E) In what ways, if any, have you attempted to distance yourself from this
stereotype at work?
e.1: Why?

F) In what way, if any, have you attempted to embody this stereotype at
work?
f.1: Why?

RQ 3
2.
Tell me about the last time, if ever, you felt that someone at work
might associate you with a negative stereotype about Black or African
American women, even if they never said or did anything about it.

Probes
A) Why do you believe they had negative thoughts about you?

B) How did it make you feel?

C) What did you do about it, if anything?

D) What happened next (or after the experience)?

E) How did you cope with the situation?

RQ 1, RQ 2
3.
Tell me about the last time you felt you were the victim of racism or
discrimination at work.
RQ 1, RQ2

149

Probes:
A) What did you do?

B) How did you feel?

C) What did the employer do?

D) Why do you think this happened?

E) Were there ways that this could have been prevented?

F) What happened next (or after the experience)?

G) How did you cope with this situation?

4.
In what ways, if any, does your place of work discriminate against Black
or African American women?

Probes:
A) How do you deal with this discrimination?

B) How has this impacted you personally?

C) How might things be different for you at work if this discrimination did
not exist?

D) If you could give your employer any advice, what advice would you
give them to create a discrimination/racism free work environment?

RQ 1, RQ2

150
APPENDIX E: JOURNAL ENTRY PROMPTS
Instructions:

Please complete a journal entry at the end of the day for every day you work (it is not necessary
to complete an entry on a day you did not work). You may write about any information you are
comfortable sharing regarding your experience with racism and discrimination at work. You may
write as much or as little as you like. Please be as descriptive as possible in your entry.

1. On what date did the events you're about to describe happen?

2. Please describe your routine before leaving for work.
a. Remember to include the following:
i. Behavior: (What did you do?)
ii. Thoughts and Feelings: (What thoughts were you having? What were you
feeling?)
iii. Physical symptoms (if any): (What was happening with your body? Did
you have a headache, low or high energy, neck pain, etc.)

3. Please select one or more of the following prompts that you are responding to today. It is
okay to select more than one option to talk about.
a. A description of what happened to you at work today.
b. A description of an uncomfortable experience that happened to you at work today.
c. A description of an experience that made you feel insulted at work today.
d. A description of an experience that made you feel like an outsider at work today.
e. A description of an experience that made you doubt your abilities at work today.
f. A description of an experience that made you feel good at work today.
g. Other

4. Please use the space below to respond to the prompts you selected above. Please
remember to be detailed (if you can) about the following when submitting your response:
a. What did you do?
b. What did your employer / boss / colleague / subordinate / client do?
c. How did you feel?
d. Why do you think this happened?
e. Were there ways that this could have been prevented?
f. What happened next (or after the experience)?
g. How did you cope with this situation?

5. Please describe your routine after leaving work. Remember to include the following:
a. Behavior: (What did you do?)
b. Thoughts and Feelings: (What thoughts were you having? What were you
feeling?)

151

152
APPENDIX F: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Research
Questions
Dependent
Variable
Independent
Variable(s)
Type of Analysis
Theoretical
Framework
Data Instrument
Question
RQ 1: In what
ways, if any, do
Black women’s
coping strategies
in response to
perceived racism,
discrimination or
stereotype threat
in their workplace
exemplify
armoring?
N/A N/A
Coding
Reading
Rereading
Counting
Social Cognitive
Theory
(Bandura, 1989)
Interview
Questions: 2, 3

Journal
Questions: 2-5
RQ 2: When do
Black women
endorse
stereotypical
identities of Black
women while in
the workplace?
N/A N/A
Coding
Reading
Rereading
Counting
Social Cognitive
Theory
(Bandura, 1989)
Interview
Questions: 1
RQ 3: What is the
relationship
between various
coping strategies
used by Black
women in
response to
perceived racism,
discrimination or
stereotype threat
and their
perceived health
outcomes?

Mixed Methods,
Exploratory
Sequential Design
Critical Race
Theory –
Intersectionality
(Crenshaw,
1989)

Social Cognitive
Theory
(Bandura, 1989)
Interview
Questions: 2, 3

Journal
Questions: 2-5

GWBS
Questionnaire: 1-
18
RQ 4: In what
ways, if any, do
Black women’s
coping strategies
in response to
perceived racism,
discrimination or
stereotype threat
in their workplace
exemplify identity
shifting?
N/A N/A
Coding
Reading
Rereading
Counting
Social Cognitive
Theory
(Bandura, 1989)
Interview
Questions: 2, 3

Journal
Questions: 2-5

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Young, Tiffany A. (author)

Core Title Racism, discrimination and stereotypes: the cost of success for Black women in the workplace

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Degree Conferral Date 2021-08

Publication Date 08/08/2021

Defense Date 07/02/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag angry Black woman,armoring,black women,health,OAI-PMH Harvest,shifting,stereotype threat,strong Black woman,superwoman,trauma,wearing a mask,wellbeing,Work

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia Elaine (committee chair), Jones, Brandi (committee member), Patall, Erika (committee member)

Creator Email tiffanay@usc.edu,tiffanyayoung@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC15720637

Unique identifier UC15720637

Legacy Identifier etd-YoungTiffa-10024

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Young, Tiffany A.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu