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A different world: exploring how Black students facilitate their own success at a public, 4-year institution

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A different world: exploring how Black students facilitate their own success at a public, 4-year institution

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Content A Different World: Exploring How Black Students Facilitate Their Own Success at a
Public, 4-Year Institution
by
Rhiannon E. Little-Surowski
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
August 2021

© Copyright by Rhiannon E. Little-Surowski 2021
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Rhiannon E. Little-Surowski certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Eddie Comeaux
Artineh Samkian
Tracy Tambascia, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021
iv

Abstract
This qualitative study explored the ways that Black students at a public, 4-year institution
facilitated success for themselves and how the institution helped foster their success. There is
ample research about disparate college outcomes for Black students and other underrepresented
students. Existing literature, however, is framed from an anti-deficit perspective, portraying Black
student success as an anomaly. This study will add to the literature by including asset-based
narratives of Black student success.
Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews with participants who self-
identified as Black and either current students or alumni of the institution under study. This
information was collected through a screener survey. The study and its findings were framed
through two theoretical frameworks, the Community Cultural Wealth model and Critical Race
Theory. The themes that emerged from the study’s findings were that students rely heavily on a
network of support, including their peers and family, that the use of institutional support varies
widely, and that students’ success is reliant upon a positive sense of belonging, campus diversity,
and their ability to code-switch. Based on this study’s findings, three recommendations were
proposed, including creating a Black student success support team, developing a year-long success
course, and incentivizing student engagement.

v

Dedication
To my family, this work is dedicated to you. You all have been my greatest support network
throughout this journey.

To my incredible husband, Peter, for pushing me to apply to this program in the first place.
Thank you for being my personal reader, notetaker, cheerleader and most of all, an amazing
daddy to our girls. I could not have completed this degree without your sacrifice, love, dedication
and encouragement.

To my daughters, Annabelle, Ellington, and Cosette, thank you for being so patient and
understanding, especially when I couldn’t hang out or play dollies because I had to write instead,
and thank you for loving me anyways.

To my parents, the reason for my being. Thank you for the sacrifices you both made and for
instilling in me a love of education and curiosity. I am deeply indebted to you for helping me
become the person I am today. I love you all.

To the loving memory of my cousin and mentor, The Rev. Dr. Clifford Ozel Brazil, who guided
me throughout the college application process and who sacrificed his life to make higher
education possible for countless Black scholars, I thank you.

vi

Acknowledgements
This dissertation and the entire doctoral process has been a sojourn. I could not have
made it to this point without my small but mighty village. Family, we made it! First and
foremost, I am forever indebted to my partner in life and soulmate, my husband Peter. Honey,
you have been my rock through it all. From the start of this process, when I was not even
considering pursing a doctoral degree, you gently (kind of) pushed me to apply. Right around
that time, we found out that we were expecting our second baby together. I was apprehensive
about applying after getting that news and I, panicked, asked you what we were going to do and
you, very confidently, said “we’re going to do the program!” It was never a question in your
mind whether I could complete this degree, even when I questioned myself. You have always
believed in me and for that, I will forever be grateful. To my beautiful daughters, this is for you!
Always have courage and be fierce. People will doubt you and discourage you. Prove them
wrong! Never let other people’s expectations of you discourage you from following your dreams.
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Africa’s first woman president said, “If your dreams don’t scare you,
they’re not big enough” so dream big. Be fearless, be brave, and be bold.
To my wonderful parents: Dad, you set the example by going to get your bachelor’s
degree from Cal Poly Pomona as a father of three small children. All to show us that higher
education was possible (and expected). Thank you for always pushing me to be the best and not
accept mediocrity. Mom, thank you for being there at the drop of a hat to watch the girls so I
could write, study, or just get in a little self-care time. You have always taught me to be
independent and free thinking. It is thanks to you that I am the social justice champion I am
today. To my fellow mother-scholar, mi amiga, Arlene. We have been through the storm together
and I will forever cherish our friendship. Thank you for the study sessions, countless venting

vii

sessions, for listening to me, and always being there when I needed to cry or scream. I deeply
appreciate and admire you. I can’t wait to call you doctora (you got next)!
Shout out to my small but mighty Rossier crew. Jenn, you have been my go-to expert
throughout this program. Thanks for always being there, no matter the hour or the triviality of
my questions. Also, special thanks to Erin, Kristi, and Melissa for the writing sessions. They
forced me to write and were just the thing I needed to hold myself accountable. To the study site
and most importantly, to my participants. There would not be a study without your insight and
vulnerability in sharing your stories. I am forever grateful.
Finally, thank you to my wonderful dissertation committee. Dr. Artineh Samkian, from
the day I met you, I knew you were special. I will never forget you letting me use your office as
a lactation room. Thank you for your amazing intellect and making statistics not so scary. Dr.
Comeaux, it has been a pleasure working with you. I appreciate you being on my committee and
sharing all your wisdom with me. Last but most certainly not least, Dr. Tracy Tambascia. I knew
from the moment I met you that I had to have you as my dissertation chair. Your high
expectations have set me up for success in this doctoral journey and I will always be grateful for
you. I can never thank you enough for holding me accountable and pushing me to only submit
my best work. I appreciate you.

viii

Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Overview of Study .................................................................................................... 1
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 2
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 3
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 7
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions ..................................................................... 8
Definitions......................................................................................................................... 10
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 11
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 12
Black Student Access, Enrollment and Completion ......................................................... 13
Higher Education Access: Legal Cases and Legislation................................................... 19
Barriers to Higher Education for Black Students ............................................................. 26
Fostering Black Student Success ...................................................................................... 29
Theoretical Frameworks ................................................................................................... 33
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 39
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 41
Methodological Approach ................................................................................................ 42
Qualitative Methods .......................................................................................................... 42
Site Selection .................................................................................................................... 43
Site Overview.................................................................................................................... 46

ix

Population and Sample ..................................................................................................... 46
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 49
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 50
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 52
Reliability and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 53
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 54
Role of Researcher ............................................................................................................ 54
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 55
Chapter Four: Presentation of Data and Findings ......................................................................... 56
Participant Overview ........................................................................................................ 56
Findings............................................................................................................................. 58
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 71
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations......................................................................... 73
Discussion ......................................................................................................................... 73
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 76
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 81
Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 85
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 86
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 89
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 91
References ..................................................................................................................................... 93
Appendix A: Recruitment Emails ............................................................................................... 106
Appendix B: Student Survey Questions ..................................................................................... 110
Appendix C: Alumnus Survey Questions ................................................................................... 112
Appendix D: Alumni Interview Protocol .................................................................................... 114

x

Appendix E: Current Student Interview Protocol ....................................................................... 118
Appendix F: Information Sheet .................................................................................................. 122

xi

List of Tables
Table 1: 6-Year Graduation Rate Percentages by Cohort Year for First-year,
Full-Time Freshmen
5
Table 2: Percentage of U.S. Population Age 24 and Older with a College Degree,
by Race
16
Table 3: U.S. Public, 4-Year Public Institutions’ 6-Year National Graduation
Percentages by Race/Ethnicity
19
Table 4: Dale University’s 6-Year Graduation Rates by Race/Ethnicity, 2011–
2014 Cohorts
44
Table 5: Grad Rates of Selected University of California First-Time, Full-Time
Undergrads, 2013 Cohort
45
Table 6: Study Participant Profiles 57

xii

List of Figures
Figure 1: Graduation Rates of First-Time, Full-Time Undergraduates at 4-Year
Postsecondary Institutions by Race/Ethnicity
4
Figure 2: Enrollment Patterns for All Racial and Ethnic Groups From 2000 to 2016

18

1

Chapter One: Overview of Study
Black Americans have experienced barriers to higher education since slavery. During this
era, their access to education, including reading and writing, was controlled by White slave
owners (Gasman, 2008; Ladson-Billings, 2006). In later years, with the establishment of Black
colleges and then the designation of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs),
White religious and philanthropic organizations continued to control the education of Blacks as
they provided a large portion of the funding for these institutions (Allen & Jewell, 2002;
Gasman, 2008). This funding allowed these organizations to control and develop the curriculum
that benefitted White missionaries in the advancement of their religion and taught culturally
dominant ideologies and skills that would benefit an industrial workforce (Allen & Jewell,
2002).
These historical injustices, which have been present since the founding of postsecondary
institutions, have led to persistent inequities in college enrollment and completion rates between
ethnic and racial groups. Black students’ access, enrollment, and completion rates in higher
education are disproportionately low in comparison to White and Asian students (Allen, 1992;
Reardon, 2011; Ross et al., 2012). These gaps demonstrate the presence of barriers to success for
Black students. Inequalities in educational outcomes have also led to disparate representation of
Blacks in industries such as science, technology, math, and other career fields. Moreover, long
term economic inequities persist when Black students’ complete college at lower rates (Cabrera
et al., 1999; Ladson-Billings, 2006).
Black students experience many different barriers to success in higher education,
including racialized encounters on college campuses, overt racist acts, and subtle forms of
discrimination, such as microaggressions and stereotype threat (Steele, 1997). Stereotype threat
2

is when an individual thinks they will be judged or stereotyped by others for their actions (Steele,
1997). This threat can have a detrimental effect on Black student’s learning and experience in the
classroom (Steele, 1997). Furthermore, barriers and negative encounters faced by Black students
can have adverse effects on their educational and professional success (Cabrera et al., 1999;
Solórzano et al., 2000).
Statement of the Problem
Decades of disparate college access, enrollment, completion rates among Black students
and other racial and ethnic groups have ultimately led to disproportionate success outcomes.
These outcomes have led to a deficit framing of Black students’ performance. However, as
posited by Yosso (2005), it is critical to reframe the common, deficit-based narrative that Black
students are not capable of educational success, which is a narrative that perpetuates racism,
discrimination, and incorrect stereotypes. What remains problematic with this dominant narrative
is that Black students and other marginalized groups’ success has been framed as exceptions. If a
Black student is successful, they are considered unique. Also, the literature frames inequities in
completion rates between racial and ethnic groups through a deficit lens (Ladson-Billings, 2006).
This framing is problematic because the underlying implication is that Black college students are
responsible for low graduation rates due to individual inadequacies.
Black students have been expected to underperform when compared to their Asian and
White counterparts. When they achieve at the same level or better, they are considered an
anomaly. This study seeks to find, from the students’ perspectives, what the university did to
contribute to their success, if anything. Also, through an anti-deficit framework (Harper, 2009),
Black students at Dale University (a pseudonym) will share perspectives on what they did to
contribute to their own success.
3

Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to understand the multiple and unique ways Black
undergraduate students at a 4-year public institution in Southern California cultivate success for
themselves and the ways the university nurtures their success. According to a report published by
the Education Trust, the 2014 national average for 6-year graduation rate of Black, first-time,
full-time freshmen was 22 percentage points lower than their White peers; the second to lowest
rate of all racial and ethnic groups (Nichols & Evans-Bell, 2017). The following data further
illustrate these disparities in national graduation rates more clearly. The 2014 average national 6-
year graduation rate for first-time, full-time students at 4-year institutions was 74% for Asian
students, 54% for Latinx students, 51% Pacific Islander, 60% two or more races and 64% White.
Conversely, American Indian/Alaska Natives and Black students had graduation rates of 39%
and 40% respectively (Figure 1) (NCES, 2018).

4

Figure 1
Grad Rates of First-Time, Full-Time Undergraduates at 4-Year Postsecondary Institutions by
Race/Ethnicity

Note. From “First Look Report,” by National Center for Education Statistics, 2018,
https://nces.ed.gov/pubs2018/2018151.pdf. Copyright 2018 by the U.S. Department of
Education.

The previously noted graduation rates illustrate national education outcome disparities
between racial and ethnic student populations. These gaps in graduation rates have come to be
expected due to the deficit-based belief that Black students have personal inadequacies that lead
to differences in outcomes (Patton et al., 2019; Solòrzano, 1997).
Dale University is an exception. Black students often outperformed at this university
when compared to their peers at other universities. One particularly noteworthy example was the
2011 Black undergraduate cohort, in which those students graduated at 74.5%, 1.7% higher than
5

their White counterparts (Nichols & Evans-Bell, 2017). Also, the 2012 cohort of Black first-year,
full-time undergraduates had a graduation rate of 67.9%, the 2013 graduation rate for Black
undergraduates was 74.5% and the 2014 cohort’s graduation rate was 75.5%. These completion
rates were compared against Asian, Latinx, and White students (Table 1).

Table 1
Dale’s 6-Year Graduation Rate Percentages by Cohort Year for First-Year, Full-Time Freshmen
Race/Ethnicity 2011 2012 2013 2014
Asian 79.2 78.5 80 80
Black 74.5 67.9 74.5 75.5
Chicano/Latino 72.7 74.8 74.5 71.2
White 72.1 69.3 74.1 76.4

Note. Adapted from “Dale University Institutional Research Website,” by Dale University, 2020.
Copyright 2020 by Dale University.

6

This study examined how Black undergraduates at the university facilitate their own
success. Additionally, this study examined the major influences on Black student success at this
institution and institutional efforts that supported and facilitated Black student success. Lastly,
this study investigated the impact of the Black student experience on success at Dale University.
A qualitative research design was used to gather rich descriptions from study participants
(McEwen & McEwen, 2003). Black students’ narratives were captured through interviews and
surveys to underscore the significance of their success and their reliance on nontraditional forms
of capital to foster that success. This study was guided by a primary research question: How have
the experiences of Black undergraduate students at a public, 4-year institution influenced their
success. Related to this primary research question were two sub-questions: How do Black
undergraduate students at a public, 4-year institution facilitate their own success? How do public,
4-year institutions foster success for Black undergraduate students?
Theoretical Framework
Participant’s meaning-making through socially and historically formed contexts were
examined through a constructivist and transformative lens (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). A
deficit framework has permeated the education literature regarding marginalized students’
success, including Black students’ success and completion in higher education (Patton et al.,
2007; Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). To challenge this discourse and to illustrate how Black
students build cultural wealth to enhance and foster their success (Patton et al., 2007; Solórzano
& Yosso, 2001; Yosso, 2005), Critical Race Theory (CRT) (Ladson-Billings, 2011; Patton et al.,
2007) and the Community Cultural Wealth model (Yosso, 2005) were the two main theories
used to inform this study.
7

Significance of the Study
This study addressed gaps identified in existing higher education literature on Black
student success. Much of the scholarship is homogenous, emphasizing Black college males. For
instance, Black male access, retention, persistence, and completion saturates much of the
literature (Harper, 2009; Harper et al., 2012; Palmer et al., 2014; Wood & Harper, 2015). While
Black males’ success in college is critical to examine, featuring only male voices excludes and
alienates Black women, non-binary, and other lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer or
questioning identities.
Overlooking these intersectional identities is detrimental to understanding the
experiences of Black students, particularly Black women, and hinders the development of
improvements or necessary interventions (Winkle-Wagner, 2015). Black women are not a
monolithic group and treating them as such could be detrimental in identifying their unique
experiences with success in higher educational institutions (Winkle-Wagner, 2015). This study
seeks to add a more nuanced and holistic discussion around Black student success to include
more intersectional identities.
In addition, there is little research on how the Community Cultural Wealth model (CCW)
applies to Black college student success and how they achieve success at Predominantly White
Institutions (PWIs). Much of the current CCW research is focused on Latinx students, and Black
students are not highly represented in the model. To close that gap, this study will add narratives
of Black students and seek to incorporate their perspectives. Examining Black student success
through CCW will better equip practitioners with perspectives and tools they can use to facilitate
the success of Black students and other underrepresented student populations. Additionally, this
8

study will contribute to the literature by adding more Black, female-identified undergraduate
students’ perspectives, as they are underrepresented in the CCW model.
By examining success stories of Black students, institutions can better understand how
Black students utilize their cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) to access and succeed in higher
education. Also, this study will seek a better understanding of the unique ways Black students
create knowledge, form support networks, and foster success at Dale University. This is critical
to understand, because as stated by Noguera (2003), “Recognizing that Black males are not
merely passive victims but may also be active agents in their own failure, means that
interventions designed to help them must take this into account” (p. 437).
Lastly, by studying cohorts of Black students who performed well, practitioners and
educators can learn how Black students facilitate success. By doing so, institutional efforts can
be enhanced to support and advocate for Black student success. Also, by understanding barriers
to Black student success, institutions can intentionally create positive and supportive
environments that are conducive to success.
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions
This study had inherent limitations. For example, there is a natural researcher’s bias that
exists since the researcher works in higher education at the institution under study. These biases
influence the researcher’s beliefs that the institution plays a role in Black student success. As an
administrator at Dale University, the researcher assumes that the institution has done something
well to foster that success. Additionally, the researcher has a biased view about Black students
and their success since they work with the specific population under study. Furthermore, the
interpretation of the findings was shaped by the researcher’s gender and ethnicity as a Black
woman. This was potentially limiting as the researcher may have been inclined to interpret the
9

positive results only to enhance Black student success. As such, the site was selected because the
researcher assumes that all Black students at Dale University are successful and that they used at
least one form of CCW to promote their success. The researcher also assumed that the alumni at
Dale University were successful during their undergraduate study and that they used forms of
capital within CCW. To mitigate these limitations, the researcher’s biases and how those might
influence the study were revealed for full transparency (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Since the researcher’s assumptions, goals, and values about the phenomenon may have
influenced the study’s results (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), multiple
strategies were employed to check for this internal validity. Some of these strategies included
triangulation of methods, peer review, member checks, and reflexivity (the researcher revealing
predispositions transparently) (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The criteria chosen for selection was
another limitation. Only students who identify as Black or African American were included in
the sample, which excludes potential participants who identify as biracial, with two or more
ethnicities.
Delimitations
This study also had some delimitations. For one, graduate students were excluded from
the sample. While graduate students are an important population to highlight, they were not
selected because the study only examined undergraduate student experiences. Secondly, only
one institution was selected as the study site, which limited the sample size to 700 potential
participants. Also, first-year students were not included in the sample, as second-year students
have a better grasp of what supports their success than first-year students.

10

Assumptions
The researcher made some initial assumptions regarding the phenomenon at Dale
University. One assumption made was that the participants considered themselves successful.
The second assumption was that the students would attribute some of their success to
institutional support.
Definitions
The following terminology will be used throughout this study:
Asian American, Native American, and Pacific Islander Serving Institution (AANAPISI):
Higher education institution that enrolls at least 10% Asian American and Native American
Pacific Islander undergraduate students (U.S. Department of Education, 2020).
Black/African American: A person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of
Africa. Used interchangeably with the shortened term Black (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2020).
College enrollment: The enrollment in college of students who enroll in an institution of
higher education within 16 months of graduation (U.S. Dept. of Education, 2020).
Doctoral university: Doctoral, degree-granting institution with very high research activity
(Carnegie Classification, 2019).
First-generation college student: A student whose parents have not attended college
(National Center for Education Statistics, 2018).
Full-time student: Full-time enrollment includes students who have a credit load of 12 or
more semester or quarter units (National Center for Education Statistics, 2020).
Graduation rate: The 4-year or extended year adjusted cohort graduation rate (U.S. Dept.
of Education, 2020).
11

Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI): Public and private two- and 4-year higher education
institutions that enrolls at least 25% or more Latinx full-time equivalent enrollment (FTE)
undergraduate students (Garcia, 2018).
Nontraditional student: Undergraduates who meet one or more of the following traits;
financially independent, have a dependent(s), delay postsecondary enrollment, attend school part
time, work full time (National Center for Education Statistics, 2015).
Predominantly White Institution (PWI): A complex term that signifies more than the
number of White students enrolled at an institution; it also defines how Whiteness permeates all
aspects of an institution (Bourke, 2016).
Undergraduate student: Students registered at an institution of postsecondary education
who are in a baccalaureate degree program or other formal program below the baccalaureate
(National Center for Education Statistics, 2020).
Conclusion
This section included a historical background of Blacks in education to set the context.
Common barriers to Black students’ education and success at PWIs were presented. These
hindrances to Black student success were important to contextualize this study because they
inform the problem. The frameworks used to frame this study, CRT and CCW were introduced
to assist in centering the Black college student experience with success.
In Chapter Two, relevant literature around Black student success and barriers to their
success will provide context for the study.
12

Chapter Two: Literature Review
This chapter describes the experiences of Black students in higher education and their
influence on academic outcomes and student success. It will also provide context for this study
by examining educational barriers Black students have faced throughout U.S. history, including
historical background on legal cases and federal laws affecting Black students’ access to higher
education and other variables that contribute to and hinder Black student success. This study was
guided by a primary research question: How have the experiences of Black undergraduate
students at a public, 4-year institution influenced their success. Related to this primary research
question were two sub-questions: How do Black undergraduate students at a public, 4-year
institution facilitate their own success? How do public, 4-year institutions foster success for
Black undergraduate students?
Racial inequalities in today’s universities and the resulting societal problems can be
traced back to the founding of higher education in America. For decades, Black students enrolled
in institutions of higher education have experienced disparate access, enrollment, retention, and
graduation outcomes (Bensimon, 2005). U.S. undergraduate enrollment for Black,
Latino(a)/Latinx, Asian/Pacific Islander, and American Indian/Alaska Native students increased
between 1980 and 2013 (NCES, 2016; U.S. Dept. of Education, 2016). However, the college
completion and degree attainment rates of Black and Latinx undergraduates remain lower than
their Asian and White counterparts (Allen, 1992; Bir & Myrick, 2015; Herndon & Hirt, 2004;
U.S. Dept. of Education, 2016).
These unequal outcomes are problematic for society because opportunities for upward
mobility for communities are diminished when there are low rates of degree attainment (U.S.
Dept. of Education, 2016). Additional repercussions of these negative outcomes include fewer
13

economic and occupational gains (Cabrera et al., 1999; Ladson-Billings, 2006). Furthermore,
inequality in college outcomes perpetuate a deficit perspective that permeates higher education
literature. This negative perspective on minoritized students’ educational abilities has normalized
and justified unequal college outcomes for Black college students and puts the blame on them for
underachievement. However, institutions must also be held accountable for their students’
performance and ultimate success (Bensimon, 2005).
Black Student Access, Enrollment and Completion
Understanding the historical and social complexities of Blacks in higher education is
critical to address issues faced by students today (Allen, 1992). When universities were founded
in the United States, they were formed to educate White males studying religion and later, liberal
arts. Formal schools to educate Blacks did not exist, as slavery banned their education (Brown &
Davis, 2001; Gasman, 2007) due to a false belief that Blacks were inferior to Whites and thus not
worthy of educating (Brown & Davis, 2001). However, Blacks desired an education, so they
created their own schools to educate themselves as well as other former slaves (Gasman, 2007).
The following sections offer a brief historical timeline that will discuss a persistent
history of exclusion for Blacks in higher education, highlighting court cases as well as state and
federal policies that opened the doors to academic institutions for Black students and other
underrepresented populations. Additionally, admissions policies and legal cases intended to
increase diversity and Black student enrollment specifically will be explored, along with
critiques of some of these policies. Lastly, data on college enrollment and completion trends at
public, 4-year institutions over time will be examined.

14

Access
Throughout American history, impediments to equal education access have permeated
education systems. The elite postsecondary institutions of today were founded on exclusionary
practices with the goal of sustaining the orthodox Puritan religion in America (Geiger, 2015).
These institutions excluded anyone who was not a White male and served as barriers to higher
education, particularly for Blacks. These practices made it nearly impossible for Black
Americans to enroll in the first universities founded in the United States.
Exclusion of Blacks from postsecondary institutions began by White slave masters
withholding access to an education and educational materials from slaves (Ladson-Billings,
2006). Slaves were also prohibited from learning how to read (Ladson-Billings, 2006) and were
prevented from congregating with each other, for fear they might become educated and plot their
escape from captivity. Even when colleges dedicated to educating Blacks were established, the
unfounded belief that they were academically inferior was ever-present (Patton, 2016). These
beliefs and fears continued to deny Black people the right to an equal education, even up until
the mid-1960s. Though schools for Blacks were eventually opened, they were still separate from
Whites.
Following the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, attempts were made to reverse past
injustices that created these barriers. During this time, there was an increase in Black student
enrollment rates at PWIs (Allen, 1988). Additionally, colleges nationwide experienced increases
in racial diversity (Clotfelter, 2006). While there have been slight enrollment gains across racial
and ethnic groups, inequalities in enrollment and college completion persist (Bensimon, 2005).
These gaps affect the potential for social mobility, thus reproducing income inequality across
racial and ethnic groups (Strayhorn, 2012).
15

Unequal access for Black students is reflected in the disproportionately low college
attendance rates in the United States. For example, in 1960, of the 99,517,000 Americans aged 24
and older., about 9%, or 9,057,000, were Black. However, only about 3% of Black people in this
age group had finished a 4-year degree, while about 8% of Whites in this age group had earned a
4-year degree (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). This disparity persisted over time, though with some
improvement. In 1970, of the 109,832,000 Americans aged 24 or older, 10,345,000, or about 9%,
were Black, but only about 4% had finished a college degree, compared to more than 11% of
Whites in this age group. In 1980, Black people made up nearly 10% of the population in this age
demographic, but only about 8% had a 4-year degree, while more than 17% of Whites held a
degree. The 1960–1980 census lumped the White and Latino populations together, hence the
population percentages are not included for those groups in this review.
Enrollment
Recent research shows the equity gap persists, though has slimmed considerably. In 2018,
34,736,000 traditional college-aged people (18-24 years old) lived in the United States; 4,416,000
or 13% of whom were Black. In public, 4-year PWIs that same year, 12% (1,670,000) of the
population of 13,950,000 were Black (Herndon & Hirt, 2004; U.S. Census Bureau, 2018). To
contrast, White students are represented proportionally, with 63% of the total college-going
population being White and 63% of the American population being White. These figures are
shown in table 2.

16

Table 2
Percentage of U.S. Population Age 24 and Older With a Completed College Degree, by Race
Year Black population Black completers White population White completers
1960 9% 3% N/A 8%
1970 9% 4% N/A 11%
1980 10% 8% N/A 17%

Note. Adapted from U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1999. Copyright 1999 by the U.S. Bureau of the
Census.

These numbers indicate the dynamic nature of undergraduate enrollment and completion
trends. However, even though enrollment fluctuates, from 2000 to 2016, Black student enrollment
remains consistently lower in comparison to other racial and ethnic populations. The trend in rising
enrollment rates in the United States declined in 2010 and 2016 for nearly all racial and ethnic
groups (NCES, 2019; American Institutes for Research, 2011, 2019). In 2016, for instance, a 17%
decrease was reported for both Black and White student enrollment rates (NCES, 2019). In that
same year, the American Indian/Alaskan Native student population had a 28% decrease, while
Pacific Islander student enrollment decreased 18% in 2010. Asian American students had an
increase of 2% in 2016 (NCES, 2019). Between 2010 and 2017, enrollment decreased by 7%
overall (NCES, 2019).
Completion Trends
Data show there are not only racial and ethnic gaps in U.S. college enrollment rates, but
also in degree completion rates (Harris & Bensimon, 2007). Even though national average
college completion rates have increased from 6% to 14% between 1964 and 2014, Black
17

undergraduate students still experience lower completion rates than Asian, Latinx, and White
students (U.S. Department of Education, 2016). For example, as indicated in table 2, of all the
Black students who enrolled in public colleges in the United States. in 2010 with the intent to
earn a 4-year degree, only 35.7% completed their program within six years. In contrast, Whites,
Asians, and Latinx were much more likely to graduate; 58.7% of Whites, 69.2% of Asians and
47.8% of Latinx completed their degrees during that year (NCES, 2019). Data from the 2011
cohort showed similar discrepancies, with only 36.1% of enrolled Black students finishing their
degrees in 6 years, compared to 69.7% of Asians, 48.1% Latinx, and 59.7% of White (NCES,
2019). The trend continues through the 2012 cohort, with 38.3% of Black students completing a
college degree in 6 years, compared to 71.1% of Asians, 49.7% of Latinx, and 61% of White
(NCES 2019). Figure 2 illustrates the changes in enrollment patterns for all racial and ethnic
groups from 2000 to 2016 in the United States.

18

Figure 2
Enrollment Patterns for All Racial and Ethnic Groups From 2000 to 2016

Note. From National Center for Education Statistics, 2019. Copyright 2019 by The U.S.
Department of Education.

These data underscore the disparities of completion rates between racial and ethnic
groups in American postsecondary institutions that persist to the present day. Moreover, the
graduation rates for Black students compared to other racial and ethnic groups is troubling,
because this population has the lowest completion rates of all racial and ethnic groups except for
American Indian/Alaska Native and the category race unknown (Espinosa et al., 2019; NCES,
2017). Addressing these disparities is critical to move institutions toward closing equity gaps in
college outcomes. Table 3 illustrates the disparities in 6-year graduation percentages at public, 4-
year institutions in the United States, disaggregated by race and ethnicity.

19

Table 3
U.S. Public, 4-Year Public Institutions’ 6-Year National Graduation Percentages by
Race/Ethnicity
Cohort year Asian Black Latinx White
2009 69.3 36.7 48.7 58.7
2010 69.2 35.7 47.8 58.7
2011 69.7 36.1 48.1 59.7
2012 71.1 38.3 49.7 61.0

Note. Adapted from National Center for Education Statistics, 2019. Copyright 2019 by the
National Center for Education Statistics.

Higher Education Access: Legal Cases and Legislation
Between the mid-1800s and the mid-2000s, legal cases and federal laws were enacted to
improve access to higher education for Black students and other underrepresented populations.
Federal mandates and court cases such as the Morrill Act (1862 & 1890), Brown vs. Board of
Education (1954), the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Higher Education Act of 1965 provided
equal access for Blacks and other marginalized populations. Moreover, access and attainment
were made possible by the establishment of early Black colleges, later known as Historically
Black Colleges and Universities. Between the legal cases, federal laws and the establishment of
dedicated Black postsecondary institutions, Black students have seen improvements in higher
education accessibility in America. The following sections will describe these landmark events
in greater detail.
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Morrill Act of 1862 and 1890
At the beginning of the 19th century, the federal government pursued ways to develop the
higher education system. One tactic was through a series of federal laws which gave land to each
state for the sole purpose of developing postsecondary institutions, known as land-grant
institutions. The first Morrill Act of 1862 created these land-grant colleges and universities with
an emphasis on agriculture, teaching, and mechanical and hands-on training and education.
(Brown & Davis, 2001; Garcia, 2019).
The second Morrill Act of 1890 mandated the allocation of federal funding to the
education of Black students (Gasman, 2007). The funding was used to create two separate
institutions; for each land-grant institution established for Whites, one land-grant institution also
had to be established for Blacks (Garcia, 2019). Through the additional funding from the federal
government, 17 Black colleges in total were established. The funding of Black colleges was a
significant step toward educational equality for Black students’ higher education attainment. The
additional funding meant more Black students could receive an education and had more options
to do so.
However, these land-grant institutions, some of which later received the designation of
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), were underfunded, poorly staffed and
lacked infrastructure (Allen & Jewell, 2002; Harper & Quaye, 2009; Sorber, 2018). Moreover,
the racialization of these schools created an institutional hierarchy that normalized Whiteness in
postsecondary education. This was evidenced through the assignment of value based on the
dominant race of the institution that still exists today (Garcia, 2018).

21

Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs)
The first Black colleges created specifically for Black students were Cheney University,
Lincoln University, and Wilberforce University, founded in 1837, 1854, and 1856 respectively
(Arroyo & Gasman, 2014). These schools provided access to higher education to former slaves
who had been previously denied the right to basic education, such as reading and writing (Allen
& Jewell, 2002; Brown & Davis, 2001; Gasman, 2007; Palmer, 2010). These early Black
colleges also employed their own teachers and administration, and they enrolled only Black
students. Additionally, they raised their own funds, through the efforts of the United Negro
College Fund of 1944 (Gasman, 2007). These colleges were critical in providing access to higher
education where Blacks had been previously excluded (Palmer & Gasman, 2008).
Many of these early institutions were established by the Freedmen’s Bureau, founded in
1865, in collaboration with Black and White churches and community organizations, such as the
African Methodist Episcopal, and White philanthropic organizations like the American
Missionary Association (Allen & Jewell, 2002; Brown & Davis, 2001; Gasman, 2007). These
groups founded colleges such as Fisk University, Spelman College, Morehouse College and
Howard University (Allen & Jewell, 2002; Gasman, 2007). Black students at these institutions
were trained mainly in primary and secondary education, along with skilled professions such as
teaching and ministry (Gasman, 2007; Palmer, 2010). Public Black institutions were later formed
by the federal government through the second Morrill Act of 1890 (Gasman, 2007). The
government mandated the creation of agricultural and mechanical schools in order to maintain
their funding (Gasman, 2007). However, the Black institutions began to shift focus from teaching
industrial skills and manual labor to a more liberal arts focused curriculum in 1915 (Gasman,
22

2007). Conversely, the initial Black colleges that started with a curriculum emphasis on liberal
arts education then shifted to industrial education later (Allen & Jewell, 2002).
In 1965, Black colleges received increased support from the federal government with the
passing of the Higher Education Act of 1965 (Gasman, 2007). Under this act, 105 of the early
Black colleges that were created prior to 1964 and whose, “mission was and is the education of
black Americans,” (Arroyo & Gasman, 2014, p. 57) received the federal designation of
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). This federal designation also gave these
institutions more funding, which was critical because HBCUs had previously been denied
adequate funding and resources (Garcia, 2019).
However, the founding of HBCUs has come with some critiques. White missionary
founders were able to maintain control over the education of Blacks by developing curriculum
aimed at teaching manual labor due to the belief that Black people were intellectually inferior
(Allen & Jewell, 2002). Gasman (2007) further points out that these missionaries’ main purpose
was to force their Christian religion on Blacks through these institutions. After the missionary
funding was depleted at the end of the 19th century, White donors took an interest in supporting
Black colleges, including John D. Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie (Allen & Jewell, 2002;
Brown & Davis, 2001). Like the religious organizations, these private funders were able to
maintain control over Black colleges through their monetary contributions, enabling them to
tailor the curriculum to their benefit (Allen & Jewell, 2002; Gasman, 2007). For example, donors
endorsed curriculum in trades that would help advance specific industries that served the donors
(Gasman, 2007).
Many years later, additional governmental support for HBCUs came with the signing of
Executive Order 12232 in 1980. This White House initiative, signed by President Jimmy Carter,
23

provided governmental support of HBCUs and mandated the evaluation of programs that may
have previously barred Black students (Coupet, 2017). In addition, this order improved the
quality of education and ameliorated discrimination at HBCUs (Gasman, 2007).
Despite these critiques and challenges, HBCUs were and remain significant because they
have historically served as a primary source of postsecondary education and attainment for
Blacks in the United States (Brown, 2013). In 1964, HBCUs enrolled 60% of Black college
students, and decreased to 25% in 1973 (Allen, 1988). This decrease was in part due to the
enactment of federal laws prohibiting discrimination in public schools (Palmer, 2010), which
opened the doors to other public and private universities for Black students. Laws such as Brown
vs. Board of Education (1954) and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Palmer & Gasman, 2008)
changed the educational landscape. In more recent years, the enrollment trends have again
changed; Black student enrollment at HBCUs increased by 17% from 1976 to 2016 (NCES,
2019). As of Fall 2017, 188,212 Black students were enrolled in HBCUs (NCES, 2018).
Brown vs. Board of Education (1954)
This foundational legal case sought to revoke the separate but equal standard in public
education. The results of this case prohibited discrimination in schools, leading to U.S. public
school desegregation (Gasman, 2007). Nonetheless, institutions were slow to implement the new
Brown v. Board desegregation policy (Gasman, 2007). While the Brown ruling was a significant
moment in history, other cases, such as the 1950 Swanson vs. Rector of Visitors of the
University of Virginia case, were equally important in challenging admissions policies at PWIs
that engaged in exclusionary practices (Lark, 2017). The Swanson case launched the
desegregation of other higher education institutions.

24

Other Governmental Acts
Two more significant governmental policies that improved educational attainment for
people of color were the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Higher Education Act of 1965. The
Civil Rights Act banned discrimination based on race, color, nationality, religion, and sex in the
employment and college application process for students, employees, and potential employees.
This act especially impacts higher education, prohibiting discrimination in public locations and
in programs that receive federal funding (Safransky, 2010). Under the presidency of Lyndon B.
Johnson, the Higher Education Act of 1965 was established to improve access to higher
education for historically marginalized populations. Additionally, this Act provided more
financial resources in the form of grants and loans for these populations (Cooley, 2010).
Affirmative Action
Affirmative action is steps taken to reverse injustices resulting from past and future
discrimination (Eckes, 2010). These steps include the dedicating resources and modifying hiring
practices and college admissions policies to end discrimination (Crosby et al., 2006; Eckes,
2010). Also referred to as race-based admissions policies, affirmative action in higher education
improved access for Black students and other students of color, as it permits the admission of
Black students and other racialized groups based on college qualifying factors such as gender,
race, and ethnicity (Crosby et al., 2006).
In 1996, Affirmative Action was banned in California with the passing of Proposition 209
(Arcidiacono et al., 2014; Tierney, 1997). This proposition prohibited giving anyone special
treatment for employment or college admissions based on race, sex, color, ethnicity, or national
origin (Arcidiacono et al., 2014).
25

Even with its good intentions, affirmative action policies may have contributed to racial
tension and campus racial climate issues for Black students. As an example, one student
explained that White students would assume that Black students were in college not for their
academic ability, but because of affirmative action policies (Solòrzano et al., 2000). Tierney
(1997) discussed some additional drawbacks to affirmative action policies. One example is a
court case that challenged the constitutionality of affirmative action, which has been a battle
since the existence of affirmative action (Palmer, 2010).
Some have challenged affirmative action policies by equating them to reverse
discrimination. This was purported in the 1978 Bakke vs. Regents of the University of California
case (Allen & Jewell, 2002). In this case, Allan Bakke applied to medical school at the
University of California, Davis and was not admitted. He claimed that his admission was denied
due to race-based admissions policies (Yosso et al., 2014). This case was the grounds for the
affirmative action ban in California on racial quotas in college admissions, although the use of
such policies to increase institutional diversity was still permitted (Blume & Long, 2014).
Despite critics and legal obstacles, there is some evidence that affirmative action
increased Black student enrollment. By the late 1960s to early 1970s, enrollment in the United
States increased from 227,000 to 417,000. In 1982, there were 1,101,000 Black students enrolled
in American institutions of higher education (Cross & Slater, 1999). Alternately, bans on race-
based college admissions on at least two University of California campuses and at the University
of Texas in the late 1990s, for instance, caused a sharp decrease in Black undergraduate and
graduate student enrollment (Cross & Slater, 1999).
While some have challenged affirmative action policies, others have supported them,
contending that affirmative action is the equivalent of reparations, which are repayments for past
26

injustices (Hinrichs, 2012). These race-based admissions policies create access to higher
education for Black students and other underrepresented students who have been historically
excluded from institutions of higher learning (Lark, 2012; Palmer, 2010). However, universities
in the South have acclimated to affirmative action policies more slowly than the North. Overall,
affirmative action and anti-discrimination laws have been somewhat effective in increasing
Black student enrollment at private colleges and universities in the North (Blume & Long, 2014).
Barriers to Higher Education for Black Students
For many Black students, the higher education experience is tumultuous and unsettling
with many hurdles that prevent access. These negative, racialized experiences include racial
microaggressions, sense of not belonging, a hostile racial campus climate, racism, and
discrimination. These barriers affect student retention, persistence, and degree attainment
(D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993; Solòrzano et al., 2000; Strayhorn, 2012). Ultimately, Black
students’ success is hindered when they must endure a toxic environment and feel unwelcomed,
leading to gaps in graduation rates. The following sections will examine research on these topics
in greater detail.
Campus Climate
Campus climate includes institutional perceptions, attitudes, and expectations about race,
ethnicity, and diversity (Hurtado et al., 1999; Jayakumar & Museus, 2012). Specifically, Black
students at both public and private colleges have characterized the campus racial climate as
hostile and unwelcoming. One example of students’ perceptions of campus racial climate was
highlighted in a follow-up survey to a previous study conducted in 1989 (Hurtado, 1992). The
results from this freshman survey concluded that one in three students at 4-year institutions
perceived racial tension on their campuses (Hurtado, 1992). These racialized experiences have
27

been shown to negatively impact student performance and outcomes (Allen, 1992; D’Augelli &
Hershberger, 1993; Palmer & Young, 2009; Solòrzano et al., 2000).
The measures an institution takes to create a supportive and welcoming environment for
students can either positively or negatively affect persistence (D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993;
Palmer & Young, 2009; Solòrzano, et al., 2000). In that same vein, an institution’s commitment
to fostering a positive campus racial climate for students of color, and particularly Black
students, can make a difference in academic achievement. Specifically, a negative campus racial
climate can produce negative academic outcomes, alienation, and a lack of sense of belonging
for Black students, thus impeding their potential for success (D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993;
Harper et al., 2016; Solòrzano et al., 2000).
Microaggressions
In addition to experiencing a hostile racial campus climate, students of color attending
PWIs must also navigate microaggressions. Microaggressions are daily hostile, derogatory
exchanges in the form of verbal, behavioral, and environmental insults (Suárez-Orozco et al.,
2015; Sue et al., 2007; Sue et al., 2008). These insults alienate Black students, creating campus
environments that are hostile and unwelcoming (Solòrzano et al., 2000). Experiences with
racialized incidents and the perceptions of racial tension on college campuses tend to vary by
racial and ethnic group, but mostly impact Black students (D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993).
Examples of microaggressions include challenges to intellectual ability, expectations to
speak on behalf of an entire racial group, or exposure to racist imagery that reinforces
stereotypes of racial and ethnic groups (Pérez Huber & Solòrzano, 2015; Suárez-Orozco et al.,
2015). These racial assaults can make Black students feel less confident in their academic
abilities. Furthermore, students’ perceptions of a poor racial campus climate stemming from
28

interactions with microaggressions have led to the creation of counterspaces as support
mechanisms (Loo & Rolison, 1986; Solòrzano et al., 2000), including identity-based
organizations and cultural centers.
Sense of Belonging
Sense of belonging for college students is defined as “…students’ perceived social
support on campus, a feeling or sensation of connectedness, the experience of mattering or
feeling cared about, accepted, respected, valued by, and important to the group…or others on
campus” (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 3). A student’s feeling of belongingness on campus is directly
correlated with persistence and other educational outcomes, and a lack of belonging may be a
barrier to Black student success. (Strayhorn, 2012). When a student does not feel as though they
fit in with the campus life culture, the ramifications are myriad, including retention issues, low
engagement, and developmental problems (Hausmann et al., 2007; Strayhorn, 2012).
Conversely, a positive sense of belonging fosters academic success and persistence
toward degree attainment (Hausmann et al., 2007; Strayhorn, 2012). Sense of belonging has been
shown to be more relevant and critical to students of color and other marginalized populations
(Strayhorn, 2012). Strayhorn (2012) outlined the following key components of sense of
belonging as a fundamental human need, a motive to drive human behavior, population specific,
contextual, and time sensitive, a result of mattering, affected by intersecting identities, the
product of effective outcomes, situational, and must be nurtured consistently.
Sense of belonging also includes having the diversity of the student body reflected in the
faculty and staff. If students see administrators and educators who look like them, their feelings
of belonging on campus, and ultimately their success, is positively impacted (Kuh et al., 2006).
29

While sense of belonging is critical to understanding the experiences of Black students and other
students of color at PWIs, previous studies have mostly highlighted Black males. Existing
literature leaves out Black, female identified students as well as LGBTQ-identified students and
their perceptions of sense of belonging and how it impacts their success. This study will seek to
incorporate these populations.
Fostering Black Student Success
Student success in higher education has been defined in numerous ways but is a common
measure by which institutions assess whether they are meeting learning outcomes, objectives,
and their overall mission (Kuh, 2006). Student success can include enrollment numbers, degree
attainment rates, average time to degree, persistence, and student engagement (Kuh, 2006; Kuh
et al., 2008). Kuh (2006) articulated the need to examine the data in context of variables like race
and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, gender identity and student status to create a more holistic
picture of student success.
Investigating the experiences of Black students is useful to illustrate the value of those
experiences in creating knowledge (Delgado & Stefanic, 2012; Holland, 2017; Yosso, 2005).
Since Black students at Dale University graduate at rates higher than the national average, an
anti-deficit framework will examine policies, programs, and conditions at a university that
supports Black student success and seeks to understand what the students were contributing to
their success.
Research has shown that Black student success is dependent on variables such as
engagement in educationally enriching activities, campus life experiences, faculty and staff
interactions and support, and non-cognitive variables such as self-efficacy, motivation, and
commitment (Harper & Quaye, 2007; Palmer & Young, 2009). These variables can either
30

positively or negatively impact Black student success. Black student success can be increased by
ramping up efforts in those areas. For example, by cultivating success initiatives and providing
resources and support, institutions demonstrate their commitment to Black student success,
positive identity development, and expression (Harper & Quaye, 2007).
Another method is by enhancing student involvement through Black student
organizations and student support services (Harper & Quaye, 2007). Additionally, providing
Black students with opportunities to develop connections with faculty and peers can be helpful in
building their social networks, thereby increasing success (Patton, 2009; Winkle-Wagner, 2010).
Lastly, giving Black students tools to enhance self-efficacy and motivation could also improve or
maintain Black student success.
Student Engagement
Student engagement is a two-fold process that includes both a student’s time spent
engaged in educational activities, and institutional efforts toward educational practices that foster
student engagement (Kuh, 2001, 2009, 2016). Studies have linked positive academic outcomes to
student engagement (Givens, 2016). Also, students who participate in both classroom and out-of-
class learning opportunities have a greater likelihood of persistence and college completion
(Harper, 2009; Harper & Quaye, 2009; Kinzie et al., 2008). This concept of student engagement
is rooted in Astin’s (1999) college student involvement framework, which states that three of the
most significant ways to achieve involvement are through academics, faculty connections, and
participation in peer groups (Cole, 2010; Foubert & Urbanski, 2006; Kinzie et al., 2008). While
helpful in setting a foundation for student involvement and conveying the significance of
engagement, this framework does not account for the racialized experiences of Black college
students and the different ways they engage at PWIs.
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The complex and often negative experiences of Black students at PWIs have important
implications for their engagement. How students perceive their campus affects their levels of
participation in educationally enriching opportunities (Kuh et al., 2006). A negative experience
with campus climate, for example, could make Black students less likely to engage because they
must contend with the effects of hostility from their peers, as well as daily microaggressions
(Kuh et al., 2006). If Black students’ success is hindered due to damaging campus life
experiences, it could have adverse effects on their enrollment, persistence, and completion.
Alternatively, students who participate in leadership positions are largely involved with cultural
and identity-based organizations (Museus, 2008). These types of organizations validate the
leadership experiences of students of color (Arminio et al., 2000). In a study conducted with 61
Black students, racially based organizations, such as Black Greek Organizations (BGOs) were
found to be twice as likely to provide leadership opportunities for students of color than White
organizations (Kimbrough, 1995).
The significance of engagement is ever more critical to the success of Black students
(Quaye et al., 2014; Strayhorn & DeVita, 2010). Their overrepresentation in low income and
first-generation college student statuses (Kuh et al., 2006) make institutional efforts for
facilitating success even more important. Institutions can help facilitate success for Black
students with practices like creating opportunities for students to engage with Black faculty on
campus (Patton, 2009; Strayhorn & Saddler, 2009; Winkle-Wagner, 2010). These relationships
positively affect their feelings of belonging on campus (Fries & Holmes, 2012; Kuh et al., 2006;
Quaye et al., 2014). Other practices include community support in the form of peer networking,
mentoring opportunities, and exposure to diverse students (Kuh et al., 2006). Furthermore, as an
institutional response to better engage Black students, Harper (2009) suggested a model of
32

inclusive engagement in which practitioners reflect on their effectiveness and hold themselves
accountable for student engagement.
Cultural and Identity-Based Centers
Cultural centers play a critical role in providing students of color with support services
and culturally relevant programs (Patton, 2006). These centers, often referred to as safe spaces,
and other support mechanisms such as culture-based student organizations, facilitate success for
Black college students and other students of color (Guiffrida, 2003; Museus, 2008; Museus et al.,
2011). Students rely on these supports to aid their cultural and identity development and network
and community formation, which enhance academic success. More importantly, these cultural
centers serve as a place for Black students to escape feelings of isolation and alienation, build
community, and seek asylum from the effects of racism, unsafe campus climates, and
microaggressions (Patton, 2006; Quaye et al., 2014).
Additionally, students visit these spaces to seek cultural validation and connect with
students who share their values, beliefs, and culture. These cultural centers also serve as venues
for obtaining opportunities such as involvement with similarly identified faculty and staff,
academic and mental health resources, and engagement opportunities. As such, cultural-based
centers are crucial to providing Black students with the tools necessary to succeed in college.
The important role of cultural centers in facilitating the success of Black students has
generally been excluded from higher education literature. While some identity-based centers
have existed for over 40 years, the value that they add to the experiences of marginalized
students has been overlooked (Patton, 2006). Although sparse, some literature has demonstrated
the value of these centers and their contributions to Black student success (Conerly, 2017;
Patton, 2006). Many Black cultural centers were born out of racial and social injustices
33

happening across the country at PWIs. Students’ actions around these injustices and their
attempts to create a more inclusive college experience ultimately led to the Black Student
Movement of the 1960s (Patton, 2006). This movement helped establish Black resource centers
as well as support centers for other racial and ethnic student populations on college campuses.
Theoretical Frameworks
Two frameworks will be used to guide this study, CRT (Harper & Quaye, 2009; Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 2016) and CCW (Yosso, 2005). CRT was established in the field of legal
studies and feminism, and it was originally used as a framework to challenge legal policies
(Delgado & Stefanic, 2017; Tate, 1997). Since then, CRT has been transformed to include the
field of education. In this study, CRT will be used as a lens to examine racial inequities and
racism that Black students encounter in higher education.
Community Cultural Wealth is a theory rooted in Critical Race Theory and is based on
Pierre Bourdieu’s social capital theory but integrates a more culturally inclusive approach. This
approach centers the voice of historically marginalized populations, validating their cultures and
experiences. CCW places a higher value on the strengths and knowledge of communities of color
(Yosso, 2005). Further, CCW honors the cultural capital utilized by these communities that has
traditionally been devalued. Bourdieu’s theory of social capital posited that cultural, social, and
economic capital are resources attained through familial connections or education alone.
However, this social capital theory focused on Whites and individuals inherently privileged,
assuming that all people have access to the same forms of capital. His theory is not inclusive of
Black students or students of color, which is why CCW is an important mechanism for this
study.
34

The CCW model will be useful in this study to explore the success of Black students and
reframe deficit views widely held regarding this population. Using counternarratives, CCW will
center this study by challenging traditional forms of capital and incorporating more culturally
relevant forms utilized by Black students. The following sections will describe these theories in
greater detail.
Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory is “…a framework or set of basic perspectives, methods, and
pedagogy that seeks to identify, analyze, and transform those structural and cultural aspects of
society that maintain the subordination and marginalization of People of Color (Solòrzano, 1997,
p. 6).” Critical Race Theory consists of several tenets: (a) racism is normalized in America;
however, its subtleness makes it hard to address and eliminate; (b) CRT recognizes that a
colorblind society does not exist. Colorblindness allows racism to be covered up more easily; (c)
CRT acknowledges the experiences and perspectives of people of color; (d) Racism persists due
partially to interest-convergence, which is when Whites accept Blacks only if it will benefit their
interests; (e) CRT helps reimagine history to incorporate interpretations of underrepresented
groups; and (f) CRT uses racial realism to cope with the reality that racism is permanent, even in
higher education (Harper & Quaye, 2009).
This study will be framed through several CRT tenets. The main tenet guiding this study
is acknowledging and centering the experiences of Black students at Dale University. By
portraying narratives of successful Black students at this institution, the study will provide an
understanding of how students facilitate and maintain success, leading to their above-average
graduation rates. In addition, historical anti-deficit narratives around Black student success will
35

be reframed through the interpretations of Black students at Dale, challenging the common,
deficit-based perspectives around Black students in higher education.
Another CRT tenet, the permeance of racism, is discussed through the historical section
of this chapter. The historical barriers that Blacks have faced in accessing, navigating, and
completing higher education elucidates that racism is a permanent fixture in higher education.
This permeance might also be revealed in this study through students sharing their experiences
with race, racism, and oppression at Dale University. However, as stated by one of the CRT
tenets, this study intends to end oppression in higher education by validating Black students’
success and experiences.
Social Capital
Capital includes resources that can be exchanged for other resources (Bourdieu, 2002).
One form of capital, social capital, are the accumulated resources and support networks that an
individual has access to through institutional agents (Bourdieu, 2002; Museus & Harris, 2010;
Stanton-Salazar, 2011). These agents are individuals in positions of power who act on behalf of a
student to provide resources and connections to social capital (Museus & Harris, 2010; Stanton-
Salazar, 2011). The other two forms of capital are cultural capital and economic capital
(Bourdieu, 2002). Cultural capital is knowledge, education, and language. Additionally, cultural
capital, in Bourdieu’s theory, centers the dominant narrative, assuming that the cultural norms of
the dominant group is more valuable and holds more capital than other cultures. Lastly,
economic capital is defined as resources in the form of wealth.
Capital is significant for all college students because students with more knowledge are
more likely to have better educational outcomes than those with less access to knowledge about
college (Harper, 2008). Social capital is linked to positive educational outcomes and experiences,
36

especially for first-generation, Black, and other historically underrepresented students (Palmer &
Gasman, 2008). For example, the more resources and support in the form of institutional agents,
such as advisors, caring faculty, mentors or advisors, that a student has access to, the better their
chances of success and educational attainment (Stanton-Salazar, 2011). However, Black
students’ access to resources and support networks from faculty and staff of color is often
limited, due to the shortage of Black faculty and staff at PWIs (Harper, 2008; Stanton-Salazar,
2011).
Bourdieu’s theory of social capital excluded the valuable forms of capital that
communities of color access and implement in their daily lives while navigating higher education
institutions and systems. This theory centers the experiences of privileged persons and those who
have an innate connection to capital through their networks. However, the CCW model offers a
different interpretation of Bourdieu’s theory, expanding it to include nontraditional types of
assets and resources not utilized by dominant groups (Harper, 2008; Stanton-Salazar, 2011;
Yosso, 2005).
Community Cultural Wealth
Another framework grounding this study is CCW (Holland; 2017; Yosso, 2005), which is
rooted in social capital (Bourdieu, 2002; Harper, 2008; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). CCW is a
framework used to comprehend the challenges underrepresented college students must navigate
in higher education (Holland, 2017). This framework is helpful in identifying ways that
communities of color, particularly Black students, rely on alternate forms of support to navigate
those challenges and barriers. CCW helps facilitate their success in postsecondary institutions.
Countering the traditional forms of social capital identified in Bourdieu’s theory (2002),
this framework shifts away from normative standards of social capital embedded in Whiteness
37

and combats the deficit perspective that Black students are in some way inferior or unsuccessful
compared to non-Black students. The CCW model encompasses the following six forms of
capital (Holland, 2017; Jayakumar et al., 2013; Yosso, 2005):
1. Aspirational capital. This form of capital illustrates the ability for students of color to
aspire to reach their goals, despite barriers.
2. Linguistic capital. This form of capital signifies the various forms of language and
communication styles utilized by students of color. This form also includes the
incorporation of cultural histories told through narratives.
3. Familial capital. This form of capital refers to the connection and ties to community and
family. The emphasis is on staying grounded through family or familia, which includes
extended family, or “kin.” This familial bond provides students with support and coping
mechanisms, reminding students that they have family on whom they can rely to keep
them centered.
4. Social capital. This form of capital depends on a network of community that provides
resources and various forms of support to students as they go through their academic
journey. Embedded in this social capital is a spirit of reciprocity, which is especially
found in communities of color.
5. Navigational capital. Capital that helps students of color survive in institutions that were
historically not created for them. This includes skills on how to manage racism,
microaggressions, and campus racial climate issues that would otherwise be an
impediment on their academic achievement.
38

6. Resistant capital. This form of capital promotes the facilitation of strategies for students
of color to push back against stereotypes and norms to maintain cultural values, self-
value, and self-respect.
Through the CCW model, this study aims to center, validate, and reframe the deficit
perspective of Black student success in postsecondary institutions, shifting the focus to an asset-
based lens. Specifically, this study will be guided by several forms of capital as outlined in the
CCW model. For instance, the aspirational capital of students will be ascertained by examining
their academic goals and their success in attaining those goals while enrolled at Dale University.
Students’ familial capital will also be examined through an exploration of support systems that
have assisted them in their academic journey. This exploration will help to determine who within
their network of family, friends, and community members have played a role in their success.
Another form of capital that this study will investigate is students’ social capital, through
uncovering resources and support services provided to the students, either through institutional
efforts, faculty and staff support, or community resources. This is important to understand,
because this study aims to understand how the institution fosters Black student success, if at all.
Since Black students are connected to social capital through institutional agents (Museus &
Harris, 2010), revealing this will provide an understanding of how the institution has fostered
student success.
Students’ use of navigational and resistant capital in facilitating their success will also be
examined in this study. Navigational capital is critical to the students’ ability to overcome
institutional barriers, including racism, discrimination, and other systemic hinderances. This is
important for understanding how Black students navigate a historically White institution and
racialized encumbrances and still manage to be successful. Furthermore, resistant capital will be
39

investigated in this study to understand how Black students challenge institutional racism, racial
campus climate, and other barriers imposed on them. This investigation will be done by
evaluating strategies used to combat these barriers while still maintaining their identities.
This study will implement these culturally relevant forms of social capital to understand
how Black students cultivate success for themselves and how a public, 4-year postsecondary
institution supports their success. The CCW model is a useful framework to study the Black
student educational experience. However, literature about CCW places a heavy emphasis on
Latinx students, lacking representation from the Black college student population. Additionally,
the existing literature about Black students in higher education mostly addresses Black males.
There is not much representation of Black, female-identified students in higher education
research (Gold, 2011). This study will seek to incorporate the Black female student experience
with success through the CCW model.
Utilizing an intersectional identity framework such as CRT can help further analyze
educational inequities (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 2016). Accordingly, this study will incorporate
the intersectional identities of Black students, including female-identified undergraduate students
as well as students from the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender population, which is not
commonly found in existing literature on Black student success or in the CCW model. Lastly,
this study will add more Black student narratives through counter-storytelling (Solòrzano &
Yosso, 2001), demystifying and challenging anti-deficit frameworks that permeate research on
Black student success in higher education.
Conclusion
The foundations of higher education are exclusionary and inherently racist (Patton,
2016). The exclusion of Blacks in the history of higher education date back to slavery, which
40

reinstates the permeance of racism. The effects of this exclusion are further demonstrated by the
gap in higher education outcomes between racial and ethnic groups. Therefore, CCW and CRT
will be utilized in this study to consider the experiences of Black students and examine the key
contributing factors that influence their success at a public, 4-year research institution, with the
goal of understanding what they are doing to cultivate and maintain success to persist to degree
completion. Components of CCW, CRT, and social capital all coalesce to facilitate Black student
success. The next chapter will discuss the methods used to conduct the study. This will include
the study site and participant selection processes, data collection, limitations, and delimitations.

41

Chapter Three: Methodology
This chapter reviewed the methodological approaches used in this study. These
approaches include a description of the site and sample selection, the instruments used for data
collection, and how trustworthiness will be developed.
The purpose of this case study was to examine the factors that contributed to Black
student success at a public, 4-year research institution. Specifically, this study examined how the
experiences of Black undergraduate students impacted their success. Research has shown that
several variables are linked to success, such as student engagement. The greater the amount of
engagement with campus resources, educationally enriching activities, and positive relationships
and support networks, the more likely a student is to persist (Palmer & Young, 2009; Franke et
al., 2010; Harper, 2009; Harper & Quaye, 2009; Kuh et al., 2005). Engagement is especially
significant to the success of Black students (Kinzie et al., 2008; Quaye et al., 2014).
Additionally, intrinsic motivation variables have been shown to promote success (Palmer &
Young, 2009). Moreover, there are definitive measures of success such as completion (Kuh et
al., 2011).
For the purposes of this study, success will be defined as one of the following indicators:
persistence from first to second year, achieving senior status, educational goal attainment, and
completion (Kuh et al., 2006). Additionally, the ways that Black students facilitate their own
success were investigated. Lastly, this study explored how the University contributes to Black
student success. This study was guided by a primary research question: How have the
experiences of Black undergraduate students at a public, 4-year institution influenced their
success. Related to this primary research question were two sub-questions: How do Black
42

undergraduate students at a public, 4-year institution facilitate their own success? How do public,
4-year institutions foster success for Black undergraduate students?
Methodological Approach
The constructivist paradigm of inquiry (Creswell & Creswell, 2018) guided this study
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The constructivist perspective posits that people form meaning-
based on their experiences, which are multiple and complex (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). By
using this theory to conduct this study, the researcher had the advantage of hearing from a broad
range of Black students’ perspectives and how their experiences shaped their perspectives on
success.
The researcher is deeply committed to this work and is passionate about supporting and
advocating for Black college students. As such, there is a strong sense of commitment to present
research that highlights Black student narratives, which are often overlooked in the literature, or
whose success is sometimes considered an exception to the rule. This study challenged the
deficit framing of Black students in college (Harper, 2009; Yosso, 2005). Moreover, the hope is
that through this study, educators and practitioners will gain insight on practices that facilitate
the success of Black undergraduate students.
Qualitative Methods
This study was conducted as a qualitative study, highlighting students’ narratives and
descriptions of their experiences with success. The data collected portrayed through these
narratives provided a rich description about the ways Black students perceive their interactions
with various support mechanisms that foster their success. The stories led to the discovery of the
types of support Black students received from the institution that promoted their success.
Interviewing students provided direct insight into how students facilitated success (Patton, 2002).
43

Participants’ descriptions and perceptions of what made them successful were discovered
through qualitative interviews (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). This form of data collection is
useful because the thoughts and feelings of people cannot be garnered through observations
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Site Selection
The site selected for this study was Dale University (a pseudonym), a large, public, 4-
year institution in Southern California. It is designated as a doctoral university with high research
activity (Carnegie, 2018). This site was chosen because it stands out as an exemplar for Black
student success at a PWI. One study found that Black undergraduate students who entered Dale
University in 2011 had a 6-year graduation rate of 74.5%, 1.7% higher than their Latinx and
White counterparts (72.7% and 72.1% respectively). Asian students’ 2011 graduation rate was
79.2% (Educational Trust, 2017).
Black students at Dale also exceeded the graduation rates of White students in 2013. In
fact, the graduation rates of Black undergraduates at Dale University have been higher than, on
par with or within one percentage point of other racial and ethnic groups from 2011 to 2014,
except for the 2012 cohort (table 1). Moreover, this institution has exhibited a small gap in
degree completion between these racial and ethnic groups. This evidence shows that Dale was
the ideal place to examine the experiences of Black students and what they are doing to excel at
these rates.
The 2012 cohort of Black first-year, full time undergraduates had a graduation rate of
67.9%, compared with Asian students at 78.5%, Latino undergraduates at 74.8% and White
undergraduates at 69.3%. The 2013 graduation rate for Black undergraduates was 74.5%, 80%
for Asian students, 74.5% for Latino students, and 74.1% for White students. The 2014 cohort’s
44

Black graduation rate was 75.5%, 80% for Asian students, 71.2% for Latino students, and 76.4%
for White students (University website, 2020). These percentages are reflected in table 4.
Similar public research universities in California also exhibited high graduation rates for
the 2013 cohort of Black and Latino undergraduate students, when compared to graduation rates
at universities across the country. These institutions shared similar traits in their statuses as
public, 4-year institutions, with undergraduate enrollment rates between 17,500 and 30,500 and
Black undergraduate enrollment rates of 2–4% (NCES, 2020). However, as indicated in table 5,
Dale University was the only institution of the eight listed whose Black graduation rates
exceeded those of White students, which is uncommon when compared to national data. The
graduation rates for the 2013 cohort of first-time, full-time students of these institutions are
shown in table 5.

Table 4
Dale University’s 6-Year Graduation Percentages by Race/Ethnicity, 2011-2014 Cohorts
Year Asian Black Latinx White
2011 79.2 74.5 72.7 72.1
2012 78.5 67.9 74.8 69.3
2013 80 74.5 74.5 74.1
2014 80 75.5 71.2 76.4

Note. Adapted from “Dale University Institutional Research Website,” by Dale University, 2020.
Copyright 2020 by Dale University.

45

Table 5
Grad Rates by Race/Ethnicity of Select University of California Campuses, First-Time, Full-
Time Undergraduates, 2013 Cohort
School Asian Black Latinx White
UC Berkeley 97% 76% 84% 92%
UC Davis 89% 86% 80% 89%
UC Irvine 88% 81% 79% 86%
UC Los Angeles 94% 80% 87% 94%
UC Riverside 80% 75% 75% 74%
UC Santa Barbara 84% 68% 81% 85%
UC Santa Cruz 81% 70% 72% 77%
UC San Diego 92% 77% 82% 86%

Note. Adapted from “Undergraduate Graduation Rates,” by the University of California, 2020,
https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/infocenter/ug-outcomes. Copyright 2020 by University of
California.

Nationally, Black undergraduate students’ graduation rates are below Asian, Latino, and
White students. The national 6-year graduation rates for the 2011 cohort for public, 4-year
institutions disaggregated by ethnicity was 63% for Whites, 40.9% Blacks, 54.2% for Latinos,
and 72.3% for Asians (NCES, 2018). The 2012 cohort’s national 6-year graduation rate was
64.3% for Whites, 42.8% for Blacks, 55.6% for Latinos, and 73.7% for Asians (NCES, 2018).
46

Black undergraduate students at Dale University exceed the national graduation rates of other
Black undergraduates at similar institutions.
Studying this phenomenon uncovered conditions that helped Black undergraduate
students thrive at a PWIs. It is important to understand how these conditions and experiences at
Dale University foster Black student success because effective policies, programs and practices
can be duplicated or implemented at other campuses to increase academic achievement.
Site Overview
Founded in 1972, the stated mission of the organization is to change lives through
research and statewide improvements. The total student enrollment at Dale University in Fall
2019 was just over 25,000, with 23,000 undergraduates. In the same year, 50% of Dale’s
undergraduate population were underrepresented students and 13% of the total population was
graduate students.
Dale University is a leading institution in many regards. It was designated as a Hispanic
Serving Institution (HSI) and an Asian American, Native American, and Pacific Islander Serving
Institution (AANAPISI). In addition to these designations, it is well regarded as a racially and
ethnically diverse campus. The university’s enrollment rates illustrate this diversity. In Fall of
2019, the racial and ethnic composition was 38.3% Chicano/Latino, 30.4% Asian, 13.2% White,
7.8% international, 5.5% two or more races, 3.0% Black/African American, 1.6% unknown
domestic, .01% Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, and .01% American Indian/Native Alaskan.
Population and Sample
The population for the study included currently enrolled undergraduate students who
identify as Black or African American, as well as Black alumni who graduated from Dale
University between 2011 and 2020.
47

Undergraduate Participants
Undergraduate student participants must have been enrolled full-time at Dale University,
and must have been enrolled for at least one year, and must have been enrolled for at least one
full academic year, or have been senior or fourth year standing. The justification for this criterion
is that second year students have persisted from first year to second year, which was an indicator
of success for this study. Also, first year and part-time students might have different experiences
than students who are on campus full time or who have been at the university longer. For
example, first year students may not be aware of all the campus services if they have not utilized
them as much as a second-year student. Moreover, part-time students may not be as engaged as
full-time students due to their limited time spent on campus, thus minimizing their engagement
with campus support services and resources.
Alumni Participants
Alumni who graduated from Dale University in 2011 and 2013 were chosen because their
graduation rates were either on par with or higher than Latino and White students. This was
useful in understanding the experiences of Black students in these cohorts and what they did to
foster their own success and graduate at higher rates than the national average. Additional alumni
from 2013 to 2020 were also chosen to better understand more recent experiences of Black
students at Dale University.
Sampling
Purposeful sampling was used for this study since the goal was to understand what Black
students were doing to be successful. A single-stage sampling design (Creswell & Creswell,
2018) was used to obtain the undergraduate sample, and campus administrators helped with
gaining access to Black undergraduates and alumni participants. A multi-stage design was used
48

to identify the alumni group, obtain demographic information, and then compose the sample
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Alumni were invited to participate based on their level of
involvement with campus support services and student organizations, the year they entered Dale
University and their gender identity. Students’ engagement with campus resources, campus
organizations and campus employment provided a sense of how that involvement may have
impacted their success as Black students.
Participants were sampled based on their success. For this study, success was determined
by their persistence to graduation. Additionally, participants were sampled based on their level of
involvement with campus support services and resources, and leadership or student organization
engagement, and their use of aspirational, navigational, social, familial, and resistant capital
within the CCW model (Yosso, 2005). Also, Black students from the cohort years 2011 through
2020 were sampled. A purposeful sampling technique was the one from which the most insight
was garnered through detailed information, which may not be easily achieved with other
sampling methods (Maxwell, 2013).
A typical sample size in a qualitative study is 10% of the population (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). The Black undergraduate enrollment at Dale University as of Fall 2019 was 697
or 3.2% of the total population. The goal for the sample in this study was 30 interview
participants and 70 survey responses or until saturation was reached. This number was tentative
until the start of the data collection process. The rationale behind this was that the optimal
sample size is reached at the point of saturation, which is the point when the participants’
responses begin to overlap or repeat the same themes and no new information is uncovered
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
49

Instrumentation
This study used two instruments to gather data (McEwen & McEwen, 2003). The first
instrument was a screener survey. The survey was sent to Black alumni of Dale University and
Black undergraduates currently enrolled at Dale University. Since the study criteria required
demographic information and class level or alumni status, the survey gathered demographic data,
such as students’ racial and gender identity. These questions ensured participants identified as
Black or African American and guaranteed a wide range of gender identities represented in the
study. Additionally, since the study strove to understand the experiences and success of second-
year students and beyond, a question was asked about class level for the participants enrolled at
the time of the study. If they were alumni, participants were asked which year they entered and
graduated from the University. Finally, the survey asked participants if they wished to participate
in the interview phase of the study.
The screener survey was sent out through email and responses were collected using an
online surveying instrument called Qualtrics. This survey helped answer the research questions
by allowing a larger number of participants the opportunity to self-report on their values, beliefs,
and perceptions about their success at the university (Johnson & Christensen, 2014). The total
number of expected survey responses was approximately 70.
The primary data collection instrument used was semi-structured, qualitative interviews.
Interviews provided insight into the perceptions of study participants (Weiss, 1994). Moreover,
interviews were ideal for this study because they allowed for the collection of in-depth
information about the beliefs and experiences of a small number of people (Johnson &
Christensen, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This is important because it allowed for some
standardization amongst participants’ responses, which was useful during the data analysis
50

process (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). An interview protocol was used to minimize
variation between participants’ responses, which was conducive to the researcher’s goal of
learning about similarities in Black students’ cultivation of success. The interviews were
approximately 60 minutes in duration.
Maxwell (2013) emphasized the importance of asking reasonable questions in the
interview that will help understand the phenomenon being studied. As such, the interview
questions were aligned with the research questions and a field test of the interview guide was
conducted prior to interviewing participants (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Maxwell, 2013). This
will help to make improvements to the questions being asked, question format, and determining
the length of time it will take to complete the instruments (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Data Collection
The study began by the researcher obtaining a list of all Dale University currently
enrolled undergraduates who identified as Black or African American. This list was used to send
an email survey invitation to all Black identified undergraduate students who held the class level
of second- through sixth year standing, and Black identified alumni of Dale University who were
undergraduates between 2011 and 2020. Dillman (2011) encouraged sending multiple requests
for survey completion to get a desirable number of respondents. As such, the initial request was
sent to students and alumni asking them to complete the survey. A reminder was sent out one
week later, and a final follow-up email was sent approximately three weeks later to all non-
respondents. The purpose of using this design was to increase the survey response rate by 50%
(Dillman, 2011).
The survey was completed by participants online. The questions asked in this survey
included background, demographic, and other basic information relevant to the study (Merriam
51

& Tisdell, 2016). Additionally, opinion and feeling questions were asked using a Likert scale.
These questions were helpful in getting an idea of broad themes and students’ perspectives about
success. After the screener survey was filled out and the results were collected, students, and
alumni who met the study criteria received email invitations to an interview, which took place
using Zoom, a video-conferencing platform. Zoom was used as university guidelines prohibited
in-person data collection. A follow-up email was sent out to get more respondents one week after
the first invitation was sent out.
The interviews were audio recorded and supplemented with handwritten notes. These
recordings were useful during the data analysis phase of the study to ensure data was captured
accurately. Verbal consent was obtained from each participant prior to recording each interview.
Additionally, an information sheet was provided to each interview participant explaining the
purpose of the study.
During the interview, various types of interview questions were asked. Opinions and
values questions were asked to get a sense of how participants feel about their campus
experiences (Patton, 2002). Some questions were asked to get an understanding of how students
felt emotionally about their success on campus and whether they felt supported by the institution.
Factual knowledge questions were asked to learn more about the support mechanisms that
participants knew of on campus. As an incentive for completing the screener survey, participants
were entered into a drawing for a $10 e-gift card. As a token of appreciation for the interview
participants, they each received a $10 e-gift card.
Confidentiality was of utmost importance to protect the privacy of the study participants.
One way confidentiality was maintained was by securely storing the data (Rubin & Rubin,
2012). The data collected from this study were stored on a personal laptop drive, protected by a
52

password. To further protect participants’ privacy, the data collected will be destroyed five years
after the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Data Analysis
Data analysis examines collected material to make meaning out of the phenomenon by
condensing and then interpreting the data and will take place concurrently with data collection
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). One way this was achieved was by writing memos documenting
initial hunches and patterns that began to emerge from the data during transcription review. A
constant comparative process was employed throughout this process, allowing for comparison of
notes and interviews between participants (Glaser & Strauss as cited in Merriam & Tisdell, 2016;
Lichtman, 2014).
The data analysis for this study was conducted through the following processes. First, all
transcripts, audio recordings, researcher’s memos, and notes were reviewed and organized.
During this process, analytic and reflective memos were also typed (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
The next step in the process was to devise a coding system to document these categories
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The method of coding
used for this study was sectioning large amounts of data into brackets by categories, represented
by a single term (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Initially, a priori codes, which are codes created before the coding starts, were developed
based on the theoretical framework. Then, using an open coding system, preliminary units of
interest (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) in the data, or categories (Corbin & Strauss, 2007) were
created. This first cycle coding was used to identify subcategories found in the data (Lichtman,
2014; Miles et al., 2014). After this cycle, a second cycle of coding categorized and condensed
the subcategories (Lichtman, 2014; Miles et al., 2014). After first and second cycles of coding,
53

the categories established were given labels to facilitate group comparisons using
“organizational, substantive, and theoretical categories (Maxwell, 2013, p. 107).
These categories helped to identify general topics or themes to be further explored while
substantive categories sorted the data by more descriptive elements of participants’ thoughts and
perceptions (Maxwell, 2013). Empirical coding helped establish codes based on data constructed
directly from the words of the participants, also referred to as in vivo (Creswell & Creswell,
2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Lastly, theoretical categories helped identify the frameworks in
which each category should be placed (Maxwell, 2013). This system allowed for deeper analysis
than just sorting the data into broad categories (Maxwell, 2013).
Reliability and Trustworthiness
Several strategies were employed to increase the reliability and trustworthiness of this
study. One strategy was triangulation, in which two sources, a screener survey and interviews,
were used to screen for participants (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Another way the trustworthiness of this study was enhanced was through member checks. This
involved asking participants through follow-up interviews to review the themes emerging from
the data and verifying accuracy (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). During
member checking, participants were also asked if they had additional questions or concerns.
An additional way that trustworthiness was increased in this study was through
transparency of researcher bias. This reflexivity made the researcher’s biases clear and allows
readers to make their own judgements about the results presented (Creswell & Creswell, 2018;
Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This also revealed how the researcher’s goals, values and worldviews
affected the study’s findings (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Several
other methods of trustworthiness used included regular peer review of the study and providing
54

rich narratives of the results, which gives readers an in-depth description of the participants’
perspectives and the study’s findings (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
To ensure reliability, an audit trail was created throughout the study (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). This documentation was kept in the form of the researcher’s journal and log notes,
reflections and decisions made during the study. Additional note taking included the researcher’s
notes regarding observations during the interview process, also referred to as “bread-crumbs”
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Miles et al., 2013).
Ethics
Ethical concerns regarding this study adhered to the following principles (Hewson et al.,
2003 as cited in Merriam & Tisdell, 2016): first, verbal consent was obtained prior to the
interviewing process for any written or audio recordings of the participants words. The
information regarding recordings was also reiterated in an information sheet provided to all
participants. The next principle was assuring the participants that the stories they shared, and
other potentially identifying information would be kept confidential. In addition, participants
were informed at the onset of the interviews and surveys that everything they shared would
remain confidential and that if at any time they wanted to stop the interview or no longer wished
to participate, they had the right to do so.
Role of Researcher
The researcher was the primary data collection instrument in this qualitative research
study. Therefore, it was important to be clear about the values and biases the researcher brought
into the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Since it is impossible to eliminate researcher bias, it
was critical to acknowledge how these biases affected the study (Maxwell, 2013). The
researcher’s experiences and values as a Black woman and higher education professional
55

influenced the topic of this study. Also, the various meanings that form the researcher’s
experiences and knowledge around Black students in higher education were based on
sociological, historical, and cultural contexts (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
The researcher worked within a cultural department at Dale University at the time of the
study. Some of the participants could have potentially been leaders and students who frequented
the office and had rapport with the researcher. In addition, the researcher was deeply ingrained in
the campus experiences of Black students and the social justice issues, bringing an intersectional
lens through which the study was conducted.
Conclusion
This chapter gave an overview of the methodological approach that will be used to
conduct the study. The overview elucidated the study’s purpose, methodology, site selection,
population and sample, instrumentation, data collection methods, data analysis, reliability and
trustworthiness, ethics, and the role of the researcher. Chapter four will present the findings from
the collected data.

56

Chapter Four: Presentation of Data and Findings
The purpose of this study was to understand the experiences of Black students at a public,
4-year university and determine whether those experiences affected their success. The
participants’ experiences were examined using CCW (Yosso, 2005) and CRT (Solórzano et al.,
2000; Harper & Quaye, 2009). Specifically, the ways that Black students cultivated success for
themselves at Dale University and how the institution fostered their success was explored.
The data collected through interviews were used to answer the following research
question: How have the experiences of Black undergraduate students at a public, 4-year
institution influenced their success. Related to this primary research question were two sub-
questions: How do Black undergraduate students at a public, 4-year institution facilitate their
own success? How do public, 4-year institutions foster success for Black undergraduate
students?
This chapter highlights the data results collected from interviews with the study’s
participants, all of whom were either current undergraduates at Dale University or alumni of the
university. In the following section, a descriptive profile of each participant will be presented to
provide context and background.
Participant Overview
A screener survey was initially sent to all Black-identified Dale University
undergraduates at least in their second year and Black alumni who graduated between 2011 and
2020. The purpose of this survey was to identify potential study participants who met these
criteria. A total of 297 people completed the screener survey. After reviewing the survey results
and emailing those who qualified for an interview, based on the study criteria, a total of 17
people participated in interviews; of those, 11 were students studying at the University at the
57

time the interview was conducted, and six were alumni who graduated from the University
between 2011 and 2020. A detailed profile of each participant is listed in Table 6. For the
purposes of these participant profiles, a traditional student is defined as a student who entered the
university immediately after high school and did not transfer from a two-year college and/or does
not have any dependents.

Table 6
Participant Profiles
Name Class year Major Gender Traditional First-generation Transfer
Matt 4th Creative Writing Male Yes No Yes
Nicole 5th Public Policy Female No Yes Yes
CJ 3rd Sociology Female No Yes Yes
OJ 3rd Biology Male Yes Yes No
Kade 4th Sociology Trans non-
binary
Yes Yes Yes
Maeve 2nd Biology Female Yes No No
Chris 4th Business
Administration
Male Yes No No
Killjoy 3rd Public Policy Male No Yes Yes
Ashley 3rd Education Female Yes Yes No
Anesia 4th Anthropology and
Education
Female Yes Yes Yes
Ptah 4th Global Studies Male No Yes Yes
Christina Alumna Media and
Cultural Studies
Female Yes No No
Leonard Alumnus Sociology Male Yes No No
MJ Alumna Psychology Female Yes Yes No
Janelle Alumna Biology Female Yes No No

Danyelle Alumna Political Science Female Yes No No

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Findings
In the following section, the themes that emerged from the interview data will be
presented. Overall, three major themes came to light: support systems and mechanisms used by
participants that helped facilitate their success, the variation of the use of campus resources and
services, and participants’ navigation of institutional structures.
Theme 1: A Village of Support
“It takes a village to raise a child.” This is an African proverb that is traditionally used in
Black communities to demonstrate the use of a community mentality in the upbringing of a child,
and alludes to the network of support necessary to raise a child. In this study, this network of
support consisted of friends, family, and professional staff, and networks garnered through
involvement and engagement at the institution. Every participant described a network of support
that helped them to be successful while studying at Dale. The following section details the
support systems that the participants relied upon to help them succeed.
Peer Support
The data from participant interviews revealed that they placed a high value on their peer
network. In most instances, participants mostly relied on their friends at Dale University for
support, motivation, encouragement, mentorship, and accountability. Every participant except for
one shared that they had at least one person who supported them during their time in college.
While some participants described a network, or village, of support systems at Dale, most
participants said that they derived much of their support from their peers. This peer support
network was garnered through their involvement on campus.
For example, Maeve-Daly said, “I found another Black girl who has become a friend and
also helps with homework. She helps motivate and inspire me.” Likewise, other participants
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discussed the impact of friends at Dale on their success. OJ explained, “I saw my friends
studying through the medical scholars’ program, for example and that motivated me. We
encouraged each other.” Matt shared a similar story of how his friends were his closest support
system. When asked about her sources of support, Anesia characterized her friends at Dale by
stating, “They helped me with anything and everything. They were the epitome of support.”
Family Support
Over a quarter of participants described family members as their biggest support systems
during their undergraduate careers at Dale University. To illustrate this, Anesia shared how her
family supported her education at Dale. She elaborated,
My sister, she’s my role model. I saw her striving for success. She got her bachelor’s and
master’s, that makes me want to surpass people’s expectations of me. She helped me
navigate college, gave me information about college, helped me emotionally, and
academically. My grandmother, she’s a powerhouse. To see and hear her validation
meant the world to me. She asked me how I was doing, she rooted for me. She asked me
about classes even though she didn’t know what she was talking about.
Other participants derived their family support from their parents. For example, Danyelle’s dad
graduated from college, and she said that education was an expectation because of this.
Similarly, both of Chris’s parents went to college. He said that his family had “definitely a great
sense of support. They are always there.” Leonard also had support from his family. He shared
that his parents, who both have master’s degrees, encouraged him by modeling success.
Involvement
More than three-quarters of participants shared that they were involved in student
organizations, honors clubs, campus jobs, intramural sports, or other extracurricular activities.
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This involvement was fundamental in the success of most participants as it allowed them to build
a network of support as a byproduct of their involvement. O.J., for instance, was involved in
several activities at Dale and in the community. He held a board position in a science-based
student organization, worked as a tutor in the academic center, and volunteered at a local medical
organization. He reflected on his involvement at Dale and how it helped him to be successful.
When asked how his involvement affected his success, he articulated,
I met so many people through these organizations. They taught me how to build a
professional network. Volunteering at the clinic allows me to talk to physicians about my
goals and studying. I’m also a tutor.
Participants who were involved in student organizations or clubs, campus jobs, sports, or tutoring
attributed much of their success to their involvement in extracurricular activities. Chris reflected
“That's why I perceive my college experience to have been successful; I grew because of my
involvement.” Leonard, another student who was heavily involved, detailed his experiences with
involvement and how it affected his success and network building capabilities. He stated,
Involvement was a large part of how I defined success. I started taking on leadership
positions, student ambassador for advancement, resident advisor (RA), Academic Center,
National Black Law Student Association (NBLSA). It helped me grow as an individual,
develop social skills, self-awareness, and I branched out to be more social.
Another interview participant, Janelle, stated that she was involved on the university’s track
team, was in a sorority, worked in a cultural center, was in a cultural organization, and played
intramural sports. She spoke positively about her involvement and the impact it had on her
success. She said,
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It was my involvement that saved me. I don’t think I would have graduated without that. I
had something to do other than school. It was more rewarding, more enjoyable. It drives
you to be successful in other areas. The only reason I can speak so highly of my
experience there [at Dale] is because of my involvement and the good things I feel like I
did…there and the people I met…those experiences socially, I felt like I had a wonderful
undergrad experience.
Chris, a fourth-year business administration major, had been heavily involved in many
extracurricular activities since his first year at Dale, including intramural sports, honors, a
student-led business organization and as a student worker on campus. He expressed the
importance of this involvement in his success. He stated,
It [involvement] was the cornerstone of it [success]. You can go to college and learn
absolutely nothing. I haven’t learned anything from a majority of the classes. The part of
college that was so crucial to my development and success was acquiring leadership
skills, soft skills, high level conversations, learning to help others develop their skills and
learning how to manage and train people.
Matt was also heavily involved at Dale. He explained,
I initiated a Black unity program, which were conversations for Black non-LGBTQIA
(Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Questioning, Intersex, Asexual) and Black
LGBTQIA communities. I was on the QTPOC (Queer Trans People of Color) committee,
I had a campus job, and I was on a conference planning committee. My involvement
improved my organizational and prioritization skills.
Alternatively, Nicole, who was a student at Dale University off and on spanning a duration of 10
years, was not involved in any organizations. This demonstrates the positive impact that
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involvement has on student success as the participants who were involved on campus seemed to
have more of a support system, or larger support network than those who were not involved, and
therefore, seemed more supported and thus motivated to complete their degrees in a 4 to 6year
period.
Theme 2: Institutional Supports Varied
Interview data revealed that participants accessed various supports and resources
provided by the institution. This revelation elucidated the resourcefulness of the participants and
their acumen in leveraging the appropriate resources when necessary. While participants
described varying levels of support offered by different campus resources, none of them were
very significant in their overall success. Further, participants illustrated their knowledge about
specific resources, but that knowledge of their existence did not imply utilization. Some
participants even described hindrances to their success that were perpetuated by some of these
resources.
Academic Support
Dale University offers academic support through the Academic Support Center
department on campus. Some of the services offered there include subject-specific tutoring,
supplemental instruction, and academic success competencies workshops. This resource was
used by fewer than half of the participants. Those who did use it, about four participants, did not
use it proactively. To demonstrate the benefits of the Center, albeit limited, Leonard said that he
used this resource to get assistance with his papers. Yvette also utilized the Academic Support
Center to get tutoring and review on her papers.

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Advising
Academic Advisors are assigned to each student to assist in their academic progress.
These advisor assignments are based on major. The role of the advisors was to provide academic
guidance, refer students to proper academic resources, and ensure they are meeting their major
requirements to graduate. When describing which resources on campus supported their success,
rarely did the participants mention their academic advisors. Eight participants did not mention
their advisors at all. Three participants shared that they did use their advisors and that they were
extremely helpful and supportive.
Of those with supportive advisors, all of them were Black. Two participants stated that
they had bad experiences with their advisors, and the advisors dissuaded participants from
pursuing their major. MJ articulated her feelings about advisors and faculty at Dale, stating,
As you know, as a Black American, you feel sometimes you might be judged, even by
people who are meant to support you, like your professors, or even academic advisors…I
remember going to my academic advisor for the first time and I wanted to know how I
can get to a certain professional school. I was told that, “oh, honey, that is like going to
the NFL, your odds are very slim.” When the whole point of an academic advisor was for
someone to advise me academically and not to…hinder me academically. And I felt like
that statement tried to do that. But I showed her because she ended up writing me a letter
of recommendation at the end of the year, because my GPA was high.
Faculty
As a standard practice, faculty members hold office hours in addition to teaching classes.
These office hours are held outside of normal class hours and are available for students to ask
additional questions and get help on class material and concepts. Participants rarely, if at all,
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talked about their professors playing a role in their success. Only one of the 17 participants said
that they attended faculty office hours as a form of support. Of the participants who portrayed
their professors as contributors to their success, they all said that those institutional agents were
Black.
One participant, Leonard, described a situation in class that he experienced with a
professor. He said,
It’s like you have this realization of wow, I’m Black. It’s like I know I’m Black, but you
realize just how Black you are on campus. When a certain experience or when a certain
person treats you a certain way it's like I didn't think you would treat me that way, but
now that you have, I realize just how Black I am on this campus. In one of my classes, I
was one of four Black students who all sat in a row. The teacher would single us out to
answer questions, the hard questions; it became a pattern, I felt challenged. Even though
it’s diverse here, I’m still Black. Racism is still there, discrimination, bias is still there.
It’s not as different as I thought.
Professional Staff
Other participants emphasized their support systems included professional staff at Dale.
These staff offered support to participants in various forms to include resource referral,
encouragement, and mentorship. Janelle reflected on the impact of the Black Resource Center
(BRC) staff on her success at the university. She said,
…I didn’t feel that there was anybody else, other than my sorority sisters. I didn’t get that
type of warmth from anybody else. The BRC as a whole, what it stood for. At the end of
the day, people need to feel they belong. The BRC to me was just more of…a resource
that connected you with other resources…they would do whatever they could to try to get
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you in touch with whatever may be helpful to you, even if they can’t personally do it
themselves…yeah, it was very much a place where you could tell they wanted you to be
successful. Any way that they could be of assistance to you…they were willing to do
that.
Yvette articulated how staff supported her success while at Dale. She said,
I didn’t have that [support] until I started building relationships with staff, professors,
peers. Improved once I got on campus and stopped commuting. Black staff on campus
helped me persist. I met a Black counselor who guided me. . . . representation matters to
students.
Cultural Center Support
There was extensive variation in participants’ use of the Black Resource Center (BRC)
and whether they felt it contributed to their success. Four out of 17 participants shared that they
used the office in some capacity. Danyelle, for example, detailed the contribution of the cultural
center in her success:
The BRC. I was there all the time, the Women’s Center, the Honors office. Yes, they
supported my success depending on how you define success. I remember peer-to-peer
tutoring happening in both centers [BRC and Women’s Center], peer mentoring. These
centers helped me navigate campus and campus procedures. They helped or guided me in
some way and contributed to my success. They were always a point of connection.
Anesia had a positive experience with the Center, asserting,
I love the Black Resource Center. Any given interaction or conversation is unifying. We
have been so traumatized as Black people and yet we still find a way to smile and be that
support. I love being Black; being a Black student at Dale University is even better!
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Janelle, a student worker in the Center, described the positive experiences she had in the Center
and how the staff members in the Center were one of two of her support systems. Ptah also
talked about how the BRC supported his success,
The BRC connected me with mentors, faculty, and staff, I guess. They’re really cool and
students are too, for the most part. Especially staff in BRC, it goes a long way. When I go
to the BRC, it’s always love from the staff, it always feels good.
Alternatively, at least three participants, Chris, Leonard, and Kade, said that they knew of the
Center but did not really utilize the resources there. Some of them mentioned that they felt
uncomfortable going into the office because, “as a person who was more ‘nerdy,’” they would
have to prove their Blackness. Another participant, Leonard, expressed his feelings about the
center, stating, “I didn’t feel comfortable or welcome there.” Kade had a similar experience.
When asked about which resources on campus they used, they said, “the BRC to a very limited
extent.” Ashley described a similar encounter. She said, “my first time in the BRC was awkward.
I didn’t know anyone. My second time there, I had to bring a friend.”
Mental Health Resources and Self-Care
The use of mental health and disability resources available at Dale University was
marginal. Two of the 17 participants indicated that they utilized these services. One student used
the disability resource center, case management, and the counseling center, and the other
participant used the counseling center. It is worth mentioning that an additional participant said
that they use services offered at the Wellness Center. Three other participants noted self-care
strategies, including use of the gym, resting, or listening to music. However, these strategies
were individual and not an institutional resource. The remaining 11 participants did not mention
the use of any mental health or self-care resources, services, or strategies they employ to foster
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their success. The availability of resources and services seemed plentiful. However, participants’
utilization or comfort level in using them varied greatly.
Theme 3: Navigating Institutional Structures
All participants described various ways that they navigated the institution to be
successful. Additionally, the study’s data revealed that the institution’s campus climate and
diversity created a passage to success for the participants, even if unintentional. Forteen
participants emphasized the absence of identity-based barriers at Dale University. While seven
participants said they experienced barriers, only three of those were related to their Black
identity. The others were financial, housing insecurity, and other non-identity-based barriers.
Additionally, about half of the participants detailed the significance of representation and sense
of belonging and the impact it had on their success. Representation, for the purposes of this
study, signifies the participants’ identities match or are closely related to the identities of the
faculty, staff, and other students.
Diversity at Dale
Some participants mentioned that they were drawn to Dale because of the diversity.
Killjoy said,
I chose Dale because it was the most diverse. I was accepted to UCLA and UC Berkeley,
but their courses were too Eurocentric, and I had no interest in that. Dale had Black
female professors in the philosophy department, which I liked. Also, I was attracted to
Dale because they had diverse courses in my major.
Participants further highlighted the importance of representation and sense of belonging in their
success and motivation at Dale. Whether it was peers, faculty, or staff who looked like them,
participants mentioned how much it helped their motivation, drive, and ultimate success seeing
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other Black people being successful, working toward similar goals, or having achieved the same
goals they aspired to. Anesia stated,
Taking courses from Black faculty was life changing. It made me so happy. It has given
me more motivation to continue on my educational path. It has made me realize how
powerful Black unity is. I connected with all the Black faces and voices. It makes me
proud to be a Black student at Dale because there aren’t that many of us. I recognize the
beauty of Black people at Dale. I will always be grateful to Dale for this.
Another participant, Matt, talked about how representation matters in his success. He stated that
even if he did not attend programs for Black students, just knowing of their availability was
helpful. Danyelle also felt representation was important to her success. She said, “Dale had a
huge Black student association. It made me feel incredible seeing so many of my peers who
looked like me...” Maeve-Daly further elaborated,
It was helpful to hear from physicians through the Women’s Club. There aren’t too many
Black girls, which sucks. It’s weird when you’re the only one there because you never
know what people are going to say if they’re too comfortable. I would feel more at ease
being myself, I wouldn’t have to code switch, and it would be more of a network of
support [if there was more Black representation]. My advisor is Black which is nice
because she can be more of a role model.
Sense of Belonging
Sense of belonging was a large contributor to the success of the participants. While half
of participants expressed their desire to see more Black students on campus overall, about half of
the participants conveyed a positive, campus racial climate and sense of belonging. Three out of
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17 participants experienced racial microaggressions, and there were no reports of racist incidents.
MJ expressed the significance of sense of belonging in her success, asserting,
I felt supported. I had community; I didn’t have to code switch. I saw myself reflected in
the faculty and leadership. I was able to celebrate my Blackness at Dale by engaging with
BRC programs and I felt celebrated. I felt like they [Dale] helped teach me that success
was possible, because I had not only myself, but people around me and people before me
and people coming into the institution that I knew were going to be successful because
they put in the work. That's what contributed to my success; and also, feeling supported
because if you don't feel wanted, especially as a Black student, you can fall into imposter
syndrome, or as we call it, stereotype threat.
Danyelle reflected on her time at Dale. She shared,
I never felt isolated. Most, if not all of my memories are fond. I was used to being the
only one in honors. Other than honors, I never felt…like I was the only one, I never felt
excluded. Overall, I had a great time.
In contrast, four participants reported instances of feeling out of place at Dale. For example, OJ
said, “I get funny looks from my peers, and I have to prove my worth.” Leonard shared the same
sentiments, saying “I have to prove myself and my worth.” Two participants described their
feelings of not belonging within the Black community.
Participants’ positive feelings of belonging on campus revealed a positive connection to
their success. About two-thirds of the participants felt there was a decent amount of Black people
represented in the faculty, staff, and students, however, they would like to see more Black
students.

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Code-Switching
Code-switching was a concept mentioned by half of the participants. This code-switching
was described as a strategy to navigate the institution, enhance success, reduce biases, and to
make other people on campus feel comfortable in their presence. These participants defined
code-switching as changing their behaviors, attitudes, language to improve their status in
academic spaces. For example, Leonard described how he used code-switching as a tool to
navigate institutional experiences. When asked how he handled experiences with discrimination
and challenging stereotyping by a faculty member, he said,
I adjusted my behaviors by code-switching…code-switching is changing your attitude or
behavior to gain preferential treatment, to gain status or advance in a field, or eliminate
biases by switching behavior to make people more comfortable. This helped improve my
status and people’s perceptions of me.
Similarly, Chris described his code-switching as a navigational skill. He elaborated,
Code-switching helps you get to where you want to be. I code-switch all the time. It got
to a point where I was constantly in the switch state in anticipation of the thoughts and
judgement that would come.
Janelle illustrated her use of code-switching as an inequitable practice, stating,
I code-switched all the time. When I stepped into a classroom or session, anything that
was academic, you’re being watched, you’re being judged … code-switching is ingrained
in us, like a second language. It’s something you have to do to not have doors slammed in
your face. It’s annoying and not fair. Professional is built around white normalcy…Hair,
clothes…it’s extra pressure.
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While code-switching was described as a navigational tool by half of the participants, they all
spoke about the embedded nature of the practice. They all code-switched naturally, as though it
was normal. However, an institutional climate that necessitates the use of constant code-
switching raises two questions. One, is Dale University truly creating an environment that is
welcoming and accepting of Black students’ authenticity? Two, Dale University has established
a strong diversity on campus; however, is there genuine support and enduring acceptance of
Black students once they are at the institution? Three participants alluded to the problematic
nature of the need to code-switch, calling it “unfair.”
Conclusion
Through data collected through interviews, three major themes emerged. These themes
illustrated Black students’ success directly through the participants’ narratives. Through an anti-
deficit framework, these narratives elucidate the ways Black students cultivate their own success
at Dale University and how institutional resources either supported or hindered their success.
Furthermore, the stories shared by participants demonstrate the impact of familial, navigational,
aspirational, resistant, and social capital that is especially pertinent in communities of color,
according to CCW. This model will be further discussed in the following chapter.
Additionally, Chapter five will further analyze this study’s findings through CCW and
CRT. The Community Cultural Wealth Model is used to understand the findings, specifically
how the participants utilize various forms of capital to facilitate success for themselves at the
University. Critical Race Theory will help to frame the findings and challenge pre-existing
literature using deficit models. After a discussion around previous literature and how it relates to
the study’s findings, the chapter will end with study limitations, recommendations for how to
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support and foster Black college student success, as well as other recommendations for practice,
and suggestions for future research.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
Black student success in institutions of higher education is a culmination of varying
factors, including student engagement in extracurricular activities, their experiences on campus,
support from institutional agents such as faculty and staff, and student motivation (Harper &
Quaye, 2007; Palmer & Young, 2009). This study explored Black student success at a public, 4-
year institution through the narratives of both currently enrolled Black students and alumni of
Dale University. Specifically, the purpose of this study was to understand the Black student
experience at this institution and how those experiences contributed to their success. Institutional
support of Black student success was also examined.
This study is significant because there is a gap in student success literature that omits
Black college student success. Existing literature on this topic addresses Black student success as
an anomaly, instead of the norm. The purpose of this study was to fill that gap by normalizing
Black student success through an anti-deficit framework. This study will also examine how the
CCW model adds perspective on how Black students navigate higher education institutions to
promote individual success. Further, previous literature on the topic of Black student success in
higher education is heavily focused on Black male students; this study included more Black,
female-identified college students. Understanding the Black student perspective and how they
cultivate success, as well as gaining insight into what institutions of higher learning can do to
better support Black student success, can potentially result in improved retention and completion
rates of Black students at the undergraduate level.
Discussion
The data collection process of this qualitative study consisted of a screener survey and
interviews. The survey was completed by 297 current students and alumni of Dale University.
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After participants were identified based on the study’s criteria, they were invited to an interview.
Overall, 17 one-hour interviews were conducted. The experiences of Black undergraduate
students at Dale that influenced their success included a sense of belonging and representation,
minimal barriers, and a positive campus climate.
Sense of Belonging and Representation
One of the purposes of this study was to explore how the institution contributed to
participants’ success. Participants discussed institutional support as a critical part of their
success. One of the ways that the institution supported their success was by creating a positive
sense of belonging. Participants reported feeling welcomed and celebrated as Black students at
Dale. This contributed to their success because they were able to focus on their academics
instead of spending their time and energy overcoming obstacles. Also important were
participants’ perceptions of Black representation in the faculty, staff, and student body at Dale.
Sense of belonging is characterized as feeling supported, connected to the campus, and valued,
among other things (Strayhorn, 2012) and is critical to the success of Black students. When
students do not have a sense of belonging at their institution, several issues arise including
retention, educational, and engagement issues (Hausmann et al., 2007; Strayhorn, 2012).
The findings of this study supported this claim, confirming the significance of sense of
belonging on Black student success at Dale University. Many participants shared how pivotal
seeing other Black students on campus was in their overall success and motivation at Dale. They
also noticed when they were the only Black student or one of few in their classes or on campus.
Some participants even mentioned that they gravitated toward their peers that shared their Black
identity as a source of support. Many participants also expressed that taking classes from Black
professors and interactions with Black staff members, including academic advisors, was
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influential to their success and overall sense of well-being. One participant, Anesia, said that
taking a class from a Black professor was “life-changing.” Two participants described that the
only time they had successful encounters with their academic advisors or professors was when
those institutional agents were Black. Furthermore, some participants said that they felt the
University celebrated them, which also promotes a sense of belonging.
Minimal Barriers
Prior literature demonstrates that Black students encounter many barriers in college.
These barriers adversely affect their retention, persistence, degree attainment, and overall success
at institutions of higher education (D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993; Solòrzano et al., 2000;
Strayhorn, 2012). The findings of this study challenge previous literature on barriers that Black
college students encounter on campus.
This study revealed a diversity of responses related to barriers confronted by
participants. Ten participants expressed a positive, pleasant experience compared to that of their
peers at Dale as well as peers at similar campuses. Two participants discussed their encounters
with microaggressions at Dale, stating that they would get looks from their non-Black peers as
though they did not belong in a certain classroom. Other microaggressions that these two
participants experienced included discouragement by their academic advisors in pursuing their
desired majors. Five other participants also experienced barriers, three of which said those
barriers did not seem to be related to their identities as Black students. These barriers included
being a first-generation college student, financial aid challenges, and housing insecurities, none
of which are unique to the Black student experience.

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Campus Climate
Campus racial climate literature has been described as either student or institutional
perceptions or expectations of a specific race or ethnicity (Hurtado et al., 1999; Jayakumar &
Museus, 2012). Campus racial climate further describes the environment on a campus that makes
a student feel unwelcomed. These feelings of hostility or isolation because of one’s race or
ethnicity have been shown to be a detriment to Black students’ academic performance and
outcomes (Allen, 1992; D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993; Palmer & Young, 2009; Solòrzano et
al., 2000).
The campus climate at Dale also impacted Black student success. The participants’
responses were mixed when they described the campus climate at Dale University. While two
participants described feelings of hostility from their peers, five participants reported feeling
supported and welcomed on campus. Four participants said they did not feel as though their
identity held them back from meeting people or doing well in class. However, one participant did
experience stereotype threat, which is when a person fears that others will stereotype them for
their behaviors (Steele, 1997). This participant started to believe those stereotypes and her
academic success was adversely affected.
Research Questions
There was one main research question and two sub-questions that guided this study.
Participants’ depictions of their experiences at Dale University helped answer these questions,
which are discussed below.
Research Question 1: “How Have the Experiences of Black Undergraduate Students at a
Public, 4-Year Institution Influenced Their Success?”

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Positive Experiences
The experiences of Black undergraduate students at Dale that greatly influenced their
success was the minimal identity-related barriers encountered. Lack of barriers was discussed by
10 out of 17 participants. Some of these participants shared that they did not feel as though their
Black identity hindered their success at Dale and three expressed gratitude to the University for
celebrating their identity and sometimes making great effort to make their experiences positive
and uplifting. Three participants also expressed positive feelings associated with a larger-than-
average representation of Black students as compared to similar universities. The minimal
encounters with barriers were important to understanding Black student success at Dale because
previous literature has demonstrated how the presence of barriers can have negative educational
outcomes for Black students (Cabrera et al., 1999; Solórzano et al., 2000).
Also related to success were participants’ experiences with a positive sense of belonging
at Dale. Five participants reported positive experiences at the University. Examples of this
include remarks from participants that they felt supported, and that staff cared about their
success; they also explained that they never felt isolated. Other participants described their
positive sense of belonging as feelings of elation and pride as Black students at Dale. In contrast,
three participants did not share the sentiments. These participants said that they did not feel a
sense of belonging, particularly in the classroom where they felt their intellect was challenged by
peers or professors.
Impediments to Success
Seven participants’ experiences also included barriers, which they described as
hinderances to their success. Examples of these barriers included discouragement by academic
advisors to pursue majors within the sciences, stereotype threat, and imposter syndrome.
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Stereotype threat is defined as the fear of being judged or stereotyped for one’s actions (Steele,
1997). Additionally, some participants experienced imposter syndrome and feelings of
inadequacy, especially academically. These participants questioned whether they belonged in
college, or they considered switching their major. Imposter syndrome leads to self-doubt and
negative self-talk, impeding on the potential for success. However, two participants illustrated
their resiliency, stating that they turned these experiences into sources of motivation to enhance
their success.
While seven students experienced some form of barrier to their success, three of those
seven participants’ barriers were unrelated to their identities as Black students. These barriers
included financial, housing insecurities, problems with faculty or academic advisors, and barriers
as first-generation college students. One participant was a student parent, so her barriers included
child-care challenges and job security.
Sub-Question A: “How Do Black Undergraduate Students at a Public, 4-year Institution
Facilitate Their Own Success?”
The strategies that participants used to facilitate their own success included creating a
support network, student engagement, and code-switching. All participants reported that building
a supportive system helped facilitate their success. Examples of these support networks included
peers at Dale, family, and a few professional staff at the university. More than three quarters of
participants stated that much of their motivation, encouragement, and support came from their
friends, who were also Dale students.
Another strategy for facilitating individual success was campus engagement. Campus
engagement was discussed by more than three-quarters of the participants. Examples of
engagement included involvement in student organizations, on-campus jobs, intramural sports,
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and honors clubs. Campus involvement was significant to their success because they were able to
make connections, thus building a strong support network.
Lastly, a strategy used to facilitate success by over half of the participants was code-
switching. Code-switching, as summarized by the participants, was changing their behaviors to
improve their status, or eliminate biases people may have of them. Code-switching was
important to participants’ success because they believed it helped improve people’s treatment of
them and gain access to institutional structures. Examples of participants’ use of code-switching
included presenting themselves differently in non-Black spaces on campus and changing
behaviors to make other people comfortable.
Sub-Question B: “How Do Public, 4-Year Institutions Foster Success for Black
Undergraduate Students, if at All?”
This sub-question connects back to the theme of resource variation at the institution. All
participants demonstrated an awareness of the campus’s available resources. Further, 16 out of
17 participants illustrated their resourcefulness by describing where they would go if they needed
assistance. However, participants did not rely on the institution to assist in their success, and
three participants even alluded to their mistrust in the institution’s ability to support their
success. This was in part because of faculty or academic advisors who doubted their academic
capabilities or discouraged them from their majors.
The use of institutional resources by participants was intermittent. One such resource,
which the data revealed was used minimally by participants was the Black Resource Center.
Four participants utilized the Black Resource Center and explained how the center fostered their
success. An equal number of participants explained how they felt uncomfortable going into the
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center. The remaining nine participants did not list the Black Resource Center as a source of
support in their success.
This finding is contrary to prior research that found cultural centers are a critical tool for
success for Black students (Guiffrida, 2003; Museus, 2008; Museus et al., 2011) and a source of
support for students of color (Patton, 2006). Previous research also found these spaces allow
students to seek refuge from discrimination, microaggressions, and unsafe campus climates
(Patton, 2006; Quaye et al., 2014). Perhaps the students at Dale, since many of them expressed
feelings of support, a positive sense of belonging, and little to no encounters with racialized
incidents, did not need to utilize the Black Resource Center for this reason.
Another example of a campus resource that was used by varying degrees was the
Academic Support Center. Fewer than half of the participants used this center to facilitate their
success. Also, academic advisors were not heavily utilized. Five out of 17 participants went to
their academic advisors for support; of those five, three participants stated that their advisors
were Black and those were the advisors that proved to be most helpful. Two other participants
said that their advisors dissuaded them from pursuing science majors. Faculty and professional
staff were also sought out at different frequencies. Half of the participants characterized faculty
at Dale as supportive, understanding, and diverse. However, none of the participants gave
specific examples to illustrate how faculty demonstrated their support. Furthermore, two
participants expressed an intense discontentment with faculty, calling some racist and
[expletive].
Lastly, data uncovered in this study showed a significant gap in the use of mental health
and disability resources available at Dale University. When asked about resources participants
utilized in support of their success, three quarters of the participants failed to mention any mental
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health or disability resources. Two participants discussed other strategies for self-care, such as
listening to music or working out at the gym on campus. Only two participants said that they
used the psychological services and one of those two also used the case management service and
the disability center.
Recognizing the nuanced ways that Black students experience higher education
institutions is critical to understanding their success. Cognizance of the Black student experience
can help institutions identify how Black students’ success strategies and institutional efforts can
be enhanced or improved to foster that success. Additionally, institutions can learn from the
experiences of Black students to know what they are doing well and what needs to change.
Theoretical Framework
This study and its findings were centered on two theoretical frameworks. The first
framework, CCW, aided in understanding the campus experiences of Black students at Dale
University and the forms of cultural capital that they employed to facilitate success for
themselves. The second framework used to guide this study was CRT. This theory provided a
lens through which the study’s results could be examined.
Community Cultural Wealth Model
The Community Cultural Wealth model aims to place higher value on the narratives of
historically marginalized populations, thus validating their cultural capital (Yosso, 2005). This
study directly aligned with this Model, as participants all elaborated on what they did at Dale
University to aid in their success. Their use of the forms of capital relevant to CCW were
demonstrated as follows:

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Navigational Capital
This form of capital, according to Yosso, is used by students to navigate higher education
institutions and any barriers they may encounter (2005). Ten participants illustrated their use of
navigational capital by asking questions and reaching out and seeking support if they needed
help. Further, they knew which resources they could rely on to get support, both academically,
socially, and developmentally, to foster their success. This speaks to the navigational capital of
the participants and how this capital guides them toward success as outlined by the CCW model.
Moreover, three participants articulated their use of navigational capital by how they
responded to incidents of microaggressions they experienced on campus. All the participants
except one who said they experienced a microaggression explained how they dealt with the
experience, including using the insult as motivation to succeed even more. Another illustration of
students’ use of navigational capital was when several participants said that they used code-
switching as a method of navigating the institution and advancing in their education.
Social Capital
Every participant detailed networks of support and how those networks provided
resources or supported their success while at Dale. Fifteen out of 17 participants mentioned that
their friends, some of whom they met through their involvement with campus activities, were
their most significant support systems. Three participants said that their network of support was
mostly from staff members in resource centers on campus.
Social capital also incorporates reciprocity, which is especially found in communities of
color (Yosso, 2005). When defining success, three students reported that if they were able to help
someone else along their academic journey, then they would consider themselves successful.
Two participants elaborated on their desire to give back to her community. All the study’s
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participants utilized some form of social capital to support them in reaching their goals while at
the University. Two participants articulated the support of their communities in their success;
one explained that his church pastor was a big source of motivation and the other participant said
that meeting community members while working off campus motivated him as well.
Familial Capital
Five participants discussed their reliance on familial capital to support their success. One
participant named how pivotal the support of her grandmother was in her success. This same
participant also discussed the inspiration her sister provided, obtaining her bachelor’s degree
first. Another participant shared that her dad was crucial in providing support in her college
endeavors, as he was a college graduate himself. Another participant elaborated on the
importance of familial capital in her education, stating that in her household, education was an
expectation. The final participant stated that her sorority sisters were one of her biggest
networks, which aligns well with the concept of fictive kin as described in the CCW Model.
Aspirational Capital
Every participant of this study detailed their educational and career goals. Some
participants discussed their desire to pursue graduate school. Others had a career that they
desired to work in after college. The alumni participants were all working in their chosen career
fields. This demonstrates that although Black students may encounter barriers, they are still able
to aspire to and achieve their goals. Additionally, participants mentioned that setting and
achieving goals was one way that they measured success.
Resistant Capital
This form of capital demonstrates students’ use of strategies to resist stereotypes as a self-
preservation technique. An example of the use of this resistant capital was especially prevalent
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when participants described barriers they encountered. One participant described an experience
with getting looks from peers on campus as though he did not belong in certain classes. He said
that instead of letting those looks deter him, he used it as an opportunity to resist and prove them
wrong.
Critical Race Theory
As higher education is historically inaccessible for Black students and other
underrepresented groups, CRT helped to frame, understand, and analyze the experiences of this
study’s participants. Critical Race Theory is guided by several tenets, including the following:
(a) the normalization of race in America, (b) the non-existence of a colorblind society, (c) CRT
acknowledges the experiences and perspectives of people of color, (d) racism persists due
partially to interest-convergence, (e) CRT incorporates interpretations of underrepresented
groups, and (f) challenge to the dominant ideology (Solórzano et al., 2000; Harper & Quaye,
2009). The CRT tenets that this study aligns most closely with is the reimagining of Black
student success by incorporating more Black voices (Harper & Quaye, 2009) and challenging the
dominant ideology (Solórzano et al., 2000).
Reimagining History
Most literature on Black student success is framed from a deficit perspective (Harper &
Quaye, 2009). This pre-existing research assumes that there is a deficit with the student rather
than acknowledging other possibilities such as systemic issues in higher education that lead to
disparate outcomes. The approach this study heavily relied on was an anti-deficit perspective,
using students’ narratives to reframe and normalize Black student success. Acknowledging the
experiential knowledge of participants was critical in gaining better perspective of their success,
instead of relying on deficit framing. Additionally, by participants illustrating their stories, they
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were able to convey counter stories, challenging previous research that framed Black student
success as unusual. These counter stories revealed a different perspective of Black student
success, told by the participants themselves who were either current students or former students
within the last 10 years.
Challenging Dominant Ideology
This tenet helps to break down barriers to Black student success that arise due to
stereotypes. This study’s participants demonstrated how they consciously worked to dismantle
stereotypes about themselves and their fellow Black peers. Three participants illustrated how
they challenged stereotypes about Black people by feeling the need to prove themselves
whenever they felt that their peers or faculty did not believe that they belonged in college or in
science majors. They described how getting looks from those groups motivated them to be even
more successful, thus challenging those stereotypes. Furthermore, one participant felt pressure to
be successful since he felt that he is the metric for how Black people are perceived.
Limitations
Three participants began their first year at Dale University during the COVID-19
pandemic, which closed college campuses nationwide. As such, some of these participants had
never physically been on campus. Student participants may lack perspective on being Black at
Dale and how those experiences shaped their success. Some students may have not been familiar
with the campus resources, further limiting their insight.
Another limitation of this study is that only one data collection method was used. To
further triangulate the data, ideally two data collection techniques should have been used at
minimum (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The inclusion of alumni participants is also a limitation of
this study. Since there was a time span of over 10 years between the time the alumni participants
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attended the university and the time of the study, their perspectives would potentially be different
due to time away from the institution and their memory. Changes to the institutional structure,
processes, and diversity composition may also be a factor in the differing experiences between
participants who are current students and alumni participants.
Recommendations for Practice
The following are recommendations for practice and specific programs and initiatives to
enhance and improve Black student success. The suggested programs and initiatives respond
directly to the issues raised by interview participants. However, structural changes at the
institutional level are also necessary to address the deeper concerns expressed by participants.
Also included in these recommendations are ways for the institution to further expand efforts that
are working well. These recommendations emerged from the data and include ways to enhance
the familial and social capital of Black students and improve the accessibility of institutional
resources.
Recommendation 1: Create a Success Support Team
Participants noted that they had a lot of peer and family support that helped contribute to
their success. Moreover, findings from this study indicated a positive connection between
participants’ feelings of belonging and their success. Half of the participants who described a
positive sense of belonging noted an increase in their success and overall feelings of happiness at
Dale. Also, participants described the benefit of having faculty, staff, and students at the
institution that represented the participants’ identities, and they remarked on how encouraging it
was to see themselves reflected in the faculty, staff, and various groups on campus. Participants
also expressed how connecting with other Black students, as well as the visibility of other Black
students, increased their motivation and overall success.
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Since this representation and sense of belonging played a major role in participants’
success, Dale should put a strong emphasis on fostering peer and institutional support by
intentionally connecting first year Black students to Black faculty, staff, and their peers. To
capitalize on this network, or village, of support, the institution should create a success support
team for incoming Black students. Advisors, staff, and faculty would all be involved in this
program. They would be responsible for guiding a cohort of students to ensure success in their
first two years to ensure a smooth transition to the university and attrition to their second year.
This support team would provide culturally relevant resources for incoming students.
These resources would include Black psychologists to support the mental health of Black
students, Black academic tutors, faculty mentors, and Black academic advisors. This is important
because the findings of this study showed that aside from peers, much of the support students
experienced came from Black-identified institutional agents. The advisors would receive implicit
bias and cultural competency training. Additionally, the expertise of the advisors would be
aligned with each students’ major or program. This will ensure that students receive more
specific information and support for their major instead of standardized information that does not
account for individual student situations or interests.
The success team would also be responsible for coordinating networking and community-
building opportunities for students to engage with their Black peers, faculty, staff, and Dale
University alumni. These opportunities would give students the chance to meet other students
with whom they can identify, thereby increasing their sense of belonging.
Recommendation 2: Develop a Year-Long Success Course
Participants reported not using all the institutional resources available to them. This
included nominal use of the academic support services, mental health resources, academic
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advisors, and the cultural center. However, 15 participants gave no indication about why they did
not use these support systems. Three participants said that they did not get a welcoming feeling
or positive sense of belonging in those spaces.
To enhance Black students’ use of these resources and to improve institutional support, a
one or two credit, year-long course for Black, incoming first year and transfer students should be
developed to help them transition to the university. This course would be optional but highly
encouraged. The course would introduce students to all resources, involvement opportunities,
and support people on campus. A welcome orientation for course participants could include
relevant campus and community resources, involvement opportunities, Black student leaders,
Black faculty, and staff. This orientation would highlight Black representation on campus and
would serve as initial exposure to the resources offered.
The course would also pair students with a peer mentor who is already familiar with
campus. Additionally, the course would include several dedicated Black academic advisors who
would be responsible for tailoring a success plan for each course participant. This engagement
with the advisor would help students feel more comfortable going to their academic advisors to
seek help or academic support. The course would also reiterate resources by having those
services present workshops to the students in the course. Additionally, course participants would
visit each resource center to familiarize themselves with the location as well as the resources
available.
Recommendation 3: Incentivize Student Engagement
The results of this study and prior research demonstrate that Black students highly benefit
from engagement with campus activities. This not only helps them build a network of friends and
support, but it also enhances their resume and campus experience overall. Thirteen out of 17
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participants detailed how involvement at Dale shaped their success. Some participants spoke at
great length about the impact of their campus or community involvement on their success. As
such, engagement in extracurricular activities should be incentivized. This can take the form of
gift cards, free meals, or academic credit.
Students must also understand and buy into the value that involvement contributes to
their undergraduate success. At least four participants mentioned that giving back to their
communities, helping their peers, or making an impact on campus motivated them to succeed
and increased their happiness during college. Demonstrating the value of engagement to students
by conveying the impact of their contributions could help elucidate the value. One way this can
be done is through having students keep a journal reflecting on their involvement. Another way
to illustrate the benefits is by holding awards ceremonies and presenting certificates for
participation or offering academic credit for their participation.
These engagement opportunities can be offered through many departments on campus
including academic, research opportunities, student organizations, intramural sports, or work
study placement. To receive the incentive, students should be required to record their
experiences, reflecting on the impact of their involvement on their student life experience.
Future Research
Because of the limited number of students who said they experienced barriers, further
research is necessary to determine why Black students perceived few barriers related to their
Black identity. These findings spark four questions: 1. Is Dale’s racism and discrimination so
covert that it goes unrecognized? 2. Have students become accustomed to the permeance of
racism, as defined by CRT (Harper, 2012), that they are unaware of its presence? 3. Why are
Black students experiencing fewer or no barriers to their success at Dale? The reasons why over
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half of the participants did not perceive barriers at Dale University needs to be thoroughly
analyzed to determine whether there is an underlying explanation.
Another potential area for exploration is the experiences of Black students in the
sciences, humanities, and social sciences. The data revealed that two students who encountered
barriers to their success were students who were majoring in biology. These participants also
articulated encounters with stereotype threat, imposter syndrome, and microaggressions. As
such, it may be beneficial to compare the experiences of different majors in various disciplines to
identify which students are receiving the most support and which ones are experiencing
encumbrances to their success. Relatedly, the male-identified participants who were biology
majors did not indicate any feelings of imposter syndrome, whereas the female-identified
biology majors did express feelings of imposter syndrome within their biology courses. Because
of this, it might also be interesting to explore and compare the different experiences of Black
male and Black female students majoring in the sciences fields.
Since Dale University was closed due to the COVID-19 pandemic, three of the
participants had never been on campus. Due to this, further research is necessary to learn about
these participants’ experiences once the campus reopens. This research could shed light on the
specific experiences they had as Black students at Dale University in relation to their success.
Further, barriers that these students might encounter could be explored, if any.
Also, their strategies for cultivating success for themselves may be different due to the
shift from a virtual to in-person setting. Not only that, but their support networks might change,
as they will have more exposure to people on campus. Since they began Dale University
virtually, they were likely isolated from people, thus making it difficult to build their support
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network and meet new friends. As such, they might have an easier time connecting with people
once they are physically on campus, expanding their support system.
Conclusion
Traditionally, Black students in higher education have suffered injustices and disparate
college outcomes. These injustices include unequal access, enrollment, and college completion
gaps (Allen, 1992; Reardon, 2011; Ross et al., 2012). These barriers have proven to be
detrimental to the success of Black students (Cabrera et al., 1999; Solórzano et al., 2000).
However, at Dale University, Black students have performed exceedingly well, despite these
historical barriers. At this institution, Black students graduated at higher rates than White
students as well as Chicano(a)/Latino(a) students in 2011, and 2013. In 2012, they graduated at
higher rates than White students and graduated at an equal rate as Chicano(a)/Latino(a) students.
The aim of this study was to examine what has led to these outcomes at Dale University.
The findings from this study clarified what Black students at Dale are doing differently to
succeed and what the institution has done well in support of their success. Participants also
elaborated on how their experiences positively differ from their Black counterparts at other
institutions. Participants articulated their use of CCW to aid in their success. The findings
suggest that the participants relied heavily on their peers for motivation, inspiration, and
accountability, which ultimately contributed to their success.
Also revealed through this study were the participants’ minimal use of campus resources
and departments that are supposed to help them succeed. This study’s results also strongly
alluded to the significance of involvement outside of the classroom, including on campus jobs,
research and internships, and student organization engagement in the facilitation of their success.
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A quarter of the participants thanked the researcher for conducting this study. It was clear
that they needed the space to talk about their experiences as students, especially as Black
students, at Dale University. During the COVID-19 pandemic, many people were in isolation,
either by themselves or with just their family members. Participants expressed how talking to the
researcher was a nice way to have contact with someone outside of their quarantine group.
Reflecting on these experiences and their overall success seemed to be insightful for the
participants in realizing their status and power as scholars in academia, a space that has
historically been occupied by White, middle-aged males. These accolades from the participants
were confirmation to the researcher that highlighting the narratives and accomplishments of
Black students in higher education is important work that needs to be continued.

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Appendix A: Recruitment Emails
Initial recruitment email
My name is Rhiannon Little-Surowski and I am a doctoral student at the University of
Southern California (USC) in the Rossier School of Education. I am conducting a study to
explore how Black students cultivate success for themselves and how the university supports
their success.
You are being asked to participate in this study to provide information about your
perspective on success as a Black student at a public, 4-year institution. If you agree to
participate in this study, you will be asked to complete a short survey of 10 questions to provide
information and your perspective on success. Your responses will also help me determine your
eligibility for the next phase of the study, which is an online interview. The time commitment for
completing this survey is approximately 10 minutes.
If you meet the criteria for an interview, I will reach out using your contact information
to set up the best date and time for an interview. The interview will take place either online or a
convenient location for you. Also, the interview will last about one hour to one hour and 30
minutes. For compensation, you will be put into a raffle for a $10 Amazon E-gift card.

The survey link is: ___________________________

If you have any questions, please feel free to contact me at littlesu@usc.edu or TBD.

Thank you,

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Rhiannon Little-Surowski
Doctoral student
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

Reminder email
Hi (name),
My name is Rhiannon Little-Surowski. I am a doctoral student at the University of
Southern California. As a reminder, I am conducting a study for my dissertation on Black
students’ experiences with success at a public, four-year institution. I would like to invite you to
participate in my study.
If you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to complete a short survey of
10 questions to provide background information and your perspective on success. Your
responses will also help me determine your eligibility for the next phase of the study, which is an
online interview. The time commitment for completing this survey is approximately 10 minutes.
For compensation, you will be put into a raffle for a $10 Amazon E-gift card.
If you meet the criteria for an interview, I will reach out using your contact information
to set up the best date and time for an interview. The interview will take place either online or at
a convenient location for you. The interview will last about one hour to one hour and 30 minutes.
For completion of an interview, you will receive a $10 Amazon E-gift card.

The survey link is: ___________________________

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If you have any questions, please feel free to contact me at littlesu@usc.edu or TBD.

Thank you for your time,

Rhiannon Little-Surowski
Doctoral student
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

Interview participant request
Hi (name),

Thank you for your completing the survey. I appreciate your willingness to participate in
an interview. This study will examine the ways that Black students at a public, four-year
institution cultivate success for themselves and how that institution fosters their success.

Please click on the link below to schedule an interview slot:

https://meetwithrhiannon.appointlet.com/b/rhiannon

As a reminder, you will receive a $10 Amazon E-gift card once the interview has been
completed.

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If you have any questions, please feel free to contact me littlesu@usc.edu or TBD.

Thank you,

Rhiannon Little-Surowski
Doctoral student
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

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Appendix B: Student Survey Questions
1. What is your class standing?
a. First year
b. Second year
c. Third year
d. Fourth year
e. Fifth year
f. Sixth year
2. How would you describe your gender identity?
3. Are you attending school full-time or part-time?
4. What is your racial/ethnic background?
a. Asian/Asian American
b. Black/African American
c. Latino(a)/Latinx/Hispanic
d. Multiracial or two or more races
e. Native American/American Indian
f. Other
5. What is your major? ________________ Minor? _____________________
6. What does success in college mean to you?

7. What are some success strategies you have used while attending the university?
8. Are you involved in any extracurricular activities or departments on campus?
a. Yes
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b. No
9. If yes, which activities/departments?
a. What is your level of involvement? _____________________
b. Do you hold any leadership position(s)? _______________________
c. How much impact has your involvement had on your success? (Likert scale:
1=not at all 2=not very much 3=a little 4=medium impact 5=very high impact
10. Did you or do you use any services on campus? (Likert scale: 1=not at all 2=minimally
3= occasionally 4=frequently
a. What are some of the services or supports you utilize? Are these on or off
campus? (open-ended question)
b. Have these services contributed to your success in any way?
11. If you meet the requirements for this study, would you be willing to participate in a one
hour to one hour and 30-minute interview online? If so, please provide your contact
information including email and phone number (name not required).

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Appendix C: Alumnus Survey Questions
1. What year did you graduate?
2. How would you describe your gender identity?
3. What is your racial/ethnic background?
a. Asian/Asian American
b. Black/African American
c. Latino(a)/Latinx/Hispanic
d. Multiracial or two or more races
e. Native American/American Indian
f. Other
4. What was your major? ________________ Minor? _____________________
5. What did success in college mean to you?
6. What were some success strategies you have used while attending the university?
7. Were you involved in any extracurricular activities or departments on campus?
a. Yes
b. No
8. If yes, which activities/departments?
a. What was your level of involvement? ______________
b. Did you hold a leadership position?
c. How much impact did your involvement have on your success? (Likert scale:
1=not at all 2=not very much 3=a little 4=medium impact 5=very high impact
9. Did you use any services on campus? (Likert scale: 1=not at all 2=minimally 3=
occasionally 4=frequently
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a. What were some of the services or supports you utilized? Are these on or off
campus? (open-ended question)
b. Did these services contribute to your success in any way?
If you meet the requirements for this study, would you be willing to participate in a one hour to
one hour and 30-minute interview online? If so, please provide your contact information
including email and phone number (name not required).

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Appendix D: Alumni Interview Protocol
Researcher name: Rhiannon Little-Surowski
Participant pseudonym:
Date:

Research Questions
1. How have the experiences of Black undergraduate students at a public, 4-year institution
influenced their success?
Sub-questions:
A. How do Black undergraduate students at a public, 4-year institution facilitate their
own success?
B. How do public, 4-year institutions foster success for Black undergraduate students, if
at all?
Introduction
Hi _____________. I really appreciate you taking the time to meet with me. Before we get
started with the interview, I wanted to share a little about myself. My name is Rhiannon Little-
Surowski and I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern California studying
educational leadership. Through the information gathered in this study, I will get a deeper
understanding of how Black students at a public, four-year higher education institution cultivate
success on an individual level and how the institution helps foster their success, if at all.

The information you share with me today will only be used for the purposes of my
dissertation. I want to maintain your privacy so would you mind choosing a pseudonym for
115

yourself? That pseudonym will be used throughout the study. The interview should last
approximately one hour and 30 minutes. During our time together, I will be taking notes, but I
want to make sure I capture everything you have to say. So, are you okay with me recording the
interview? If at any time you feel uncomfortable with the questions or if you don’t want to
record your thoughts, please let me know immediately and I will turn off the recording device.
Also, if you do not want to answer a question, please let me know and I can skip that question.
Do you have any questions before we get started?

Interview questions (with transitions)
Topic 1: Background info
“First, I’d like to start with some background information.”
1. Tell me a little about yourself.
2. What are/were your educational and career goals (in college)?
Topic 2:
These next questions will help me get a better idea of how you
facilitated success for yourself.
3. What was it like for you being a Black student at Dale
University?
4. What did success look like for you?
5. How would you describe your academic performance as an
undergraduate?
6. What strategies did you use to be successful at the institution?

RQ 1
RQ 1A

RQ 1,1A

RQ 1, 1A

RQ 1, 1A
RQ 1, 1B

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7. Who and what were your sources of support (family, professors,
friends, community, etc.)?
8. Were you involved in any organizations, activities or other
things aside from attending classes?
a. Can you tell me more about your involvement in those?
b. How would you say your involvement on campus
affected your success? How so?
9. Did anyone outside of school assist or guide you?
a. If so, who?
b. In what ways did they assist or guide you?
c. Would you say that their support impacted your success?
Topic 3: Institutional experiences
“Now, I’d like to learn more about how the campus supported or
facilitated your success.
10. Which campus support resources did you use, if any?
a. How would you say those resources or supports have
impacted your success, if at all?
11. What did the institution provide you that you believe contributed
to your success?
12. How would you describe your experience as a Black student?
a. How do you feel these experiences have affected your
success?

RQ 1A

RQ 1, 1B

RQ 1, 1B

RQ 1, 1B

RQ 1

RQ 1, 1B

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13. Can you tell me about any barriers, if any, have you encountered
at this institution that have hindered your success?
a. How do you feel these experiences have affected your
success?
b. How did you overcome those barriers, if at all?
14. What about the institution positively impacted your success?
“One last question to wrap up”
15. Would you like to share anything else with me today?

RQ 1, 1B

Closing
That concludes the interview. I appreciate you taking the time to speak with me. Your
willingness to participate is very helpful to me in completing my dissertation. Would you be
okay with me emailing you if I have any follow-up questions? As a reminder, you will receive a
$10 Amazon E-gift card. Thanks again.

118

Appendix E: Current Student Interview Protocol
Researcher name: Rhiannon Little-Surowski
Participant name:
Participant pseudonym:
Date:

Research Questions
1. How have the experiences of Black undergraduate students at a public, 4-year institution
influenced their success?
Sub-questions:
A. How do Black undergraduate students at a public, 4-year institution facilitate their
own success?
B. How do public, 4-year institutions foster success for Black undergraduate students, if
at all?

Introduction
Hi _____________. I really appreciate you taking the time to meet with me. Before we get
started with the interview, I wanted to share a little about myself. My name is Rhiannon Little-
Surowski and I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern California studying
educational leadership. Through the information gathered in this study, I will get a deeper
understanding of how Black students at a public, four-year higher education institution cultivate
success on an individual level and how the institution helps foster their success, if at all.
119

You were chosen to participate because you match the study criteria. The information
you share with me today will only be used for the purposes of my dissertation. I want to maintain
your privacy so would you mind choosing a pseudonym for yourself? That pseudonym will be
used throughout the study. The interview should last approximately one hour and 30 minutes.
During our time together, I will be taking notes, but I want to make sure I capture everything you
have to say. So, are you okay with me recording the interview? If at any time you feel
uncomfortable with the questions or if you don’t want to record your thoughts, please let me
know immediately and I will turn off the recording device. Also, if you do not want to answer a
question, please let me know and I can skip that question. Do you have any questions before we
get started?

Interview questions (with transitions)
Topic 1: Background info
“First, I’d like to start with some background information.”
1. Tell me a little about yourself.
2. What are your educational and career goals?
Topic 2:
These next questions will help me get a better idea of how you facilitate
success for yourself.
3. What does success look like for you?
4. How would you describe your academic performance?
5. What strategies do you use to be successful at this institution?

RQ 1
RQ 1A

RQ 1, 1A
RQ 1, 1A
RQ 1, 1A
RQ 1, 1A, 1B
120

6. Who and what are your sources of support (family, professors,
friends, community, etc.)?
7. Are you involved in any organizations, activities or other things
aside from attending classes?
a. Can you tell me more about your involvement in those?
b. How would you say your involvement on campus has
affected your success? How so?
8. Did anyone outside of school assist or guide you?
a. If so, who?
b. In what ways did they assist or guide you?
c. Would you say that their support impacted your success?
9. Suppose I was a Black, first time college student. What would
you tell me I should do to be successful?
Topic 3: Institutional experiences
“Now, I’d like to learn more about your experiences as a Black student
on campus.
10. Which campus support resources do you know about?
a. And which of those have you used, if any?
11. What has the institution provided you that you believe
contributes to your success?
a. How would you say those resources or supports have
impacted your success?
12. What is it like for you being a Black student at Dale University?

RQ 1, 1A

RQ 1, 1A, 1B

RQ 1, 1B

RQ 1, 1B

RQ 1, 1B

RQ 1, 1B

RQ 1, 1B
121

a. How do you feel these experiences have affected your
success?
13. Can you tell me about any barriers, if any, have you encountered
at this institution that have hindered your success?
“One last question to wrap up”
14. Would you like to share anything else with me today?

Closing
That concludes the interview. I appreciate you taking the time to speak with me. Your
willingness to participate is very helpful to me in completing my dissertation. Would you be
okay with me emailing you if I have any follow-up questions? As a reminder, you will receive a
$10 Amazon E- gift card. Thanks again.

122

Appendix F: Information Sheet
Information Sheet
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089

INFORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR EXEMPT NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

Black Student Success at a Public, Four-Year Institution
You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Rhiannon Little-Surowski.
Research studies include only people who voluntarily choose to participate. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear or
that you would like to know more about.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This research study aims to explore the forms of support that Black students at a public,
four-year institution draw on to facilitate their own success and what success means to
them. Traditional forms of support and outcomes in higher education have become the
norm. Success has been defined by standards of Whiteness. This study seeks to understand
the more culturally relevant factors that influence Black students’ success. Additionally,
this study aims to explore how the institution contributes to Black student success. Findings
123

from this study’s data might provide educators and practitioners with new ideas on how
they can foster Black student success to improve educational outcomes.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you agree to take part in Part 1 of this study, you will be asked to complete a five-minute,
online survey to collect demographic and other information. Answering any of the
questions are completely optional; you can click “next” or “N/A” in the survey to move to
the next question. If you are willing to participate in the second part of the study, you will
be invited to participate in an online interview. The interview will last about 75-90 minutes
and will be audio recorded (optional). Pre-determined questions pertaining to the study’s
purpose will be asked but will be more like a conversation. Responding to the questions is
voluntary; you may opt-out of the recording and still participate or you can choose to end
the interview at any time.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
For the survey, you will be entered into a drawing for a $10 Amazon E-gift card. For
participating in the interview, you will be compensated with a $10 Amazon E-gift card. Gift
cards will be emailed after completion of the survey/interview.

For the interview, you will receive a $10 Amazon E-gift card for your time. You do not
have to answer all the questions in order to receive the card. The card will be emailed to
you after you complete the interview.

124

CONFIDENTIALITY
Confidentiality of the information collected for this study will be maintained by storing it
on a personal, password-protected computer at the researcher’s home for five years; after
which time all data will be destroyed. Additionally, your real name will not be used, and
you are encouraged to choose a pseudonym (false name) to conceal your identity. You have
the right to review/edit the audio recordings or transcripts. The audio recordings will be
destroyed immediately after being transcribed. The only people who will have access to the
information is the researcher and a transcriber. Information will also be disclosed to the
Rossier School of Education at USC for the purposes of the dissertation process.

Required language:
The members of the research team, the funding agency and the University of Southern
California’s Human Subjects Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP
reviews and monitors research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION

Rhiannon Little-Surowski via email at littlesu@usc.edu or by phone at (951) 312-3924.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION

University of Southern California Institutional Review Board, 1640 Marengo Street, Suite 700,
Los Angeles, CA 90033-9269. Phone (323) 442-0114 or email irb@usc.edu

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This qualitative study explored the ways that Black students at a public, 4-year institution facilitated success for themselves and how the institution helped foster their success. There is ample research about disparate college outcomes for Black students and other underrepresented students. Existing literature, however, is framed from an anti-deficit perspective, portraying Black student success as an anomaly. This study will add to the literature by including asset-based narratives of Black student success. ❧ Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews with participants who self-identified as Black and either current students or alumni of the institution under study. This information was collected through a screener survey. The study and its findings were framed through two theoretical frameworks, the Community Cultural Wealth model and Critical Race Theory. The themes that emerged from the study’s findings were that students rely heavily on a network of support, including their peers and family, that the use of institutional support varies widely, and that students’ success is reliant upon a positive sense of belonging, campus diversity, and their ability to code-switch. Based on this study’s findings, three recommendations were proposed, including creating a Black student success support team, developing a year-long success course, and incentivizing student engagement.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Little-Surowski, Rhiannon E. (author)

Core Title A different world: exploring how Black students facilitate their own success at a public, 4-year institution

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Degree Conferral Date 2021-08

Publication Date 08/12/2021

Defense Date 07/12/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag anti-deficit framework,asset-based framework,asset-based perspective,Black college student success,Black student success,black students,Black undergraduate student success,Black undergraduates,College students,four-year institutions,OAI-PMH Harvest,public

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tambascia, Tracy (committee chair), Comeaux, Eddie (committee member), Samkian, Artineh (committee member)

Creator Email littlesu@usc.edu,rhiannonlittlesurowski@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC15723560

Unique identifier UC15723560

Legacy Identifier etd-LittleSuro-10037

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Little-Surowski, Rhiannon E.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu