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Clearing the path for Black male Connecticut educators in predominantly White institutions

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Clearing the path for Black male Connecticut educators in predominantly White institutions

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Clearing the Path for Black Male Connecticut Educators in Predominantly White
Institutions
by
William E. Johnson Jr.

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2021

© Copyright by William E. Johnson Jr. 2021
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for William E. Johnson Jr. certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Rebecca Good
Alan Green
Briana Hinga, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021

iv
Abstract
This qualitative research study involves eight practicing Black male educators who
matriculated through teacher preparation programs at predominantly White institutions (PWIs)
and earned certification in Connecticut. A phenomenological study allowed these eight
participants to voice their lived experiences in a teacher preparation program and becoming a
certified educator. This study arose because of the extreme shortage of Black male educators in
Connecticut and to support the statewide “Minority Teacher Recruitment” legislation, now in
existence over six years with minimal results. As a Black male educator who matriculated
through a teacher preparation program at a PWI in Connecticut after the introduction of the
“Minority Teacher Recruitment” bill, it was evident through my own lived experience that the
voices and experiences of Black males was missing.
The undergirding theoretical frameworks of critical race theory and African American
male theory were applied in this study to further understand the need for teacher preparation
programs to better serve Black males. A thematic analysis yielded the following themes related
to the experiences of eight practicing Black male educators: (a) Left by the Wayside, (b) Here,
There, Nowhere, and Roadblocks, and (c) Representation. As a result of this analysis, three
research-based recommendations were to (a) use critical race theory & African American male
theory research to inform policy and strategies to further prioritize teacher diversity and
requirements for teacher preparation programs, (b) survey current Black male teachers who have
matriculated through the CT teacher preparation programs at PWIs despite impeding factors and
unpack what led to their successful completion and what is needed to ensure a clear pathway for
future Black male educators, and (c) investigate and learn from teacher preparation programs
nationally that currently focus on access, preparation, and certification of people of color.

v
Participant findings from this research provided the following evidence: (a) the need for
teacher programs to improve their instructional programs through representation; (b) the need to
find extremely knowledgeable people who resemble the student population; and (c) the need to
create strategies to prioritize and value Black people and African/African American culture. The
main conclusion drawn from this research suggests the development of a formal framework
rooted in strategies identified by Black male teachers. The last chapter linked critical race theory
and African American male theory to the participant findings as well as a policy assessment,
recommendations, implications for further research, and the conclusion.

vi
Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to every Black male teacher who has taken on the responsibility of
teaching and to the many champions who have committed their lives so we could dream of
becoming teachers. A special dedication also goes out to the very first teacher I ever knew, my
mother Edwina E. (Perkins) Johnson. Since I was a child I remember kids in the neighborhood
yelling, “Hello Ms. Johnson” and now adults who had you in first grade caring for you.

vii
Acknowledgements
To my wife, I don’t believe an apology is an apology if it is not public. My apology can’t
change the year we had in 2020 but I want to acknowledge and recognize you for the world to
read. During this time Janine R. Johnson (my wife and only real boss) was taking 20-plus credits
a semester, studying, researching and supporting our two small children and her one extra-large
child (me). During these last two years of this process I have been removed, stressed,
emotionally all over the place, and frustrated with the demands of each of us completing these
two separate degrees simultaneously in the midst of a pandemic. You would not let us (your
family and friends) celebrate your accomplishments this past May 2021 because that is who you
are, but you will forever be celebrated in this document and within our hearts. Janine, I don’t
know another partner/person like you who has obtained degrees in Chemistry, Forensic Science,
Pharmaceutical Science and Medical Laboratory Science. Your unwavering focus, resilience and
love through the trying times inspires me. Our children Isabella and Idris Johnson one day will
read this document (Isabella, current age 7, is reading this at 12:25am EST making sure everyone
in the families names are spelled correctly) and know you were both a part of this process.
Janine, you won’t see this until it is published so you can’t make me remove it. We love you!
To my family; the Late Margaret Perkins-Moore (Deceased Maternal Grandmother/Best
Friend), Edwina E. Johnson (mom), William E. Johnson Sr. (Dad), Janette C. Johnson (Paternal
Aunt), Renee Wilder (Mother in Law), Kevin Wilder (Father in Law), Whitney Johnson (Big
Sister), Talya Moore (Maternal Aunt/Big Sister/Childhood Bodyguard), Tiffany Moore
(Cousin/Sister), Ericka Reynolds-Fernandez (Niece), Sanai Garret (Niece), Jalen Fernandez
(Grandnephew), Carter Fernandez (Grandnephew) and Rylan Fernandez (Grandnephew) I want
to thank you all for providing me with endless love, support and a solid foundation. I have been

viii
blessed to be an example for many students in my career and they have also been a blessing to
me. For all of the young men and boys in my family, my three of my grandnephews and my own
son I hope I’m a shining example for you. I never had a Black male teacher and I hope you and
many other young Black boys change that dynamic.
Lastly, I would like to acknowledge my chair, Dr. Briana Hinga for dedicating her time
and patience in guiding me along this journey; a journey that I thought about exiting midway
many times. I would also like to acknowledge my committee members, Dr. Rebecca Good and
Dr. Alan Green for their expertise and seeing me through the process.

ix
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Introduction ...............................................................................................................1
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................3
Background of the Problem .................................................................................................3
Importance of a Phenomenological Study ...........................................................................9
Description of Stakeholder Group .....................................................................................11
Research Questions ............................................................................................................11
Conceptual and Methodological Framework .....................................................................11
Definitions..........................................................................................................................12
The Study ...........................................................................................................................12
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .........................................................................................14
A Program’s Organizational Context and Mission ............................................................14
Historical Context ..............................................................................................................16
Chapter Three: Methods ................................................................................................................38
Participating Stakeholders .................................................................................................39
Data Collection and Instrumentation .................................................................................41
Data Analysis .....................................................................................................................42
Credibility and Trustworthiness .........................................................................................42
Ethics..................................................................................................................................43

x
Chapter Four: Findings ..................................................................................................................46
Introduction of Participants................................................................................................46
Left by the Wayside ...........................................................................................................55
Here, There, Nowhere, and Roadblocks ............................................................................62
Representation....................................................................................................................65
Summary ............................................................................................................................71
Chapter Five: Links to Theories, Assessment, Recommendations, Implications and Conclusion 73
Links to Critical Race Theory ............................................................................................73
Links to African American Male Theory...........................................................................79
Assessment .........................................................................................................................85
Implications for Further Research .....................................................................................91
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................91
References ......................................................................................................................................95
Appendix A: Interview Instrument ..............................................................................................108
Appendix B: Consent Form .........................................................................................................110
Appendix C: Interview Protocol ..................................................................................................113

xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Connecticut Statewide Percentage of Educators of Color 7
Table 2: Participant Demographics 54
Table 3: Proposed Recommendations 88

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Connecticut Student Total Enrollment Demographic Count by Race Years 2015–2021 5
Figure 2: Connecticut Teacher Demographic Percentage by Race Years 2016 – 2021 5
Figure 3: Illustration of Critical Race Theory. 27
Figure 4: Illustration of African American Male Theory 32

1

Chapter One: Introduction
Urban settings present myriad experiences that negatively impact the academic
performance and professional trajectory of Black males (Brooms, 2019). In comparison to their
White counterparts, Black males are disproportionately suspended and expelled as well as
negatively stereotyped and tracked in K–12 schools (Ferguson, 2000). Racism and classism also
contribute to the highest dropout rates, lowest graduation rates, underrepresentation in gifted
education programs and overrepresentation in special education among Black males (Ford, 2013;
Schott Foundation, 2012; Toldson, 2011). As a result, Black males internalize strong messages
about their racial and gender identities that impact their self-esteem, self-worth, academic
achievement, and overall wellbeing (Noguera, 2003; Swanson et al., 2003).
“Given the plight of Black males in K–12 schools, scholars have sought to increase the
paltry 2% of Black males who enter the teaching profession to support their academic and social
progress” (Bryan & Milton Williams, 2017, p. 209). Those who become teachers, however,
should not serve as ‘saviors’ for Black boys regarding the aforementioned experiences, but rather
Black male bodies in K–12 classrooms should better support the academic and social needs of
Black boys in a culturally responsive manner (Bryan & Milton Williams, 2017). The pathway to
teacher preparation to meet these needs are impeded with access inequality and inequity in
outcomes when Black males attempt to attend teacher preparation programs at predominantly
White institutions (PWIs). Scholars advocate for teacher preparation programs at PWIs to
specifically target, recruit, and retain Black males within the teaching profession. The
complexity of recruiting and retaining Black male educators can be better understood by
examining current teacher demographics.
2

In the Fall of 2019, almost 4 million teachers in the United States worked in public and
private school settings (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2019a). Of these
teachers, research continues to confirm a lack diversity based on race and gender among these
teachers with 80.1% of the teaching force as White; 8.8% Hispanic; 6.7% Black; 2.3% Asian;
1.4% Two or more races; 0.4% American Indian/Alaska Native; and 0.2% Native
Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (Sleeter, 2017; United States Department of Education [USDOE],
2016). During the 2017–2018 school year, while Black teachers represented 7% of the overall
teacher workforce, Black male educators represented 2% (USDOE, 2016). The historical Brown
vs. Board of Education decision led to the desegregation of schools and the decline in Black
teachers within the teacher profession (Madkins, 2011). More specifically this decision impacted
how “teachers of color help close achievement gaps for students of color and are highly rated by
students of all races” compared to White teachers who comprise of 82% of the teacher profession
in the United States (Bell-Ellwanger et al., 2016; Carver-Thomas, 2018).
In many United States districts, there are large concentration of White teachers despite
large concentrations of students of color (Boser, 2014). This means a student of color can move
through most of their academic experience and not see any adult that mirrors them racially.
There is evidence of racial discrimination in K–12 schools today that impedes the success of
children who are of color. According to Mickelson (2003),
Racial discrimination in education arises from actions of institutions or individual state
actors, their attitudes and ideologies, or processes that systematically treat students from
different racial/ethnic groups disparately or inequitably. (p. 1052)
For example, racial discrimination in education looks like disparities in resources, teacher
effectiveness, and instruction in the K–12 classrooms. If the racial disparities continue in the K–
3

12 experience of students, opportunities for students of color compared to students who are not
of color are significantly reduced. These racial disparities reduce the student of colors’ ability to
matriculate into a four-year university lesson the actual number of students of color who could
possibly enroll in a teacher preparation program. Black students face similar racial
discrimination and challenges at PWIs, which directly impacts the lack of diversity in the teacher
workforce.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore Black male educators’
background and their lived experiences matriculating through a teacher preparation program, at a
predominantly White institution and obtaining teacher certification in Connecticut. The
responses of the Black male educators aim to yield comprehensive descriptions of their lived
experiences and the responses of these Black male educators regarding their lived experiences
and personal interpretations help derive tangible strategies to address the state of Connecticut’s
goals to increase teacher diversity.
Background of the Problem
The Problem Nationally
Teacher education preparation programs across the United States focus on preparing
educators to meet state standards and to become licensed. While the field of education
consistently seeks to investigate effective research-based classroom practices and examine
societal and global factors that impact teaching and learning, there remains a gap in teacher
demographics in comparison to student demographics. According to Boser (2014), nationally
82% of teachers were White and 48% of students were non-White. Widely recognized by
educational researchers is the dynamic between teachers and students, which serve as a
4

substantial contributor to the demographic gaps in achievement (Dee, 2005). Promoting racial
equity often leads to an emphasis on improving teacher training and professional development.
However, as the shift among teacher education programs moves from not only preparing teachers
to promote educational equity through teaching practices that improve student opportunity and
achievement, there is also a growing need to impact the teaching racial demographics.
The Problem in Connecticut
According to EdSight (2021), the total of students who identify with a racial/ethnic group
other than White is 257,041 which represents approximately 50%. This is in direct comparison to
the 10% of teachers who identify in these exact categories. Students who identify the groups
Black or African American, American Indian or Alaska Native (indigenous) and Hispanic or
Latino are made up of 209,104 students which represents approximately 41% of the student
population in Connecticut. This is in direct comparison to the 8.5% of teachers who identify in
these exact categories.

5

Figure 1
Connecticut Student Total Enrollment Demographic Count by Race Years 2015 –2021

Note. Adapted From Connecticut Education at a Glance by EdSight, 2021.

Figure 2
Connecticut Teacher Demographic Percentage by Race Years 2016 – 2021

Note. Adapted From Connecticut Education at a Glance by EdSight, 2021.

6

In Connecticut, Senate Bill PA 15-108 Sec. 5a was passed by the Connecticut General
Assembly (2018);
There is establish a task force to study and develop strategies to increase and improve the
recruitment, preparation, and retention of minority teachers, as defined in section 10-155l
of the general statutes, in public schools in the state. Such a study shall include, but need
not be limited to, an examination of current statewide and school district demographics
and a review of best practices
An original key initiative the Connecticut State Department of Education (CSDE, 2017)
was tasked with, “is to address the lack of racial, ethnic, and linguistic diversity of the teacher
workforce, with a focus on identified shortage areas, such as secondary science and math.” One
of the strategic goals presented by the CSDE’s Talent Office is to, “Prepare, attract, and retain
diverse, high-quality teachers and leaders to Connecticut’s highest-need content areas, schools,
and school systems” (CSDE, 2021). The CSDE is the organization that creates mechanisms for
implementation of legislation passed by the General Assembly. This department also ensures
laws are being passed in connection to education related issues and effectively implemented
across all districts within the state.
The CSDE (2021) is committed to advancing the diversification of the educator
workforce.
In 2016, the Connecticut State Board of Education adopted a Five-Year Comprehensive Plan
which outlined three broad goals: (1) High Expectations for Each and Every Student (2)
Great Schools; and (3) Great Teachers and Leaders …developing and deploying strategies
for districts state-wide that ensure the most effective educators are in every school and
7

classroom, including making progress on increasing the racial, ethnic, and linguistic diversity
of the state’s educator workforce (para. 1).
The CSDE created a strategic plan to “ensure equity and excellence for all Connecticut
students” and increase the number of educators of color from 8.3% to 10% by 2021, which is
equivalent to approximately 1,000 certified educators of color within 5 years (CSDE, 2021). The
CSDE Talent Office also implemented several strategies designed to address what the
Connecticut State Board of Education outlined in the Connecticut Senate Bill PA 15-108 Sec. 5a,
to attract, support, and retain teachers and leaders with an intentional focus on increasing the
racial, ethnic, and linguistic diversity of Connecticut’s educator workforce (Cardona, 2020). As
seen in Figure 1 below, if the percentage increase continues upon the .2 percentage rate the state
will not reach the state target.

Table 1
Connecticut Statewide Percentage of Educators of Color
Date Percentage
October 2015 8.3%
October 2016 8.5%
October 2017 8.7%
October 2018 8.9%

Note. Adapted from Connecticut State Department of Education Annual Report Pursuant to
Public Act 16-41 Minority Teacher Recruitment by M. A. Cardona, 2020. Connecticut State
Board of Education.

8

Impact of a Lack of Racial Diversity in the Teacher Workforce
Principals and teachers of color play a critical role in ensuring equity in our education
system, serving as positive role models for all students. While the teaching force has become
slightly more diverse in recent years, recent data from the NCES estimates that the elementary
and secondary student population will continue to become less White and more diverse (Hussar
& Bailey, 2013).

Without a change in trends, the disparity between the racial makeup of students
and teachers may increase further, fueling the need for substantially more progress in increasing
teacher diversity. Further disaggregation of these data in 2017–2018 as stated earlier Black
teachers represent 7% of the teacher workforce and Black male teachers make up 2% (NCES,
2020; USDOE, 2016). Hrabowski and Sanders (2015) stated, “In fact, more than 40 percent of
public schools in the U.S. do not have a single teacher of color.” This disparity of racial diversity
not only yields concerns of cultural differences between teachers, the families and communities
they serve, but also questions the potential impact Black male teachers have on classrooms
across the country. Black teachers, for example, create a positive academic environment through
their familiarity with the cultural needs of Black students (Underwood, 2019). More specifically,
Underwood (2019) claimed Black male teachers decrease dropout rates and disciplinary issues as
well as create more positive views of schooling and better test scores among Black male
students.
In addition to Black male students, Black male educators positively impact children of all
races and the overall teaching profession by directly addressing social and gender inequalities
and inequities (Underwood, 2019). Additionally, the lack of racial diversity among teachers
affects student disciplinary policy. Skiba et al. (2002) described how extensively documented the
disproportionate discipline of African American students in schools. Although, in the past and
9

present we are inundated with data showing these disparities from a lack of teacher diversity and
the positive impact of teachers of color, not much has been done to address the lack of teachers
of color in U.S. schools.
Diversifying the Teacher Workforce
Research suggests there are academic benefits when students and teacher are the same
race/ethnicity (Egalite et al., 2015). Wilder (1999, 2000) asserted that Black teachers provide
rich educational experiences and teaching styles to both students of color and White students.
Increasing Black male teacher representation in schools across the nation requires strategic
planning, including collaborative efforts at the national, state, district and local levels (Bireda, &
Chait, 2011). A long-term commitment of resources and continuous championing for diversity of
the nation’s classrooms remains the most promising way to effectively staff schools with Black
male educators (Bireda & Chait, 2011). To effectively address recruiting, retaining and
advancing Black male educators, policymakers and school administrators need to continue
developing and implementing sustainable programs specifically aimed at supporting
marginalized populations where all students thrive (Underwood, 2019).
Importance of a Phenomenological Study
A phenomenological study is defined as “the study of how people describe things and
experience them through their senses” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015, p 9). The racial demographic
shifts across the United States are rapidly transforming public school classrooms. In order to
assess an aspect of how racial demographics impact the teacher workforce, this study delved into
the lived experiences of Black male educators in their teacher preparation programs at PWIs and
certification processes is crucial to shifting racial teacher demographics across Connecticut and
possibly the country. According to NCES (2019b),
10

Between fall 2000 and fall 2015, the percentage of students enrolled in public elementary and
secondary schools who were White decreased from 61 to 49 percent. The percentage of
Black students also decreased during this period from 17 to 15 percent. In contrast, there was
an increase in the percentage of students enrolled in public schools who were Hispanic (from
16 to 26 percent) and Asian/Pacific Islander (4 to 5 percent) during this time period.
Research suggests having teachers of the same race may benefit students of color in
myriad ways. For example, an analysis of Tennessee Student Teacher Achievement Ratio data
where students were randomly assigned to classrooms revealed having a teacher of the student’s
own race contributed to higher standardized test scores in both math and reading (Dee, 2004).
Gershenson et al. (2017) provided evidence that “Black students who are randomly assigned to a
Black teacher at least once in the third, fourth, or fifth grades are more likely to aspire to college
and less likely to drop out of high school” (p. 2). Furthermore, they found that “the effect is
largest for Black males living in poverty throughout their grade school years” (p. 2).
Cherng and Halpin (2016) found that in the “urban areas, minority teachers can translate
their experiences and identities to form rapports with students that do not share the same race or
ethnicity” (p. 416). Differences in discipline referrals decline with same race teachers. Lindsay
and Hart (2017) found that “ ... exposure to a higher fraction of teachers who are Black reduces
the likelihood of receiving exclusionary discipline for Black students at all grade levels” (p. 498).
Studying the lived experiences of Black male teachers who graduated from teacher preparation
programs at PWIs in Connecticut can help inform strategies on creating inclusive spaces for
Black male educators. With adequate financial and professional support, Black male educators
will not only have an opportunity to complete teacher education programs, but all students of
color will have access to a positive educational experience.
11

Description of Stakeholder Group
At nearly any university, there are many stakeholder groups primarily related to student
success: students, faculty, family, community and administration. The key stakeholder group of
focus were Black male educators who have successfully completed certification and a teacher
preparation program at a PWI in Connecticut.
Research Questions
The undergirding research questions in this study include the following:
1. How do Black male educators describe their teacher preparation program experiences at
PWIs in CT?
2. How do Black male educators interpret their certification process in the state of CT?
3. What practices can be developed and adopted from the lived experiences of Black males
certified educators in Connecticut that can improve teacher preparatory programs
strategies focused on Black males that may be transferrable to other Connecticut teacher
preparation programs?
Conceptual and Methodological Framework
A phenomenological study has been implemented as the conceptual framework. The
methodological framework is a qualitative case study with descriptive statistics. Themes were
generated based on lived experiences of participants and related literature. These themes were
determined by conducting semi-structured interviews, literature review and content analysis.
Research-based solutions were recommended for colleges and universities interested in similar
work and evaluated in a comprehensive manner.

12

Definitions
• African American: Black people who descendants of enslaved Africans unwilling brought
to the United States. Not to be confused with other Black ethnic groups who migrated to
the United States.
• Black: Relating to any of various population groups having dark pigmentation of the
skin; or relating to the African American people or their culture.
• Predominately White Institutions: A PWI refers to predominantly White institutions,
basically any institution of higher learning that wasn't labeled an HBCU prior to 1964.
These institutions usually have student bodies made up mostly of Whites, with sprinkles
of different races such as African American, Hispanic, Asian, and so on. (Nicole, 2019)
• Race: The socially constructed meaning attached to a variety of physical attributes,
including but not limited to skin and eye color, hair texture, and bone structures of people
in the United States and elsewhere (Singleton, 2014, p. 50).
• Racism: Refers to the systemic mistreatment of certain groups of people (often referred to
as people of color) on the basis of skin color or other physical (Singleton, 2015, p. 51).
The Study
This study is organized into five chapters. The introductory chapter presented an
overview of the study through description of the background, purpose of the study, and statement
of the problem. More specifically, key concepts and terminology were introduced surrounding
Black male educators as the stakeholders. Chapter Two provided a review of current literature
that informed the topic of study ultimately designed to answer the research questions. These
topics included Brown vs. Board of Education, PWIs, legacy of racism in education, implications
of underrepresentation of Black male teachers, impact of Black male teachers on students,
13

critical race theory, and African American male theory. Chapter Three describes the research
design used to conduct the study, with particular attention to methodology and technique applied
to data collection and analysis. Chapters Four and Five will discuss key results and findings as
well as future research and implications, inclusive of transferrable practices related to teacher
programs specifically tailored towards Black male educators.

14

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This literature review seeks to establish a landscape illustrating an example of a
promising program, historical context, systemic barriers, and importance of focused intentional
higher education programming to diversify the teaching profession with Black male educators.
More specifically, this literature review will discuss the historical context of the education
system in the United States and specific impact on Black people, inclusive of principal and
teacher mobility on student achievement and culture, the experiences of Black males in PWIs
and lastly the importance of preparation and coaching programs. This chapter will also present
the theoretical framework of critical race theory and African American male theory to further
understand the need for teacher preparation programs specifically targeting Black males.
Following the general literature review, this chapter will discuss Clark and Estes’s (2008)
conceptual framework guiding this study of Black male educators who graduated from a teacher
preparation program at a PWI and completed the teacher-certification process in the state of
Connecticut.
A P r ogr am’s Organizational Context and Mission
Clemson University’s Call Me MISTER (Men Instructing Students Toward Effective
Role Models) program was established in 2000 and is located at a predominantly White
institution at Clemson University in Clemson, South Carolina. The program was birthed through
a collaboration with three Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) to specifically
address the shortage of Black males in K-8 public elementary school classrooms (Jones et al.,
2019). CMM has a framework that explains the program’s strategies and experiences in the
execution of the CMM model that has led to its sustained success in recruiting, developing, and
retaining African American men who have become effective teachers in multiple public
15

elementary and middle schools in the state and beyond (Jones et al., 2019). This is significant in
light of the fact that only approximately 1% of the South Carolina’s 20,000 elementary teachers
are Black (Chmelynski, 2006; Holsendolph, 2007).
In 2019 the undergraduate enrollment at Clemson University was 24, 951(U.S. News &
World Report, 2020). Of the 24, 951 enrolled, 6.6% of those students identified as Black/African
American students (College Factual, 2020). The mission of the CMM Initiative is to increase the
pool of available teachers from a broader more diverse background particularly among the State's
South Carolina's lowest performing elementary schools. Student participants are largely selected
from among underserved, socioeconomically disadvantaged and educationally at-risk
communities (Clemson University, n.d.).
The successful collaboration of these entities developed into an expansion of formally
licensed host colleges numbering 23 in the state of South Carolina and nine in other states across
the United States (Jones et al., 2019). Inherent to the goal of the program is a key aspiration to
grow Black male elementary-level teachers given 90% of all CMM teachers come from within
the state of South Carolina. However, CMM promotes and expects the same commitment to a
“home-grown” approach within their additional state partners as well as an expectation of
becoming professional educators under the guiding principles of servant leadership (Jones et al.,
2019). In conjunction with incentives offered by CMM, such as partial tuition assistance
scholarships, loan forgiveness options, book allowances, and other student support services, the
program also expects graduates to give back a minimum of one year of teaching service for each
year of financial support received (Jones et al., 2019). An aspect of CMM is that the “best and
brightest” are not hand-picked through pre-assessment criteria; students from underserved,
16

socioeconomically disadvantaged and educationally at-risk communities serve as those admitted
and supported (Jones et al., 2019).
The CMM project provides tuition assistance through loan forgiveness programs for
admitted students pursuing approved programs of study in teacher education at participating
colleges. An academic support system to help assure their success. A cohort system for social
and cultural support and assistance with job placement. CMM successful results of the
aforementioned areas of program focus yields a study as a promising practice of transferrable to
other PWIs.
CMM serves as a teacher preparatory program focused on preparing African American
men to teach in K-8 public elementary school classrooms to address the national shortage. Thus
90% of all CMM teachers come from South Carolina, and the organization promotes and expects
the same commitment to a “home-grown” approach within other state partners. The partners are
made up of school districts, community colleges and other colleges and universities. Over 90%
of the fully certified graduates completing the CMM program have either remained as teachers in
a public school classroom, serve as administrative in schools, or work at the university level
(Jones et al., 2019).
Historical Context
After the Civil War in 1865 the United States, there was an emergence of a public school
system (Stephan, 1978; Walker & Archung, 2003). In this public school system Whites
segregated African Americans into separate schools that received less money in state
expenditures per child, maintained poorer facilities, had fewer library books and other material
educational advantages, and received little or no transportation for students seeking to attend
school (Stephan, 1978). Traylor (2009) explained that buildings for Black students were rented,
17

donated or constructed from used materials, while White children were afforded new and modern
construction. Black students endured worn and damaged books passed down to them from White
students who used them in their original and new form.
Stephan (1978) further explained Whites constructed educational systems designed to
maintain the privileges of White students and to prepare African and African American students
for the subservient roles they were expected to play within the society. In 1954, the Supreme
Court handed down the landmark decision Brown vs. Board of Education, in which the Court
ordered the end of state-mandated racial segregation of public schools (Bell, 1979). However,
these inequalities continued well after the Supreme Court decision despite declaring segregated
schools unequal.
Brown vs. Board of Education
Although believed to positively impact Black educators, the historical Brown vs. Board of
Education decision led to the desegregation of schools and decline in Black teachers within the
teaching profession (Madkins, 2011). Prior to this Supreme Court decision, Black teachers
served as role models, competent professionals and supportive figures for both Black and White
students, but were subsequently not hired in desegregated schools that now included White
students (Lyons, & Chesley, 2004). In 1954 when the Brown v. Board of Education decision was
made there were 82,000 Black teachers and by 1964 there were 38,000 Black teachers (Lyons, &
Chesley, 2004). In addition to a precipitous drop in the number of Black teachers and the
exclusion of Black teachers in desegregated schools, there were also fewer Black teachers
entering the overall teacher pipeline. Black students in fully integrated schools were
underrepresented in school leadership roles and were often reluctant to run for elective
leadership positions because they did believe they could win (Lyons & Chesley, 2004).
18

The 1954 Supreme Court ruling in Brown was not the automatic panacea to the ills of
education for Black students and teachers. White teachers were introduced to a new reality of
teaching both White children and Black children. As Black teachers slowly integrated previously
all White staffs, they faced bias and a pervasive hegemony of deeply rooted racism. Southern
schools seek to circumvent segregating schools by implementing “new teacher-certification
requirements that disadvantaged Black teachers, abolishing tenure laws where there were high
percentages of Black teachers; allowing dismissal of teachers without cause; failing to replace
retiring Black teachers with other Black teachers” (Oakley et al., 2009, p. 1579). In the wake of
this seminal decision, Southern schools employed overt non-compliant measures as involuntarily
transferring Black teachers to White schools, while allowing White teachers to have more
autonomy in transfer choices (Tillman, 2004). The level of hostility and discrimination Black
teachers encountered as a result from these transfers led to many leaving their jobs (Orfield,
1969).
Brown vs. Board of Education also resulted in the loss of Black principals and influence
over Black students. While it did not change their belief that Black students can all learn, Pollard
(1997) suggested that moving Black students to other schools impaired their educational success
because Black principals were no longer accessible. In addition to no longer teaching Black
students, Black principals were also relegated to office positions, forced to teach lower grades, or
terminated from teaching positions altogether. Historically, racial discrimination was integral to
public education and the intentional result of discriminatory laws and practices (Mickelson,
2003). These discriminatory laws and practices not only caused Black teachers to develop self-
imposed negative perceptions, but also White teachers to believe Black educators were less
valuable and qualified (Deruy, 2016).
19

The ramifications continue approximately 62 years after Brown vs. Board of Education,
with nearly 22% of Black public school teachers moving between schools or leaving the
profession altogether, compared to only about 15% of White, non-Hispanic teachers (Deruy,
2016). Deruy (2016) explained that Black teachers experience constant tension at work between
a sense of frustration and being pigeonholed. Racial discrimination in education arise from
actions of institutions or individual stakeholders, their attitudes and ideologies, or processes that
systematically treat people, which include Black teachers from different racial/ethnic groups
disparately or inequitably (Mickelson, 2003). Black teachers also report feeling their colleagues
believe they are only good enough for Black students (Deruy, 2016). If we are to meaningfully
increase the amount of Black male teachers in the workforce, more must be done, starting with
preparation and completion, to recruitment and selection, and then placement and retention (Bell-
Ellwanger et al., 2016).
Predominantly White Institutions: Legacy of Racism in Education Continues
Despite civil rights legislation, the national goal of providing Black people with equal
access to quality institutions of higher education and opportunities for academic success has not
been realized for Black males at PWIs (Loo & Rolison, 1986). According to Lewis et al. (2000),
White students’ behaviors often have a negative impact on Black students, especially patterns of
White colorblindness and racial or ethnic stereotyping. In order to actualize this vision of
educational equality for Black males, it is imperative to understand the forces that both preclude
and promote equal opportunity and academic success (Loo & Rolison, 1986). Black male
teachers and preparation programs can become less sparse when institutional stakeholders
understand beliefs, behaviors and actions that promote equality (Loo & Rolison, 1986).
20

Chavous (2000) explained that both the meaning of race (ideology) and the importance of
race (centrality) were related to the extent to which students felt comfortable to express their
ethnicity and, subsequently, their social participation in ethnic group affirming activities.
Historical research consistently documents troubling racial realities for Black undergraduates on
predominantly White campuses (Feagin et al., 2014; Harper, 2013). More recent studies
pertaining to race in PWIs share the effects of alienating and debilitating campus racial climates,
as well as a range of academic, social, and psychological outcomes for Black students (Harper,
2013; Smith et al., 2011). The experiences Black males endure on predominantly White
campuses impact their underrepresentation in the teaching profession.
Implications of Underrepresentation of Black Males in Teaching
A major barrier to men becoming early childhood teachers is the pervasive belief in
society and the profession that men are less able to care for and educate young children than are
women (Cunningham & Watson, 2002). While there are very few men in childcare centers,
preschools, or elementary schools who work with children, the underrepresentation of Black
males in the teacher profession presents negative ramifications on the overall teaching profession
as well as student achievement. Poor school experiences transcend into Black males not wanting
to pursue the teaching profession (Graham & Erwin, 2011). Educational theorists explain why
education is liberating for some and oppressive for others, thus giving rise to how the endemic
nature of racism impacts Black men pursuing the education field (Lynn, 2002). Black male
teachers are often vilified and made to seem incompetent, rendering them invisible or
inconsequential (Lynn, 2002). White teachers who partake in colorblindness and racial
microaggressions manifest as macro- and micro-forms of racism, continuously impacting the
overall wellbeing of Black male teachers (Kohli, 2016). Experiences as such not only take an
21

extraordinary toll on them, but also stunt professional growth causing a mass exodus from the
profession at faster rates than their White counterparts (Kohli, 2016).
Our current paradigm suggests the need for institutionalized reform to better support a
diverse K–12 teaching force despite the pathway to teaching being in disrepair (Bianco et al.,
2011; Kohli, 2016). Organizations with the highest amount of men teaching yield men with
higher salaries. Therefore, it is imperative to tap into organizations and groups who have success
providing support and a pathway to get more Black men into classrooms (Chmelynski, 2006).
Increasing the representation of minorities in teaching is more than just a recruiting problem; it
will require more valid, unbiased assessments of the teaching competencies of aspiring minority
teacher as well as, support in helping them acquire the knowledge and skills needed to enter,
exit, be certified, and retained in the profession (Justiz, & Kameen, 1988). A study examining the
relationship between attainment, race, class and gender showed the data countered the narrative
of underachievement by particular groups and highlights ethnic groups (Gillborn & Mirza,
2001). The data further suggested that despite the groups’ overall achievement placement, they
still placed as the highest attaining group in at least one area of the assessment (Gillborn &
Mirza, 2001). These outcomes allow for Black male educators to defy the views of incompetence
and continue making an impact within the teaching profession as well as with students in
classrooms. Teacher education programs are challenged to prepare all practitioners for the
complex pedagogical task of working equitably with diversity.
Impact of Black Male Teachers on Students
Black teachers provide positive role models for Black students by sharing the same
cultural backgrounds, challenging stereotypes and racism, and motivating minority students to
succeed academically and pursue future careers as educators (Achinstein & Ogawa, 2011; King,
22

1993b; Learning Point Associates, n.d.; Mack et al., 2003; Su, 1997; Villegas & Davis, 2008).
According to Gibson (2007), there is a critical need for quality minority teachers because role
models are important. Gibson explains, a “teacher’s role is not only to teach, but also to inspire
and serve as an example. After all, teachers are the first group of professionals with whom
children interact” (p. 59). Milner (2006) explained students are able to “visualize the
possibilities” (p. 97) for their own lives when they have individuals who look like them as
teachers. The gap between underrepresented minority students and other groups is particularly
detrimental because it affects individuals’ long-term social mobility (Carter, 2006). All students
need to see individuals who look like them in professional leadership roles (King, 1993a). This
illustrates that success is possible amid the many challenges that Black students encounter.
Myriad factors contribute to the successful education of children but there is strong belief
among scholars that Black teachers positively contribute to educational process of all students
(Banks, 2006; King, 1993a; Wilder, 1999, 2000). There is a compelling need for more Black
teachers in K–12 public education. Milem (2003) suggested that diversity in educational
institutions benefits all students in cognitive, affective, and interpersonal ways, thus, benefiting
the school organization by increasing its effectiveness through diversity of perspectives and
thoughts. Diversity benefits the greater society through increased cultural awareness, acceptance,
and an increased racial understanding. If our goal in public education is to prepare students to be
active, productive participants in our ever-increasingly diverse society, it is imperative to provide
a realistic representation of our pluralistic society in all schools to prepare students for a diverse
workplace. Milem (2003) further asserted that White students who experience limited
interactions with individuals from different backgrounds are least likely to have positive thoughts
about non-White people. Through their cultural values, varied perspectives and practices, Black
23

teachers enrich and expand the educational learning environment for all students. A qualitative
study of 41 Black prospective and beginning teachers sought to explore their perspectives on
recruiting and retaining Black teachers (King, 1993b). The author found that 69% of the teachers
cited "lack of role models for youth" as the impetus for entering the profession. A qualitative
study by Wilder (2000) shared the narratives of 12 Black students in which six of them had
Black teachers, discussed the impact of having or not having a Black teacher. That participants in
Wilder’s (2000) study who had Black teachers remembered very specific things and shared the
connection with their Black teachers who related learning to their history and cultural identity.
The ethnocultural minority teachers bring to their pedagogy characteristics and experiences
which create a positive learning environment (Solomon, 1997). The loss of African American
teachers and the interactions Black students had with these teachers has negative overall impact
on the success of African American students (Milner, 2006). More than anything, Siddle Walker
(2000) concluded that because of the hard work and dedication of Black teachers “students did
not want to let them [Black teachers] down” (p. 265). There is complexity in effective teacher
recruitment of Black males and there has been success in reframing their thinking while in high
school to see themselves as potential future teachers (Bianco et al., 2011). Race and its impact on
society, systems and people are a part of the complexity.
Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory (CRT) served as one of the analytical frameworks to investigate
factors influencing the results of the Black male educators in Connecticut who have graduated
from PWIs in state. Specifically, this theory supports the need to develop a program that both
recruits, supports, and retains Black male educators in CT schools. The theory evolved in the
early 1970s after the Civil Rights Movement in response to the rising number of overt and more
24

subtle forms of racism and racial inequities in society (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Delgado et al.,
2017). Defined as a progressive legal movement, CRT seeks to transform the relationship among
race, racism, and power. CRT interprets the existence of race in American society as a “social
construction...products of social thoughts and relation” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001, p. 7).
Therefore, the social construction of race suggests that skin color is unrelated to CRT, but more
so indicative of how humans relate to and treat one another.
CRT is comprised of five tenets and was discussed in this literature review (see Figure 1).
The permanence of racism suggests that racism is ordinary and not aberrational; embedded
within the fabric of the United States. This endemic nature of racism promotes colorblindness
and meritocracy as deeply intertwined serving to marginalize people of color. Colorblindness
and meritocracy allow Whites to feel unaccountable for the difficulties people of color encounter
and maintain power and dominance within society thus creating “others.” The “others” are
exploited in order to maintain this power and dominance while Whites claim their neutrality.
Meritocracy allows those in power to have a clear mind and conscience while only doling out
portions of their power. The notions of meritocracy allow Whites to believe in the old adage of
“pulling oneself up by their bootstraps,” allowing the dominant to believe that all opportunities
are afforded to those who work hard. Doling out portions of power therefore gives rise to the
notion of interest-convergence, where the portions of power given to the “others” have to benefit
and maintain the power of the dominant.
Interest-convergence is the dynamic that takes place between the dominant who
experience social, economic, political power and privilege and marginalized groups seeking
equality in access and equity in outcomes in the very experiences of the dominant. In this
dynamic Whites will allow and support racial justice and/or progress to the extent that there is
25

something positive in it for them, or a “convergence” between the interests of Whites and non-
Whites. However, the outcomes of this convergence yield mixed or negative outcomes for the
marginalized group of people, particularly people of color (Bell, 2004). An example of this was
demonstrated in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling of school integration, which
caused thousands of Black teachers and administrators to lose their jobs. In addition to a loss of
jobs, there has also been a sustained cultural disconnect between Black families and schools that
persists in our present-day education system (Anderson, 2006). This notion applies to PWIs with
Black male educators pursuing their teaching degrees and certification in the state of Connecticut
because the PWI benefits in addition to the Black male educators.
The third tenet of CRT involves the challenge to the dominant ideology of White
privilege and includes concepts of objectivity, meritocracy, colorblindness, race neutrality and
equal opportunity. These concepts serve as a disguise for the self-interest, power and privilege of
the dominant culture in America (McCoy & Rodricks, 2015; Yosso & Solórzano, 2007). “The
dominant ideology attributes people’s widely different levels of success within a system of
competitive individualism to talent and effort and racial disparities to those factors plus lingering
effects of historical racism” (Sleeter, 2017, p. 160). CRT claims neutrality and colorblindness
mask White privilege and power (Sleeter, 2017). The challenge of dominant ideology exposes
various ways in which processes, policies, and structure of teacher education that purport to be
colorblind in fact serve to perpetuate Whiteness in teacher education.
Storytelling, which is seen as the powerful, persuasive, and explanatory ability to convey
messages gives rise to the notion of counterstorytelling where beliefs made to be true can be
challenged and unlearned. In this tenet, people of color hold extraordinary power and value in
26

sharing and analyzing their stories of plight, family histories, biographies, and narratives as well
as reshaping their narrative (Ladson-Billings, 1998; Yosso & Solórzano, 2007).
Black people experience marginalization not only due to race, but also because of the
interconnectedness between other aspects of identity including gender, class, religion,
ability/disability, and sexual orientation. This intersectionality allows for other forms of
oppression, such as sexism, ableism, and homophobia which compound issues of race (Ladson-
Billings, 1999; McCoy & Rodricks, 2015). The interaction of two or more aspects of identity has
the potential to further marginalize or privilege individuals or groups in their struggle to attain
equitable experiences (Crenshaw, 1991).
The endemic nature of racism as presented in the first tenet of CRT serves to “demystify
and encapsulate the lives of African American boys and men” (Bush & Bush, 2013a, p. 7).
Embedded within the fabric of this country, racism shapes the lives of many young Black boys
and men in that they are viewed as aggressive by mere presence, not encompassing of behavior
(Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). They are dehumanized and stamped as criminals before any
interactions with those of differing races (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). As a result of these
experiences or life-altering events inside and outside of classrooms, but more specifically their
experiences in PWIs, renders the need for teacher preparation programs to strategically meet the
needs of Black male educators at PWIs in the state of Connecticut. The notion of interest-
convergence essentially signifies that PWIs admit Black males to teacher preparation programs,
but show low enrollment and completion thus contributing to the miniscule percentage of Black
male educators across the country. Applying CRT to my study enabled me to explore how PWIs
can create an inclusive environment for Black male educators within the state of Connecticut.
27

Furthermore, the lens of CRT contributed to potentially unveiling ways to create pathways for
Black males to become teachers.

Figure 3
Illustration of Critical Race Theory.

28

African American Male Theory
Applying African American male theory within the theoretical allowed me to examine
ways to create more inclusive environments for Black males in teacher education programs at
PWIs in Connecticut. In order to create this environment, research must delve into the historical
context of how African American males are perceived thus influencing their experiences in the
United States. During the Enlightenment period, Thomas Jefferson, former president of the
United States and slave owner, documented his views about the races in his infamous essays,
Notes on the State of Virginia. Jefferson supported his claims about physical differences in skin
color and hair texture using scientific distinction stating, “the difference is fixed in nature, and is
as real as if its seat and causer were better known to us” (Jefferson, 1787/1997, p. 97). He also
wrote,
Besides those of colour, figure, and hair, there are other physical distinctions proving a
difference of race. They have less hair on the face and body. They secrete less by the
kidneys, and more by the glands of the skin…They seem to require less sleep…They are
at least as brave, and more adventuresome…They are more ardent after their female; but
love seems with them to be more an eager desire, than a tender delicate mixture of
sentiment and sensation. (Jefferson, 1787/1997, p. 98)
Jefferson and many other scholars’ false racial ideology not only spawned racism but continues
to influence the experience of Black men in the United States today. In addition to the racial
dynamics of superiority and inferiority, Black men are seen as “thugs” and “bruts” at both
institutional and individual levels (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). This false ideology does not allow
Black males to equally and fully participate in our American society, particularly as it relates to
the teaching profession. In order to create inclusive environments at PWI teacher education
29

programs, there is an imperative need to provide access for Black males to become educators and
not only diversify the teaching force, but positively impact students who all need a Black male
figure.
Developed in 2013 by Bush and Bush, African American male theory (AAMT) serves as
“a multi- and trans-disciplinary approach to theorize about the experiences of African American
boys and men” (p. 6). Bush and Bush (2013b) also suggested AAMT is a
“theoretical framework that can be used to articulate the position and trajectory of
African American boys and men in society by drawing on and accounting for pre- and
post-enslavement experiences while capturing their spiritual, psychological, social, and
educational development and station” (p. 6).
The AAMT not only allowed for growth and accommodation as social scientists research their
phenomena, but also added to the literature surrounding how African American male educators
access teaching programs (Bush & Bush, 2013b, p. 10).
AAMT is comprised of six comprehensive tenets supporting Black males in their position
and trajectory in society (see Figure 2). The first tenet posits, “the individual and collective
experiences, behaviors, outcomes, events, phenomena, and trajectory of African American boys
and men’s lives are best analyzed using an ecological systems approach” (Bush & Bush, 2013b,
p. 6). Introduced by Bronfenbrenner (1979), an ecological systems approach contends that
human development and socialization is informed by multiple spheres of influence or
environments (i.e., relationships and interactions); specifically five interrelated environments or
ecological systems.
Bronfenbrenner theorizes that a microsystem is a social space characterized by sustained
patterns of meaningful relationships and interactions that are informed and reciprocally shaped
30

by an individual’s development or socialization. It “captures the individuals own biology,
personality, beliefs, and perceptions, and intellectual gifts and the interactions with familial,
home, peer groups, neighborhood, and school environments” (Bush & Bush, 2013b, p. 8). The
mesosystem describes a series of mutually affective interactions between microsystems;
essentially “making the link between the environment of the microsystem” (Bush & Bush, 2013,
p. 8). “Exosystems are external environmental settings and community factors” (Bush & Bush,
2013, p. 8). More specifically, the exosystem describes how an individual is influenced by
forces, systems, mandates, trends, policies, laws, and institutions largely outside of the control of
involved parties. Bronfenbrenner postulates that the macrosystem describes the wider cultural
fabric (a set of shared values, norms, customs, and roles) through which the other systems of
society are expressed all of which impact individual development. Lastly, the chronosystem
represents life span development for an individual within a sociohistorical era of a society. While
AAMT applies each of the five systems described above, Bush and Bush (2013b)
Divide the microsystem into two categories: inner microsystem to capture components
such as a person’s biology, personality, and perceptions and beliefs while the outer
microsystem provides the space to analyze the impact of such aspects as the family,
peers, neighborhood, and school environments. (p. 8)
The mesosytem is expanded in this theory to demonstrate the link between the
environment of the inner and outer system and a coined system known as the subsystem (Bush &
Bush, 2013b). Researchers use the term subsystem to encompass the matters such as the
supernatural and spirit as well as the collective will, unconscious and archetypes (Bush & Bush,
2013b). Kaku (2005) suggested the subsystem involves a “multidimensional level of reality
existing in parallel spaces on the individual male level in the microsystem and as an undercurrent
31

of the other systems in the model” (Bush & Bush, 2013b, p. 8). Within the endosystem, the
spiritual phenomena can be examined through the perspective and narrative of the Black male
educator lens.
The second tenet of AAMT addresses the overall uniqueness of being male and of
African descent within a group, but also recognizes the distinction within the individuals of the
group. In addition to the overall uniqueness and distinctions within the population of Black
males, the third tenet emphasizes the impact of Africa in America for Black boys and men.
“There is continuity and continuation of African culture, consciousness, and biology that
influence the experiences of African American boys and men” (Bush & Bush, 2013b, p. 10).
Through this influence of African culture, the fourth tenet addresses the resilience and
resistance of Black boys and men (Bush & Bush, 2013b). Born with an “innate desire for self-
determination and with an unlimited capacity for morality and intelligence” (Bush & Bush,
2013b, p. 10). AAMT asserts Black boys and men are able to not only rise above adversity, but
also oppose deficit thought processes that negatively impact their overall wellbeing. This theory
is particularly interested in uncovering their resilience and resistance through the inner and outer
microsystem, subsystem, and mesosystem.
The fifth tenet examines the impact of racism particularly on the lives of Black boys and
men, as it relates to how they experience classism and sexism. More specifically, the authors
suggest the need to understand how some Black males gain privilege in certain spaces. As part of
the last tenet, AAMT suggests “the focus and purpose of study and programs concerning African
American boys and men should be the pursuit of social justice” (Bush & Bush, 2013b, p. 12).
Authors attempt to undermine the oppression experienced by Black boys and men by creating
programs, policies, and institutions through a social justice lens.
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Applying AAMT to my study allowed for ways PWIs to create inclusive environments
for Black male educators in the state of Connecticut. The creation of inclusive environments at
PWIs in Connecticut is not only a pursuit of social justice, but an act of resilience and resistance
given Black male educators attend programs that have historically excluded and/or marginalized
them. Rooted in African culture and consciousness, AAMT has the potential to unveil the
distinctions between the Black male stakeholders in my study as well as deciphering which
aspects of the ecological systems approach best support their success and overall wellbeing.

Figure 4
Illustration of African American Male Theory

33

AAMT and CRT
African American male theory in conjunction with CRT offered the groundwork for
understanding the deep roots of racism and how Black boys and men rise above oppressive
adversity. While CRT considers “racism, power and cultural hegemony as a framework to
analyze and situate this population, drawing on CRT as a sole theory offers a myopic viewpoint
and provides a limited foundation on which to build” (Bush & Bush, 2013a). Parker and Stovall
(2004) suggested that “post-Marxist critics of CRT in particular have forcefully argued that it
fails to provide a systematic analysis of global capitalism and its effect on communities” (p.
168). While theories serve researchers to interrogate, investigate, and critically analyze a
particular phenomenon, studies do not always yield practical solutions (Brooks, 2009). In order
to maximize ways to create inclusive environments in teacher preparation programs at PWIs in
Connecticut, it is imperative to understand the intricacies of Black boys and men as they relate to
educational realms, more specifically through the lens of AAMT.
The first and fifth tenets of AAMT are inextricably linked to the fifth tenet of CRT. The
first tenet suggests the individual and collective experiences of Black boys and men are best
analyzed using an ecological system approach, which focuses on human development and
socialization being informed by multiple spheres of influence or environments. The fifth tenet
posits that race and racism coupled with classism and sexism have profound impacts on every
aspect of the lives of Black boys and men. Intersectionality, the fifth tenet of CRT, engages the
aforementioned tenets in that race is compounded by other forms of oppression (e.g., sexism
ageism, ableism, etc.). In other words, the interconnectedness between systems and forms of
oppression, shape the unique experiences of Black boys and men. These experiences impact both
34

their educational and professional trajectories in ways that contribute to the 2% of Black male
educators across the country.
The concept of storytelling and counter-storytelling comprise the fourth tenet of CRT and
is aligned with the third and fourth tenet of AAMT, which address the resilience and resistance
as well as the continuity and continuation of African culture, consciousness and biology that
influence the experiences of Black boys and men. Although originating in traditional West
African culture and traditions, cultural patterns were adapted here in the United States such as
enslaved Blacks using song and storytelling to communicate and hide messages from
slaveowners. This continuity and continuation of African culture transcends into present-day
music as well as generational stories passed down through storytelling. Emerging from cultures
who value oral tradition, “the idea of storytelling comes from its powerful, persuasive, and
explanatory ability to unlearn beliefs that are commonly believed to be true” (Martinez &
Broussard, 2018, p. 32). Counter-storytelling, however, allows for marginalized populations to
“expose, analyze and challenge stock stories of racial privilege and can help strengthen traditions
of social, political and cultural survival and resistance” (Martinez & Broussard, 2018, p. 32). As
bell hooks (1990) observed, oppressed ‘people resist by identifying themselves as subjects, by
defining their reality, shaping their new identity, naming their history, telling their story’ (p. 43).
This study engaged the narratives of stories and counter-stories from Black male educators to not
only provide a voice, but to also resist the stereotypes about their opportunity to rise to the
teaching profession and be successful within their respective classrooms.
The last tenet of AAMT suggests that the focus and purpose of the study and programs
concerning Black boys and men should be the pursuit of social justice (Bush & Bush, 2013b, p.
12). This tenet is linked to the third tenet of CRT, which challenges the dominant White ideology
35

(e.g., objectivity, colorblindness, race neutrality, meritocracy, etc.; Yosso & Solórzano, 2007).
CRT argues that race is socially and politically constructed, and thus, real. Given this social and
political construction, a negative perception of Black people persists. More specifically, Black
male educators experience hardships as they pursue the teaching profession in PWIs. In order to
challenge these experiences, this study aimed to determine strategies that enable teacher
preparation programs pursuing teacher certification to create inclusive environments for Black
male educators at PWIs in Connecticut. In turn, Black male educators will create opportunities to
continue teaching Black students in a culturally responsive manner, but also impact their
educational experiences through affirmation of their identity and honoring of who they are as
Black boys.
The Impact of Focused Intentional Higher Education Programming
The teacher preparation programs of study have been created to intentionally diversify
the teaching profession, particularly as it relates to Black male educators. While there are many
barriers for teachers of color, the upside is that we now know what those barriers are and where
to intervene (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Cuyjet, 1997). Enlarging the pool of talented, well-educated
teachers of color who are effective in improving student achievement in our schools will require
aggressive and targeted recruitment and appropriate support.
Many urban districts have responded to teacher shortages and forecasts of future
shortages by establishing initiatives to recruit teachers from traditional and nontraditional
sources. The Pathways to Teaching Careers Program takes the latter approach, focusing on the
more diverse and older pool of teaching paraprofessionals, uncertified/emergency-certified
teachers, and returned Peace Corps volunteers (Clewell & Villegas, 1999). Multiyear evaluation
results confirm that Pathways has exceeded its recruitment goals and graduated early cohorts of
36

participants at rates higher than the national average who are performing well (Clewell &
Villegas, 1999).
The underrepresentation of Black males in the teacher profession can have large
ramifications on the overall teaching profession as well as student achievement. Cunningham
and Watson’s (2002) research about recruiting male teachers identified there are very few men in
childcare centers, preschools, or elementary schools who work with children. At the beginning of
children’s formal education outside of the home, there are little to no men in those spaces
(Cunningham & Watson, 2002). Cunningham and Watson (2002) also identified a major barrier
to men becoming early childhood teachers is the pervasive belief in society and in our profession
that men are less able to care for and educate young children than are women. The staff must
have the declarative knowledge around the research and be able to design programming using
that information to address these narratives and beliefs. As an example, declarative knowledge is
understanding and articulating the research that counter the barriers that contribute to low
interest and shortage of African American males in the teaching profession.
In order to achieve that level of success, it is assumed that each program staff member in
the program had knowledge about the strategies to address the barriers African American males
encounter that impact their success in predominately White universities. The experience for
males of color at higher education institutions is a documented phenomenon which has had
negative social and academic impacts. As Loo and Rolison (1986), Fisher and Hartmann (1995),
Harris and Palmer (2011) explored, despite civil rights legislation, the national goal of providing
ethnic minorities with equal access to quality institutions of higher education and opportunities
for academic success is still a challenge. Actualizing the educational vision of equal access for
all human beings requires understanding the forces that preclude and those that promote equal
37

opportunity and academic success. The data reveals White student behaviors that often have a
negative impact on students of color, especially patterns of White “colorblindness” and color
consciousness along with racial or ethnic stereotyping (Lewis et al., 2000). The staff knowledge
of this data is imperative to creating a program structure that supports these specific needs of
African American men in the program at a predominantly White institution (Harper, 2013).
Solomon (1997) suggested that teacher education programs are challenged to prepare all
practitioners for the complex pedagogical task of working equitably with diversity. This is also a
challenge that must be addressed when the target group is African American men in a
predominantly White institution. Lewis et al. (2000) identified there is a negative impact because
of the pattern of racial and ethnic stereotyping that takes place in higher education institutions.
This study explored what knowledge and skills the program staff implemented to address the
complex issues when creating and providing school level supports to the African American men
in the program. These specific historical and undergirding things that may not show up on the
surface but undergirding things directly impact African American males in K–12 schools, PWIs
and in many other spaces in society.

38

Chapter Three: Methods
Qualitative researchers delve into understanding lived experiences, how people interpret
their experiences and construct their worlds (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). CRT and AAMT
provide a framework of understanding the deep roots of racism and a framework to understand
the layered experiences Black boys and men have in the educational system. What is unique to
qualitative research is that researchers through their participants determine the meanings they
attribute to their experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Black male educators were chosen to
participate in this study, received a pseudonym and asked semi-structured interview questions
using a designated instrument. The aim of the study was to not only understand participants’
experiences graduating from a teacher preparation program at a PWI and teacher certification in
Connecticut. I aimed to provide strategies necessary to create inclusive environments for Black
male educators at PWIs within the state, thus increasing the number of Black male teachers. My
partiality and personal experiences as a Black male and former educator impacted what I sought
to study; therefore, I used interpretive and thematic analysis as part of the research design.
“Interpretive approaches aim to produce fine-grained explorations of the way a particular social
reality has been constructed” (Pozzebon et al., 2014, p. 13). Denzin and Lincoln (2011)
suggested,
Interpretive bricoleur understands that research is an interactive process shaped by one’s
personal history, biography, gender, social class, race, and ethnicity and those of the
people in the setting. The product of the interpretive bricoleur’s labor is a complex, quilt-
like bricolage, a reflexive collage or montage; set of fluid, interconnected images and
representations. This interpretative structure is like a quilt, a performance text, or a
sequence of representations connecting the parts to the whole (pp. 5–6).
39

The overall goal of this study was to understand Black male educators’ lived experiences
matriculating through a teacher preparation program at PWIs within the state of Connecticut and
successfully becoming certified educators. In order to determine these strategies, I examined the
lived experiences of Black male educators in their teacher preparation programs at a PWI and
their certification processes. The undergirding research questions in this study include the
following:
1. How do Black male educators describe their teacher preparation program experiences at
PWIs in CT?
2. How do Black male educators interpret their certification process in the state of CT?
3. What practices can be developed and adopted from the lived experiences of Black males
certified educators in Connecticut that can improve teacher preparatory programs
strategies focused on Black males that may be transferable to other Connecticut teacher
preparation programs?
This chapter will provide a description of the research methods used to collect, analyze, and
interpret the data. It will begin with a description of the participating stakeholders, the interview
sampling strategy, interview sampling criteria and rational in selection of the stakeholders. The
chapter also provides a description of the instruments used for data collection and the data
analysis process. At the conclusion of the chapter there is an explanation of the credibility and
trustworthiness, ethical considerations, and limitations and delimitations of the study.
Participating Stakeholders
The primary stakeholders of focus for this study were Black male educators who
successfully graduated from a teacher preparation program at a PWI and teacher-certification
process in Connecticut. Interviews with these stakeholders allowed for a deeper understanding
40

and insight into their experiences and determine strategies for PWIs in Connecticut to create
more inclusive environments for Black male educators. More specifically, their lived experiences
have the potential to address the shortage of Black male teachers within a PWI and the teaching
profession.
Creswell et al. (2011) defined purposeful sampling as the identification and selection of
individuals or groups of individuals who are especially knowledgeable or experienced about the
proposed program of inquiry. The participants’ availability, willingness to participate, and the
ability to share information and experiences is essential to purposeful sampling. Denzin and
Lincoln (2011) suggested “qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings,
attempting to make sense of or interpret phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to
them” (p. 3). In order to deeply examine the experiences of Black male educators, interviews
were conducted for the purpose of determining strategies for PWIs to create inclusive
environments.
I posted a request for participants on LinkedIN a professional networking site. Potential
participants who saw the post reached out to me via email and setup a 5-minute screening call to
make sure they met all the criteria of the study and to answer any questions. If the potential
participant met the criteria and agreed to take part in the study, then they were emailed an
invitation including the informed consent non-medical research document. If they completed and
emailed the forms and returned them to me, then a date and time was organized to do the an
interview via zoom.
Interviews consisted of eight participants who attended a teacher preparation at a PWI
and pursued teacher certification in Connecticut. Their experiences led to determined strategies
41

for PWIs to create inclusive environments for Black male educators, ultimately diversifying the
teacher workforce.
Data Collection and Instrumentation
The data collection methods and instruments that were used in this qualitative study were
semi-structured interviews, and document analysis. Merriam and Tisdell (2015) elaborated on
the benefits of utilizing multiple data collection methods. Semi-structured interviews were held
with key stakeholders via zoom and were recorded via REV for transcription. Data files were
stored on my personal computer, which is password-protected, and backed up on my University
of Southern California google drive.
Interviews
Confidential interviews were conducted via zoom platform with the selected
stakeholders. There were initial interviews and one follow-up around demographic information
not captured in the initial interview of one participant. Each interview was conducted following
the same protocol using open-ended questions. The interviews took place using English as the
dominate language and there was no translation needed. Open-ended questions or semi-
structured approaches as describe allow for selected participants to expand on their own specific
knowledge and motivation and for flexibility to engage as things come up (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015). The questions were aligned with some of the categories of questions Patton (2002)
identified. Interviews began with demographic identification and years working in the education.
All Interviewees were asked for consent to record the session, via zoom platform. The recorded
interviews were transcribed

42

Data Analysis
African American male theory in conjunction with CRT offered the groundwork for
understanding the deep roots of racism and how Black boys and men experience the world.
CRT’s focus on racism, power and cultural hegemony as a framework to analyze and develop
interview questions. AAMT is imperative to understanding the complexities of the experiences
Black boys and men have in the educational realm. These theories informed the structure of the
interview questions to help unpack how the program has been successful for over 20 years in
these historically anti-Black structures.
Data collection began in August 2020 and concluded January 2021. Analytical memos
were written during and after each interview. The initial conclusions, research thoughts, and
concerns were documented in relation to the research questions and conceptual framework.
Interview participants were provided a consent to participate and be recorded form. The
interviews were transcribed and coded. The first phase took raw data and applied a conceptual
level to the data. Corbin and Strauss (2008) explained the coding process should be done in
multiple phases. The second phase of analysis used open coding, where empirical codes were
analyzed and then priori codes were applied. The third phase of data analysis aggregated the
empirical and a priori codes into analytic/axial codes. The final phase of data analysis identified
pattern codes and themes that emerged in relation to the conceptual framework and research
questions (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Analysis of documents and artifacts were consistent with the
concepts in the conceptual framework and research questions.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Creswell (2009) recommended incorporating multiple strategies to enhance the accuracy
of the qualitative findings (e.g., triangulation, member checking, rich thick description of
43

findings, and clarify researcher bias). Trustworthiness is important in establishing value of the
research study. The criteria to increase the trustworthiness of qualitative research studies include
credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). To
establish credibility, the study was triangulated through the collection of multiple data sources
such as recorded interviews, field notes based on observations via zoom, recorded non-verbal
cues, and detailed narrations of participant experiences.
As Maxwell (2013) stated, “The goal in a qualitative study is not to eliminate [bias], but
to understand it and use it productively” (p. 125). Transferability is the extent to which research
findings are useful and can transfer to similar contexts (Marshall & Rossman, 2006). In order to
ensure transferability, I provided a rich description of the research findings to allow readers of
the study to make judgments about the applicability of the research in other contexts (Mertens,
2010). The dependability is determined by the stability and consistency of the methodological
process. Member checks were conducted with all participants by sending them the transcribed
interviews, so they had the opportunity to add more context and clarity to their thoughts shared
during the interview. Confirmability measures how well the research findings can be confirmed
or replicated.
Ethics
It is the responsibility of the researcher to recognize the importance of potential ethical
issues in all aspects of a qualitative research study (Maxwell, 2013). The researcher must respect
all participants’ and/or the organization’s rights to privacy and therefore all participants were
provided informed consent (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Information forms were provided to the
study participants about the nature of the study and that they are free to end their voluntary
44

participation at any point during the study. Also, the researcher made participants aware of any
aspects of the study that could impact them negatively (Glesne, 2011).
The researcher is used the study to capture the participants lived experience that led to
their successful completion of the teacher preparation program at a PWI. My relationship to the
participant is that I am also one of the few Black male educators in Connecticut who completed
teacher preparation program at a PWI and recognize that as an active participant, I am trying to
increase male teachers of color into public school classrooms. I have a vested interest in
increasing the number of teachers of color, specifically males, because I did not have a male
teacher of color until graduate school and that was only a total of two. Centering the lived
experiences through the stories shared by the Black male educators is central in addressing the
shortage of Black male educators. Rubin and Rubin (2012) suggested the researcher invites the
participants to share their experiences and uses those lived experiences to actively influence how
to diversify the overall teaching profession. Upon completion of the study, all participants
received an electronic letter of appreciation.
Limitations and Delimitations
A potential limitation of this study was the time frame in which the study took place; an
hour and a half to recall experiences from the past may not give justice to the multilayered lives
of Black men. A second limitation of the study was the number of participants who were able to
be interviewed. Although the percentage of Black male educators is small that number is greater
than 100 statewide. The criteria narrowed the pool of candidates down and also affected the
number of participants interviewed. As a Black male educator, I acknowledge the emotional
recognition and connection would no doubt be extremely useful and even necessary in many
fieldwork situations that require an ability to ‘read’ people’s emotional states and social
45

situations. I also acknowledge my connection and own lived experiences that led to his interest in
the subject examined in this dissertation could create space for conscious or unconscious bias. I
acknowledged my personal and professional experiences could influence the topic and
intentionally centered direct quotes from participants to limit unconscious bias that could impact
the study.
46

FINDINGS
Chapter Four: Findings
The goal of this study was to explore the lived experiences of Black male educators
matriculating through teacher preparation programs and certification processes at PWIs in
Connecticut. The responses of these eight Black male educators regarding their lived experiences
and personal interpretations aided in deriving tangible strategies to address the state of
Connecticut’s goals to increase teacher diversity. This chapter reviewed the findings of the study,
inclusive of a participant’s pseudonym, background, and demographic information. The use of
Zoom and REV audio recording enabled me to obtain meaning from each data set. In order to
illuminate their lived experiences, the research also presented emergent themes and subthemes.
The chapter ended with a summary of the findings.
Introduction of Participants
Aiden House
Aiden House was born in the United States and identified his ethnicity as Black/African
American. Aiden House’s maternal grandmother was born in Virginia and her relatives were
slaves. His father’s side of the family were from Barbados and he noted that he grew up as the
same complexion as them and people could not distinguish between his relatives born in the U.S.
and those from the island. He grew up in a two-parent household where both of his parents
graduated from college and emphasized the importance of education and going to college. They
also impressed upon him the notion of being well educated and keeping abreast of what was
going on in society; knowing what was taking place and being aware. He explained:
You watched certain things you’re facing, which we didn’t always understand, I think as
a child. But the importance of it or the relevance of it was that you need to be educated.
47

You need to be aware of what’s going on. There’s going to be challenges and you got to
face them. You got to be prepared to face them.
Ringing true to the message about going to college, Aiden House attended and graduated
from an HBCU in the South, majoring in international relations and Spanish. Upon his return to
CT, he enrolled in a teacher preparation program at a PWI. It took him about a year and half to
complete his teacher preparation program and has been an educator for 17 going on 18 years.
Aiden House’s certification process took about a year and a half to two years. He recalled having
to take tests; OPI, WPI tests for language, sending paperwork off to the state. Table 1
summarizes the number of years in the teacher preparation program to length of time in the field.
The entire process from teacher preparation and certification took about five years inclusive of
the initial certificate to the professional certificate.
The emphasis on education in his household growing up naturally led him to the field:
I think it was something that I always volunteered, always had classes in college where
there was a recommendation to do some type of community service, I always found
myself in the classroom. I always find myself around in the inner city. I mean, you find
yourself in the neighborhood, you go to school, you interact with kids, you see what's
going on. I think I was intrigued by the fact that there were so many students in the
classroom, it was really challenging for a teacher to manage that many kids. And I always
wondered what was happening when I wasn't there. I think that was part of the intrigue. I
was around a circle of people who were interested in education and being involved in
education, and upon graduation I just think that was the direction that I moved.
Combined with his natural drive and dedication towards education and the message he received
at home continues to ground him in the field as an educator. While his responses to the next
48

questions in the interview reveal difficulties along the way, he rises to the challenge of creating
structure within the classroom and pushes himself to keep going.
N ’K os i Stanton
N’Kosi Stanton identified as African American and was born and raised in one of
Connecticut’s largest urban cities, a bordering working-class town. His parents were born and
raised in the South, but they moved to the North as adults. He was raised in a two-parent
household and his parents are still married to this day. N’Kosi Stanton’s mom graduated from an
HBCU and his father graduated from the “school of hard knocks.”
He attended PWIs in Connecticut for all of his higher education experience. N’Kosi
described the messaging around education growing up as
No options given to it. There was no sick day unless I was seen by a doctor and he or she
or whomever stated that I possibly could not ever enter a school. It was not a question. It
was not an option. It wasn’t a discussion; it was the law.
This messaging around education propelled him throughout his educational experience in the
PWIs he attended in CT. He viewed education as part of the service industry and knew when he
finished high school he wanted to be a teacher; it was a natural transition.
Swahili Berry
Swahili Berry grew up in a small urban city in Connecticut. He was raised in a two-
parent household and comes from a family of educators inclusive of his father, cousins, mother,
mother’s sisters, and grandmother. He attended school in the small urban center where he was
born, describing his school experience as “diverse ethnically.” He had many opportunities to
participate in a lot of different activities from music to sports.
49

Both of Swahili Berry’s parents attended HBCUs in the South for college and he
followed in their footsteps by attending an HBCU after high school graduation as well. He
described the message about education in his household as
Education was everything, …one of the first shows I remember watching when I was a
kid was the Cosby Show. That was every Thursday night. It was alright. From watching
the Cosby Show and eventually the show A Different World came. I don't have any
brothers and sisters, but I have cousins and I was coming up around the time where they
were going to college so I remember my family taking them to college. And it was just a
part of my upbringing. Education was first and foremost and it was a high priority. It was
a number one priority growing up, even I got Christmas gifts, there was always sets of
flashcards, there was always some sort of educational toy, something in there that
pertained to education. So it was number one. So God, church, religion, family, and then
education.
Swahili Berry described his undergraduate college experience, “like most young men
growing up I went through several changes in terms of my career path and I ended up receiving a
bachelors in English and a minor in music.” His previous enrichment program and HBCU
experiences sparked his commitment to and passion for education, especially of Black and
Brown students. It was important to him to be present for young Black men:
So my passion, seeing what it took to get me where I am today, professionally, I like to
sort of serve and be that resource for students that are coming up. I think the difference
for me growing up when I did, where I did was having parents and strong parents and
strong family that were very strict, but also providing me with enrichment activities and
always pull my coat tails if I felt like getting too fast. And I felt like a lot of kids growing
50

up today, especially young Black men don’t really have that. And I try my best in the six
or seven hours I interact with my students to be that for them.
Upon returning to Connecticut, he enrolled in a teacher preparation program at a PWI in
Connecticut and remains a committed educator in the field.
John Hassan
John Hassan was raised by his two parents who were immigrants. He grew up in a lower
income household where his parents made minimum wage. The message surrounding education
was
There wasn’t a huge message, believe it or not. Because my parents, again, like I said
earlier, they were immigrants. My dad was done in school by the age of 12. My mom was
done by the age of 10. It was just they came to the United States for a better life. They
knew to get acclimated in the U.S., but that you need your education. So, it was just
something they always told us, to make sure you get your education and how important it
can be.
The value for education his parents had remained a constant with him. Athletics served as his
introduction to pursuing education; he had coaches through sports who were teachers and they
always worked with him functioning as his support system. These experiences drove him to want
to do this for kids as well.
Idris Newhall
Idris Newhall grew up in one of the largest urban cities in Connecticut. He is one of six
children; three boys and three girls. Although his parents moved from West Virginia to
Connecticut, his father left when he was about 7 years of age and his mother raised all of them as
a single parent. His father did not finish high school, worked as a custodian and post office as a
51

mail handler. Idris Newhall’s mother finished high school and worked as a cook for a
convalescent home where she always worked double shifts. He is “the only one in the family
side to break away from that norm” and go on to college. His mother was happy when he
decided to go to college, as the rest of his brothers and sisters entered the workforce after
completing high school except his younger sister who went on to the military. Despite his mother
being happy about his decision to go to college he mentioned his high school friends as
instrumental to where he is today
So, my inner circle of friends, I think, really saved me. I was able to…my friends, most
of them were in a lot of AP classes. And when I was with them, they always talked about
going to college and what school they were visiting. And I think that’s what got me
going. I think if I didn’t have that experience, I’m not sure if would be here today.
This experience fueled his continued desire to work with kids, “especially kids who were in
crisis,” wanting to be there for them.
Richard Bridge
Richard Bridge was born, raised, and educated in one of the three largest urban cities in
Connecticut. His parents were both born and raised in South Carolina and were high school
graduates.
They did get out of high school but nothing past that. It was interesting because I think
my parents knew that we needed good grades and that education would be a key to
unlocking some doors and making sure that we wouldn’t have to struggle like they
struggled and stuff like that. They definitely communicated good grades, to work hard in
school, but it definitely wasn’t a typical thing. It was probably much more like an
expectation to have to make sure you did well in school because it would have an impact
52

on their ability to work. It wasn’t like good grades and go to school so you could go to
college or something like that.
He and his three siblings were raised by both parents until he was in sixth grade and from that
point on his mom raised them all. Richard Bridge was the second to graduate from college after
his older sister and his two younger siblings followed suit. He described his family’s
socioeconomic class as “probably lower middle class,” living in a single-family home that as he
got older he realized had been challenging for his mom to continue to hold onto their house. He
also described growing up as “pretty typical of that inner-city upbringing in a neighborhood that
had its challenges.” He remembers a dichotomy of experiences that just depended on what
direction you walked. As a result of his childhood experiences, he developed an interest in
education wanting to give back to kids:
It occurred to me that I was going to school, doing all right, doing all that good stuff, but
nobody knew it but me and a handful of others. Wouldn’t it be great if more kids of color
could see that it’s possible that somebody who was from where they’re from can use
education to do what they need to do to take care of themselves and their families and all
that stuff like that as a way out type thing.
His commitment remains unwavering in his 23-year career as a dedicated Black male working
with young Black and Brown children.
Sosa York
Sosa York identifies as “Black male, African American” whose highest level of
education is a doctoral degree. He is an only child born and raised in a neighboring state of
Connecticut with a two-parent household. Sosa York described the message around education in
his household as
53

It was determined. From an early age, I was told that I was going to college. I am first
generation college, and that was a goal and hope for my parents. I am the only child that
they had, and that was always the conversation from very young. So I always knew that I
was going to college.
His father’s encouragement and guidance led him to pursue education and has remained in the
profession for 23 years.
Shaka Scott
Shaka Scott was born when “the Vietnam War was still going on.” His grandmother,
mother, and aunt all were born and raised in the South during the Jim Crow era, attending
segregated schools. Eventually, his family migrated North to Connecticut, but his parents
divorced when he was young. Shaka Scott described his upbringing as “a typical migrant family”
where multiple families live together under one roof; he was the only male among his
grandmother, mother, aunt, and cousin. Shaka Scott completed his elementary, middle, and high
school in one of the three largest urban districts in Connecticut. The message around education
growing up was emphasized by his grandmother.
My grandmother, especially, pressed it. Because down there, where she came from, there
was no high school. You got to the eighth grade and…She lived on a commune and they
did seasonal work. As she got older, she worked in a tobacco factory. It was brutal, hard,
hard labor. My mother actually went into the military and became a nurse and used
that…I lived in a house where you could see the stepping stones, where education was
huge. They really pressed me to make sure I performed as a student. I always say that
probably one of the greatest memories I have of Howard University was that…My
grandmother was 85 at the time and when I graduated…I lived in this house on the third
54

floor and she walked up to the third floor and sat down and said, I thank God He let me
live to see this day. Because it really was the fulfillment of a legacy for her, to come from
Jim Crow to watching your grandchild graduate from college. It was really powerful. I
lived it, I tell people. Where you can see how hard she worked to get my mother in
position and how hard my mother worked. My mother worked three jobs at one time.
Especially when we were living in poverty, to get me to that point.
He majored in business at the HBCU he attended and volunteered at a community center on a
part-time basis. He openly spoke about how the students responded positively to him at the
community center leading him to realize he knew teaching was his passion; he saw himself in the
kids he worked with at the community center. While it was too late to change his major, he
returned home and learned, through a Black friend and former classmate, about a free teacher
preparation master’s program. Shaka soon enrolled in that teacher preparation program at a PWI
in CT and began is education journey.

Table 2
Participant Demographics
Participant Years in teacher
preparation program
Years to certification Years as an
educator
Aiden House 1.5 years 1.5–2 years 17–18 years
N’Kosi Stanton 3 years 1 year 22 years
Swahili Berry 1 year 1 year 12 years
John Hassan 5 years 1 year 8 years
Idris Newhall 2 years 3 years 27 years
Richard Bridge 2 years Simultaneously 23 years
55

Sosa York 2 years Simultaneously 23 years
Shaka Scott 2 years Simultaneously 25 years

Left by the Wayside
The eight Black male educators in this study dedicated their careers to and centered on
the achievement of Black students. As they spoke openly about their personal experiences in
their teacher preparation programs at a PWI in CT and their certification process, overarching
themes began to reveal themselves. Participant data followed to further support this theme in my
study. Left by the Wayside was the first theme to emerge from the data and represented the
notion that each participant expressed feeling like they were on their own and isolated to
complete their teacher preparation program; a lack of support as they blindly took classes and
mentors who did not understand their lived experience nor the experience of the students they
served.
Findings from my study relied on the undergirding research questions. These next
sections include data to support each research question, which is represented as each theme and
subtheme. Although each participant described their teacher preparation program experience and
certification process in different ways, their responses were inextricably linked. Research
question one asked, “How do Black male educators describe their teacher preparation program
experiences at PWIs in CT?” These Black men found an interest in joining Connecticut’s PWIs
to address the experiences of Black children in K–12 schools, had personal motivation and
aspiration to serve children and their communities, and dedication to others’ success. The
emerging theme in response to this research question was Left by the Wayside in addition to
subthemes, which consisted of Strength in HBCU and Privy to Black.
56

Aiden House, after attending an HBCU and experiencing a supportive environment,
shared the notion of being left by the wayside at his teacher preparation program.
At a different side, or a White institution, what happens is the support that you felt, the
support that you've come to be familiar with is not necessarily there in the same way. So
you have to look a little bit harder to make those connections, to find those supports that
propel you and motivates you, or may somehow inspire you to move forward and get
through those programs. If you don't find those supports, a lot of the time, what you find,
what I noticed with myself is that I would always remember and think back to where I
did have those supports. And I would understand how important it was for me to move
forward, regardless of the type of support or who recognized the type of work that I was
doing, would have recognized the direction I was going.
Swahili Berry speaks of his experience with having two Black professors that he had
relationships with outside of the teacher preparation program at the PWI through his parents who
were educators and how is Black professors he had at the HBCU influenced him and supported
his decision to become a teacher:
I also took societal issues in urban education. I forgot exactly what the class was called,
but I was introduced to the book Savage Inequalities in that class. And also my senior
year, I took Education of Black America, taught by Dr. Greg Carr [Black male], who
back then we only knew about him on campus, but now he's on all the shows, he's hit the
national circuit, but it was a phenomenal experience. And for one, it was phenomenal
because the way he taught the class. So we all sat in a big circle and you had Black
students, Black college students from all across the nation. And pretty much the
conversation always boiled down to what was your educational experience like where
57

you were from? So I had the opportunity to share my educational experience growing up
in public school, in a urban city in Connecticut. We had students that grew up, Black
students with the private schools in big cities, Black students that went to experimental
schools, like I had never heard of Montessori schools before I had that class.
Idris Newhall describes his experiences matriculating through his teacher preparation
program as
Yeah. Yeah. It's funny. So, I can remember, it's like it's yesterday. I think I was the only
Black in the classroom. It was difficult. It reminded me of my undergrad, coming from
[an urban city] where you're surrounded with people who look like you and then going to
a university where people are different. At first, for me, it was kind of more intimidating,
not knowing if I was smart enough, right? To compete with people who are not like me. I
know in the beginning of the coursework, I kind of sat by myself a little bit and didn't
really participate too much. Although I was sucking in all the knowledge and trying to
learn as much as I can about ... making myself a school counselor. I was kind of reserved,
so I didn't, like I said before, I didn't participate as much as I should have. I think,
because you know, the lack of confidence in myself, being around people who didn't look
like me, who I didn't know. But it took me a while to just say, you know, in order for me
to be successful, I mean, I've got to branch out and don't worry about my comfort level. I
think it was a difficult task for me. And then I kept ... I remember we reliving, my
undergraduate days and being an all, predominantly White school and you could count
the number of Blacks on your hand that were at the school itself. And you know, even
then we just kind of hung out to ourselves and even the class I was in and lecture halls,
it's intimidating.
58

A few of the participants felt unacknowledged and in isolation. Isolation was mostly
attributed to the lack of staff and student diversity. The environment was described as the
opposite of an HBCU and their home community environments, when in comparison to PWIs,
provided richer conversations, professors who had social-political experiences with Black men,
and everyone knew they were part of something greater. There was a variety among the class
that one participant identified as making him feel “prepared, reassured, and confident.” Aiden
House also shared,
At a different side, or a White institution, what happens is the support that you felt; the
support that you've come to be familiar with is not necessarily there in the same way. So
you have to look a little bit harder to make those connections, to find those supports that
propel you and motivates you, or may somehow inspire you to move forward and get
through those programs. If you don't find those supports, a lot of the time, what you find,
what I noticed with myself is that I would always remember and think back to where I
did have those supports. And I would understand how important it was for me to move
forward, regardless of the type of support or who recognized the type of work that I was
doing, would have recognized the direction I was going.
Strength in an HBCU
There were three participants who attended HBCU prior to attending teacher preparation
programs at PWIs in Connecticut. There were important experiences that were unique HBCUs
but were important to highlight under this sub-theme.
Aiden House shared a that being at a predominately White institution really stood out.
When he thought about his experience at a HBCU it was a completely different environment. He
expressed how the environment gave him a different type of confidence in a very different
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perspective and once happening around you. Aiden House described when he first arrived at
campus in seeing Black people from all over the country. Black students from Los Angeles,
Detroit, Texas, Chicago, New York, Florida in any other city or space where Black people reside
in the United States.
He described feeling a sense and motivation to do what all of them came to that HBCU to
do together. The HBCU experience as Aidan House describes it what's an environment that was
greater than yourself or just your one experience that you had at home. Having professors who
lives through the 60s who had experienced and seeing things and who were able to guide you
and let you know what's necessary in order for you to successfully navigate society to be
successful.
Shaka Scott describes a unique experience HBCU he attended with a math professor. He
recalls that his professor would say, “math is a language and you have to learn how to speak the
language.” He recalls his professor telling them they were indoctrinated when they were younger
and told they could not do math. He used to talk about our internalized trauma with mathematics
and I've never forgotten that specific professor. Shaka Scott remembers he used to put on the
back of the exams a poem by Carter G Woodson: “if you can make a man think he's justly
inferior, you don't have to order him to the back door, he'll go without being told and if there is
no back door his very nature will demand one.”
This experience and perspective in most cases could only be understood by a professor
who has experienced these educational traumas or whose research is rooted in the educational
trauma of Black people. While this professor had a terminal degree in mathematics at his HBCU,
the role this professor played was far more meaningful than that of being a mathematician. He
was able to entwine mathematics within a deeply rooted historical and educational context
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pertaining to our history; the shared value in understanding the collective power that Black
people contributed and continue to possess within this country.
Privy to Black
Shaka Scott recalls, he woke up one morning “probably wearing historically Black
college and university sweatshirt” and got into his mother's car to go take his Praxis exam to
become a certified teacher. In route to the testing facility he noticed that a police officer pulled
behind him and began to follow him. The police officer continued to follow him all the way into
the parking lot of the testing facility and when he got out of the car and walked into the testing
center the police officer then drove away. This experience that Shaka Scott described the
unfortunate and common experiences, hence privy to Black, that often leads to the murder of
Black males by law enforcement simply because of the color of their skin. Following that
unnerving experience Shaka Scott recalled taking the test filled with heightened emotions. He
said, “I was cursing while pushing the buttons because I was so mad.” Shaka remembers feeling
like, “you think I'm subhuman,” I'm going show you. He passed the Praxis exam that day and
went on to become a teacher.
The data from each interview yielded examples of racism throughout the lives of Black
men’s educational journeys. Shaka Scott shared,
It was cool because two of us came from HBCUs and the other two came from
predominately White institutions. We were still on each other. There was still this
connection that we had where we knew ... You know you represent the race, and you
know you're dealing with the assumption that you can't do it, no matter where you came
from. You still need to have each other's back and be like, you, if there's a group project
or something else you're working on ... It's funny too because they made sure to separate
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us all for the group projects. They wouldn't let us ... Professor, oh and I have your groups,
and they made sure they spread us out. If there were four groups, they did, one, one, one,
one. We were never together. And navigating that and having each other's back with that
and dealing with some of the racial stuff that went on in that program. You're dealing
with people who, in your teacher prep program, that have assumptions about students of
color. Some of it's extremely racist. So, how do you deal with that?
He continued,
I worked in school districts where I had a racist Superintendent who protected a racist
Assistant Superintendent, who protected racist principals, who protected racist
Department Heads and protected racist teachers, and all the teachers were protected by a
Ku Klux Klan Union President. It was just me. You want to talk about things that don't
appeal. A lack of transparency doesn't appeal. Black males, the hostility of a community.
I would say for every Black male teacher before you even interview with a school
district, I'm just talking Connecticut, just Connecticut... Before you interview, you need
to get a map of the 2016 Presidential Election in Connecticut. And you need to look at
every single town ... Everywhere you're interviewing, because you're going to be a part of
the community, you work at the school, especially if you're the only Black person, look at
how they voted. Some school districts... I worked in a school that was like a Trump rally.
That was where I worked. It's a war zone. When I first started, there were five of us. The
school did one of those diversity initiatives. There were five of us that came in. I was the
only one to get tenure. I think after four years, everybody left.
Structural forms of racism were referenced throughout the data. For example, the location of
teacher preparatory programs, travel, housing, and finances presented as challenges to accessing
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education. Many participants addressed the need to provide tuition reimbursement and financial
support child and family care. In response to the racism, participants responded in ways like
“being better than everyone else” or “be prepared to face them.”
Even though the theme Left By the Wayside addresses the feeling of isolation during
their teacher preparation program, all of the participants possessed a personal and intrinsic
motivation to serve children and their communities. This personal and intrinsic motivation
helped them face obstacles and problems inclusive of trauma; a disconnect between what is
deemed as the dominant culture, the Black culture, and classrooms without Black men who bring
value to the K–12 education. One participant noted K–12 students “don’t see themselves in the
career of teaching,” evidence of “nitpicking and criticism,” and “Black males don’t want to be
part of the thing that causes the problem.” With a common upbringing regarding the necessity of
education as a tool for a better life and helping others, one participant attributed his motivation to
education as “a way to heal the mind and body and prepare them for the future.” As a part of
their motivation, the participant modeled their dedication to their communities outside of the
classroom. One participant was a member of a fraternity, while others volunteered and coached
in their communities. They engaged in community-based programs and shared histories of
tutoring in and out of classrooms. Each of the Black male educators pushed through the
aforementioned obstacles and remained motivated to not only enter the teaching profession, but
also maintain their roles as a career choice, dedicated to the students who will inevitably
experience racial adversity just like them.
Here, There, Nowhere, and Roadblocks
The next overarching theme emerged from the data was Here, There, Nowhere, and
Roadblocks. Each participant interpreted their certification process as one where they
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experienced roadblocks and the path to completion was supported by a professor here, a
professor there or no professor at all; essentially no one shared information regarding a dedicated
course or program to help them through the certification process inclusive of faculty support.
While each of the Black male educators experienced their certification process differently, they
each reported difficulty during the pursuit.
Research question two asked, “How do Black male educators interpret their certification
process in the state of Connecticut?” In response to this question, the theme Here, There,
Nowhere, and Roadblocks emerged. While each participant experienced the process differently,
they each shared a lack of being supported when preparing to take the Praxis exam.
Swahili Berry share his experience going through the process of becoming a certified
educator in Connecticut as;
I knew I wanted to come back to Connecticut to get certified. So it was a matter of which
program in Connecticut and an acquaintance [Dr. Jones] had been working as an
educational consulting and my father was working for the school department at the time
and they sort of connected and he was working at PWI in Connecticut also at the time.
And so he called me up and we talked.
He continued
I think they offered prep sessions on, well, they helped us fill out the forms. So there
were some forms we had to fill out, and they had an information session on how to fill
out the forms for certification. I think they offered prep sessions for the Praxis. I can't
remember what else beyond that…
Furthermore, most participants described the program itself did not have systemic support
to help pass the exam, monitor progress, set reminders for exams, and navigate the environment.
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Some programs under the guise of support had mentors, certification test preparation, plans of
studies, and core teachers in the department. If there were mentors or test preparation
opportunities, the quality of such were not of great benefit to Black male educators. For example,
some participants reported mentors were not in teaching. Many also felt they had to seek support,
relying on their concerted efforts to check in with their mentor or that of self-reliance navigating
the process alone.
Lastly, certification was a challenge for the majority of the Black men interviewed,
indicating the process is part of a “bureaucracy.” All except one participant struggled with the
certification test. Despite the common dialogue of testing challenges among Black male students
in the program, comprehensive support for taking the certification exam did not exist. A few
participants identified that recruitment should eliminate the certification challenges. Richard
Bridge explained
The idea is like, Okay, I got a cut score," but just meeting the cut score doesn't say you're
going to be a good teacher. I've not renewed people who have met the cut score. You
know what I mean? Because they weren't good teachers. What is there could we
reimagine how we do those things and really support folks in the content, in becoming
good teachers in a different way that would allow them to increase access for folks but
not lower the standard that we're looking for in terms of who we want to put in front of
our kids. I think teacher preparation program in the state that's what they're missing. It's
easy to just weed out folks based on a score or whatever. It's harder to actually dedicate
time and energy, and resources to bring in the educators that you want to put in front of
students.

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Representation
The third research question asked, “What practices can be developed and adopted from
the lived experiences of Black males certified educators in Connecticut that can improve teacher
preparatory programs strategies focused on Black males that may be transferable to other
Connecticut teacher preparation programs?” Data revealed the last overarching theme as
Representation as each participant noted the absence of people who resembled them, inclusive of
faculty, staff, and classmates. The notion of representation served as a more prevalent theme for
those participants who attended an HBCU as an undergraduate student. A lack of representation
was not only a stark comparison to their HBCU undergraduate experience, but also an identified
strategy to better serve Black males in teacher preparatory programs within the state of
Connecticut. Participants also referenced representation as a strategy to best serve Black males
within PWIs in CT because of the need for an unspoken mutual understanding; experiences,
conversations, exchanges, etc. that occur within Black communities. This occurrence also
included how cultural knowledge is exchanged between families and others in the community,
how Black males were drawn to the teaching profession, and the message regarding the
importance of education that carried them throughout their career.
Upon the participants entering their teacher preparation programs, they described and
characterized their experiences as difficult, isolating, intimidating, and a culture shock. Most
denied structural barriers in the program other than programs being hard, yet a few described
interpersonal struggles that made the program difficult. One participant described a well-known
professor among the Black students whose job was to “make sure you did not graduate,”
specifically addressing her as the “gatekeeper.” Another described the poor relationship with an
evaluator because his actions were consistently questioned.
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Aiden House shared a very specific conversation he had with another Black male
regarding a “gatekeeper” who had the power to block you from completing the program.
There were people, gatekeepers, I will say. One gatekeeper in particular who I remember
whose objective... I don't know if her objective was to make sure that certain people or
myself did not graduate, but I do remember hearing certain stories. We're talking about a
student training program where somebody was in a position to make things very difficult
or very challenging for myself. So that did happen. And like I said, I've had conversations
with people about certain gatekeepers who made things challenging.
He continued
It may have been unique to Black males. I will say it did happen with myself, and I know
that there were other Black males who, just in conversation the same person, same
seemed to come up. So it becomes a little bit of a barrier. I know that there were males
who did not finish the program because they were having certain challenges. I can't say
it's attributed to this one person, but this one person's name, when it was brought up, it
wasn't somebody who was encouraging or was somebody who was considered to be
supportive.
Sosa York’s father was a role model for him and taught his to become a role model for
other Black boys when he was a football coach. He explained
I have to say that it was the guidance that my father provided me as he saw that I was a
youth football coach and he thought that it would be good that I pursued education and he
was more so thinking of me furthering my education and also being able to provide for
my family if I sustained some sort of injury or inability to continue in his current
profession.
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Participants identified: (a) the need for teacher programs to improve their instructional
programs through representation; (b) a track for certification programs related to the urban,
suburban, and rural environments; (c) the need to find extremely knowledgeable people who
resemble the student population; and (d) the need to create strategies to prioritize and value
Black people and African/African American culture. The findings in reference to the theme of
Representation also indicate various ways Black men may acquire knowledge, especially in
regard to how outside influences led them to their decisions to pursue teaching as a profession
and how their programs reflected their existence. Participants noted cultural knowledge was
passed within households via conversation and written texts reiterating their upbringing and
strength in having an education.
Shaka Scott shared he was well-versed in civil rights and the importance of education ran
deep within his family. Another participant’s parent made reading a priority in addition to
educational toys. All participants identified not only was culture non-existent in their teacher
preparation programs, but also a “whitewashed” curriculum. As a student in the teacher
preparation program, one participant shared he did not feel included in the conversation. When
Shaka Scott answered the question, how did the institution, your teacher preparation program
support, nurture or preserve African or Black culture during your teacher preparation process, he
responded,
That didn't exist. There was no, I'm trying to think. You know what it was back then? It
was multi-cultural education. I'll never forget that. That was the big buzz word. It was
multi-cultural education. I used to joke and say multi-cultural education was the bastard
stepchild of Afro-Centrism. When there was talk about diversity, it was the “bastard
stepchild of Afro-Centrism.”
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Learning was a one-size-fits-all” approach and did not address the experiences of Black children
in urban communities nor the experiences of Black educators.
The participants all matriculated into Connecticut’s PWIs teacher preparation programs
because they learned about the opportunity through relationships. Teachers would guide Black
men by inviting them into classrooms or steering them into teaching opportunities. Some of the
participants had athletic coaches and peers who provided real life examples of the power of a
teacher for them. Participant data also showed that the Black male educators had role models in
their lives who offered new knowledge to enlighten them about an unchartered world. As the
Black male educators were encouraged to read the latest texts, they became more secure and
confident in sharing their lived experiences. Receiving this support by outside role models in
their respective communities speaks to the lack of reliance within the PWI faculty to serve in
similar positions.
Swahili Berry found his HBCU experience as helpful for learning and referenced Black
professors who were key to his career:
And for one, it was phenomenal because the way he taught the class, so it was taught in
the round. So, we all sat in a big circle, and you had Black students, Black college
students from all across the nation. And pretty much the conversation always boiled
down to what was your educational experience like where you were from? So, I had the
opportunity to share my educational experience growing up in a public school in a city in
Connecticut. We had students that grew up in, Black students with the private schools in
big cities, Black students that went to experimental schools like I had never heard of
Montessori schools before I had that class. Also, Black students that went to the
quintessential inner-city urban high school and the quintessentially urban city, right? So,
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we all kind of shared our experiences. And then there was a book, we had the Education
of Blacks in The South, by Dr. James Anderson in that book, I mean, to me, that's
required reading for anybody that wants to quote-unquote add reform to education and
really understanding the history of how our people got to where we are in the scope of
education. So those things all kind of shaped my trajectory and entering the field of
education. Plus, I had great teachers. I feel like I had a very diverse assortment of
teachers in terms of ethnicity, age, gender, and I felt I had a great experience K–12 also in
college as well.
Richard Bridge shared how he transitioned from an engineering career to teaching after
he volunteered as a coach at the very field where he participated in organized sports when he was
young. He served as a living representation for his young athletes. What he shared about the
importance of education helped make him realize the impact he wanted to have on the young
boys who looked like him in his community through teaching:
When I was up there doing my thing as a chemical engineer, it was cool and all so after
work I would go back to the field where I played Pop Warner and coach Pop Warner
football and stuff like that. As soon as I got home from school in '94, I started going back
to the field and coaching football and stuff like that. If you had an older kid, you'd talk to
them about college and going to college and what they want to do and what that means
and trying to get good grades and stuff like that. They really had no frame of reference.
The only person they knew who went to college was me and maybe some distant relative
or something like that. It occurred to me that I was going to school, doing all right, doing
all that good stuff but nobody knew it but me and a handful of others. Wouldn't it be great
if more kids of color could see that it's possible that somebody who was from where
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they're from can use education to do what they need to do to take care of themselves and
their families and all that stuff like that as a way out type thing. Each year, that year and
then '95 came and all that stuff like that and I was saying to myself, "Well, I only got one
life to live and what type of impact do you think you want to have? You'll be able to
definitely take care of yourself and your family and all that stuff like that, staying up here
working as a chemical engineer" and I think it was me a dude in the science, the technical
service and one other dude, Might have been three Black people in the whole Middlebury
site. There was nobody at the Naugatuck site of color. You know, I really didn't think I
was going to make an impact there in terms of having them hire a whole bunch of people
of color that worked as engineers and stuff like that but I did feel that I could probably
have more of an impact with this life I have by going into education and showing kids
that math and science could be a way for you, for kids of color, college could be a way
for you because my mom ain't had no money so get your hustle on and do what you need
to do to make it through school and stuff like that and all that stuff is possible. What
better way to help kids understand that then seeing you as a person of color and a man of
color to work with them. I also used to think about my K–12 career and even at
Bridgeport, which is all the students are primarily Black and Brown, but I had Mr.
Seaborne in 11th grade, he was one of the chemistry teachers, he was a person of color, a
Spanish teacher, but other than that no teachers of color. I could count on one hand the
number of male teachers I had. I figured education would probably be a better career path
for me, personally, and in a way to fulfill the ideas I was thinking about.
John Hassan describes how representation and support through athletics served as influencing his
path.
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I also think that athletics had a big thing to do with me pursuing my educational
background because I had coaches through sports that were teachers in the building and
they worked with us as a support system. So, I always thought that was something that I
wanted to do for younger kids as well.
When N’Kosi Stanton described what representation existed for him he said, “Well, I was a
spokesman for every Black man that ever walked the face of the earth.” He emphasized there
was no one who reflected him in the education and teacher preparation space, the importance of
having Black teachers and professors, and serving as a Black male educator. He shared,
It's a service industry. You have to be someone who helps someone and a lot of the
helping fields typically are medically related, but just as important as being a medical
service practitioner, doctor, nurse, whatever kind of person that like, heals the body, I
practice without a MD to heal the mind and body, and prepare them for the future.
Summary
Each Black male educator recalled lived experiences reminding them of their inspiration
to become educators, the importance of education, and their unwavering dedication to serving
students who resembled them. The participants in this study faced numerous barriers that
impacted their overall experience in their teacher preparation program, completing their
certification process, and ultimately lasting in their career; many who have served for over 20
years. Despite experiencing little to no support to complete their program and certification
process, they were able to identify representation as a means to improve the overall experiences
of Black male educators in PWIs within the state of Connecticut. Participants in this study used
their unique lived experiences and life lessons as motivation to shape their dedication to
educating students of color. The Black male educators also attributed these lived experiences
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help teach, inform and inspire other Black males how to successfully navigate the education
experience.

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Chapter Five: Links to Theories, Assessment, Recommendations, Implications and
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore the lived experiences of Black male educators
who graduated from teacher preparation programs at PWIs in the state of Connecticut. The
themes and concepts were generated from the data analysis in Chapter Four. They were
grounded in the lived experiences of the study participants. The Black male teachers represent
seven districts across the state of Connecticut. This chapter presents the findings, guided by the
theoretical frameworks in Chapter Three and the conceptual framework developed in Chapter
Four, which identified factors and explored trends in the lived experiences of Black male
educators who graduated from teacher preparation programs at PWIs in the state of Connecticut.
The links to CRT and AAMT is provided in the first section of this chapter. Finally, the last
sections of this chapter present assessment, proposed recommendations, implications for further
research and conclusions.
Links to Critical Race Theory
The long history of CRT research evolved in the early 1970s after the Civil Rights
Movement in response to the rising number of overt and more subtle forms of racism and racial
inequities in society (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Delgado et al., 2017). The theory served not only
as one of the theoretical frameworks and was also inextricably linked to the experiences of the
Black male participants who graduated from PWIs in Connecticut. Their journeys through the
teacher preparation programs at PWIs gave rise to all four out of the five tenets of CRT, which is
discussed in the following section.
The permanence of racism suggests that racism is ordinary and not aberrational; embedded
within the fabric of the United States (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Delgado et al., 2017). Racial
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profiling is an example of how racism is pervasive and part of everyday life for Black people. It
involves law enforcement or private security interrogating, searching, and/or detaining people of
color without evidence of any criminal activity or wrongdoing. This type of profiling is based on
preconceived notions regarding race, ethnicity, national origin, or religion and occurs on a daily
basis across the country. The impact of racial profiling can be highly underestimated by the
general public who are not affected. When one thinks about racial profiling, one simply think
about someone presumably doing something wrong solely based on the color of their skin. It is
often overlooked as a singular context but unless you are privy to being Black you simply fail to
see the intersecting impact on Black people, in particular, Black males who endure this daily.
Racial profiling for Black males is layered and not isolated to a single situation or environment.
Aiden House noted “a gatekeeper,” who seemed to have a history of giving students of color a
hard time while trying to complete the teacher preparation program. Within an educational
institution, that “gatekeeper” holds a student’s fate regarding their overall experience and access
to move forward towards matriculation. Although at the higher education level, these
experiences are similar to that of Black boys in many early childhood – 12 classrooms as it
pertains to discipline and academic expectations.
Shaka Scott also experienced the pervasiveness of racism as he was traveling to take his
certification exam. He noted that he got up that day, just like any other human being and took his
mother’s car to the testing location, but “driving while Black” in a suburban town led to
perceived suspicion. A police officer pulled out and followed him all the way into the parking lot
of the certification exam building, watched him walk in, then ended up pulling out of the lot. As
Shaka Scott was participating in an everyday act of driving a car in an attempt to officially begin
his teaching career, he experienced what countless Black males encounter simply for the hue of
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their skin. It is in those moments that Black people experience terror, panic, frustration, anger,
and sadness. After walking into the building, Shaka Scott had to take his scheduled exam and
continue with an everyday activity having been greatly affected by the aforementioned incident.
The possibility of becoming yet another Black male dying at the hands of those who are poised
to protect and serve are often occurrences within the United States and are a constant reminder of
our new Jim Crow era. In order to challenge the permanence of racism and eradicate the
incidents the Black male participants in this study addressed, those part of the majority, the
dominant White race, must reach a point where they can be part of the solution. The next tenet of
CRT, interest-convergence, brings us closer to that objective.
Interest-convergence is the dynamic that takes place between the dominant who
experience social, economic, political power and privilege and marginalized groups seeking
equality in access and equity in outcomes. In this dynamic, the majority or more specifically,
White people will allow and support diversifying the teacher workforce and/or progress to the
extent that they benefit from the endeavor; a “convergence” between the interests of Whites and
non-Whites. Idris Newhall noted being the only Black male or one of a few people of color in
their entire program despite a program boasting their attempt to “diversify the teacher
workforce.” Diversifying the teacher workforce has been a politically correct and attractive
initiative for universities over the last 20 plus years of my career. In the state of Connecticut, the
overwhelming majority of the teacher preparation programs are in PWIs with fractional efforts to
increase the number of teacher of colors. The interest of PWIs to be active participants in
“diversifying the teacher workforce” has driven their decision in letting people of color into
predominately White programs, but only a few gain access to the program. The outcomes of this
convergence yield poor results in impacting the diversification of the workforce while the
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teacher preparation program attempts to demonstrate the “diversity” in the room. Diversity
simply means Black or Brown faces exist within a space and perpetuates the narrative of the
university graduating a diverse group of teachers. However, when disaggregating the percentage
of Black males in a teacher preparation program in comparison to the majority, the number of
White teachers continues to exceed the number of teachers of color. The convergence of interests
must be far greater in order to begin the conversations regarding dismantling racism. Once the
convergence of interest is understood, there must be a challenge to dominant White ideology to
best serve Black males at PWI teacher preparation programs. This challenge to White ideology
aids in the cultivation of inclusive environments for Black male educators.
Challenging the dominant White ideology includes concepts of objectivity, meritocracy,
colorblindness, race neutrality, and equal opportunity. These concepts serve as a disguise for the
self-interest, power and privilege of the dominant culture in America (McCoy & Rodricks, 2015;
Yosso & Solórzano, 2007). “The dominant ideology attributes people’s widely different levels of
success within a system of competitive individualism to talent and effort and racial disparities to
those factors plus lingering effects of historical racism” (Sleeter, 2017, p. 160). The historical
inadequacy of educating Black males in public school systems is rarely associated with the
predominantly White teacher workforce who are responsible for our student population. When
N’Kosi Stanton was asked how he saw himself represented in the teacher preparation program,
not only did he ask me to “repeat the question,” but also said “next,” which in Black culture
translates to, “why are you asking me such a ridiculous question?” If there is truly a challenge to
White ideology, then Black male educators would be represented in the teacher workforce
through far greater access to teacher preparation programs. The notion of equal opportunity falls
short when simply admitting a few Black and Brown faces within the space and not creating an
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inclusive space for Black males to exist and feel represented. There is never an allowance of a
significant amount of people of color into these programs. Although programs have hundreds of
seats, the participants explained that they could only point to themselves as the only or just one
or two other people of color in their programs. That number is an insignificant fraction of the
teacher workforce in comparison to the students of color who make up approximately 50% of
children in public schools in Connecticut.
Processes, policies, and structures of teacher education programs perpetuate the dominant
White ideology. All participants acknowledged the curriculum and coursework did not prepare
teachers for classrooms that were predominantly Black and Brown. This lack of preparation fuels
racist ideas and thought processes that harm children of color and those of the majority; hence
the banning of the 1619 Project where students could learn the significance of Juneteenth, not
simply that it is a federal holiday. The challenge of White ideology gives rise to ways in which
Black people continue to openly share their stories. As the participants shared their stories, their
messages strengthened the importance of Black males becoming teachers and serving as a role
model within classrooms. The stories serve as the counter-narrative to the White ideology and
challenges the biases often held about Black males; brute, savage, dangerous and aggressive.
Storytelling-counter storytelling, seen as the powerful, persuasive, and explanatory ability
to convey messages, gives rise to the notion of challenging and/or unlearning perceived truths
and beliefs. In this tenet, people of color hold extraordinary power and value in sharing and
analyzing their stories of plight, family histories, biographies, and narratives as well as reshaping
their narrative (Ladson-Billings, 1998; Yosso & Solórzano, 2007). There is a national and local
narrative that there are no teachers of color to be found and people of color don’t want to be
teachers. In turn, as school districts search for teachers, when repeated enough, hiring
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committees believe these statements to be true. Storytelling is extremely powerful, especially
when the story is told through a White dominant racial lens. When there is not a space for Black
and marginalized people to tell their own story or counter-story, it leaves the dominant to feel
unaccountable to the difficulties people of color encounter when trying to gain access to specific
career focused programs like teacher preparation.
The participants shared many powerful stories. The story or narrative about the lack of
interest by people of color and education is countered with the participants stories of obstacles
and problems that were inclusive of trauma, a disconnect between what is deemed as the
dominant culture and that of the Black culture as well as the lifelong experience of classrooms
without Black men. They each shared a similar experience of not seeing themselves as teachers
during their K–12 classroom experiences and provided evidence of disciplinary targeting and/or
mistreatment of many Black boys. Given these experiences, it stands to reason that Black males
would not want to be part of the profession that caused them a great deal of pain and problems.
The shared stories were different from the simplistic overarching statement that students of color
are not interested in being teachers. Their counter stories of having positive Black role models in
their lives who influenced them to become teachers because they were seen as assets and not a
threat rang true throughout this study. For example, Swahili Berry shared that a Black male
educator he knew and admired who always gave him sound practical advice was one of the
primary reasons he selected to enter the teacher preparation program. With storytelling and
counter-story telling, necessary information and data points are gained to create spaces that
nurture and support students of color becoming teachers and serve as the anti-thesis to untruths
and unfounded beliefs.
79

CRT acknowledges how the legacy of slavery, segregation, and the imposition of second-
class citizenship on Black Americans and other people of color continues to permeate the social
fabric of this country. The recognition of laws, policies, structures, and institutional practices that
disenfranchise and oppress people of color can serve to emancipate and empower as well.
Despite the obstacles presented to them throughout their teacher preparation programs and
certification processes, the Black male educators in this study demonstrated an ability to remain
committed to their chosen profession and be a constant in the lives of young Black children. This
theory empowers Black males to continue pushing against the false narrative about them and
working tirelessly to diversify the teacher workforce while challenging the dominant to provide
access to a profession that desperately needs them.
Links to African American Male Theory
Applying AAMT to this study allowed for a deeper understanding of the Black male
participants’ experiences and led to ways of how more inclusive environments can exist for
Black males in teacher education programs at PWIs in Connecticut. AAMT serves as “a multi-
and trans-disciplinary approach to theorize about the experiences of African American boys and
men” (p. 6). Bush and Bush (2013b) also suggested AAMT is a “theoretical framework that can
be used to articulate the position and trajectory of African American boys and men in society by
drawing on and accounting for pre- and post-enslavement experiences while capturing their
spiritual, psychological, social, and educational development and station” (Bush & Bush, 2013b,
p. 6). The results of this study found that participants were able to address five out of the six
tenets of AAMT.
The first tenet of AAMT suggests the individual and collective experiences of African
American boys and men are best analyzed using an ecological systems approach. An ecological
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systems approach contends human development and socialization is informed by multiple
spheres of influence or environments (i.e., relationships and interactions). Within this approach,
there are five interrelated environments or ecological systems. The first is the microsystem which
“captures the individuals own biology, personality, beliefs, and perceptions, and intellectual gifts
and the interactions with familial, home, peer groups, neighborhood, and school environments”
(Bush & Bush, 2013b, p. 8). It is a social space characterized by sustained patterns of meaningful
relationships and interactions that are informed and reciprocally shaped by an individual’s
development or socialization. To this end, the meaningful relationships that shaped and
influenced each participant to become a teacher were in their home, neighborhood or
community, meaning that those relationships were centered on people who looked like them. For
example, Sosa York referenced father who highlighted his potential while observing him coach
youth football and he believed his son could serve as role models through becoming a teacher.
Sosa York’s fathers spoke to them about the importance of being role models in their
communities. Shaka Scott’s grandparent and mother addressed the significance of civil rights in
the Black community and a duty to continue fighting for these rights as educators. Shaka Scott
and Swahili Berry had opportunities to work with children as young adults and were inspired by
how they immediately connected with the children. Collectively, all their experiences not only
served as examples of the sustained patterns of meaningful relationships and interactions, but
also a reinforcement of their individual gifts.
The next interrelated environment is the mesosystem, which describes a series of
mutually affective interactions between microsystems; essentially “making the link between the
environment of the microsystem” (Bush & Bush, 2013b, p. 8). All of the participants shared
stories involving people from different spaces supporting them and mentioned the integral role
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they played in achieving their goals of becoming teachers. Those individuals’ messages stressed
the importance of education. More specifically, seven out of the eight participants expressed that
the messaging at home was that education was not an option; it was an absolute expectation.
John Hassan, however, expressed that his parents were immigrants with minimal education
experience beyond primary school. While his parents worked hard, they did not stress the
importance of education like his coaches and educators close to him.
Also part of the mesosystem are experiences some participants had at HBCUs. Three
participants attended HBCUs prior to their decision to become a teacher. Aiden House
highlighted how his experience at a HBCU provided him with support, confidence and a
heightened perspective about the significance of being Black at a PWI. He noted that the PWI
lacked the ability to provide the same sense of support, development of confidence, and strong
self-perspective. While Aiden House described a sense of motivation to collectively and
collaboratively strive and achieve at the HBCU, he had a feeling of isolation when attending the
PWI. Aiden House described his experience of having Black professors who embedded the
Black experience into their content and curriculum, often referencing famous Black historical
poets and authors. He also spoke about how his Black professors held specific terminal degrees
providing an expertise and ability to weave in pertinent information to form the connection
between the content and those in the classroom. This also references tenet three, which suggests
there is a continuity & continuation of African culture, consciousness and biology that influence
the experiences of AA Boys/Men (Africa in America). These participants demonstrate the
importance of representation as well as the intentionality needed to create an inclusive
environment for students of color; the excitement as they spoke of their HBCU experience was
palpable during the interview despite not being in that environment for more than 15 years.
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Internally, the participants throughout the study referenced those who helped them become
teachers, mentors, and educational leaders, but there were also external factors they faced as
well. Those external factors are part of the exosystem.
“Exosystems are external environmental settings and community factors” (Bush & Bush,
2013b, p. 8). The exosystem describes how an individual is influenced by forces, systems,
mandates, trends, policies, laws, and institutions largely outside of the control of involved
parties. The certification process itself because of cost and process requirements excludes groups
of people from participating, particularly teachers of color. Exclusion occurs in different forms
such as financing the cost of the exam or transportation to the testing location. Shaka Scott noted
he had to take his mother’s car to the testing location. Other external environmental influences
also include those in the decision-making seats who admit Black males into teacher preparation
programs as they do so within traditional “societal norms.” In many cases admissions officers
knowingly reject Black males from teacher preparation programs whether it is because of a name
on the application that sounds “too ethnic” or physically showing up to an interview and being
judged based the color of one’s skin.
The macrosystem describes the wider cultural fabric (a set of shared values, norms,
customs, and roles) through which the other systems of society are expressed all of which impact
individual development (Bush & Bush, 2013b). The environment in which relationships are
formed is paramount in schools especially as it relates to nurturing and supporting Black boys
and ultimately the development of Black men. This undergirding theory’s ecological approach
informs us on what type of environment is needed to create a pathway for Black male educators.
Participants spoke of the need for representation within the educational setting, the need to feel
supported within the program especially as they begin to enter the profession. While the
83

environment is an area to address to improve the experiences of Black male educators at PWIs,
the second tenet of AAMT addresses the internal experiences of Black males.
Bush and Bush (2013b) suggested there is an overall uniqueness of being male and of
African descent within a group, but also recognize the distinction within the individuals of the
group. While all participants self-identified as being a Black male, they were not monolithic.
Historically, Black males are viewed and judged as monolithic. Adjectives to describe Black
males include strong, big, aggressive, and used as tools to harvest the profit and entertainment of
White people. During slavery, the strongest Black male slaves were often pit against one another
to fight to the death while White people bet on their chosen winner. “The Shut Up and Dribble”
and reference to dumb jocks comments from Laura Ingraham demonstrate how Black men are
relegated to their perceived menial existence; their existence is to entertain the majority as well
as devalue and/or ignore their uniqueness.
Although Black male educators are hired and actually represent a much smaller number
of teachers in the classroom, they do hold a larger number of leadership positions, however, not
in comparison to both White males and females. This is perhaps associated with the notion that
Black male educators bring value due to their physical stature or presence. This perspective
devalues the expertise and experiences of Black males and takes the focus away from the craft of
educating and leading. While the participants addressed ways in which they faced internal and
external factors as they completed their teacher preparation programs and certification processes,
they all shared a sense of resilience and resistance.
The fourth tenet of AAMT suggests African American boys and men are resilient and
resistant. There was powerful and triggering story Shaka Scott shared regarding being racially
profiled when driving to take his certification exam. As a researcher, but more importantly as a
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Black man, it was difficult to find the words to describe the palpable fear and anger I felt each
time I read his story; simply taking part in everyday life activities and existing in a space where
marginalized groups are targeted for the color of their skin. Shaka Scott recounted his experience
after being racially profiled and gathering himself to take the certification exam, “I was cursing
while pushing the buttons because I was so mad.” He remembered thinking, “You think I'm
subhuman, I'm going show you.” There is an act of resistance and resilience in defying and rising
above the expectations and obstacles the majority has of and places in front of marginalized
groups. They experienced racism throughout their school and professional experiences, but more
specifically in the form of classism and sexism.
Bush and Bush (2013b) suggest in the fifth tenet of AAMT there is an impact of racism
particularly on the lives of Black boys and men, as it relates to how they experience classism and
sexism. While there was no evidence any participants identified feeling like they experienced
any privilege, they did experience “tokenism.” They were one of or the only Black male who
gained access to the teacher preparation program. Their presence, however, did not garner any
special attention or grooming within the program and in fact, created a stronger sense of
isolation. In order to challenge this issue, the last tenet of AAMT suggests the focus and purpose
of study and programs concerning African American boys and men should be the pursuit of
social justice (Bush & Bush, 2013b).
The historical social, political and systemic construction of racism and its negative
perception of Black people persists within our current paradigm. This was evident in the Black
male participant’s experiences of systemic and psychological hardships as they pursued the
teaching profession at PWIs. The fact that the participants struggled to provide evidence of being
seen or seeing African culture reflected in the program is a testament to the needed changes
85

needed for Black males at PWIs, but also to re-educate White educators. As a result of these
changes, Black male educators could potentially create opportunities to continue teaching Black
students in a culturally responsive manner, but also impact their educational experiences through
affirmation of their identity and honoring of who they are as Black boys and men.
Assessment
When conducting investigations, in order to determine the proper procedures with which
a goal can be achieved, it is important to assess whether or not the practices employed are
inherently efficacious. While investigating the CSDE commitment made in 2016, to advance the
diversification of the educator workforce in Connecticut, it was important to distinguish if the
practices put in place by the CSDE were in fact useful. Kirkpatrick and Kirkpatrick (2006)
suggested, in order to ensure the effectiveness of a program, time and emphasis should be put on
the planning and implementation of that program.
Based on the results of the diversification initiative put in place, it seems that further
investigation needs to occur in this particular area. What is the impact of these strategies and
teacher preparation programs have on potential Black male educators who attend PWIs and why
does it negate the person from entering the teaching workforce? Patton (2017) introduced an
important concept in this arena. When investigating the experiences of these Black male
educators who had completed these programs, I found that it was important to take into account
their lived experiences matriculating through teacher preparations programs at PWIs. This may
be the missing link for the CDSE in regard to their 5-year comprehensive plan that began in
2016. Critical consciousness must be taken into account where this area is concerned (Patton,
2017).
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A deeper understanding of the individual’s lived experiences within the PWIs is the key
to determining proper assessment of their true skills and abilities. In my own study, by centering
one’s lived experiences in teacher preparation programs in PWIs will be the key to accessing
proper pedagogical strategies and methods that exhibit and increased degree of efficacy. In this
way, I feel that I am collecting data that will create an opportunity for organizations to nurture an
environment that promotes critical consciousness. In a way it is a “values-based evaluation”
(Patton, 2017).
Patton takes Freire’s principles seriously and applies it to the creation of appropriate
pedagogy for evaluative learning. I find that when making evaluations and/or interpretations of
the participant’s experiences that it is important to take into account the personal dynamics
involved. For example, how the participants feel when approached by a person in an
authoritative position. “Critical systems heuristics in evaluation design and implementation
emphasizes explicit attention to power dynamics, taking into account diverse perspectives
representing diverse values, and being explicit about critical boundary decisions” (Patton, 2017).
By interviewing the Black males who have gone through these programs at PWIs I am directly
addressing the power dynamics that could easily have a significant impact on the negative
attitudes associated with entering and unpacking the roadblocks preventing access to teacher
preparation programs at PWIs here in Connecticut.
A direct assessment of the understandings brought about by the preparation programs will
lead to creation of a critically conscious atmosphere that may yield positive results. Kirkpatrick
and Kirkpatrick (2006) addressed this issue in the four levels of evaluation. The first level is
reaction. In order to properly ascertain if goals are being met in training programs, you must first
gauge the reaction of the participants. In my investigation this is the key aspect. In observing the
87

reactions of the Black male participants of these training programs at PWIs, one can properly
assess what is working and what is not working on a direct level.
“The future of a program depends on positive reaction. In addition, if participants do not
react favorably, they probably will not be motivated to learn” (Kirkpatrick & Kirkpatrick, 2006),
observing and addressing the reaction of the participants appears to be a critical initial step in the
development of enhanced training practices. A positive reaction can and in most cases will lead
to the second level which is learning. Learning is composed of three important concepts: “the
extent to which participants change attitudes, improve knowledge, and/or increase skill”
(Kirkpatrick & Kirkpatrick, 2006). It seems as though the CSDE has negated the importance of
reaction and learning. Only if these two levels are truly met will behavior change. The impact of
the teaching preparation program on these African American males needs to be investigated for
appropriateness in training principles that are then put into practice. My investigation will
attempt to put in place the proper assessments to increase the efficacy of such programs in the
state of Connecticut thereby increasing the overall diversity within the state’s educational
system.

88

Table 3
Proposed Recommendations
Intervention
proposed
How you will
assess
Satisfaction,
engagement
with your
intervention
(Level 1)
How you will
assess learning,
commitment,
confidence
(Level 2)
How you will
assess behavior
change,
application of
learning
(Level 3)
How you will
assess impact
(Level 4)
Use critical race
theory & African
American male
theory research to
inform policy and
strategies for the
state board of
education to
continue to
further prioritize
teacher diversity
and importance
of having a
diverse teaching
workforce
through policy
and requirements
for teacher
preparation
programs

Monitor state
department of
education’s
public data use
to support
teacher
diversity goal

Monitor what
Connecticut
teacher
preparation
programs
develop as
strategies and
courses
centering
adults of color
and students of
color
State department
of education
requires
Connecticut
teacher
preparation
programs to have
a detailed
pathway for
students of color
to matriculate

State
department of
education
makes the
pathway a
requirement
for teacher
preparation
programs to
maintain their
program
licensure from
the state of
Connecticut
State department
of education will
have more
explicit policy
and requirements
to support teacher
diversity in
teacher
preparation
programs, creates
pathways for
minoritized
educators and
creates equitable
hiring practices
for teachers of
color

250 teachers of
color graduating
from Connecticut
teacher
preparation
programs yearly
(state diversify
teacher workforce
target)

All teachers of
color obtaining
jobs upon
graduation

89

Intervention
proposed
How you will
assess
Satisfaction,
engagement
with your
intervention
(Level 1)
How you will
assess learning,
commitment,
confidence
(Level 2)
How you will
assess behavior
change,
application of
learning
(Level 3)
How you will
assess impact
(Level 4)
Survey current
Black male
teachers who
have matriculated
through the CT
teacher
preparation
programs at PWIs
despite impeding
factors and
unpack the
critical things that
led to their
successful
completion and
the things needed
to ensure a clear
pathway

Monitor
participation
rates

Publish survey
results in op ed
and email to state
department of
education and
deans of teacher
preparation
programs the
survey results to
help inform their
work around
diversifying the
teaching
workforce.

Track to see
that Black
male educator
data is
referenced
when referring
to the Bill and
teacher
preparation
program plans

State department
of education will
have more
explicit policy
and requirements
to support teacher
diversity in
teacher
preparation
programs, creates
pathways for
minoritized
educators and
creates equitable
hiring practices
for teachers of
color

250 teachers of
color graduating
from Connecticut
teacher
preparation
programs yearly
(state diversify
teacher workforce
target)

All teachers of
color obtaining
jobs upon
graduation

90

Intervention
proposed
How you will
assess
Satisfaction,
engagement
with your
intervention
(Level 1)
How you will
assess learning,
commitment,
confidence
(Level 2)
How you will
assess behavior
change,
application of
learning
(Level 3)
How you will
assess impact
(Level 4)
Investigate and
learn from
teacher
preparation
programs
nationally that
focus on access,
preparation, and
certification of
people of color
When the
Connecticut
State
Department of
Education
outline clear
language using
research on why
it is critical to
have pathways
in teacher
preparation
programs for
teachers of
color
When research is
present in state
department of
education annual
report and is
added to teacher
preparation
requirements
State
department of
education
makes the
pathway a
requirement
for teacher
preparation
program’s to
maintain their
program
licensure from
the state of
Connecticut
State Department
of Education will
have more
explicit policy
and requirements
to support teacher
diversity in
teacher
preparation
programs, creates
pathways for
minoritized
educators and
creates equitable
hiring practices
for teachers of
color

250 teachers of
color graduating
from Connecticut
teacher
preparation
programs yearly
(state diversify
teacher workforce
target)

All teachers of
color obtaining
jobs upon
graduation

91

Implications for Further Research
Based on the findings of this study, the following are suggestions for further research:
1. This study was conducted with eight male African American educators who graduated
from teacher preparation programs at PWIs and obtained certification in CT. It may be
beneficial to replicate this study by listening to the voices of Black male educators
experiences who graduated from teacher preparation programs and certification at
HBCUs.
2. This study was conducted with eight male African American educators who graduated
from teacher preparation programs at PWIs and obtained certification in CT. There are
more Black women then Black men but the overwhelming majority of teachers are
White, so it may be beneficial to replicate this study by listening to the voices of female
African American educators experiences who graduated from teacher preparation
programs at PWIs in CT. Future studies could employ intersectionality lending itself to
revealing multiple complexities between race, and gender.
3. Investigate the curricula of teacher preparation programs to determine if there are
examples that are more inclusive. This investigation has the potential to create robust
policies impacting preparation programs. This could lead preparation programs to be
standardized to address racially inclusive environments.
Conclusion
This study shared the lived experiences of eight Black male educators who completed
teacher preparation programs at PWIs and the certification process in the state of Connecticut.
While the participants noted obstacles throughout both processes, the results potentially
influence the creation of an educational environment where Black males feel safe, supported and
92

nurtured. By centering Black males’ experiences through their lens, teacher preparation
programs could cultivate spaces that find value in Black men; their expertise benefiting students
in all classrooms. These spaces are necessary to create new pathways and structures within
teacher preparation programs, ultimately increasing the number of Black male educators in the
teacher workforce.
I found important connections between my participants and their personal experience
going through these processes as a Black male educator in CT. Shaka Scott shared his education
journey.
My grandmother, especially, pressed it. Because, down there, where she came from, there
was no high school. You got to the eighth grade and ... She lived on a commune and they
did seasonal work. As she got older, she worked in a tobacco factory. It was brutal hard,
hard labor. My mother actually went into the military and became a nurse and used that ...
I lived in a house where you could see the stepping stones, where education was huge.
They really pressed me to make sure I performed as a student. I always say that probably
one of the greatest memories I have of Howard University was that ... My grandmother
was 85 at the time and when I graduated ... I lived in this house on the third floor and she
walked up to the third floor and sat down and said, "I thank God He let me live to see this
day." Because it really was the fulfillment of a legacy for her, to come from Jim Crow to
watching your grandchild graduate from college. It was really powerful. I lived it, I tell
people. Where you can see how hard she worked to get my mother in position and how
hard my mother worked. My mother worked three jobs at one time. Especially when we
were living in poverty, to get me to that point.
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So, for all intents and purposes, Shaka Scott had made it! But he shares his test-taking
experience:
I'm fortunate because I was a business major and calculus was a requirement. I had to know
all the math that you needed for the practice, especially the first one [Praxis Exam]. The
first one hits a lot of people hard because they're not familiar with the math component. All
I can say is that you have to humble yourself. You have to go back and fill the gaps in. You
have to learn the material that you may not have been taught in public education. It speaks
to that cycle that you become a teacher and try to break.
Many Black men who have done the “right things” and followed all the rules and upon seeking
access to spaces like teacher preparation programs through testing feel robbed and cheated as
they had graduated high school having passed their courses but now abruptly find out they had
not been properly prepared.
The majority of the teachers in K–12 schooling are predominantly White women who
graduated from PWI teacher preparation programs in Connecticut and were charged with
preparing Black males and all the students of color in our country with an education. I don’t
think I would be remiss in saying I don’t believe many, if any of these same teachers lived in the
communities they taught in or even lived in the city. I highlight this point because in most if not
all communities there is a different type of investment people make in the community in which
they live. What is concerning is most is that no attention or responsibility is placed on the
institutions who determine teachers to be highly qualified and are partly responsible for the
generational educational failings of communities of color.
The power these spaces bring to Black males, yield stories of our country’s history;
stories that are intentionally ignored and made invisible. Cultivating teacher preparation
94

programs that increase Black male educators must center their stories and serve as a direct
counter to racism within all of our institutions. Lived experiences of Black male educators not
only serve as a means to challenge White supremacy, which has harmed everyone, inclusive of
robbing White people of their own humanity, but also aid in grounding people to issue impactful
change. Centering Black male voices acknowledges the historical root of racism and racial
hierarchy that intentionally places Black people as the essential below. This study provided the
opportunity to view the world through the lens of Black male educators and reimagine rules and
structures that no longer degrade, diminish, or dispose Black males, but allow us all to thrive.
Seeing and understanding the world through the Black male’s perspective serves as the basis for
all of our individual and collective healing; to no longer see them as a threat, but as human
beings who simply matter in this world.
My story is quite similar to many of the participants in my study; the external barriers
that Black boys and men encounter actually exist and should not ever be overlooked or ignored.
All of these unjust incidents give rise to the need for intentional spaces centered around us
because all of the “normal” spaces reject our existence.
95

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Appendix A: Interview Instrument

1. How do Black male educators describe their teacher preparation program experiences at
PWIs in CT?
2. How do Black male educators interpret their certification process in the state of CT?
3. What practices can be developed and adopted from the lived experiences of Black males
certified educators in Connecticut that can improve teacher preparatory programs
strategies focused on Black males that may be transferrable to other Connecticut teacher
preparation programs?
Demographics
1. What teacher college and teacher prep program did you graduate?
2. Please tell me about yourself and include information about ethnicity, education, family
background/structure/upbringing.
3. Can you describe the messaging around education in your household growing up?
4. How many years have you been an educator in CT?
5. How long did it take to complete your teacher preparation program and certification?

Interview
6. What attracted you to the education field? (RQ1)
7. Can you share what inspired you to apply to this specific teacher preparation program
you attended? (RQ1)
a. If recruited, please share your teacher preparation program recruitment story?
8. Please share your personal experience matriculating a teacher preparatory program at a
Predominantly White Institution? (RQ1)
9. Describe how you saw yourself reflected in the program? (If NO) What would you
suggest the program consider doing to better reflect you as a Black male? (RQ1)
10. In what ways did the institution support and prepare you for the matriculation process?
(RQ1)
11. In what ways did the institution support and prepare you for the certification process?
(RQ2)
12. Were there barriers during your teacher preparation process that you think may be unique
to you being a Black male? (RQ1) (RQ2)
13. How did your institution support, nurture or preserve African culture during the teacher
preparation process? (RQ1)
14. How did the institution make your access a priority, if at all? (RQ1)
15. Did your institution use any targeted recruitment strategies to increase the diversity of
undergraduates in the teacher preparation programs? If so, please describe these strategies
and the type of diversity being sought. (RQ1)
109

16. How would you describe the institutional strategies used by your college/ university to
attract undergraduates of color to the teacher education programs? (RQ1)
a. Does the education department use any additional strategies and, if so, what are
they?

I would now like to ask you about your opinion and some recommendations on some
topics:
(Recommendations)
17. What strategies and practices would you recommend to teacher preparation programs to
ensure they are able to recruit, retain and matriculate Black male students through
completion of the certification process? (RQ3)
18. What are somethings that make teaching appealing to Black males? (RQ3)
19. What are somethings that make teaching NOT appealing to Black males? (RQ3)
20. Is there anything else you would like to share regarding your teacher preparation program
and certification process experience? (RQ1) (RQ2) (RQ3)
I have one final question for you today –

21. Is there anything else you would like to add or comment on that was not addressed in the
previous questions?

Thank you for your time. If you have any questions or think of anything you would like
to add please feel free to contact me directly. Once the audio recording is transcribed if I have
any further questions may contact you with follow-up questions?

110

Appendix B: Consent Form
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway, Los Angeles, CA 90089

INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

CLEARING THE PATH FOR BLACK MALE CONNECTICUT EDUCATORS in
PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTIONS

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by William Johnson under the
supervision of Dr. Briana Hinga at the University of Southern California. Your participation is
voluntary. You should read the information below, and ask questions about anything you do not
understand, before deciding whether to participate. Please take as much time as you need to read
the consent form. You may also decide to discuss participation with your family or friends. If
you decide to participate, you will be asked to sign this form. You will be given a copy of this
form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore Black male educators’ background
and their lived experiences matriculating through a teacher preparation program, at a
predominantly White institution and obtaining teacher certification in Connecticut. The
responses of the Black male educators aim to yield comprehensive descriptions of their lived
experiences and the responses of these Black male educators regarding their lived experiences
and personal interpretations will help derive tangible strategies to address the state of
Connecticut’s goals to increase teacher diversity.

STUDY PROCEDURES AND BENEFITS

If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked to participate in an interview. The
potential benefits of this study are contingent on the results. Your participation will provide
direction to universities and colleges across the state of Connecticut seeking to not only diversify
in their enrollment of Black male educators, but also completion of a teacher preparation
program designed specifically to increase Black male educators committed to classrooms within
the state. The study will benefit the national conversation about the shortage of Black male
educators, thus adding to the literature surrounding Black males.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT – INTERVIEW

If you agree to take part in this study, you will be asked to participate in a one-hour interview
that will be via zoom and be audio recorded. You do not have to answer any questions if you do
not wish. No potential risks to participants have been identified; however, you will have an on-
going option to stop participating at any time.

111

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION

You will not be compensated for your interview participation.

CONFIDENTIALITY

Your decision to participate in the study will be kept confidential. All interviews will be kept
confidential. The data will be stored on a password-protected computer in the researcher’s home
for three years after the study has been completed and then destroyed. Handwritten observation
notes will be scanned into the computer and then destroyed. Digital recordings will be
transcribed by and outside third party to protect your identity then destroyed.
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. The members
of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection
Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL

Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION

You may contact the Principal Investigator via email at wejohnso@usc.edu or phone at 203-627-
6102, or Faculty Advisor Dr. Briana Hinga at hinga@rossier.usc.edu or 213-740-3475.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION

If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT
I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I
understand that the interview will consist of audio recording. I have been given a copy of this
form.
☐ I consent to participate and be audio recorded.
☐ I do not consent to participate and be audio recorded.

Name of Participant _____________________________________________________
112

Signature of Participant___________________________________________________
Date__________________________________

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR
I have explained the research to the participant and answered all of his/her questions. I believe
that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely consents to
participate.

Name of Person Obtaining Consent _________________________________________________
Signature of Person Obtaining Consent ______________________________________________
Date: _____________________________________________

113

Appendix C: Interview Protocol
Thank you for taking the time today to allow me to interview you for my research on the
Black male educators in Connecticut. I have a series of questions I will ask that will take
approximately 60 minutes.
The purpose of this interview is to understand the knowledge, motivation, and
organizational influences that impacted your ability to successfully complete a teacher
preparation program and certification in Connecticut.
Your responses today are contributing to research that may be used to help develop
strategies to support the Connecticut Department of Education and Connecticut teacher
preparation programs in accomplishing their teacher diversity goals.
To ensure confidentiality I will be assigning you a pseudonym in my research. I plan on
recording the interview and the digital recording will be transcribed by a third party and deleted
afterword. Are you alright with being recorded?

Demographics
1. What teacher college and teacher prep program did you graduate?
2. Please tell me about yourself and include information about ethnicity, education, family
background/structure/upbringing.
3. Can you describe the messaging around education in your household growing up?
4. How many years have you been an educator in CT?
5. How long did it take to complete your teacher preparation program and certification?

Interview
6. What attracted you to the education field? (RQ1)
7. Can you share what inspired you to apply to this specific teacher preparation program
you attended? (RQ1)
a. If recruited, please share your teacher preparation program recruitment story?
8. Please share your personal experience matriculating a teacher preparatory program at a
Predominantly White Institution? (RQ1)
9. Describe how you saw yourself reflected in the program? (If NO) What would you
suggest the program consider doing to better reflect you as a Black male? (RQ1)
10. In what ways did the institution support and prepare you for the matriculation process?
(RQ1)
11. In what ways did the institution support and prepare you for the certification process?
(RQ2)
12. Were there barriers during your teacher preparation process that you think may be unique
to you being a Black male? (RQ1) (RQ2)
13. How did your institution support, nurture or preserve African culture during the teacher
preparation process? (RQ1)
14. How did the institution make your access a priority, if at all? (RQ1)
15. Did your institution use any targeted recruitment strategies to increase the diversity of
undergraduates in the teacher preparation programs? If so, please describe these strategies
and the type of diversity being sought. (RQ1)

114

16. How would you describe the institutional strategies used by your college/ university to
attract undergraduates of color to the teacher education programs? (RQ1)
a. Does the education department use any additional strategies and, if so, what are
they?
I would now like to ask you about your opinion and some recommendations on some
topics:
(Recommendations)

17. What strategies and practices would you recommend to teacher preparation programs to
ensure they are able to recruit, retain and matriculate Black male students through
completion of the certification process? (RQ3)
18. What are somethings that make teaching appealing to Black males? (RQ3)
19. What are somethings that make teaching NOT appealing to Black males? (RQ3)
20. Is there anything else you would like to share regarding your teacher preparation program
and certification process experience? (RQ1) (RQ2) (RQ3)

I have one final question for you today –

21. Is there anything else you would like to add or comment on that was not addressed in the
previous questions?

Thank you for your time. If you have any questions or think of anything you would like
to add please feel free to contact me directly. Once the audio recording is transcribed if I have
any further questions may contact you with follow-up questions?

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Johnson, William Edward, Jr. (author)

Core Title Clearing the path for Black male Connecticut educators in predominantly White institutions

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Global Executive

Degree Conferral Date 2021-08

Publication Date 08/06/2021

Defense Date 07/20/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black male,Connecticut,Educators,OAI-PMH Harvest,predominantly White institutions,teacher preparation,Teachers

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hinga, Briana (committee chair), Good, Rebecca (committee member), Green, Alan (committee member)

Creator Email billyjohnson29@gmail.com,wejohnso@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC15719911

Unique identifier UC15719911

Legacy Identifier etd-JohnsonWil-10014

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Johnson, William Edward, Jr.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu