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Retaining and supporting BIPOC professionals in PWIs: addressing PWIs equity gap

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Retaining and supporting BIPOC professionals in PWIs: addressing PWIs equity gap

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Retaining and Supporting BIPOC Professionals in PWIs:
Addressing PWIs Equity Gap

by

Patricia Gonzalez

Rossier School of Education, University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2021

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© Copyright by Patricia Gonzalez 2021
All Rights Reserved

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The Committee for Patricia Gonzalez certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Alana Simmons
Jennifer Phillips
Bryant Adibe, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021

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Abstract
The overall goal of this study was to understand the motivating and organizational barriers that
contribute to the turnover of Black, Indigenous, and student affairs professionals of color at
predominantly White institutions of higher education. This problem of practice employed a
qualitative approach using semi-structured interviews of Black, Indigenous, and people of color,
student affairs professionals (BIPOC-SAPs) who worked at the study site. Nine key themes
emerged: (1) BIPOC-SAPs have high job related intrinsic and extrinsic value, (2)
underrepresentation of BIPOC-SAPs contribute to employees experiencing a lack of sense of
belonging, (3) invisible and unrecognized labor contributes to BIPOC-SAPs burnout and work
stressors, (4) BIPOC-SAPs experience some forms of bias, microaggressions, discrimination,
and racism during their tenure, (5) BIPOC-SAPs feel confident addressing work related
challenges, (6) BIPOC employees are not receiving proper onboarding which creates frustration
when trying to learn their jobs and the organization’s culture, (7) supervisors lack of support, (8)
lack of professional development and career advancement opportunities, and (9) salary impacts
turnover. Results from this study add to the limited research conducted on the experiences of
BIPOC student affairs professionals who work in predominantly White institutions of higher
education. Recommendations were made to close the retention gap of BIPOC student affairs
professionals.
Keywords: retention, Black, Indigenous, people of color, student affairs professionals,
predominantly White institutions, higher education, retention, equity, burnout, systemic racism

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Dedication
To my Mami y Papi los amo y les doy gracias por todo, pero especialmente por ser mi
motivación en este mundo. Gracias por todo su apoyo, sacrificios, y por siempre dijarme soñar
aunque ustedes no pudieron terminar sus estudios. Con honor y mucha alegria les brindo mi
alegria en ser la primera doctora en la familia Gonzalez-Padilla. To my brothers (Hector, Jorge,
Victor, and Jonathan) and my sisters (Norma, Elizabeth, Christina, Imelda, Stephanie, and
Jocelyn) thank you for loving me, uplifting me, and for supporting me emotionally, mentally,
and spiritually. Me graduating with my doctorate is a testament of your support and
unconditional love. To my beautiful nieces (Stacey, Destiny, Christina, Brianna, Miracle, Hazel,
Carly, Citaly, and Layla) and nephews (Junior, Luis, Giovany, Anthony, Bruce, Jorge, Caiden,
and Isaiah) this graduation is for you all to dream big! As future first-generation college
graduates you deserve to be the first ones to earn a bachelors, masters, and a doctorate! I believe
in each one of you. I want you all to know that I love you and that you are all a huge part of my
why! Nathaniel, I love and appreciate you. Thank you for your patience and understanding
during these times, this one is dedicated to you as well! Heavenly father, thank you for giving me
strength to balance a full-time job and school while living through the COVID-19 pandemic,
national lock-down, a racial movement, and authoring my dissertation.

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Acknowledgements
I am especially grateful to my chair, Dr. Bryant Adibe, and co-chairs Dr. Alana Simmons
and Dr. Jennifer Phillips: thank you for your feedback, support, guidance, and for helping me
reach this important milestone. I would also like to thank Dr. Melanie Brady, Dr. Jonathan
Townsend, and Dr. Marc Pritchard for their guidance and for helping me get closer to the
completion of my dissertation. I would also like to thank my study participants for trusting me
with this process and for allowing me to capture and center your voices in this study. It really
takes a community to complete a dissertation and I am incredibly grateful for your time, trust,
voice, and participation in this study.
To the members of Cohort 12 from the Organizational Change & Leadership doctoral
program and to my Thursday and Sunday Empowerment Writing Groups thank you all for
believing in me as much as I believe in each of you! To the women that inspire me (Drs.
Stephanie Lemus, Lisa Bagby, Maria Silva-Palacios, Alia Ashley, Colleen Leigh, Tiffany Kim,
Fredrica Crowe, Helen Iese, Jenn Wells, Jennifer Zuchowski, Rene Purpus, and Erika Taylor
Page), thank you for your support in during this process. I want to remind you all that you are all
phenomenal women, transformational leaders, and change agents. I cannot wait to witness how
this degree will allow us all to continue to disrupt and change systemic barriers and create
sustainable change. I would also like to thank Dr. Leah Bass-Baylis, Dr. Amy Shimshon, and my
former students Vanessa Lobo-Gradiz and Benjamin Fields for their encouragement and support
during this process.
Lastly, I would like to thank the Gates Millennium Foundation for awarding me a
scholarship in high school that changed my life. This scholarship became my key to dream big

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and to break barriers as a Latina, first-generation and low-income student, a daughter of
immigrant parents, and a proud native of South-Central Los Angeles.
In the words of my shero, Dr. Angela Davis, “I will no longer accept the things I cannot
change; I will change the things I cannot accept” because this degree will give me a seat at the
table!

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Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ........................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ...................................................................................................................................x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi

Chapter One: Overview of the Study ...............................................................................................1
Context and Background of the Problem .............................................................................3
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions ...................................................................5
Importance of the Study .......................................................................................................5
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .....................................................7
Definitions............................................................................................................................7
Organization of the Dissertation ........................................................................................11

Chapter Two: Literature Review ...................................................................................................12
Influences on the Problem of Practice ...............................................................................12
Underrepresentation of Racial and Ethnic Diversity in Higher Education ........................14
Racial and Ethnic Diversity of Students in Higher Education ...............................15
Racial and Ethnic Diversity of Faculty Members in Higher Education ................16
Racial and Ethnic Diversity of BIPOC-SAPs in Higher Education ......................17
Motivational Factors Impacting BIPOC-SAP Retention and Persistence at PWIs ...........19
Benefits of BIPOC-SAPs for Vulnerable and URM Student Populations ............20
Organizational Factors that Contribute to PWI BIPOC-SAP Turnover ............................22
Lack of Representation of BIPOC-SAP Senior Leaders .......................................24
Campus Climate: BIPOC-SAP Perception of Acceptance and Environment .......27
Institutional Support...............................................................................................28
BIPOC-SAP Pay Gap ............................................................................................32
The Clark and Estes (2008) Gap Analytic Conceptual Framework ..................................33
Interaction of Stakeholders’ Motivational and Organizational Context ............................33
Stakeholder Motivational and Organizational Influences ..................................................34
Motivation ..............................................................................................................34
Organization ...........................................................................................................39
Conceptual Framework: Interaction of Stakeholder Motivational and
Organizational Context ..........................................................................................43
Explanation of Conceptual Framework Figure ......................................................44
Summary ................................................................................................................45

Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................46
Research Questions ............................................................................................................47
Overview of the Design .....................................................................................................47
Research Setting.................................................................................................................50
Participants .........................................................................................................................51
Data Sources ......................................................................................................................52
Interviews ...............................................................................................................52

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Instrumentation ......................................................................................................53
Data Collection Procedures....................................................................................54
Interview Data and Coding ....................................................................................55
Validity and Reliability ......................................................................................................55
Credibility and Trustworthiness .........................................................................................58
The Researcher...................................................................................................................59
Ethics..................................................................................................................................60

Chapter Four: Findings ..................................................................................................................62
Participating Stakeholders .................................................................................................63
Research Question 1: What Are the Motivating Factors that Led BIPOC Student
Affairs Professionals to Seek Employment at NU? ...............................................71
Motivation Influences Findings .............................................................................71
Research Question 2: What Are the Motivating Factors that Are Making
Current and Former BIPOC Student Affairs Professionals Leave NU? ................83
Organizational Influences Findings .......................................................................83
Research Question 3: What Are Notable Organizational Challenges Associated
With Not Retaining BIPOC Student Affairs Professionals Working at NU? ......108
Organizational Influences Findings .....................................................................108
Summary of Validated Assumed Influences....................................................................131
Motivation ............................................................................................................131
Organization .........................................................................................................132

Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................134
Discussion of Findings .....................................................................................................134
Connection to Outside Research ..........................................................................136
Recommendations for Practice ........................................................................................137
Recommendation 1: Establish Programming Relevant to Combatting
Burnout In the Workplace for BIPOC Employees ..................................138
Recommendation 2: Create a Mentoring Program that Prepares BIPOC-
SAPs for Internal Promotion and Advancement ......................................141
Recommendation 3: Establish an Organizational Culture of 360-Degree
Feedback to Enhance Supervisor Accountability ....................................145
Limitations and Delimitations..........................................................................................149
Recommendations for Future Research ...........................................................................150
Implications and Considerations for Equity ....................................................................151
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................153

References ....................................................................................................................................155

Appendix A: Study Email Invitation ...........................................................................................172
Appendix B: Interview Information Fact Sheet for Exempt Non-Medical Research ..................173
Appendix C: Recruitment Survey ................................................................................................175
Appendix D: Interview Protocol ..................................................................................................179

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List of Tables

Table 1: Assumed Motivation Influences and Assessments ..........................................................39
Table 2: Assumed Organizational Influences and Assessments ....................................................42
Table 3: Data Sources ....................................................................................................................50
Table 4: Demographic Information of Previous Employee Participants .......................................64
Table 5: Demographic Information of Current Employee Participants Considering
Leaving the Institution ...........................................................................................65

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List of Figures

Figure 1: Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................44
Figure 2: Participant Ages .............................................................................................................66
Figure 3: Participant Length of Employment at NU ......................................................................68
Figure 4: Participant Roles at NU ..................................................................................................69
Figure 5: Participant Education Level ...........................................................................................70
Figure 6: Themes of Participant Perceptions Regarding Value for Seeking Employment ............72
Figure 7: BIPOC Professional Network Use .................................................................................78
Figure 8: Participant References to Experiencing Bias, Microaggressions,
Discrimination, and Racism ...................................................................................84
Figure 9: Word Cloud Representing Participant Experiences Due to BIPOC
Underrepresentation ...........................................................................................................94
Figure 10: Participant Burnout Comparison ................................................................................100
Figure 11: Participant Perception of Onboarding Effectiveness ..................................................110
Figure 12: Reports of Supportive Supervisor Relationship .........................................................113
Figure 13: Participant Access to Professional Development .......................................................121
Figure 14: Impact of Salary on Participant Retention .................................................................128

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Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Institutional racism in higher education has influenced U.S. colleges and universities to
prioritize increasing equity, diversity, and inclusion efforts beyond their mission statements, yet
the hiring and retention of Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) student affairs
professionals (SAPs) continue to be a challenge for predominately White institutions (PWIs)
(Pritchard & McChesney, 2018; Steele, 2018; Turrentine & Conley, 2001). This problem of
practice addresses the existing racial and ethnic disparity gap in the recruitment and persistence
of BIPOC-SAPs in PWIs. Although diversity is a fundamental core value that is critical to the
growth of all faculty, staff, and students, Pritchard and McChesney (2018) asserted there still is a
racial and ethnic disparity gap in the recruitment of and persistence of BIPOC student affairs
professionals in comparison to White student affairs professionals. According to Winkle-Wagner
and Locks (2019), to enact diversity in positive ways requires the act of inclusion. Studies show
that underrepresentation of BIPOC-SAPs leads to feelings of invisibility and burnout, a leading
cause for BIPOC-SAP departures from the field of student affairs (Steele, 2018; Higgins, 2017).
In fact, staff turnover cost for some universities is over $68 million annually, which does not
account for “hidden costs” such as lost productivity, skill drain, and poor morale among the
remaining employees (Jo, 2008). Research highlights that hiring and retaining staff members is
more cost-effective because BIPOC-SAPs decision to departure brings effects to the “wider
locus” which includes faculty, staff, students, and management (Cable & Turban, 2001).
Findings show there is a gap concerning racially and ethnically diverse professionals
within institutions of higher education. According to Wong (Lau) (2016), colleges and
universities need to achieve greater diversity among students, staff, and faculty. To become both
more diverse and more inclusive, Wong (Lau) (2016) argued that institutions of higher education

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need to examine their own organizational capacity to prepare all for a world that is changing,
complicated, and already diverse. Research validates that BIPOC employees are
underrepresented in U.S. post-secondary institutions, which adversely influences their
advancement and upward mobility (Gasman et al., 2015). Studies show that experiences with
diversity in higher education have significant benefits for student learning outcomes that are
valuable to the larger society such as cognitive complexity, creativity, a sense of connection to
society, and concern for the public good (Antonio et al., 2004; Hurtado, 2005; Locks et al.,
(2008); Wong (Lau), 2016). Literature also shows that representation matters on college
campuses because BIPOC-SAPs are fundamental to the successful college transition of students
but especially vital for marginalized and vulnerable student populations (first-generation and
low-income students) (Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019). Regardless of the positive influence that
BIPOC-SAPs bring to colleges and universities, data also shows that despite there being 17% of
Hispanic students enrolled in colleges and universities, only 8% of student affairs professionals
are Hispanic (Pritchard & McChesney, 2018). Moreover, while Asian students make up about
6% of the enrolled college student population, there is a gap of only 3% of Asian student affairs
professionals in higher education (Bauer-Wolfe, 2018). Knox (2019) found that studying the
number of Black professionals in higher education data is harder to obtain and disaggregate.
Only 13% of administrators are Black men and women combined (Bureau of Labor Statistics,
2015; Turner & Grauerholz, 2017). Evidence suggests that the recruitment of racially and
ethnically diverse employees is not enough to combat staff turnover; therefore, this study
addresses the hiring and retention equity problem that exists for BIPOC-SAP at Notable
University.

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Context and Background of the Problem
Located in the northeast United States, Notable University (NU), is an elite, accredited,
private PWI, and statutory research university. For the purpose of this study, the researcher
assigned the pseudonym Notable University to the actual university. With a strong alumni base,
NU’s endowment remains strong due to its alumni and private donors’ financial support.
Although every graduate of NU receives a degree from NU, the university has multiple
undergraduate colleges and schools that admit its own students, and each school has its own
faculty and staff members. According to NU’s reports and data (2018), the university serves
approximately 24,000 enrolled undergraduate, graduate, and professional students and employs
approximately 11,000 staff which include professorial faculty, academic professionals, support
staff, and union. This number excludes adjunct, visiting, courtesy and emeritus appointments,
and postdocs. The racial and ethnic percentages and breakdown of students of color at NU
include a total of 43% undergraduate, 17% graduate, and 16% professional underrepresented
minorities (URM). NU identifies URM students as Hispanic, Black, Asian, American Indian, and
multi-racial students who are U.S. citizens or legal residents.
NU’s population of faculty and staff who serve students is overrepresented by White
student affairs administrators, which includes all persons in campus life with supervisory duties
(executive staff, dean of students, department and division directors), assistant directors, and
coordinators. As noted above, NU retains approximately 11,000 employees, which reflects a
breakdown of approximately 2,000 professorial faculty members and academic staff members
and approximately 8,000 non-academic staff (campus life and union staff). As presented in NU’s
(2018) report, 16.31% of the employees identify as BIPOC employees, displaying NU’s equity
gap when it comes to the hiring and representation of BIPOC professionals. Although NU’s

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report (2018) did not provide separate breakdowns of employees by racial and or ethnic groups,
the data revealed that out of the approximate 11,000 staff and union employees, 3.15% identify
as underrepresented minority (URM) women whereas 33.73% employees identify as White
women. For males, 2.66% identify as URM in contrast to 25.86% White male employees. These
numbers did not include part-time and international employees. NU defines URM employees as
Hispanic, Black, Hawaii/Pacific Islander, and American Indian races. Such findings highlight
that NU faces a problem of overwhelming underrepresentation of BIPOC employees.
The 2020 data collected by NU showed that out of the 1,189 total staff members in the
division of student campus life, also known as student affairs, American Indian or Alaska
Natives represented 0.34% of all employees, Asians represented 5.89% of all employees, Black
staff or African Americans represented 6.06% of all employees, Hispanic or LatinX represented
4.29% of all employees, and employees with two or more races (not Hispanic or LatinX)
represented a total of 1.6% of all employees. BIPOC student affairs professionals at NU
represented a total of 18.7% of all employees versus White student affairs employees that
represented 81.83% of all employees. Such findings show that out of the 7,374 non-academic
staff members at NU, a total of 7.88% URM worked in student affairs in 2018, in contrast with
80.81% White staff members who worked in student affairs in 2018. Alone, out of the 581 URM
staff members who work at NU in 2018, a total of 37.18% URM work in the division of campus
life and student affairs. Evidence showed that NU faces an equity gap with hiring and retaining
BIPOC-SAPs. This data also showed that White employees are over-represented in comparison
to BIPOC-SAPs who are underrepresented at NU.
When the data is put into perspective, a survey conducted by NU in 2019 highlighted that
83% of the participants strongly agreed that they like their job. However, only 14.1% of

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participants who agreed with this statement identified as a BIPOC staff member. Such findings
add to the exposure of the retention and hiring gap that NU currently faces. Addressing this
problem is important because evidence shows that the numbers are disproportionately lower for
BIPOC-SAPs in comparison to their White counterparts, which presents a racial and ethnic
equity gap between BIPOC and White professionals at NU.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to examine the degree to which NU is meeting its goal of
hiring and retaining BIPOC-SAPs. The analysis focused on motivation and organizational
influences related to achieving the organizational goal. The focus of these analyses is NU
BIPOC-SAPs who have left the university within the last 10 years and employees who recently
have considered severing ties to the university.
As a result, the research questions that guided this study were the following:
1. What are the motivating factors that led BIPOC student affairs professionals to seek
employment at NU?
2. What are the motiving factors that are making current and former BIPOC student
affairs professionals leave NU?
3. What are notable organizational challenges associated with not retaining BIPOC
student affairs professionals working at NU?
Importance of the Study
The importance of this study was to examine how retention of racially and ethnically
diverse student affairs professionals impacts NU’s students, faculty, and staff. According to
Winkle-Wagner and Locks (2019), race still matters in higher education. Studies have shown
that hiring and retaining BIPOC faculty and staff in academia brings positive impacts to students,

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faculty, staff members, and adds value to the entire campus community (Harper & Hurtado,
2007; Karkouti, 2016; Milem et al., 2005, & Turner et al., 2008). Failure to retain BIPOC staff
members is expensive (Jo, 2008), and BIPOC-SAP turnover also impacts the “wider locus”
which includes students, faculty, staff, and management (Cable & Turban, 2001). Racially and
ethnically inclusive learning environments positively influence student learning and prepare
students to be contributing members of society by exposing them to innovative ideas and
perspectives (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Karkouti, 2016; Milem et al., 2005, Turner et al., 2008;
Wong (Lau), 2016). BIPOC-SAPs directly influence retention of underrepresented student
(URM) populations, validate URM student experiences, and serve as mentors for URM students
(Bowen et al., 2005; Ishitani, 2006; Parnell, 2016; Pritchard, Adam, & McChesney, 2018; Ross
et al., 2012; Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019).
According to Wong (Lau) (2016), demographic shifts, diversity, and inclusion have
become central to higher education’s survival and success. Literature has revealed that BIPOC-
SAP turnover and underrepresentation of both students and staff leads to BIPOC students
reporting feelings of isolation and an increase of racial harassment (Steele, 2018; Winkle-
Wagner & Locks, 2019). Underrepresented students benefit the most from having BIPOC-SAPs
support their college journey especially during their first year of college (Winkle-Wagner &
Locks, 2019). The persistence rates from first to second year for students of color are lower in
contrast to White students (Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019). BIPOC-SAPs help retain URM
students and serve as mentors, a gain that URM students benefit from the most (Campbell &
Campbell, 2007). The literature also suggests that mentoring relationships based on ethnic and or
racial matching lead to greater outcomes for students, which include encouraging students to

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continue to enroll, complete more units, attain and or maintain higher grade point averages,
persist, graduate, and enroll in graduate programs (Campbell & Campbell, 2007).
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
This study uses a qualitative approach with a narrative inquiry methodology to evaluate
the motivation and organizational influences that impact staff retention for BIPOC student affairs
professionals. The theoretical framework that guided this study is based on Clark and Estes’
(2008) gap analysis framework. The gap analysis framework provides a perspective that
examines both motivation and the effects that motivation may have on an employee’s confidence
to voluntarily leave or stay in their role as a student affairs professional. Gap analysis consists of
taking the organization’s problem and inquiring about what is causing a gap to make such a
problem into a measurable organizational goal (Clark and Estes, 2008). Clark and Estes’s (2008)
gap analysis approach is the proper framework to examine the motivational factors related to
turnover and retention of BIPOC-SAPs who work at NU. Gap analysis also gives insight into
employees’ motivation to stay and identifies internal sources of motivation that may also help
increase the retention, of those who feel disconnected to their organization’s culture and vision.
A gap analysis helps organizations gain a deeper understanding of potential root causes that can
often manifest as a barrier for an organization to achieve its goals (Clarke & Estes, 2008), thus
making it an appropriate tool to measure staff retention of BIPOC-SAPs.
Definitions
The following list of words and definitions are used throughout this study. The list
provides an outline of terms relevant to this study, and the definitions and citations from the
literature provide an explanation of their meaning as utilized within this study.

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BIPOC
The acronym stands for Black, Indigenous, and people of color, and although most
people use the phrase “people of color,” the other two letters, for Black and Indigenous, were
included in the acronym to account for the erasure of Black people with darker skin and Native
American people (Garcia, 2020).
Diversity
Diversity is a framework for creating a community that nurtures learning and growth for
all members, values all humanity, increases access and inclusion, and is an individual and
collective responsibility for combating prejudice and discrimination through a gained
understanding of issues during education, training, and engagement with others (Wolfe &
Dilworth, 2015).
Diversity Benefits
According to Wong (Lau) (2016), for organizations to reap the benefits of diversity, they
need employees at all levels who not only represent diverse identities, but who are also able to
collaborate robustly across these different identities and life experiences.
Equity
According to the American Evaluation Association Guiding Principles for Evaluators,
equity refers to the condition of fair and just opportunities for all people to participate and thrive
in society regardless of individual or group identity difference. Striving to achieve equity
includes mitigating historic disadvantage and existing structural inequalities (Shulha et al.,
2016).

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Equity-Mindedness
Equity-minded leaders are aware of the historical context of exclusionary practices in
higher education and recognize the impact of this history on social, institutional, and individual
practices that contribute to persistent inequities (AACU, 2015).
Exclusion
Exclusion describes the experience of being prevented from an opportunity (Roberson,
2014).
Inclusion
Environments where individuals regardless of demographics, backgrounds, and
experiences feel valued and respected and have the opportunity to reach their full potential
(Roberson, 2014).
Institutional Barriers
Obstacles to leadership opportunities and advancement (Barnes, 2017).
Microaggressions
Microaggressions are brief, everyday exchanges that send belittling messages to certain
individuals because of their group membership (Sue, 2010).
Microassaults, Microinsults, and Microinvalidations
Microaggressions appear in three forms: microassaults (explicit and intestinal
discriminatory actions of verbal or non-verbal attack against someone’s identity to hurt a
person), microinsults (characterized by non-verbal remarks that convey rudeness and
insensitivity and demean a person’s identity), and microinvalidations (characterized by verbal
comments or behaviors that exclude, negate, or nullify thoughts, feelings, or experiences and
identities) (Sue et al., 2007).

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Predominately White Institution (PWI)
Institutions of higher education in which Whites account for 50% or greater of the student
enrollment (Brown & Dancy, 2010).
Racism
Encompass any unfair and avoidable treatment resulting in unequal power, resources, or
opportunities across racial, ethnic, cultural and or religious groups (Trenerry & Paradise, 2012;
Paradies et al., 2009).
Retention
Retention refers to the ability of an institution to not only recruit staff but also retain staff
by establishing a quality work life, motivated staff climate, best place of work, and by being an
employer of choice contingent upon committed creation of best practices in human resources and
talent management (Bushe, 2012).
Student Affairs Professional
Once known as student personnel, student services, student development, and other
names, student affairs are professionals that develop students’ cognitive and interpersonal skills,
foster leadership, ethics, and cultural understanding outside of the classroom. Student affairs
professionals also practice wellbeing, help students establish identities, facilitate student career
development and exploration, service to society, and foster a sense of belonging in higher
education (Long, 2012).
Tokenized
A concept referring to checking the box and meeting quota by hiring a few staff members
of color (Turner et al., 1999).

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Underrepresented Minorities (URM)
In this study, URM include Hispanic, Black, Hawaii and or Pacific Islander, American
Indian races, or ethnicities (NU’s website, 2020).
Workplace Racism
According to Trenney and Paradise (2012), workplace racism is associated with a range
of detrimental outcomes, including poor mental and physical health and wellbeing, problem
thinking, psychological distress, reduced productivity and innovation, reduced organizational
commitment and employee perceptions of procedural injustice, and reduced trust and job
dissatisfaction. Workplace racism is also associated with increased cynicism, absenteeism, and
staff turnover (Buttner et al., 2010; Buttner & Lowe, 2010).
Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter One introduces the problem statement, rationale, background, and the purpose of
the study. Chapter Two will focus on existing literature and data that show how staff retention of
BIPOC-SAPs benefits colleges and universities including students, faculty, and staff. Further,
Chapter Three will explore the research methods employed, which includes the interview
protocol design, data collection, and the reasoning behind the use of a qualitative approach to
explore the problem of practice. Chapter Four will focus on the research questions as they relate
to the finding themes that might have appeared from the data collection (interviews) and
limitations. Lastly, Chapter Five will include data- and literature-based recommendations to
address the retention gap of BIPOC-SAPs.

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Chapter Two: Literature Review
This literature review will examine the root causes of the existing gaps in the hiring and
retention of racially and ethnically diverse student affairs professionals in PWIs. The review
begins with general research of racial and ethnic diversity representation in higher education,
followed by an overview of the unique factors, discrimination, and barriers that BIPOC-SAPs
face in PWIs, which contribute to the turnover of BIPOC-SAPs. The literature review will then
explore literature that highlights benefits for URM students from hiring racially and ethnically
diverse staff members. The review continues with research on issues surrounding BIPOC-SAPs’
persistence and motivational factors that contribute to the turnover of BIPOC-SAPs. Finally, the
review examines the organizational factors influencing dissertation makings. Following the
general research literature, the review concludes with an overview of the gap analysis framework
outlined by Clark and Estes (2008), specifically, the motivation and organizational (MO)
influences capturing dissertation production at NU and serving frame for the qualitative inquiry
within this analysis.
Influences on the Problem of Practice
Studies have shown that organizations that fail to retain spend more money trying to
replace employees rather than providing training and resources to retain staff members, which
benefits the establishment (American Institute of Research, 2009). For some colleges and
universities, employee turnover is estimated to cost $68 million annually, which does not
account for “hidden costs” such as lost productivity, skill drain, and poor morale among the
remaining employees (Jo, 2008). Hiring professionals of diverse backgrounds affords students a
unique opportunity, allowing students to visualize different role models and explore what the
workforce may look like for them one day (Turrentine & Conley, 2001). Mentoring relationships

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based on ethnic and/or racial matching lead to greater outcomes for students including student
enrollment, completion of more units, higher GPAs, persistence, graduation, and enrollment in
graduate programs (Campbell & Campbell, 2007). Nevertheless, organizational management
practices and work environments can influence an employee’s level of commitment to the
organization, which is a contributing factor to staff turnover (Buck & Watson, 2002). When a
staff member decides to leave the institution, their decision brings effects to the “wider locus,”
including faculty, staff, students, and management, since the focus is being shifted to find a
replacement (Cable & Turban, 2001). In general, retention of diverse and racially employees is
more cost effective and beneficial for the institution.
Racial and ethnic diversity in college and university campus staff brings various positive
impacts. Diverse and inclusive learning environments positively impact students’ learning and
prepare students to be contributing members of society through exposing students to innovative
ideas and perspectives (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Karkouti, 2016; Milem et al., 2005; Turner et
al., 2008; Wong (Lau), 2016). BIPOC-SAPs directly influence retention of URM student
populations, validate URM student experiences, and serve as mentors for URM students (Bowen
et al., 2005; Ishitani, 2006; McChesney, 2018; Parnell, 2016; Pritchard, Adam, & Ross et al.,
2012; Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019). BIPOC-SAPs serve as mentors, which is a gain that
URM students benefit from the most (Campbell & Campbell, 2007). According to Winkle-
Wagner and Locks (2019), through programming and events, students’ success requires the
intervention of faculty and student affairs practitioners who play a vital role in making the first-
year students transition successful.
Marginalized student populations benefit the most from having BIPOC-SAPs supporting
their college journey, especially during their first year of college (Bowen et al., 2005; Ishitani,

14
2006; Parnell, 2016; Pritchard, Adam, & McChesney, 2018; Ross et al., 2012; Winkle-Wagner &
Locks, 2019). Despite the positive contributions of BIPOC-SAPs in higher education, the
populations of faculty, staff, and administrators who serve students in higher education primarily
reflects White administrators (Steele, 2018). Underrepresentation of BIPOC-SAPs in higher
education leads to feelings of otherness and isolation by BIPOC-SAPs who serve in PWIs
(Osajima, 2009). Due to the lack of representation of both BIPOC students and staff at PWIs,
BIPOC students reported feeling isolated and reported experiencing an increase of racial
harassment (Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019). Harper and Hurtado (2007) found that when
BIPOC students endure hostile campus climates at PWIs, it is unrealistic to expect those
campuses to be welcoming and tolerant institutions of diversity.
Underrepresentation of Racial and Ethnic Diversity in Higher Education
Hiring and retaining racially and ethnically diverse faculty and staff in academia brings
positive impacts to students, faculty, and staff members, and adds value to the entire campus
community (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Karkouti, 2016; Milem et al., 2005, & Turner et al., 2008;
& Wong (Lau), 2016). Representation of staff professionals of diverse backgrounds affords
URM students a unique opportunity to interact with role models that look like them, which lets
them visualize a BIPOC in a professional position that they can aspire to attain one day
(Turrentine & Conley, 2001). Retention of BIPOC-SAPs continues to be a unique challenge for
private PWIs in higher education (Turrentine & Conley, 2001). Despite the efforts some higher
education institutions (HEIs) have made to increase staff diversity, research has shown that the
recruitment and persistence gap for BIPOC-SAPs remains lower compared to White student
affairs professionals (Pritchard & McChesney, 2018).

15
Racial and Ethnic Diversity of Students in Higher Education
The creation of higher education institutions by law excluded racial and ethnically
diverse students and were designed to educate White cismale Protestants (Wright et al., 2006).
Despite the racial and ethnic diversity of students enrolling in colleges by the 1950s, college and
university academic professions still primarily represented White male Protestants (Bastedo et
al., 2016). College access for BIPOC students was established after the 1964 federal mandate
under Title IV of the Civil Rights Act that restricted federal fund distribution to higher education
that discriminated based on race, color, or national origin (Willie-LeBreton, 2011). Due to the
success achieved with the NAACP’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, in which the
court ruled that separate educational facilities were inherently unequal, African Americans were
graduating from Black and White colleges by the turn of the century (Willie-LeBreton, 2011).
Five decades after the Brown v. Board of Education decision, Chang (2000) asserted that
an equitable educational opportunity for all has yet to be achieved. According to Gasman and
Conrad (2013), between 1980 and 2010, the total fall enrollment for colleges and universities
increased by 73%, with minority student enrollment increasing by 300%. Despite the high
increase of BIPOC student enrollment, in 2011, across all postsecondary institutions, 17.9% of
undergraduate degrees were awarded to racial minorities (the majority of whom needed
government assistance) compared to 49% of the students across colleges and universities
(Gasman & Conrad, 2013). The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) (2019) report
found that from 2000 to 2016, total college enrollment rates have increased for Whites from 39%
to 42%, for Blacks from 31% to 36%, and for Hispanics from 22% to 39%. The total college
enrollment for American Indians and Alaska Natives was not measurably different from their
2000 rate, remaining at 19% (NCES, 2019). Likewise, the 2016 report rates for Asian students at

16
58% and 21% for Pacific Islanders were also not measurably different from the 2003 rates (de
Brey et al., 2019). NCES (2016) projected that between 2016 and 2026, there would be a 15%
increase in the Hispanic student population, a 7% increase in the Black student population, and a
corresponding 8% decrease in the proportion of White college students.
Racial and Ethnic Diversity of Faculty Members in Higher Education
According to Wong (Lau) (2016), faculty of color are grossly underrepresented in higher
education. Relative to their proportion in the U.S. population, African Americans, Blacks,
Hispanics, and Native Americans are underrepresented in academia (Zambrana et al., 2015).
Even after decades of equal employment opportunity legislation, Black, Indigenous and people
of color still hold a small portion of faculty positions within U.S. postsecondary institutions
(Gasman & Abiola, 2015). These racial and ethnic minority groups also experience the largest
proportional educational achievement gaps in the United States (Bensimon, 2005). Although the
percentage of Black faculty slightly increased from 3.2% in 1988 to 5.5% in 2004, and the
percentage of Hispanic faculty increased from 2.4% to 3.5% during the same period, the
percentage of Black and Hispanic faculty obtaining tenure and earning promotion to full
professor has stayed relatively stagnant (U.S. Department of Education, 2011). In fall of 2011,
among full-time instructional faculty whose race and ethnicity was known, 79% were White, 6%
were Black, and 4% were Hispanic (U.S. Department of Education, 2014).
Hiring BIPOC faculty members is not enough to combat turnover and structural barriers
that exists for them in higher education. A study conducted by Pittman (2012) revealed that 79%
of the African American faculty discussed the varied ways in which race shapes interactions with
their White colleagues. Of these faculty members, 37% noted that White colleagues made them
feel unwelcome and excluded (Pittman, 2012). Another 37% also thought that White colleagues

17
treated them differently and as tokens of their race (Pittman, 2012). Pittman’s (2012) findings
further suggested that microaggressions negatively impact the campus climate for African
American faculty at PWIs. Furthermore, evidence highlighted how racial oppression exists in the
institutional facets (e.g. representation, workload, race-based service, core expectations, and
tenure decisions) of African American’s faculty (Pittman, 2012). African American faculty
described the additional race-relevant service obligations because of having special race
knowledge (Pittman, 2012). Despite these microinsults and microinvalidations, African
American faculty used these racial microaggressions to create change and safe space for students
(Pittman, 2012). As presented in Wong (Lau) 2016, among full-time professors in the fall of
2013, 84% percent were White, 4% were Black, 3% Hispanic, and 9% were Asian and Pacific
Islander, while American Indian and Alaska Native, along with those who have two or more
races, each represented less than 1%.
Racial and Ethnic Diversity of BIPOC-SAPs in Higher Education
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) from the mid-nineteenth century
onward served as primary institutions that permitted African Americans in higher education,
both as students and professionals (Wright, Taylor, Burrell, & Stewart, 2006). A series of world
events, policy changes, and lawsuits helped unveil the trajectory to change discriminatory
practices during the twentieth century (Wright et al., 2006). Prior to World War II, African
American faculty and staff members were excluded by law, customs, or tradition from PWIs
(Myers, 2002). Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) laid a foundation for legal segregation of educational
opportunity (Wright et al., 2006). The G.I. Bill (1945) provided higher education access to
thousands of African American veterans, many of whom were first in their families to attend
college independent of scholarship or previous educational achievement (Wright et al., 2006).

18
The U.S. Supreme Court’s decision of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954),
led to the racial integration of public schools and impacted higher education (The Carnegie
Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, 1982). Title VI of the Civil Rights Act (1964)
outlawed discrimination based on color, race, or national origin, prohibited several types of
discrimination in American colleges and universities, and barred discrimination in employment
(Wright et al., 2006).
As a result of race-friendly legislation, employment for minoritized people in higher
education became more possible over time (Turrentine & Conley, 2001). According to a 2018
study conducted by the College and University Professional Association (CUPA), the student
affairs profession is demographically more diverse than other college professions (Pritchard &
McChesney, 2018). Yet there continues to be a retention gap in higher education between the
growing racially diverse student body and predominately White faculty and staff members who
work with students in higher education (Steele, 2018). A report conducted by National
Association of Student Personnel Administrators (NASPA) demonstrated that out of a total of
8,336 members, 3,801 identify as White (46%), 2,340 as Hispanic (28%), 1,476 as Black (18%),
423 as Asian (5%), 199 as multiracial (2%), 40 as Native Hawaii or other Pacific Islander (<1%),
and 57 as Native American or Alaska Native (<1%) (Parnell, 2016). Moreover, women make up
71% of the student affairs professions, in comparison to 58% of positions across higher
education held by women (Bauer-Wolf, 2018). As it pertains to racial demographic
representation, there still is an underrepresentation gap that is prevalent for racial diverse groups
in higher education (Bauer-Wolf, 2018). Research has confirmed that employees of color are not
hired and retained at the same rate as White employees in HEIs (Selesho & Naile, 2014). The
populations of faculty and administrators who serve students are disproportionately

19
overrepresented by White administrators (Steele, 2018). These disparities among BIPOC-SAPs
and their White counterparts are expected to grow, with an increase of 15% for Hispanic and 7%
for Black student populations projected from 2016 through 2026 (Patterson, 2018).
Motivational Factors Impacting BIPOC-SAP Retention and Persistence at PWIs
To steadily produce a competitive advantage over peers, organizations must be diverse
and inclusive (Heskett, 2020). According to Jo (2008), a motivating factor in retaining a staff
member is the cost impact of staff turnover, which is estimated to be over $68 million annually.
Research further reveals that colleges and universities benefit from having student affairs
professionals (Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019). Wong (Lau) (2016) asserted that companies with
strong commitments to diversity outperform their peers with higher profit margins and greater
returns on equity and assets. To reap the benefits of diversity, Wong (Lau) (2016) argued that
organizations need employees at all levels who not only represent diverse identities, but who also
are able to collaborate robustly across different identities and life experiences. By creating
purposely inclusive practices, structures, and organizational climates, Wong (Lau) added that
colleges and universities can build their institutional capacity. Additionally, failure to
specifically retain BIPOC-SAPs leads to negative impacts that affects the overall college
campus, including management, faculty, staff, and students (Cable & Turban, 2001). With
graduate programs, reputable professional associations (such as the NASPA and the College
Student Educators International (ACPA), journals and scholarships, the field of student affairs is
a distinct profession within higher education that dates to the colonial era and the earliest years
of American higher education (Long, 2012). A report conducted by Pritchard, Adam, and
McChesney (2018) showed that student affairs professionals (SAPs) connect the work of higher
education to the development of students. More specifically, the work of SAPs develops critical

20
informed citizens, encourages respect for the basic worth of individuals lives, promotes diversity
and inclusion, and helps students realize their own social identity and full potential (Pritchard et
al., 2018). NASPA’s website (2020) noted that throughout students’ college career, these
professionals help students begin a lifetime journey of growth and self-exploration.
Benefits of BIPOC-SAPs for Vulnerable and URM Student Populations
Vulnerable and underrepresented minority (URM) students benefit from interacting with
BIPOC-SAPs while in college. Attending college for first-generation studentsr is especially
important because these students face unique challenges when navigating the college process
(Cataldi et al., 2018; Redford & Hoyer, 2017). First-generation students also remain less likely to
enroll in college than their peers whose parents went to college (Cataldi et al., 2018; Redford &
Hoyer, 2017). As college enrollment increases for URM students, the need to hire racially and
ethnically diverse SAPs is vital because BIPOC-SAPs serve as change agents and advocate for
racial diversity on college and university campuses (Parnell, 2016). The role of BIPOC-SAPs as
change agents and advocates on college campuses is crucial to address over 80 years of
institutions placing limited value on the importance of admitting and retaining students from
different racial, religious, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds (Bowen et al., 2005). Findings
showed that vulnerable populations such as URM, non-traditional, first generation, and low-
income students are far less likely to enroll in college than White, middle- or high-income
students (Ishitani, 2006; Ross et al., 2012; Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019). Further examination
suggests that the first year of college is critical, especially because evidence has shown that 20%
of full-time students and 55% of part-time students will not come back to their second year
(Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019). Even more alarming, evidence highlighted that the persistence

21
rates from the first to the second year for students of color are lower than their White peers
(Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019).
BIPOC-SAPs Validate URM Student Experience
In their book, Winkle-Wagner and Locks (2019) asserted that student success requires
intervention of faculty and student affairs practitioners who, through programming and events,
play a vital role in making the first-year transition successful. Wong (Lau) (2016) emphasized
that SAPs are often trained in student development that focuses on caretaking and student-
centered responsiveness, which are approaches that contribute to keep students safe, engaged,
and enrolled. In one study conducted by Cole and Espinoza (2008), findings illustrated that
LatinX students are not likely to graduate. However, additional findings suggested that factors
such as peer, staff, and faculty support, along with co-curricular involvement, play a role in
retaining these students (Cole & Espinoza, 2008). According to a study conducted by Castellanos
and Gloria (2007), when students feel a sense of belonging and support, their chances of
retaining and persisting in college increase. Castellanos and Gloria recommended that to validate
students better, institutions need to operate like families, where faculty and staff are leading and
engaging in interpersonal and academic-focused relationships with students. In their study,
Castellanos and Gloria found that psychological validation for student success is important
because it incorporates both social and cultural affirmation for students of color that connect and
retain them to the end of graduation. Furthermore, as it pertains to students from racial and ethnic
backgrounds, marginalized student populations benefit the most from having BIPOC-SAPs
support their college journey specially during their first year (Steele, 2018). A key correlating
factor derived from hiring and retaining students is that BIPOC-SAPs serve as mentors to URM
students.

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BIPOC-SAPs Serve as Mentors for URM Students
Students of color at PWIs often exhibit feelings of otherness and isolation attributable to
being the “token person of color in academic and social settings on campus” (Gasman & Abiola,
2015, p.3). A more intimate approach is staff members being able to build authentic relationships
with vulnerable student populations through mentorship, which is an instrumental educational
process that promotes and accelerates student success (Castellanos & Gloria, 2007). Evidence
has shown that student mentoring by staff of color positively impact students’ academic success
(Crisp & Cruz, 2010). The mentorship approach allows faculty and staff members to be involved
in the student’s path to success. The educational pathway to higher education for URM students
requires a series of multiple, complementary successes ranging from finding a mentor to
establishing a network of resources and individuals who can serve as their academic family and
validate their educational experiences (Castellanos & Gloria, 2007). Despite the positive
influence that BIPOC-SAPs have on the college persistence of URM and vulnerable student
populations, there continues to be a gap between the overrepresentation of White faculty and
staff members and the underrepresentation of racially and ethnically diverse faculty and staff
who serve students in higher education (Steele, 2018).
Organizational Factors that Contribute to PWI BIPOC-SAP Turnover
Staff retention in higher education requires institutions to recruit qualified academic staff
and the ability to retain them (Bushe, 2012). Studies have shown that PWIs face challenges with
retaining staff members of color (Turrentine & Conley, 2001). Racially diversifying a college
campus requires equitable organizational practices and evaluation of the campus climate.
Oftentimes in expansive institutions like higher education, equity and accountability become
merely buzzwords that Dubnick (2014) referred to as “cultural key words” rather than holding

23
institutions responsible for creating equity among employee representation. In addition to
creating an accountability system modeled on Stecher and Kirby’s (2004) three major
components (goals, assessment for measuring, and consequences), PWIs needs to consider
applying a professional accountability system. Wong (Lau) (2016) argued that colleges and
universities need to build institutional capacity by purposely inclusive practices, structures, and
organizational climates. Wong (Lau) (2016) added that student affairs professionals are an
excellence resources for training and facilitation on diversity and inclusion.
Whole-campus coordination of diversity and inclusion efforts requires strong leadership
from campus administration (Wong (Lau), 2016). Buck and Watson (2002) found that an
organization’s management practices, and work environment can influence an employee’s level
of commitment to the organization, which can affect staff turnover as well. In their study on
human resources practices in 34 public institutions of higher education, Buck and Watson (2002)
found a connection between employee retention and its dependence on organizational
commitment. Additional research has shown that many PWIs struggle to retain their
professionals of color despite the universities’ value and mission statements (Turrentine &
Conley, 2001). Such lack of retention could be attributed to executive and senior leadership,
whose espoused values do not coordinate with the organization’s culture (Schein, 2004).
Moreover, staff turnover happens due to individual and external institutional contributing factors.
For example, a study conducted by Steele (2018) highlighted four categories that contribute to
the staff of color turnover, which included the impact of a negative campus environment,
BIPOC-SAPs feeling invisible, support or the lack thereof, and roadblocks to navigating the
institution written and unwritten expectations. The lack of representation in leadership, cultural
taxation, burnout, and pay inequity are additional leading causes linked to BIPOC-SAP turnover.

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Lack of Representation of BIPOC-SAP Senior Leaders
High-performing BIPOC-SAPs exist at all levels across higher education. Yet racial and
ethnic discrimination has put people of color and women at a disadvantage in leadership roles in
comparison to white men (Kezar, 2002). White (2017) asserted that in higher education,
professionals of color still face adversity even in senior-level leadership. People of color (POC)
are underrepresented in U.S. post-secondary institutions, which adversely influences their
advancement and upward mobility (Gasman, Abiola, & Travers, 2015). For over 25 years, POC
among senior leadership in U.S. colleges and universities remained low and unchanged (Gasman
& Abiola, 2015). Even with an increase from 8% in 1986 to 13% in 2011, representation of
presidents of color remains disproportionately low (American Council on Education, 2012).
BIPOC-SAP Representation at Four-year Institutions
Gasman and Abiola (2015) found that regarding the racial breakdown across four-year
granting institutions, African Americans hold a total of 7.9% of the senior-level administrative
staff positions in higher education. More specifically, African Americans represent 9.9% chief of
staffs, 5.6% executive vice presidents, 3.9% chief of academic officers and provosts, 5.7%
central senior academic affairs offices, 5.0% deans of academic colleges, 6.5% senior
administrative offices, 4.0% senior external affairs officers, 12.0% chief student affairs or
enrollment management officers, and 72.2% chief diversity officers (American Council on
Education, 2013). Evidentially, African Americans are more likely to be hired in chief diversity
officer positions (Gasman & Abiola, 2015), but rarely chosen for other senior-level positions. A
lack of representation in senior-level positions is not the only challenge for people of color.
Diversity positions often have inadequate budgets, hold little power, and act as an institution’s
way of paying “symbolic lip service to issues of diversity” (Gasman & Abiola, 2015). Hispanics

25
represent a total of 2.6% of senior campus leaders, which is a breakdown of 2.8% chief of staffs,
none are executive vice presidents; 0.9% are provosts; 3.1% are central senior academic affairs
officers; 2.0% are deans of academic colleges; 1.9% are senior administrative officers; 4.2% are
senior extremal affairs officers; 2.4% are chief student affairs or enrollment officers; and 7.6%
chief diversity officers (American Council on Education, 2013).
Like African Americans, Hispanics are much more likely to hold the chief diversity
officer position (Gasman & Abiola, 2015). Asian Americans represent a total of 2.2% of senior
positions, and 4.5% represent a higher representation in chief diversity officer and academic
dean positions at 4.6% (American Council on Education, 2013). American Indians represent a
total of 0.4% of senior-level positions and represent no chief of staff, executive vice presidents,
or provosts (American Council on Education, 2013). According to Gasman and Abiola (2015),
the lack of representation of American Indian leaders in higher education may be linked as a
result of the lack of Ph.Ds. being earned by Native Americans.
Aguirre and Martinez (2002) asserted that “The absence of effective leadership practices
in an institutional culture that endorses diversity prevents its integration into higher education”
(p. 409). Studies illustrated that diverse and inclusive organization outpace the competition
(Korn Ferry Institute, 2019). Research also has shown that significant effort has contributed to
improving diverse individuals’ access to higher education (Whittaker & Montgomery, 2014).
However, much of what has been done in attempts to promote diversity for students, faculty, and
staff has led to limited, and sometimes transient, increases, rather than widespread
transformation of higher education environments into institutions that reflect the diversity of the
larger society (Whittaker & Montgomery, 2014).

26
Invisible Employees
Feeling invisible can be caused by a lack of representation of racially and ethnically
diverse populations in the workplace and negatively impacts BIPOC-SAP turnover. As explained
by Ellison (1952), racism is an obstacle to individual. Ellison’s concept of the Invisible Man
refers to this invisibility not through one’s physical condition, but as the result of the refusal of
others to see one. Franklin and Boyd-Franklin (2002) argued that to convey the effects of racism
on specifically African American males, “invisibility syndrome” is a more modern example of
racial invisibility. A study conducted by Antonio (2003) found that faculty of color were
perceived as illegitimate professionals by White students who viewed faculty of color as
“affirmative action hires” (p. 16). The problem is exacerbated by a lack of representation and
feeling unwelcomed by others and leaves staff members of color feeling "tokenized" in their
field (Turner et al., 1999). According to Turner et al. (1999), “tokenized” is the concept of
checking the box (“We met our quota!”) by hiring a few staff members of color. Such practices
are problematic because checking the box does not address the lack of representation as found in
a study conducted by Osajima (2009), which leads to staff members of color who serve in PWIs
to experience feelings of otherness and isolation. Similarly, studies have shown that in trying to
acclimate to college, students of color report feeling isolated and experience racial harassment
(Winkle-Wagner & Locks, 2019). In a study conducted by Steele (2018), 14 out of 18 staff
professionals of color reported encouraging others to be aware and cautious within the university
(Steele, 2018). That caution is linked to BIPOC employees’ feelings of invisibility and to the
lack of institutional support that negatively impacts participant’s experiences, which takes a toll
inside and outside of academia.

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Campus Climate: BIPOC-SAP Perception of Acceptance and Environment
Studies suggested that the future of the U.S. higher education system is at stake, and
efforts to avoid further shortcomings are in the hands of institutional leaders who largely
prioritize professional development programs that increase faculty and students’ awareness
regarding the importance of diverse campus racial climates (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Karkouti,
2016; Milem, Chang, & Antonio, 2005; Turner, Myers, & Creswell, 2008). Campus climate
contributes to the perceptions of faculty and staff of color as well as their distrust that the college
and institution will commit to increasing diversity efforts. Further exploration into the field of
study revealed that even sympathetic administrators may lack knowledge about the issues
affecting campus climate for students of color, LGBTQ students, and students from marginalized
groups (Wong (Lau), 2016). A study conducted by Jayakumar, Howard, Allen, and Han (2009),
found that both faculty and staff of color experience challenges on college campuses that can
negatively impact certain retention factors such as low numbers of minoritized people on
campus, barriers to promotion, feelings of otherness, and experiences of racial or ethnic bias.
Huarto, Milem, Clayton-Pederson, and Allen (1998) found that the higher education campus
climate can be comprehended as an intangible quality exploring the perceived thoughts of
students, faculty, and staff towards racial and ethnic diversity measured by structural diversity,
institutional history, and, both psychological and behavioral dimensions. Additional studies
added that staff members of color were less likely than White staff to perceive that the campus
community has achieved a positive climate diversity (Mayhew, Grunwald, and Dey 2006; Steele,
2018). Such negative perceptions of diversity and campus climate also affect the trust of faculty
and staff members of color in their department and institution commitment to diversity efforts
(Mayhew, Grunwald, and Dey 2006; Steele, 2018).

28
When college campuses overlook the existence of racism, Steele (2018) argued that it
creates a hostile environment for all students, faculty, and staff of color. This stems from this
idea of colorblindness that discounts one’s racialized experiences (Steele, 2018). Chang (2002)
added that a negative campus climate perpetuates through the dismissive behavior of White
faculty and staff members to the existence of racism. In a quantitative study conducted by
Watson, Williams, and Derby (2005), out of 250 participants (students, faculty, and staff), White
students and faculty viewed the campus climate as friendly, inclusive, and liberal, while
administrators of color viewed the racial campus climate as hostile, exclusive, and conservative.
Other findings noted that staff members of color also saw major obstacles to increasing campus
diversity and had experienced or witnessed offensive behavior against marginalized groups
(Mayhew et al., 2006). Lack of diversity and hostile campus climates lead to staff turnover and
employees feeling unwelcome and invisible (Steele, 2018).
Institutional Support
Support for staff members in higher education comes from direct supervisors and/or
divisions leaders. Steele (2018) found that supervisory relationships both supported and
expanded the current literature on the importance of quality supervision, especially for staff
members of color. A study conducted by Marcus (2000) highlighted that dissatisfaction of
faculty and staff of color with their positions is due partly to the quality of supervision and
socioemotional issues. Results from the study show that White staff members, particularly White
men, reported feeling more comfortable discussing issues with their supervisors than people of
color (Marcus, 2000). When it came to the quality of supervision, unlike White employees, staff
of color gave extremely low rankings (Marcus, 2000). These low rankings were attributed to
differences in supervisor treatment. While White staff members reported having more access to

29
their supervisors and relationship-building, staff of color reported their supervisors not
prioritizing meeting or hearing their needs (Marcus, 2000).
Another study conducted by NU (2018) showed that among employees who voluntarily
left the university within 18 months and those who remained (including staff professionals of
color), there is a significant difference (p<.008) in agreement with the statement, “My supervisor
supports my work/life balance.” Such disparities among staff of color and White staff members
show that internal factors also contribute to staff turnover. In addition, more recently, a survey
conducted by NU (2019) also highlighted that 83% of the participants who took the 2019 Sense
of Belonging survey strongly agreed that they like their job; however, staff of color only account
for only 14.1% of participants who agreed with this statement.
Navigating Written and Unwritten Institutional Expectations
Aside from having to complete extra tasks and obligations regarding professionalism,
minoritized staff members express the feeling of being upheld to unfair standards (Steele, 2018).
Self-efficacy refers to an individual's belief in their capacity to execute behaviors necessary to
produce specific performance attainments (Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1997). Bandura (1986)
emphasized the importance of one’s self-efficacy beliefs in predicting whether they would
succeed in completing task. A survey conducted by StreessPulse (2006) concluded that the main
causes of stress include 6% lack of job security, 20% juggling work and personal life, 28%
people-related issues, and 46% related to workload. In Steele’s (2018) study, staff revealed that
their self-efficacy was high; however, extra expected involvement and invisible tasks caused
frustration when they evaluated the difference in the amount of work demand among BIPOC-
SAPs and their White counterparts. In fact, some of the participants also shared how minoritized
staff members experienced being “policed” based on their behaviors when taking days off and

30
even from clothes they wore to work (Steele, 2018). Furthermore, participants shared that their
supervisors also had an influence on their experience and their professional development
opportunities and growth (Steele, 2018). Job stress is costly and carries a price tag for U.S.
industry estimated at over $300 billion annually as result of accidents, absenteeism, employee
turnover, demised productivity, direct medical, legal and insurance costs, and workers
compensation (American Institute of Stress, 2020).
Cultural Taxation
Cultural taxation refers to the extra work faculty and staff of color take being the racial
and ethnic representation on university committees and serving as unofficial diversity
consultants on campus (Griffin, 2019). Griffin (2019) asserted that while the college benefits
from the presence and voices of employees of color, cultural taxation leads to employees being
unequally compensated for these additional tasks and inequities. A common example of cultural
taxation for underrepresented staff professionals includes students seeking out staff members that
look like them for extra advising and mentoring. Often many staff members take on these extra
responsibilities because they understand that if they do not, no one else will (Griffin, 2019). In
the traditional sense, cultural taxation has focused on faculty of color and the higher burden that
these faculty of color experience when they undertake diversity-related problems within their
specific departments and university (Hirshfield & Joseph, 2012). Cultural taxation is the essence
of being pulled in multiple directions, and it also occurs when adequate resources are not
available to staff members of color (Griffin, 2019). Griffin linked the effects of a culture of
taxation links to staff burnout due to the stresses of a heavier workload and lack of adequate
resources.

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BIPOC-SAP Burnout
According to Higgins (2017), the concept of burnout in the 1970s referred to the
reactions and interpersonal stressors that come along with one’s job. Today the World Health
Organization qualifies burnout as a medical condition (Brown, 2019). Burnout involves someone
being emotionally and mentally exhausted from work (Brown, 2019), which can result in
reduced levels of motivation or drive (Higgins, 2017). Brown (2019) asserted that the symptoms
of burnout are: (a) feelings of energy depletion or exhaustion; (b) increased mental distance from
one’s job or feeling of negativism related to one’s job; and (c) reduced professional efficacy.
Higgins argued that while higher education professionals in general are often tired due to the
heavy workload and demands of their roles, it means something different coming from a BIPOC-
SAPs. Tiredness is a factor that contributes to representation within the campus community and
not just the demands or stressors of the job (Higgins, 2017). The harsh reality is that BIPOC-
SAPs often are expected to maintain their workload and the needs of their colleagues, while
additionally having to contend with what is happening outside of the institution all while
supporting their marginalized students (Higgins, 2017). In addition, Higgins found that BIPOC-
SAPs must also contend with elements of racism, microaggressions, and respectability politics
all while tasked to dismantle elements of systemic oppression. In fact, Higgins found that one of
the most common reasons for BIPOC-SAP burnout is due to racial battle fatigue, which results in
constant physiological, cultural, and emotional everyday coping mechanisms for BIPOC-SAPs.
A study conducted by the Harvard Business Review (2018) established that one in five
employees is highly engaged and at risk of burnout, which can also contribute to staff turnover.
A study conducted by the Yale Center for Emotional Intelligence sampled 1,000 employees and
found that while employees showed desirable behaviors such as high skill acquisition, these

32
apparent model employees also reported the highest turnover intentions, even higher than the
unengaged group (Moeller et al., 2018). Further studies showed that besides completing their
official work requirement, faculty and staff of color reported feeling stress from unofficial duties
place upon them (Turner, Myers, & Creswell, 1999). Stanley (2006) found that such unofficial
duties consist of mentoring students of color or participating in work and/or department
committees. Faculty and staff of color take on greater teaching, mentoring, service, and
committee responsibilities than White faculty (Jayakumar et al., 2009; Osajima, 2009).
BIPOC-SAP Pay Gap
The increase of diversity in the workplace positively impacts attitudes towards diversity,
performance, and salaries (Konrad, Prasad, & Pringle, 2006). A study conducted by the College
and University Professional Association for Human Resources (CUPA-HR) found that the
student affairs profession is demographically more diverse than other college professions and yet
continues to lack in pay-equity issues (CUPA-HR, 2018). Student affairs staff salaries have
lagged those of other higher education professionals, specifically academic affairs staff (Jackson
& Terrell, 2003). According to Bauer-Wolf (2018), indicated it is critical for colleges and
universities continue to increase pathways for access, pay equity, and advancement for specially
women and professionals of color in student affairs.
A study conducted by Bauer-Wolf (2018) showed that as it relates to pay equity, the
profession of student affairs has smaller gaps for both members of minority groups and women
compared to the rest of higher education. Bauer-Wolf (2018) highlighted that when it comes to
entry level positions, White women earned about 96 cents for each dollar White men earned.
This gap was slightly wider among leadership, where White women reached closer to 91 cents
for every dollar their White male counterparts earned (Bauer-Wolf, 2018). Among mid-level

33
student affairs professionals, Black men earned 97 cents for every dollar White men made, and
Black women earned 94 cents for every dollar a White man made (Bauer-Wolf, 2018). Research
conducted by AAUW also confirmed that among full-time workers in 2017, LatinX, American
Indian or Alaska Native, African American, Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander staff had
lower median earnings compared with White and Asian women (AAUW, 2018). Race and
gender do contribute to pay inequities, but these pay disparities are more evident for women of
color in student affairs.
The Clark and Estes (2008) Gap Analytic Conceptual Framework
Clark and Estes’ (2008) gap analysis framework was used to assess the motivation and
organizational influences (KMO) that contribute to NU’s ability to achieve 100% retention for
BIPOC-SAPs. Applying gap analysis as framework to the goal of achieving staff retention at NU
provides a perspective that examines motivation and organizational effects on employee’s
confidence to voluntarily leave or stay in their job at NU. The first section will address the
motivating factors influencing the stakeholder group’s (BIPOC-SAPs) motivation and
persistence. A discussion of organizational factors focusing on the direct interaction and impact
related to the experiences of BIPOC-SAPs retention at NU concludes the analysis. Altogether,
the MO elements presented provide the targets and objectives driving the research methodology
outlined in Chapter Three.
Interaction of Stakeholders’ Motivational and Organizational Context
The study’s conceptual framework uses the dynamics between the distinct KMO
elements to describe the unique context of the problem. Maxwell (2013) asserted that to make
sense of the problem, the conceptual framework of a qualitative study articulates the researcher’s
assumptions of what is happening and why. Clark and Estes (2008) stated that human beings

34
consist of two psychological systems: knowledge, which tells one how to do things, and
motivation, which gets one going. Maxwell (2013) asserted that a conceptual framework is
unique to a specific problem and constructed from key factors, concepts, and variables of the
problem. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) added that a conceptual framework, or a system of
concepts, beliefs, assumptions, expectations, and theories, assist in illustrating the underlying
structure and interaction of a problem’s influences. Furthermore, a conceptual framework
highlights interrelated relationships and provides insights into research methodology (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). The gap analysis work of Clark and Estes (2008), then, informed the format of
this conceptual framework.
Stakeholder Motivational and Organizational Influences
This section examines the literature that focuses on motivation and organizational
influences that are pertinent to the retention of BIPOC student affairs professionals working at
NU. It is important to identify motivational and organizational influences surrounding the
problem of practice in order to correctly measure the performance gap and offer solutions to
close that gap at NU (Clark & Estes, 2008).
Motivation
It is important to first understand BIPOC-SAP employee motivation in order to improve
BIPOC employee retention. According to Clark and Estes (2008), motivation is the internal,
psychological process that initiates action and helps one persist and complete goals. Rueda
(2011) noted that some helpful frameworks for analyzing motivation include self-efficacy,
attributions, values, and goals. In order to accurately assess needs and determine how to increase
BIPOC employee retention, it is essential to first understand the motivational influences that
impact BIPOC-SAPs to stay in the organization.

35
There are a variety of constructs posited by motivation theorists to explain how
motivation influences choice, persistence, and performance (Wingfield & Eccles, 2000). While
there are many methods to understand motivation, this study primarily focused on expectancy-
value theory and self-efficacy as theoretical frameworks. Both theories were used to analyze: (a)
whether BIPOC-SAPs’ value of their roles outweighs the cost of the effort and challenges of
continued work at the institution and (b) whether BIPOC-SAPs feel confident in their abilities to
navigate barriers and biases that affect their retention at NU.
Expectancy-Value Theory
According to Eccles (2006), two essential motivational questions that determines
individual expectancy requires individuals to assess their capability of doing a task, and how
much they value the task. Expectancy-value attempts to explain people’s choice of achievement
tasks, persistence in those tasks, an individual’s drive in carrying them out, and performance
(Wingfield & Eccles, 2000). Expectancy-value argues that individuals’ choice, persistence, and
performance can be explained by their beliefs about how well they will do on an activity and the
extent to which they value the activity (Atkinson, 1957; Wigfield, 1994; Wingfield & Eccles,
2000). Rueda (2011) acknowledged that when one does not know how to do something,
motivation decreases, and this can contribute to organizational problems.
Eccles (2006) asserted that there are four ways in which individuals may determine the
value of a task: (a) intrinsic value, or positive feelings when engaged in a task; (b) attainment
value, or an individual’s image of who they are or want to be; (c) utility value, or how well the
task might achieve a goal; and (d) cost value, or time, energy, and or emotion the task may take.
According to Deci and Ryan (1985), intrinsic value is the enjoyment one gains from doing a task,
which is similar to the concept of intrinsic motivation. Utility value, according to Wigfield

36
(1994), refers to how a task fits into an individual’s future plan. Wigfield further asserted that
cost refers to what the individual must give up in order to complete a task as well as the
anticipated effort one will need to put into task completion. Building on Eccles’ (2006) work,
Mayer (2011) focused on areas of intrinsic value, attainment value, and utility value. Mayer
argued that what motivates individuals to learn derives from the learner’s cognitions. Mayer
asserted that the five conceptions of how motivation works are (a) interest, or personal value, (b)
beliefs, (c) attributions, or successes and failures related to efforts, (d) goals or mastery, and (e)
partnership. For staff professionals of color to determine whether the benefit of staying at NU
outweighs the cost, they might consider if they are able to align their work to Mayer’s (2011)
five conceptions.
For racially and ethnically diverse staff members to persist in their jobs, they must have
the motivation to do so. Clark and Estes (2008) identified the three aspects of motivated
performance as active choice, persistence, and mental effort. Clark and Estes further claimed that
the path to increasing an individual’s work commitment is to suggest connections to their values
and the benefit of attaining goals. They suggested that individuals should be active participants
in centering the importance of value for significant goals in order to optimize motivation.
Self-Efficacy
Self-efficacy refers to an individual's belief about one’s own capabilities to execute
behaviors necessary to produce specific performance attainments (Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1997).
Self-efficacy is a confidence in one’s own ability to exercise control over one’s motivation,
behavior, and social environment (Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1997). Self-efficacy theory serves as a
framework for individuals to understand how those beliefs develop and adapt (Bandura, 1997,
2000). When an individual’s self-efficacy is high, they are likely to make the choice to begin the

37
task, persist through completion, and apply the appropriate mental effort (Bandura, 1997, 2000;
Clarke & Estes, 2008; Eccles, 2006). On the other hand, when an individual’s self-efficacy is
low, a task may not be started, completed, or may be poorly executed due to a lack of effort
(Bandura, 1997, 2000; Clarke & Estes, 2008; Eccles, 2006). Related to social cognitive theory,
self-efficacy theory derives from an individual’s interactions with their environment, which is
the catalyst for action and persistence (Bandura, 1997; Pajares, 2006).
Bandura (1986) emphasized the importance of self-efficacy for prediction of successful
task completion. According to Pajares (2006), self-efficacy is a belief in one’s aptitude; it does
not have to be a proven or repeatable fact, nor does it have to signify a projection of one’s
outcomes. Self-efficacy may be influenced by interactions with peers, faculty, or written
feedback (Pajares, 2006). Pajares asserted that beliefs are generated from experiences,
observations of others, inputs from others, and one’s own sense of optimism or pessimism with
regards to receiving feedback. To determine how individual self-efficacy increases or decreases
related to desired outcomes, one must understand the environmental factors. In study conducted
by Steele (2018), participants of color revealed that while their self-efficacy was high, extra work
demands and involvement caused their self-efficacy to decrease. Steele noted that participants of
color had high levels of frustration when evaluating the difference in the amount of work
demanded by professionals of color and their White counterparts. Participants shared that their
supervisors also had an influence on their experience and their professional development
opportunities and growth (Steele, 2018). In particular, the study highlighted how minoritized
staff members experienced being “policed” based on their behaviors, when taking days off, and
even the clothes they wore to work (Steele, 2018). All these factors contributed to burnout and to
a decrease in the self-efficacy of staff professionals of color.

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BIPOC Professionals’ Leadership Self-Efficacy
To understand the ways a leader develops an effective practice, Machida and
Schaubroeck (2011) examined the ways self-efficacy influence leader development. According
to Machida and Schaubroeck (2011), self-efficacy is a factor to understanding the ways a leader
develops effective practice. They further analyzed the levels of a leader’s self-efficacy and the
degree to which a leader is effective in organizational improvement and professional
development. Self-efficacy is a key factor to consider when seeking to understand the retention
and persistence of BIPOC-SAPs.
Frequent and uninterrupted failure, according to Machida and Schaubroeck (2011), tends
to decrease self-efficacy when leaders are learning to lead. Such constant failure also contributes
to leaders feeling demoralized and no longer in control over their ability to improve their
performance (Machida & Schaubroeck, 2011). For BIPOC-SAPs to feel confident in their ability
to address barriers, it is important that they correctly perceive their accomplishments and
failures. Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory proposed leadership self-efficacy as an
important cognitive factor in the regulation of a leader’s functioning. Hannah, Avolio, Luthans,
and Harms (2008) asserted that leadership efficacy centers one’s internal beliefs concerning their
own ability to be a successful leader. Leadership efficacy adds value to the way staff
professionals of color hold internal beliefs about their capacity to lead within an organization,
especially in organizations that have historically underemployed racially and ethnically diverse
staff member in senior roles. Table 1 shows the motivational influences and assessment
examined in this study.

39
Table 1

Assumed Motivation Influences and Assessments

Assumed motivation influences Motivation influence assessment
Cost Value: BIPOC student affairs
professionals working at NU need to feel
that the value of them staying at NU
outweighs the cost of the effort and
challenges.
BIPOC student affairs professionals working at
NU were asked to participate in person interviews
to identify on weather staying at NU outweighs
the cost of efforts and challenges via a qualitative,
open-ended interview using Zoom video
conferencing

Self-Efficacy: BIPOC student affairs
professionals working at NU need to feel
confident in their abilities to address
barriers and biases that affect their success
to persist and opportunities for upward
mobility at NU.
BIPOC student affairs professionals working at NU
were asked to identify barriers and biases associated
to opportunities of upward mobility that affect their
decision to persist at NU via qualitative, open-
ended interviews using Zoom video conferencing.

Organization
According to Bolman and Deal (2013), organizations are dynamic entities with unique
processes and cultures that define the manner for work performance and provide structures for
influencing the beliefs and attitudes of organizational stakeholders. Rueda (2011) argued that
educational organizations are complex systems. Systems of higher learning face organizational
challenges ranging from environment, structural, and interpersonal complexities that add to their
ability to be reactive to problems (Bess & Dee, 2012). Clark and Estes (2008) noted that when
organizations establish processes and resources that align with the organization’s collaborative
goals, the cultural model addresses the increase of organizational performance. This means that
when individuals communicate regularly about plans and processes, organizational performance
increases (Clark & Estes, 2008). For this study, the organizational influences included the work

40
processes and available resources, and evaluates the cultural model, work-culture and work
setting that links to performance (Clark & Estes, 2008).
Cultural Models and Cultural Settings
Cultural models refer to values, beliefs, and attitudes that are invisible and automated
(Gallimore & Goldenberg, 2001; Schein, 2004; Clark & Estes, 2008). Cultural settings refer to
the visible, concrete manifestation of cultural models that appear within activity settings
(Gallimore & Goldenberg, 2001; Schein, 2004; Clark & Estes, 2008). Rueda (2011) asserted that
cultural settings focus on social paradigms, or who, what, where, why, and how while cultural
models assist in defining what is customary and normal. Within an organization, cultural settings
center the employees, their tasks, and how and why tasks are completed, and cultural models
define organizational cultural practices and shared mental schemas (Gallimore & Goldenberg,
2001). Both cultural models and cultural settings are subject to change from organization to
organization (Gallimore & Goldenberg, 2001). The origin of cultural setting refers to the
increase of organizational performance when processes and resources align to collaboratively-
established organizational goals (Clark & Estes, 2008).
According to Schein (2017), cultural analysis occurs in three levels which include
artifacts, espoused beliefs and values, and basic underlying assumptions. Schein asserted that
artifacts are visible and tangible structures, procedures, and observed behavior. Espoused values
and beliefs are the perceptions linked to ideals, goals, values, aspirations, ideologies, and
justification within a culture (Shein, 2017). Finally, the unconscious beliefs and values within the
culture of the organization refer to basic underlying assumptions.
The identified organizational influences examined in this study are: (1) institutional
leaders and decision makers need to understand the barriers and biases that impact retention for

41
racially and ethnically diverse staff professionals; (2) NU institutional leaders and decision
makers need to understand the path to upper mobility to leadership roles for BIPOC
professionals; (3) institutional leaders and decision makers at NU need to publicly acknowledge
the barriers that affect BIPOC- SAPs persistence and retention; (4) NU leaders and decision
makers need to provide institutional access to resources that enhance persistence and retention of
BIPOC-SAPs; and (5) NU needs to provide development opportunities to strengthen skills that
contribute to professional development, promotion, upward mobility, and retention for BIPOC
student affairs professionals. If the organization does these things, then they will be likely to
attain their BIPOC retention goal.
Table 2 (on the following page) shows the organizational influences examined in this
study and the item used to assess each influence.

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Table 2

Assumed Organizational Influences and Assessments

Assumed organizational influences Organizational influence assessment
Cultural Setting Influence: NU’s
institutional leaders and decision makers
need to implement policies and practices
that support the retention of BIPOC student
affairs professionals.
BIPOC student affairs professionals working at
NU were asked to identify the institutional
policies and practices that support BIPOC
employees retention via a qualitative, open-ended
interview using Zoom video conferencing
Cultural Model Influence: NU needs to
foster a culture in which BIPOC student
affairs professionals feel visible.

BIPOC student affairs professionals at NU were
asked to describe and provide examples of ways in
which NU and/or their supervisor communicated a
culture of inclusion via a qualitative, open-ended
interview using Zoom video conferencing.
Cultural Setting Influence: Institutional
leaders and decision makers at NU need to
publicly acknowledge the barriers that
affect BIPOC student affairs professional’s
persistence and retention.
BIPOC student affairs professionals working at NU
were asked to identify the barriers and biases they
have faced at NU via qualitative, open-ended
interviews using Zoom video conferencing.

Cultural Setting Influence: NU leaders and
decision makers need to provide
institutional access to resources that
enhance persistence and retention of
BIPOC student affairs professionals.
BIPOC student affairs professionals working at NU
were asked to identify the institutional access to
resources that enhance their persistence and
retention at NU via qualitative, open-ended
interviews using Zoom video conferencing.
Cultural Setting Influence: NU needs to
provide development opportunities to
strengthen skills that contribute to
professional development, promotion,
upward mobility, and retention for BIPOC
student affairs professionals.
BIPOC student affairs professionals working at NU
were asked to reflect on the institutional access and
opportunities available to them to strengthen skills
that contribute to professional upward mobility at
NU via qualitative, open-ended interviews using
Zoom video conferencing.

43
Conceptual Framework: Interaction of Stakeholder Motivational and Organizational
Context
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) asserted that a conceptual framework, or system of concepts,
beliefs, and theories aids in illumining the underlying structure of the influences of a problem
and how those influences interact dynamically. According to Maxwell (2013), due to the
constructed key factors, concepts, and variables of the problem, a conceptual framework is
unique to a specific problem. To make sense of the problem, Maxwell stated that the conceptual
framework of a qualitative study tells a story. Moreover, resulting from data collected, the
conceptual framework formulates emergent themes, or overarching, theoretical assertions. This
study used Clark and Estes’ (2008) frame of motivation and organization influences to conduct a
gap analysis of the organization, using the stakeholder goal as the success measure. While the
KMO elements of the conceptual framework were described independently, their interaction was
assessed as it creates the unique context of the problem.
Figure 1 (on the following page) illustrates the related nature of MO influences on the
goal to retain BIPOC student affairs professionals at PWIs. This figure highlights the relationship
between stakeholder motivation realms within the organization. There are obstacles to the
successful retention of BIPOC-SAPs within each realm, and there may be correlations or
relationships that highlight opportunities to retain and increase persistence of BIPOC-SAPs. The
intersections of the motivation and organization realms hold possibility for PWIs achievement of
the goal to retain BIPOC-SAPs in PWIs.

44
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Explanation of Conceptual Framework Figure
The two boxes represent the motivational and organizational influences of BIPOC-SAP
retention in PWIs. BIPOC-SAPs may do everything within their power to persist against
institutional barriers, forms of biases, and hurdles they face in PWIs; however, unless an
organization is fully committed to diversity efforts and the success of BIPOC-SAP, the number
BIPOC-SAPs need to feel that the value of them
staying outweighs the cost of the effort and
challenges.

BIPOC-SAPs need to feel confident in their abilities
to address barriers and bias, which impede their
success and upward mobility.

Institutional leaders and decision makers need to
recognize the need for policies and practices that
support the retention of BIPOC-SAPs.

BIPOC-SAPs need to be and feel visible at the
organization.

BIPOC-SAPs need institutional leaders and decision
makers to acknowledge the barriers that affect their
persistence and retention.

BIPOC-SAP need leaders and decision makers need
to provide BIPOC-SAPs access to institutional to
resources that will enhance their retention and upper
mobility of BIPOC-SAPs.

BIPOC-SAPs need leaders and decision makers to
provide opportunities to strengthen skills that
contribute to professional growth and upward
mobility.

Motivational
Factors
Organizational
Factors
Global
Goal
BIPOC
Employee
Retention

45
of BIPOC-SAP in PWIs will not increase. Organizational models and cultures must reflect an
organizational commitment to reducing the challenges and biases BIPOC-SAP face in PWIs.
Summary
This literature review synthesized the existing research surrounding the motivation and
organizational influences regarding retention of BIPOC-SAP at PWIs. Recruiting diverse and
talented staff is not enough to combat staff turnover; therefore, organizations must be intentional
in their approaches to retaining BIPOC-SAPs. Following the examination of the literature
review, the Clark and Estes (2008) gap analytic conceptual framework was discussed, and
motivational and organizational influences on BIPOC-SAP retention in PWIs were identified.
Chapter Three will present the study’s methodological approach.

46
Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to examine the degree to which NU is meeting its goal of
100% prioritizing the retention and persistence of BIPOC-SAPs. Particularly, the study evaluated
the relevant MO influences prominent in the literature. To explore and understand the
participant’s perceptions of the problem, this study used a qualitative research approach
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Using a qualitative approach allowed examination of how
participants interpreted their experiences at NU, how they constructed their worlds, and what
meaning they attribute to their experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Focusing on narratives
allowed scrutiny of individual experiences of BIPOC-SAPs who participated in this study;
because of this desired focus, this study used a qualitative approach grounded in narrative
methodology (Boylorn, 2011; Clandini, Pushor, & Orr, 2007). As stated in Merriam and Tisdell
(2016), at the heart of narrative inquiry is the way humans experience the world. A narrative
approach kept the study’s focus on participants describing their own experiences through stories
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Gibbs (2018) asserted that narration or story telling is one of the
fundamental ways that people organize their understanding of the world. According to Gibbs,
narratives tell a story of events and experiences, usually involving the personal dimension and
told from the individual’s point of view. The act of recounting narratives, Gibbs argued, reveals
people’s understanding of the meaning of key events in their lives and their communities as well
as the cultural contexts in which they live. Narrative collection that centered the voices of
BIPOC-SAPs and their experiences unfolded naturally based on participant narratives and lived
experiences (Patton, 2002). Through their stories, participants make sense of their experiences
and share that experience with others (Gibbs, 2018).

47
The intent of this qualitative study was not to manipulate the phenomenon of interest;
instead, the goal was for the phenomenon description to unfold naturally based on participant
narratives and lived experiences (Patton, 2002). Over a period of two months, I collected data,
beginning with one-hour semi-structured interviews using Zoom video conferencing. Participants
chose a setting that allowed them to be comfortable and speak candidly. Interviews allowed me
access to the participants’ narratives through their words and articulated experiences (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). I documented reflective memos to capture my own thinking, feelings,
experiences, and perceptions throughout the research process (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Research Questions
The following research questions that guided this study were the following:
1. What are the motivating factors that led BIPOC student affairs professionals to seek
employment at NU?
2. What are the motiving factors that are making current and former BIPOC student
affairs professionals leave NU?
3. What are notable organizational challenges associated with not retaining BIPOC
student affairs professionals working at NU?
Overview of Design
This qualitative study focused on the experiences of NU’s BIPOC-SAPs who have left
NU within the last ten years, or BIPOC-SAPs who currently are working at NU and are thinking
about leaving the institution. Through a narrative inquiry approach, this qualitative study
gathered real and lived experiences for this group; this was important to gauge the participants’
experiences and unique challenges that motivated them to leave and or to stay at NU. Taking a
qualitative approach to this study allowed me as the researcher to collect data that takes place in

48
the real-world settings of the participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Gathering participant
experiences was important to understand the unique challenges that motivated them to leave
and/or to stay in the field of student affairs at NU.
The overall approach of this study included an interview protocol. The interview protocol
included 28 open-ended and semi-structured interview questions. A semi-structured interview is
“a mix of more and less structured questions” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p.110). Using a semi-
structured approach to the interview questions provided flexibility to adjust questions depending
on the participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Key qualities of semi-structured interview
questions include “less structured interview questions, flexible questions, usually specific data
required from all participants, and no predetermined wording or order” (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016, p.110). Taking a semi-structured approach provided room for the researcher to follow up
and ask probing questions and permitted the researcher to dive deeper into the unique
experiences of each of the participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The use of probing questions
or comments gave flexibility to adjust questions during each interview and served as an
opportunity to “explore” when seeking additional information, or when needing to clarify
participant responses (Merriam & Tisdall, 2016).
The types of questions used for the interview included experience and behavior, opinion
and values, feelings, and background questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Including questions
focusing on experience and behavior elicited the things participants do or did, their behaviors,
actions, and activities (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Such questions tended to focus on why the
participants decided to leave or stay at NU. Some of the questions also included opinions and
values; such questions explored the participants’ beliefs or opinions. For example, one question
asked who should be responsible for staff retention of BIPOC-SAPs (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

49
Feeling questions gauged participant adjective responses such as “anxious, happy, afraid,
intimidated, confident, and so on” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 118). Lastly, background and
demographic questions measured participant identities and the number of years they worked at
NU (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Using a purposeful snowball sampling approach, provided participants the option to share
names and contact information of individuals they themselves identified as potential fits for this
study based on the participant criteria description provided. Prior to their interview, participants
were given a seven-minute Qualtrics© questionnaire which collected optional data regarding
participant race and ethnicity, gender identity, preferred pronouns, age range, job title,
department, highest level of education, number of years working at NU, and level of education.
The Qualtrics© survey included 10 closed questions and two open-ended questions. This form
was distributed to all participants via their preferred email address. The open-ended questions
captured the participants’ preferred pseudonym as well as other potential participants for the
study. Membership and use of these platforms were completely voluntary. The recruitment
survey can be found in Appendix C.
Table 3 (on the following page) shows the research questions and methodology used to
examine the research questions in this study.

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Table 3
Data Sources

Research Setting
Notable University (NU; pseudonym), is an elite, accredited, private PWI and statutory
research university located in upstate New York. NU serves 23,600 enrolled undergraduate,
graduate, and professional students. The racial and ethnicity breakdown for BIPOC students
totals 43% undergraduate, 17% graduate, and 16% professional underrepresented minorities
(URM). NU defines URM students as Asian, Hispanic, American Indian, and multi-racial
students who are U.S. citizens or legal residents. NU retains approximately 10,000 employees
Research Questions Interviews
RQ1: What are the
motivating factors
that led BIPOC
student affairs
professionals to seek
employment at NU?
X
RQ2: What are the
motivating factors
that are making
current and former
BIPOC student
affairs professionals
leave NU?
X
RQ3: What are
notable
organizational
challenges associated
with not retaining
BIPOC student
affairs professionals
of color working at
NU?
X

51
which includes approximately 2,000 professorial faculty members and academic staff members,
and approximately 8,000 non-academic staff (campus life and union staff). Although NU does
not provide separate breakdowns of employees by racial or ethnic groups, the data available on
NU’s website discloses that out of the approximate 10,000 staff and union employees, 3.15%
identify as underrepresented minority (URM) women versus 33.73% employees who identify as
White women. For males, 2.66% identify as URM versus 25.86% White male employees. These
numbers do not include part-time and international employees. NU defines URM employees as
Hispanic, Black, Hawaii/Pacific Islander, and American Indian races.
This study focused on non-academic BIPOC staff members who worked in the division
of student campus life, also known as student affairs, since that is the area in which BIPOC-
SAPs primary work at NU. NU was the appropriate setting to conduct this study and address the
research questions which aim to address an equity gap when it comes to hiring and retaining
BIPOC-SAPs because NU faces an underrepresentation gap of BIPOC-SAPs. Breakdowns of
BIPOC-SAPs by racial and or ethnic groups show that 16.31% of the employees identify as
BIPOC employees. Most recently, the 2020 data collected by NU show that out of the 1,189 total
staff members in the division of student campus life, American Indian or Alaska Natives
represent 0.34% of all employees, Asians represent 5.89% of all employees, Black staff or
African Americans represent 6.06% of all employees, Hispanic or LatinX represent 1.6% of all
employees, and employees with two or more races (not Hispanic or LatinX) represent 1.6% of all
employees.
Participants
The target population for this qualitative study consisted of 23 BIPOC-SAPs who both
self-identified as racially and or ethnically diverse student affairs professionals and who

52
currently or previously worked in campus life at NU. To participate in this study, participants
had to meet the criteria of identifying as a BIPOC-SAP who (a) has left NU within the last 10
years, or (b) is currently thinking about leaving NU. These participants were appropriate for this
study because their narratives provide insight into MO perspectives and lived experiences that
lead to BIPOC staff member turnover at NU.
Data Sources
Two sources were used to collect data. Data sources consisted of a short recruitment
survey of 10 closed questions and two open-ended questions that captured the demographics of
participants and a semi-structured, qualitative, open-ended interview in which volunteering
participants participated (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Prior to their interviews, participants were
asked to fill out a demographic survey to confirm consent and participation in the study.
Interviews were conducted over a period of eight weeks using Zoom video conferencing.
Interviews
To engage respondents and find participants who met the interview criteria set up for
participants in this study, a purposeful snowball sampling approach was used (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). The study intended to engage 15 participants, but the purposeful snowball
approach yielded 23 participants. Participants self-disclosed and volunteered to partake in a 60-
minutes one-on-one interview. The interview protocol consisted of a total of 28 semi-structured
open-ended questions that were all confidential (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). To ensure
protection and confidentiality of the participants and their identities, all participants were
assigned pseudonyms. Prior to participating in the interview, all 23 volunteers and referrals were
asked to provide either a personal email address or phone number to be contacted and given
further information on what the interview entailed (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). During the

53
interview, all 23 participants were informed that at any point during the interview they could
leave the interview (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The one-on-one
interview period was open for eight weeks. Due to COVID-19, all interviews were conducted via
Zoom video conferencing and not in person as originally intended. To ensure that respondent
participation in this study was not influenced by incentives, none of the participants received
incentives for study participation (Robinson & Leonard, 2019). The interview question protocols
can be found in Appendix D.
Prior to the interview, each participant took a seven-minute recruitment survey. This
survey included ten closed questions and two open-ended questions regarding their race and
ethnicity, job title, department, number of years working in student affairs, and level of
education. Qualtrics© was used to distribute the survey and to collect survey data. The nominal
questions focused on racial and ethnic demographics (Merrian & Tisdell, 2019). Interval
questions focused on number of years BIPOC-SAPs served in the field of student affairs and at
NU. The last two open-ended questions provided participants the opportunity to share the names
and information of participants who fit the criteria to participate in this study. All questions for
the recruitment survey were optional, except for the participant’s signature, which was required
for consent to participate in the 60-minute interview. The survey ensured privacy by asking some
demographic questions and avoiding questions that may make the respondents feel imposed on
and or uncomfortable (Robinson & Leonard, 2019).
Instrumentation
The instrument for this study included a one-on-one online Zoom interview with each of
the 23 participants. To adjust questions and add probing questions depending on participants, the
interview protocol was comprised of 28 semi-structured open-ended questions (Merriam &

54
Tisdell, 2016). A semi-structured approach was used to allow follow-up and probing questions
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Question types for the interview focused on factors that impacted
BIPOC-SAP motivation and decisions to leave NU, as well as factors motiving current BIPOC-
SAPs to leave NU.
To measure participant experiences and behaviors, opinion and values, feelings, and
background questions, all interview questions were designed as open-ended and semi-structured
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The semi-structured interview protocol granted the opportunity for
the researcher to dive deeper into the unique experiences of the participants and helped the
researcher gain deeper understanding by being able to ask additional probing questions where
needed (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), experience and
behavior are types of questions that gauge at the “things a person does or did, his or her
behaviors, actions, and activities” (p.118). Asking participants such questions gave room for
deeper understanding as to why participants decided to leave or stay at NU. Opinion and values
questions explored the participants’ beliefs and opinions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2018). Questions
focusing on affect asked for participants to consider emotions such as anxiousness, happiness,
fear, intimidation, confidence, and so on (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Background and
demographic questions measured participant racial and ethnic demographics, the number of
years in their current or previous roles at NU, and the department they work(ed) for. See
Appendix D for the interview protocol instrument used in this study.
Data Collection Procedures
Data collection procedures included 23 semi-structured one-on-one virtual interviews
using Zoom as the online platform. Due to COVID-19 and the nature of social distancing, phone
and Zoom interviews were presented as the two main platforms for conducting interviews. Of the

55
23 participants, 22 of the interviews were conducted via Zoom and only one interview was
conducted via phone due to lack of internet access. Zoom and phone calls permitted for
interviews to be conducted from wherever the participants were geographically located. Private,
one-on-one interviews were scheduled directly with participants in advance, using a Doodle poll
that allowed for participants to identify dates and times that worked best for their schedules.
Each interview was scheduled for 60 minutes and with the permission of participants all
interviews were recorded using Zoom video conferencing software and deleted upon the
completion of this study. No video recordings were used for the study, although Zoom’s audio
recordings were used to transcribe recordings. Due to the researcher’s previous experiences with
Zoom’s transcribing tool not always accurately transcribing, handwritten notes were taken.
Otter.ai was also used as another method to transcribe recordings.
Interview Data and Coding
Line by line coding of each transcript was completed for each interview. According to
Merriam and Tisdell (2016), described coding as the process of making notes next to pieces of
data that one feels will be relevant to one’s study or answering the research questions. While this
study utilized a prior codes for each influence, categories also were established, incorporating
sub-concepts to connect the distinctive codes of individual transcript. Based on the relationship
among the identified sub-concepts, overarching themes were developed. Themes are conceptual
elements that cover or span many individual examples of a theme (Merriam and Tisdell, 2016).
To ensure trustworthiness, the researcher self-disclosed her own assumptions, beliefs, and biases,
and used reflexivity as a method to further analyze each interview (Creswell & Miller, 2000).

56
Validity and Reliability
According to Creswell (2014), validity has to do with measurement of the appropriate
item, and reliability answers the question regarding the ability to repeat the measurement with an
identical response over time. To ensure validity, reliability, trustworthiness, and credibility, this
study employed triangulation, respondent checking, and reflexivity.
As ways to remove obvious errors and produce a richer set of explanation to the study
results, there were several techniques that the researcher used to address validity and accuracy of
the study (Gibbs, 2018). First, triangulation was used. Triangulation is the process in which
multiple methods or data sources in qualitative research are used to understand the phenomena
(Patton, 1999). In this study, various sources of information were used to increase the validity of
the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Gibbs (2018) noted that validity measures if the
explanations are true or accurate and captures what is truly happening. To achieve triangulation,
this study used multiple sources of data collection such as using member checks and primary
data analysis (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To establish internal validity or credibility, the study’s
interview questions were designed to match the reality and narratives of participants (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Because one cannot capture reality (Maxwell, 2013), rather than participant
accounts being a context-independent conclusion, this study relied on validity to assess the
participant accounts in relation to the purpose and circumstances of the research (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). This was done by collecting data through interviews and from follow-up
interviews with the same participants, comparing multiple sources of data, and employing
member checks (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Gibbs (2018) asserted that both triangulation and respondent checking, also known as
member checking or respondent validation, can be used to avoid unintentional errors or

57
omissions in data collection or transcription. The process of transcription can be a form of
translation and a means to achieve respondent checking (Gibbs, 2018). Transcription allows for
the researcher to faithfully capture the participant’s view of the world and gives participants the
opportunity to pick up any “nonsensical interpretations” (Gibbs, 2018). One liability of
transcribing is that it gives participants the opportunity to disagree with the transcript (change
their minds), even if the transcription accurately records what was stated during the interview
(Gibbs, 2018). There are two options the researcher can consider if the respondent wishes to
retract or change statements made in the interview. The first is to treat the revised statements as
new data and analyze why the participant changed their opinion (Gibbs, 2018). The second
option is to remove the participant’s original statement and assure the participant that their
changes constitute valid data (Flick, 2018). If not successful, the researcher should respect the
decision of the participant and destroy the data (Flick, 2018).
The researcher used reflexivity to ensure objectivity. Reflexibility is the recognition that
the product of study unavoidably reflects some of the researcher’s background, milieu, and
biases (Gibbs, 2018). The researcher employed both personal and epistemological reflexivity. In
other words, the reflexivity involved personal reflection on the way in which the research is
carried out and understanding how the process of conducting research shapes its outcomes
(Hardy et al., 2001). Personal reflexibility includes the researcher’s reflection on the way their
values, experiences, and social identities influence the study (Gibbs, 2018). The researcher
conducted the interpretation of interpretation (Alvesson & Skoldberg, 2000). Gibbs (2018)
asserted that epistemological reflexivity provides researchers a platform to consider their
assumptions about how they view the world and the nature of knowledge that relates to the
study. Qualitative research takes the researchers interactions with the field as an explicit part of

58
knowledge production and includes the subjectivities of the researcher and those being studied as
part of the research process (Flick, 1998). Reflexivity shows the partial nature of the researchers’
representations of reality and the multiplicity of the competing versions of reality (Brewer,
2000). As a result, qualitative researchers reflect on their work, exploring the implications of
their role in producing certain kinds of knowledge and how their worldview contributes to
knowledge production.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
To ensure credibility and trustworthiness of findings from qualitative interviews, the use
of the same 28 semi-structured open-ended interview questions protocol was utilized for all
participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Utilizing open-ended questions encouraged participants
to provide rich and in-depth responses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This study employed
purposeful sampling to examine the lived experiences of BIPOC-SAPs who work at NU. The
type of purposeful sampling used in this study was snowball sampling, also known as chain or
network sampling (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Snowball sampling is a strategy that involves
locating a few key participants who easily meet the established criteria for study participation
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). For this study, each interview participant was asked to refer other
potential individuals that met the study’s participant criteria.
Any prejudices and assumptions of the researcher were “bracketed” or temporarily set
aside (Merriam & Tisdell, p. 26). Recognizing and accepting personal prejudices and biases also
prompted the researcher to use a qualitative approach, which provided the reader with enough
detail to show that the researcher's conclusion made sense; this allowed room for trustworthiness
and authenticity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). By centering the worldviews of the participants

59
based on their lived experiences, conducting a qualitative study was a strategy that gave room for
“authenticity” and “trustworthiness” of the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 239).
The Researcher
The researchers’ lived experiences reflected the lived experiences of the participants,
which informed the researchers’ interest in this topic. The researchers’ positionality related to
that of the participants due to the fact that the researcher identifies as a Latina and is a woman
and a student affairs professional who currently works at a PWI. The investigator began her
career in higher education in the field of student affairs under the division of campus life and
diversity and inclusion. She has led efforts to support marginalized and vulnerable student
populations with fostering a sense of belonging and to increase persistence and graduation rates.
In the midst of supporting her students, the researcher became aware of staff turnover of BIPOC-
SAPs, which is what prompted the exploration of this topic. As a woman of color who currently
and previously has worked in PWIs, the investigator recognized that she brought her own lived
experiences of navigating work microaggressions, structural barriers, racism, and stereotyping in
PWIs into the field of student affairs. The researcher’s own experiences also served as insight to
understand the experiences that some of the participants faced regarding invisible labor, lack of
support from supervisors, discrimination, burnout and overwork, being “tokenized,” and
experiencing feelings of isolation when working in PWIs. Her positionality offered participants a
space to be transparent about shared lived experiences and unique challenges when navigating
intersectional identities as BIPOC-SAPs working in PWIs.
By assuring participant confidentiality, the researcher’s positionality offered participants
an opportunity to be transparent when responding to the interview questions. Gathering real and
lived experiences of participants was important to this study because the researcher’s intent was

60
not to manipulate the phenomenon of interest, but instead to naturally unfold the meaning of the
participants’ narratives and lived experiences (Patton, 2002). The researcher’s positionality also
made the researcher an insider in the following ways: (a) her most salient identities are Latina
and a woman of color, (b) she currently works in student affairs, and (c) she also works at a PWI.
Being an insider with relation to the study topic shaped the research because her experiences of
not being supported in PWIs as a Latina working in higher education prompted this study.
The goal of this study was to find a solution for how PWIs can best retain more BIPOC-
SAPs. The researcher stands on the fact that people are individuals, but also recognizes that there
are structures in place that bond people from being successful in their careers. Axiology in this
study gave power to marginalized employee voices and contributed to efforts to dismantle
dominant narratives. The researcher’s blind spots included the researcher’s own experiences with
not feeling supported in PWIs, which prompted her to not put the blame on BIPOC-SAPs for
wanting to leave an institution, but rather centering participants voices which identified other
factors as responsible for BIPOC-SAPs turnover (the institutional climate, supervisors,
colleagues, etc.). The study fully recognizes that staff turnover also impacts White employees
and not just BIPOC employees. Although this study centered the voices of BIPOC-SAPs, the
overall goal of this study was for people and organizations to pay closer attention to BIPOC-
SAPs turnover and the impact of turnover on the entire campus, including students, faculty, and
other staff members, which includes White employees.
Ethics
Centering the narratives of the participants served as a tool to unpack the motivational
and organizational factors that contributed to turnover of BIPOC-SAPs at NU (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016; Creswell & Creswell, 2008). This study underwent IRB review by addressing

61
concerns related to consent, confidentiality, incentives, power and coercion, and the IRB process
in the following ways:
1. Prior to participating in the interviews, all volunteers were guaranteed that their
participation would not be coerced, and that if at any point they preferred not to
continue to move forward with the study, they could stop participating with no
commitment attached.
2. No assumptions about participant roles and/or racial and ethnic background were
made. All participants self-identified as NU employees and either as racially or
ethnically diverse.
3. To avoid power dynamics, the researcher’s direct reports were not permitted to
participate in the study.
4. Written or verbal consent was obtained by each of the participants prior to their
participation in the study.
5. All participants self-disclosed if they either left the institution or if they were thinking
about leaving the institution.
6. Access to the Dropbox folder which contained participants information and all
content related this study required DUO mobile login.
7. No real names nor specific examples were used to protect participant identities.
8. This study was voluntarily, and at no point were incentives offered to participants.
9. The researcher was honest about the study methods in the IRB process, and once the
study was conducted, the researcher adhered to those methods.

62
Chapter Four: Findings
This qualitative study sought to examine the barriers that impact study participants’
retention within their roles as BIPOC employees at NU: a research, private, selective PWI. In the
initial phase, a short online survey to recruit participants and collect key demographic
information was sent out via email to participants who self-identified as BIPOC-SAPs. Only
participants whose responses satisfied the criteria of self-identifying as BIPOC-SAPs who have
(a) left NU within the last ten years, and (b) who are currently thinking about leaving NU
became part of the group being studied. Interviews were conducted via Zoom, audio-recorded,
transcribed, and coded for further analysis. Concepts that emerged from coding were used to
construct overarching themes. This study sought to answer the following research questions:
1. What are the motivating factors that led BIPOC student affairs professionals to seek
employment at NU?
2. What are the motiving factors that are making current and former BIPOC student
affairs professionals leave NU?
3. What are notable organizational challenges associated with not retaining BIPOC
student affairs professionals working at NU?
The results and findings in this chapter are organized according to the motivational and
organizational influences aligned with Clark and Estes’ (2008) gap analysis framework. As the
researcher, I started this study with assumed motivational and organizational influences (as
displayed in Chapter 2; Tables 1 and 2) but erred on the themes that emerged from the narrative
of the participants themselves that were stronger, and as a result that is why I focused on a
thematic approach to reporting my findings. To validate anticipated impacts, each motivational
and organizational (MO) influence was examined using data from participant interviews. Data

63
analysis began during data collection and continued through participant interviews and coding.
The answers to each of the research questions found in this analysis will center the responses of
each of the interview participants to understand the implicit MO influences described in this
study. Next, each influence was categorized into themes by determining whether the data
collected validated the anticipated influences. Finally, this chapter provides a summary of the
overall findings. Recommendations addressing these findings are presented in Chapter Five.
Participating Stakeholders
The online survey resulted in 29 completed responses from participants. Of the 29
completed responses, 23 participants fit the study criteria. Each participant received a participant
recruitment survey via email prior to their scheduled interview. The information collected from
the recruitment survey included mandatory responses to questions such as pseudonym for
participants, race and ethnicity, and whether each participant was a current or past employee of
the institution. Information that was optional for participants to share included age, sex, preferred
pronouns, gender identity, highest level of education, salary range, department, and position. Of
the 23 participants, 13 identified as females, nine as males, and one identified as non-binary,
third gender or gender fluid. Of the 23 participants interviewed, two identified as Afro-LatinX
(one female and one non-binary, third gender or gender fluid), 12 as Black (six males and six
females), one as Asian (one female), six as LatinX (five females and one male), one Middle
Eastern and North African male, and one male who identified as Indigenous and LatinX. To
protect participant confidentiality, participant names and titles were omitted from this study. The
demographic information of participants who identified as past BIPOC-SAPs is summarized in
Table 4 (on the following page), and demographic information of participants who are currently
thinking about leaving the institution is summarized in Table 5 (on the subsequent page).

64
Table 4
Demographic Information of Previous Employee Participants
Pseudonym(s) Race or Ethnicity Sex
Anita Black Female
Vivian Black Female
Anastacia Black Female
Jose Santos Latino Male
Garvey
Black/Afro-
Caribbean
Male
Xavier Black Male
Brandon Black Male
Bishop Black Male
Lance Sullivan Black Male

65
Table 5
Demographic Information of Current Employee Participants Considering Leaving the Institution
Pseudonym(s) Race or Ethnicity Sex
Ari Afro-Latina Female
Jennie Afro-LatinX
Non-binary, third
gender or gender
fluid
Adriana Black Female
Tamera Black Female
Mazel Black Female
Lia Indian/Asian Female
Esperanza Latina Female
Penelope Latina Female
Gina Latina Female
Lulu Latina Female
Dina Latina Female
Denzel Black Male
Alejandro Latinx/Indigenous Male
Michael
Middle
Eastern/North
African
Male

Out of the 23 participants, 14 participants are currently considering leaving the
institution, and nine participants had left NU within the last 10 years. Participants ranged from

66
22 to 59 years of age with 10 participants being in their 20s, 10 being their 30s, and three of the
participants being in their 40s-50s. When considered in conjunction with the number of
professional years working at NU, age is important as it contributes to direct observation of the
last 10 years of NU turnover. The outlier was the participant who is in their mid-40s. Figure 2
depicts participant ages.

Figure 2
Participant Ages

67
In general, tenure for study participants who currently work and previously worked for
NU was relatively short in the group of respondents. Out of the 23 participants, three of the
current participants identified as being at NU for close to a year at the shortest length and two
with ten years of service as the longest length of service. Out of the 23 participants (current and
past employees combined), three served for less than a year, two for a year, three for 2 years, six
for 3 years, one for 4 years, one for 9 years, and two participants served for 10 years. The outlier
who was in their 40s had served at the institution for five years, and out of 23 participants, two
who identify being in their 50s, one served at the institution for 10 years. Prior to working at NU,
respondents had extensive professional education and experiences working in higher education
in student services capacities ranging from three to more than 10 years of experience (only three
of the participants came directly from their graduate programs to work at NU, but had experience
working in the field). Figure 3 (on the subsequent page) represents the number of years
participants have been employed by the university.

68
Figure 3
Participant Length of Employment at NU

In comparison to the larger population, it is also worth noting that of the 23 study
participants the highest turnover was from participants who worked and or are currently working
in residence life with 34%. The second highest percentage of turnover in this study with 17.4%
comes from BIPOC-SAPs who serve in multicultural affairs, also known as diversity and
inclusion. Of the 30.4% study participants that identified as individuals serving in roles that were
outside academic affairs, campus activities, care and crisis, counseling, career services,
multicultural affairs, residence life, and student conduct, the option “other” reflected three
individuals who served in diversity and inclusion admissions roles and three in public service
roles. Figure 4 (on the following page) represents the percentages of roles participants have most
recently served in at the university.

69
Figure 4
Participant Roles at NU

All study participants possess a post-secondary degree. 69.6% of the participants held a
master’s degree, and 13.0% of participants held a Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) or a Doctor of
Education (Ed.D.). The outliers who held a Juris Doctor (J.D.) and a Licensed Master of Social
Work (LMSW) noted in their interviews that they work in a department and in a role that was
directly related to their degrees. Figure 5 (on the following page) indicates participant responses
to the survey question related to level of education completed.

70
Figure 5
Participant Education Level

To allow participants to response in depth, the interviews followed a semi-structured
protocol (see Appendix D) with open-ended questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interview
protocol consisted of a total of 28 questions. All interviews were scheduled for 60 minutes;
however, with consent from participants, most ranged between 60 and 120 minutes. Out of the
23 interviews, 22 interviews were conducted using Zoom video conferencing and 1 was
conducted via telephone due to internet connectivity issues.

71
Research Question 1: What Are the Motivating Factors that Led BIPOC Student Affairs
Professionals to Seek Employment at NU?
The findings were organized according to the motivational and organizational influences
aligned with Clark and Estes’ (2008) gap analysis framework. As displayed in Chapter 2 on
Tables 1 and 2 this study utilized assumed motivational and organizational influences and erred
on the themes that emerged from the narrative of the participants themselves that were stronger
and resulted on a thematic approach to reporting my findings. To validate anticipated impacts,
each motivational and organizational (MO) influence was examined using data from participant
interviews.
Motivation Influences Findings
Understanding motivating factors of BIPOC-SAPs is a key factor for PWIs senior leaders
and decision makers to consider in the effort to improve retention of BIPOC employees. Through
interviews, as the researcher, I evaluated BIPOC-SAPs motivating factors that lead BIPOC-SAPs
to seek employment at NU. This evaluation used the two motivational constructs of expectancy-
value and self-efficacy to understand and categorize responses. Themes were identified after
analysis of interview transcripts. All 23 participants expressed seeking employment at NU
specifically because they value serving and supporting students.
Job-Related Intrinsic and Extrinsic Expectancy Values
The expectancy-value of participants was present in all 23 interviews. Interview protocol
questions two and three addressed cost-value as it relates to research question one (see Appendix
D for a list of questions and complete phrasing).
All participants expressed a strong intrinsic value for their work and roles as student
affairs professionals in higher education. All interviewed participants expressed seeking

72
employment at NU because they felt qualified (educational background and years of experience
in the field) to serve in that capacity, and they also indicated that they were seeking employment
to make a difference in the lives of students. During the interviews, participants were able to
identify a greater motivation that was a key influence in seeking employment at NU as student
affairs professionals. Figure 6 shows the thematic groupings of participant perceptions related to
their value of employment at NU.

Figure 6
Themes of Participant Perceptions Regarding Value for Seeking Employment

73
All participants repeatedly expressed the intrinsic value that made them seek employment
in student affairs careers at NU, and many spoke about the intrinsic value that motivated them to
persist as BIPOC-SAPs. Out of the 23 participants, 22 of the participants shared having intrinsic
value for the work they do, and 21 of the participants spoke about the intrinsic value that
supporting students had on their motivation to seek employment at NU. Thirteen participants
noted that working in an environment that has resources (both monetary and institutional
resources for students and staff across campus) also contributed to their decision to seek
employment at the institution. Furthermore, 16 of the participants spoke about wanting to work
in roles that aligned with their skill set. Sixteen out of 23 participants expressed intrinsic value in
working in an environment that valued their skillset and knowledge. Nineteen participants noted
the value that working in diverse environments (whether that was serving diverse students or
working with diverse staff) had on their decision to seek employment at the institution.
Penelope, who currently works at NU, shared that she sought employment at NU because
she is
Very mission driven, so any job I've ever taken I've had to align with the mission of the
institution of being an inclusive place, a place that values different ways of thinking,
people from different walks of life, and NU’s mission drew me.
While for Penelope aligning with the organization’s mission was a direct linkage to her intrinsic
value for seeking employment at NU, 21 of the interview participants expressed finding intrinsic
value in serving and working with students. Garvey shared that the value he finds in his work lies
in the engagement he has with the students he serves:
I sought employment at NU, because they had a job that I was very passionate about
serving in, specifically, not just the job, but serving the student population. And I had

74
seen it as the institution taking a very intentional step in providing services for a
particular student population. The institution has a history and a reputation for a certain
caliber of work. And for me, the prospect of working in such a place was very exciting.
Because I knew that they would have the resources as well as the intentionality and
provide an opportunity to serve this student population in a real way.
Similarly, Tamera sought employment at the institution because she found intrinsic value in
serving in a role that would allow her to support students and their learning while in college.
Tamera said, “How can we be intentional about what we try to educate our students was what
really drove me here.” Lulu, who has worked at the institution for 10 years, shared that she found
intrinsic value in seeking employment at the university because of the students she would be
serving in the role. Her students, she said, were also an intrinsic motivating factor and the main
reason she stayed at the university for this long. Lulu stated, “I really fell in love with the
students because they wanted to learn from me, and so I ended up taking a job.”
Like Garvey, Tamera, and Lulu, Brandon found intrinsic value in serving
underrepresented student populations and decided to seek employment at the university because
he is “very passionate about underrepresented and underserved student populations and helping
them to be successful and navigating higher education, whether at the undergraduate or graduate
level.” Lance Sullivan was also motivated to seek employment at the institution because of the
population of students he would be serving. Recognizing that the institution is a PWI, Lance
found intrinsic value and motivation in specifically being able to serve Black students. Lance
communicated that his primary interest in working at the institution and serving in his role was
because “it was a great opportunity to advocate for Black students and to support their
experiences at a predominately White institution.” Esperanza, who has worked at the university

75
for five years, reflected on her intrinsic motivation for seeking employment at the institution and
shared motivations similar to Lance’s. She stated, “I applied, and it was really all about the role
that I would get to continue to work with BIPOC students who were STEM majors, and it was
really about serving BIPOC students.”
Like Lance and Esperanza, Jose Santos had the experience of working with marginalized
underrepresented student populations prior to seeking employment at NU. For Jose, seeking
employment at the institution was centered on being able to serve LatinX students and to help
shape their development. He stated,
The LatinX student component was the most compelling feature, specially to be able to
be 100% dedicated to cultivating the LatinX experience because students are going to be
our country's future leaders, and this was an opportunity for me to support their growth
and development.
Having resources for both staff and students to serve in their role was also a key finding
for participants when considering working at NU: 13 of the participants mentioned resources
being an intrinsic value to accepting employment at NU. Like Garvey, Xavier expressed the
importance of working in an environment that offered resources to do the work he was tasked to
support his students. Xavier stated, “I was looking for a place that has similar academic culture
to what I was used to, but also an institution that had the resources to do the work.” Gina also
expressed that she found intrinsic value in working for an institution that offered resources, and
like Xavier, specifically monetary resources for her to serve her students. Gina voiced how
“[She] had more of a legit budget, in comparison to [another institution].” At another institution
she was considering employment at, she shared her budget would “only be $200 a year,”
whereas at NU she “had $7 per student.” Having financial resources and a healthy budget to

76
serve students was a key motivating factor for Gina and for other participants when making the
decision to work at NU. For Gina, having a good budget was necessary because in her role she
“would be serving a large, underrepresented student population” and she felt that “a larger
budget would offer the opportunity for autonomy, more flexibility, creativity, and an opportunity
to create your own engagement plan for students.” Gina also found intrinsic value in working at
an organization that offered resources and opportunities for employees, and NU, she said, “[…]
seemed to offer more opportunities for advancement of internal employees” versus other
organizations she was considering working for.
Ari explained that, much like Gina, working for an organization that offered resources for
employees was intrinsically valuable. Ari noted,
I was looking to still do meaningful work with young people and looking to work in a
place that has access to a lot of the resources. So, I was particularly excited about being
able to take classes and being part of the intellectual community.
Similarly, Mazel spoke about quality mental health services and how such resources were part of
her intrinsic value for seeking employment at NU. Mazel recalled that “one of the things that was
really talked about in the interview that attracted me to the job, was that my former boss really
promoted the health and wellbeing of staff and that people that worked there were happy.”
Working at an institution that offered resources for both students and staff was part of the
intrinsic value for 13 of the participants, and all felt that having such resources would contribute
to them thriving within the organization.
Summary
The information discovered in the interviews shows that BIPOC-SAPs who were
interviewed in this study felt that their work was valuable and meaningful, especially when

77
serving underrepresented student populations. Serving students (including BIPOC and
marginalized student populations), was an evident intrinsic value for most participants (21 of
them) who sought employment at NU. As a result, expectancy-value was not found to be a gap
for BIPOC-SAPs, but instead seen as an influence that participants bring to their work when
seeking employment.
Participants Reported High Self-Efficacy Addressing Work Challenges and Biases
Themes regarding participant self-efficacy were present in all 23 interviews. Interview
question six (How do you feel about your ability to navigate NU’s campus culture as a BIPOC
student affairs professional?), and question 22 (Talk about your strategies to address barriers and
biases in your role as a BIPOC individual working in student affairs) addressed research question
one. BIPOC-SAPs working at NU feel confident in their abilities to address barriers and biases
that affect their success to persist at NU. All 23 participants talked about participating in BIPOC
professional networks, and out of the 23, 19 participants talked about the BIPOC professional
networks as a direct means of support for BIPOC-SAPs. The participants pointed out that these
networks and relationships served as mentorship opportunities, helped them learn about staff
resources that the organization offered, and helped them navigate some of the unique barriers
BIPOC-SAPs face in PWIs. Figure 7 (on the following page) displays the 19 participants who
expressed using the BIPOC professional colleague networks to navigate challenges and biases,
including microaggressions and discrimination, as well as the four participants who did not
necessarily participate in the BIPOC professional colleague networks but expressed building
community with other colleagues.

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Figure 7
BIPOC Professional Network Use

Despite the challenges, biases, discrimination, and racism that participants experienced at
NU, all participants expressed feeling confident in their ability to address workplace challenges
and biases. The majority of interviewed participants (19) attributed their confidence in the
BIPOC staff community to allies their involvement in the BIPOC professional networks. All
participants expressed a high level of confidence in their own credentials, skill sets, and abilities
to perform despite experiencing challenges and biases from students, staff, and community
members. All participants conveyed a strong level of confidence in their abilities to address
biases and barriers. Moreover, participants reflected on their participation in BIPOC professional
networks and noted that such groups helped bolster confidence in their abilities to navigate
institution challenges and biases.

79
Adriana, who has been at the organization for five years, reflected on her decision to
accept employment at NU. She said,
The position was very closely aligned to my skill set. And I had at the time a position at
another place that wasn't exactly what I wanted to do, and the role at NU was closer to
the kind of things that I like to do and that I know I am good at doing.
Jose Santos shared that “having had residential life experiences in the past, serving in this role
was something I was familiar with and I knew I could do.” Like Adriana and Jose Santos,
Anastacia reflected on what she expected to gain from her role at NU because in her previous
role she had experience working at a place where she was not challenged to use her full potential.
Anastacia expressed that prior to NU she “was in a place where I wanted to grow in my career.
And the place that I was at was not challenging me or allowing for me to really do so.”
Michael noted about accepting employment at NU,
I felt like I was a good fit for the position I found. And when I came in and met the
people I was working with, I felt like there are people that I would be happy to work
with. So, it felt like a good fit.
Similarly, Denzel talked about working in an environment that would put him in a position to
work “with some of the best of the best, but also with individuals that saw enough value in me as
being the best, and a candidate to be able to offer, you know, my talents and skill sets too.”
Despite participants’ years of experiences in the field, their educational background, and
experience in higher education, all participants expressed having experienced racial
discrimination, bias and microaggressions, or witnessing other BIPOC employees or students
sharing stories about their experiences enduring such behaviors. These were a few of the many
encounters that all participants described, and when asked how they navigate working at a PWI,

80
19 participants noted that participating in the BIPOC professional colleague networks as a way to
navigate these incidents and the institution. For Anita, the women of color professional network
was what she called “a safe space.” Anita recounted that in this space, she learned “valuable
information I never heard someplace else and like learned about people's personal stories and
experiences, which is I trusted the space.” Similarly, Lance Sullivan expressed how the BIPOC
professional networks were “a very important part of my experience because in these spaces, I
was able to get resources from faculty and staff.” For Lance, these spaces served “as spaces
where you can talk to folks about life in general because the staff were very supportive.”
Garvey shared how he has used human resources to navigate challenges with his
supervisor, but he said,
I also utilize the staff groups; the Black staff and faculty spaces, there were a couple of
student groups that were helpful because I was able to give back and serve as a mentor.
So, I would say the identity groups for faculty and staff were helpful.
Like Garvey, Xavier recalled, “I got connected to the men of color network very early on, which
was helpful.” Michael shared his appreciation of “feeling heard” through his involvement in the
BIPOC professional colleague networks. Further, he stated,
It's nice to see people and connecting with people who have similar experiences and
passions you can relate to. And having a social network of people of color is something
that I have benefited from a lot because I do not have mentors.
Similarly, Jennie mentioned hearing about the BIPOC professional networks during their
interview and explained that they “really enjoyed being a part of like the LGBT and BIPOC
colleague network groups. So, I'm really glad to be involved, even though I'm not as involved as
I want to be.”

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While Jennie was not as involve as they hoped to be in the BIPOC professional colleague
network, to navigate work related challenges, Jennie and a group of BIPOC employees created
their own version of BIPOC professional networks to navigate challenges they were facing in
their department and to support and to empower one another. Similarly, to Jennie, Lance
Sullivan reflected on the impact the BIPOC professional networks had on him during his time at
NU. He shared, “I was granted other opportunities because I've made connections and made
relationships, but none of those opportunities were necessarily prompted within the department;
it was through my engagement with other BIPOC colleagues.” Lia expressed her gratitude to the
BIPOC professional networks and said, “I like being part of it because it has it helped me
navigate [NU’s] culture, and I like receiving the email resources, especially knowing that the
group exists.”
For Brandon, being part of the BIPOC professional networks meant “celebrating life and
celebrating each other.” Brandon shared a story about his grandmother who had a seventh-grade
education and taught him, “As you climb, remember the fall, because it's not going to be easy.
But remember to respect people and give people their due, as you're moving through.” That is
the one thing that Brandon said he tried to do in the BIPOC professional network. During his
time as a member of the BIPOC professional network, he recalled, “It was so crazy, because I
can recall all the good memories that were implemented through efforts that I've found.”
Brandon expressed his “need to be connected” and “need to be a part of things” and connected
that to the fact that he was one of the few Black men on campus. He said, “I can't sit here and
just wait. Rosa Park didn't just sit down because she wanted somebody to see she was tired. We
have to be engaged and mentor a lot of folks along the way.” During his two-year term as
president of the BIPOC men’s professional network, he focused on “building relationships and

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helping folks get their Ph.D., I was helping undergraduate students and preparing others for the
Ph.D. track.” It was the community that he hoped everyone could experience at that organization,
so often similar to Mazel, who shared, “Staff came to me, the faculty sent folks to me, and so I
didn't mind the extra time because I love supporting and helping people.”
Aside from the BIPOC professional networks, additional supports for some of the
participants came from White colleagues, also called White allies. Vivian shared,
I managed well because I had a lot of allies, White allies who knew it was hard for me to
transition and who immediately helped me make sure my voice was elevated and that
translate it into navigating across campus.
Lulu identified her first supervisor, a White woman, as someone that helped her “navigate the
ropes and overcome barriers at NU.” Lulu referred to her former supervisor as “my unicorn
supervisor” because she helped Lulu find her “inner confidence and ability to one day lead at the
organization. She also stated that since having this woman as her supervisor nine years ago, she
had not had any other supervisors like her.
Summary
The information discovered in the interviews shows that BIPOC-SAPs who were
interviewed in this study felt that they were able to navigate microaggressions, discriminations,
and barriers that they faced at the institution. Additional discoveries also shown that due to the
lack of BIPOC employee representation in PWIs, BIPOC employees tended to support one
another and benefit from the support of White allies. As a result, self-efficacy was not found to
be a gap for BIPOC-SAPs, but instead seen as an influence that participants brought to their
work when navigating toxic and challenging work environments.

83
Research Question 2: What Are the Motiving Factors that Are Making Current and
Former BIPOC Student Affairs Professionals Leave NU?
Organizational Influences Findings
Understanding organizational influences is crucial for PWI senior leaders and decision
makers to consider in their efforts to improve workplace conditions and retention of BIPOC
employees. The study examined five assumed organizational needs through semi-structured
interviews. Through interviews, as the researcher, I evaluated BIPOC-SAPs organizational
factors that lead BIPOC-SAPs to want to leave the institution and/or that have already led
employees to leave the institution. This evaluation included two organization components
assumed in the conceptual framework to address challenges and barriers that BIPOC-SAPs face
at NU: cultural models, and cultural settings.
Biases, Microaggressions, Discrimination, and Racism
All participants shared having experienced some form of bias, microaggression,
discrimination, and or racism during their time working at NU. Interview questions five, 17, 23,
and 24 addressed research question two (see Appendix D for all interview questions). Figure 8
(on the following page) shows the thematic groupings of the number of times both past and
current participants referenced experiencing some form of bias, microaggressions,
discrimination, or racism during their tenure at NU.

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Figure 8
Participant References to Experiencing Bias, Microaggressions, Discrimination, and Racism

All interview participants were able to speak to experiencing at least one form of bias,
microaggression, discrimination, or racism incident(s) during their tenure at NU. Twenty-one of
23 participants spoke about experiencing some form of bias, 17 experienced microaggressions,
12 voiced their experiences with discrimination, and nine shared their experiences with racism
while working at the organization. Participants also shared facing encounters of constantly
having to prove themselves at work based on assumptions made by students, faculty, staff, and
community members regarding their identities. When comparing the experiences of participants
who left the institution within the last 10 years (nine participants), to those who are currently
thinking about leaving the organization (14 participants), findings showed similarities in BIPOC-
SAPs experiences with the institution.
Despite all participants having the educational background, credentials and skillset to
effectively perform in their roles, the majority of the participants shared having endured some

85
form of overt microaggression, bias, discrimination, or racism at the institution from students,
faculty, staff, campus police, and even parents. For Adriana, being a Black woman meant
“complete invisibility […] and having the spotlight on you for the wrong reasons and your needs
are not thought of in the process.” Adriana expressed often experiencing not being thought of,
but when it came to work-related matters such as her not attending a meeting, she recalls people
thinking “you’re not the player,” and such experiences created a “weird double-edged sword” for
her at work. She described that people would often see her “as lesser than what I am.” She recalls
people would often also make assumptions and ask her “whose secretary I was, or why else must
I be in this building.” Such experiences made Adriana feel that she was “not a part of the team.”
Jose Santos communicated that he could not think of a specific ethnic or racial
discrimination experience that he experienced himself. Although he no longer works at the
institution, during his interview, Jose Santos wondered if the covert microaggressions that he
endured at the organization were because of his ethnicity, age, gender, and all the identities he
held as a Latino professional, being that he worked at a PWI. Jose Santos reflected on his
experiences at NU and shared incidents of discrimination he experienced while at NU:
Not being taken seriously when making comments at a meeting, being dismissed, or my
voice not being uplifted and not being supported similarly to that of my White
colleagues, those kinds of things are scenarios where I think my ethnicity, my age, my
gender and all the identities I bring into my professional role play a role. Folks would
dismiss my experiences and say, it didn't take place, but for me the way I make sense of
my experience, I can’t help but wonder how it could not.
Also feeling dismissed at work, Alejandro shared experiencing ageism in the workplace. He
shared,

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I think for me looking young and being a person of color comes with a lot of hesitation
from other individuals whether that is from the students, staff, building care, whomever it
may be, especially when I'm having a conversation or I'm walking down the hallway.
Alejandro described how he is “often confused for a student or confused with the person that
doesn't have any authority, because I don't look a certain way.”
Similarly, Tamera shared how on more than one occasion, people went above her
authority. She said, “I think, a bit like there's a couple different reasons why I would want to
leave,” but one of those reasons, Tamara noted, is: I don’t feel respected where I work, and I
don't know if I can succeed.” Tamera further explained how constantly “students push back,
parents who push back, and people jump right over to go to [department heads] to complain
about my decisions although I am following protocol. She shared that often she receives emails
from people who question “Who are you? What are you talking about? Frankly, this email looks
like a fake email.” Such insistences have made Tammy realize, “I didn't go into this field to be a
middle manager that you step over to get to where you really want to.” During the interview
Tamera wondered aloud, “Why [are] people always pushing back on me?” In addition, she
wondered,
If I identified as male, would they be more willing to listen to what I'm saying and
actually sit and listen to it? Because I think, especially as I’ve been here, I feel like more
and more, I need to prove the validity of what I'm saying than I had to previous jobs.
Like Alejandro and Tamera, Bishop, who previously worked at the institution, recalls he
was also met with a lot of hesitation when engaging with people. He voiced, “Being a person of
color, there was a lot of back and forth with students, particularly white students who have never
been supervised by a person of color.” He described that when serving as a supervisor to students

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“who came from communities where there wasn’t a lot of Black people,” he found himself
having “a lot of interesting and insensitive and ignorant conversations with students who needed
to be addressed.” His line of work allowed for him to engage with parents, and he recalled
having “a lot of interesting conversations with parents, who came to the institution and kind of,
saw me as a Black man, and how they spoke to me and their demeanor was totally different in
comparison to my white co-workers.” He stated, “I can guarantee, I can confidently say that
being the case because of me being a Black male.”
Jennie also spoke about the treatment disparity between BIPOC employees and White
employees in their department. Jennie explained,
I see a pattern when we’re talking about things that aren’t directly about race, like if a
BIPOC individual speaks up and offers feedback on how our training is going they’re
treated differently than if like a white person were to speak up about the same topic.
Jennie recalls something similar happening prior to our interview. They shared, “One of my
BIPOC coworkers spoke up about how they didn’t really feel like the training sessions were the
best way to help engage everyone.” Jennie mentioned how despite this individual having “a lot
of educational background, they were kind of ignored.” After this engagement, Jennie shared
how they “heard that a White assistant director told this BIPOC individual they need to have a
coaching conversation about how to give feedback properly.” Jennie expressed how the feedback
this individual offered “was given really respectfully, it wasn't in any way like targeting anyone
or attacking anyone.” Jennie also mentioned how they
Don’t think that we would have that same conversation about coaching like if a white
person had spoken up and given feedback in the meeting, because I have seen people in

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our department give feedback in a way that is more harsh. And I have not heard about
them having a coaching conversation about their tone or something.
According to Jennie, such incidents have contributed to “BIPOC employees’ loss of trust in
supervisors.”
Additional, Jennie described many instances of engaging with another employee and
Jennie and the other employee were mistaken to be another BIPOC colleague by a colleague they
engaged with on daily basis. Jennie stated,
The lady at the mailroom always thinks I’m [another BIPOC] and I don't think we look
alike or similar. She always calls me that employee’s name and then she’s like, I'm sorry.
But we don’t look similar. I have curly hair and she has really straight hair.
For Gina, being a proud and confident Latina on campus while navigating the workspace has
constantly reminded her that there is a “distinct part” of who she is that she still has to advocate
for. She shared:
English is my second language and I’ve been corrected consistently because of how I
speak, how I should speak, and how I should write. My experience is very different than
someone who was born in the U.S. who has only spoken English. English is my second
language so like trying to find the right words is hard for me. I overexplain sometimes,
but it’s not because I'm not formulating my thoughts. I’m trying to make sure I’m using
the right words so that I’m fully understood.
Mazel, who has worked at NU for 10 years, vented that,
For a long time, I was the only Black woman, and many times I felt like my voice kind of
fell into the den. But that did not stop me from speaking up even if people seen me as the
angry Black woman.

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Similarly, to Mazel, Bishop expresses the numerous times he had to speak up for himself
and use his voice to correct people who thought he was serving in what he referred to as
“stereotypical roles.” He mentioned:
I'm used to it; I have been a Black man my whole life and that's never gonna change. But
it was always like, students, staff, community members, parents would ask me, “Are you
the football coach or the basketball coach?” And I was just like, no, that's not all that we
could do. And then I explain to them what my role was.
Although many of the participants mentioned experiencing some form of bias, microaggressions,
discrimination, and or racism, all participants agreed that such incidents were unimaginable
being that they worked at a highly regarded institution with a mission that centered on treating
everyone with dignity and respect. For example, Penelope spoke about a time she had to report
an incident to a manager who identified as a person of color. She explained to her boss, “You
know this person embarrassed me in front of a student intern by calling me on something that
was a misunderstanding.” She described the incident as “so disrespectful” and she shared, “I just
couldn't even believe it, I was caught off guard. I need to address it because I feel like she
wouldn't have done that to someone else, like why did she do that to me?”
Anita left NU and later returned to serve in a different role. While in her first role she felt
“more comfortable because nine out of 10 of us were people of color and one White person.”
Anita described her experience being in this space as “Even though [senior leadership] weren't
necessarily supportive it felt nice, to have this sort of sense of belonging that like I wasn't one
picked out of somewhere just for being Black.” In a different role and department at the
institution, Anita recalled being “one of very few people of color they did hire.” The challenge
was that “[a] student needed a Black therapist, but there was just a few versus the […] 30

90
something White therapists.” Anita recalled that being one of a few Black therapists “was
harder” especially as she reflected on a specific incident:
sitting in staff meetings with these big circles and feeling like is everyone looking at my
hair, are people judging my clothes like I'm not dressed the way they are because of
culture, just differences there but is it appropriate, you know, if I'm wearing big earrings
again culturally for me would be fine anywhere, I went in my neighborhood, but not even
professionally. There was a lot of like questions for me in my mind because I don't see
really a lot of people that look like me.
Anita was one of very few BIPOC employees in her role, and she talked about how being Black
was something that she constantly thought about. She further shared:
I don't even know if people who aren't a person of color are not questioning, things like
that. Walking around the campus in general, also did not communicate to me that I
belonged again because of numbers. I was one of a few, and [NU] had some like
culturally insensitive pictures on walls. [NU] took a lot of pride in things that again were
like 100% white or affluent. It just felt like you were forgetting a portion of your
population. For example, there is this like rope picture that I hate in one of the main
buildings. It's just a big rope, literally that's like in a knot. It's been complained about
before, like this is not a welcoming picture nor will it make you feel more welcoming, but
I just keep on seeing it. To me that communicates [NU] don't want to change it for one
reason or another, even when you hear the desire for change, or what would make people
of color feel more welcomed, you don't want to do it.
Beyond seeing images that were not welcoming across campus, Anita noted that even in her
department she saw some decorations sometimes for like “St. Patrick's Day or other holidays that

91
I would trace back to be historically white.” Further shared that “when it was Black history
month there was nothing. I don't see anything for like MLK Day, or Juneteenth.” She expressed
how such instances made her feel not included particularly when “the whole nation I guess
becoming awake to these kind of things but for me it was no excuse, again for one of the top
institutions like to do that.”
Anita reflected on one occasion during staff training, the topic of discussion was
“microaggressions, race and stuff, the whole staff couldn't even get on board to say how one of
the examples that the presenter gave was a microaggression.” She explained how her colleagues
were like, well, if this Black person rings the bell, and you know, because the door was
locked and then they couldn't get in. It's not because we were scared as white people; it’s
because the building was not open yet.
This example was one of many that Anita had to share, but the difficult part about it for her was
that none of her colleagues thought about “how the person of color would feel” and she
explained how “It didn't feel like people were trying to hear the story. It felt like people were
afraid of being called a racist. But no one took accountability either.”
Alejandro questioned when “enough is enough” as he reflected on his experiences of the
“unfair treatment” he faced from the university police, particularly in contrast to the experiences
of his White colleagues. Alejandro reflected on one instance he was walking on campus as a
[student] “was yelling white power and the n-word.” Recognizing the impact of this individual’s
words, Alejandro immediately reported the incident to the campus police. He recalled that “when
they showed up all they did was basically let the students know to don’t do it again.” Such
response left Alejandro feeling “uneased” as he imagined “how many people walked past and did
not report the incident and how many people were impacted by that.” Alejandro remarked that

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the incident left him discouraged. He said, “It’s really discouraging to see the lack of action
happening there and then on top of [that], being asked to come give a statement at the University
police station.” Alejandro remembers walking into the University police station. He describes the
experience:
They gave me a time to show up, and I showed up five minutes prior to that time, but
they made me wait for 10-15 minutes. And they made me reenact everything that
happened. I was in a place that I was not comfortable at all. I was inside the police station
with two White officers. And I'm like, I don't feel comfortable with saying the words the
student used, but they were like, we need it for the report. At that point, I felt powerless
and like, I needed to follow direction. And if I didn't, I didn't know what to expect.
After his interaction with University police, Alejandro disclosed his experience with his
supervisor and his colleagues. He recounted speaking with a colleague who had gone through a
comparable situation less than a year before at the same institution. That colleague informed
Alejandro that he need not “have [had] to be in that room; he could have typed and emailed his
statement.” Alejandro was unaware of these options prior to his experience and wondered,
So why did they make all of this fuss with me? Could they have not given me all those
options, like what happened? There are other options that we could have used from the
beginning, I don't feel always safe on this campus.
Part of Alejandro not feeling safe on campus related to “the campus police constantly
parking outside the LatinX residence hall parking lot.” Alejandro wondered, given the national
injustices and police brutality that Black and LatinX people face in America, “Why out of all the
parking spots on campus do they pick the one where the LatinX students live, you know, and just
sit there, like, we don't even know what they do in the parking lot.” He had noticed the police sit

93
outside of the LatinX residence housing on more than one occasion and he voiced his concerns,
“But they haven't really shared the reasoning behind them sitting there. It has been
uncomfortable for me, for the community, students have expressed, being afraid of being out and
because the police are outside.”
Summary
The information discovered in the interviews shows that 23 participants in this study
experienced some form of bias, microaggression, discrimination, and or racism while working at
the organization. All 23 participants alluded to more likely than their White colleagues to
experience bias, microaggressions, discrimination, and or racism in the workplace by students,
faculty, staff, and or community members due to their racial and ethnic identities. Such
experiences contributed to the participant’s racial fatigue due to participants constantly having to
prove themselves at work based on assumptions made by students, faculty, staff, and community
members regarding their identities. When comparing the experiences of the nine participants
who left the institution within the last 10 years, to those who are currently thinking about leaving
the organization (14 participants), findings showed similarities in BIPOC-SAPs experiences with
bias, microaggressions, discrimination, and or racism.
Underrepresentation of BIPOC Employees
All participants shared that underrepresentation of students, faculty, and staff was one of
the factors that impacted their decision to want to leave the organization. Interview questions
five, 23, 25, and 26 are most closely related to research question two (see Appendix D for
complete interview protocol and questions). Figure 9 shows (on the following page) a word
cloud of terms that were frequently used by participants to describe what underrepresentation at
NU means to them.

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Figure 9
Word Cloud Representing Participant Experiences Due to BIPOC Underrepresentation

Participants widely described that being one of few BIPOC staff members at a PWI and
constantly experiencing biases, microaggressions, discrimination, and racism was a lot to endure.
Such experiences served as testimonies to the many challenges BIPOC staff members faced at
PWIs and served as a reminder to all the participants that, as BIPOC staff members, they had to
persevere because people were looking at them and looking up to them, including students. Lia
stated, “I was struck by how few people of color there are in this staff at [NU], I don't think I
really realized that before I was working here because I had the graduate student experience.”
Lia reflected on her experience as a student versus a staff professional and she argued that the:
Graduate student body is pretty diverse and that's definitely not true of the staff
composition on campus. When I started my role and how a lot people of color had left
[NU] and I think that also shaped my views of what it meant to be staff of color at [NU].

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As one of the few people of color in her department, Lia constantly thinks about her office
environment and how, because she is a woman of color, she works “most directly with most of
our students of color.” Despite that being the case for her, she shared, “I have felt as far as
building relationships with students I have been successful, and I have perceived my work being
valued because I am comfortable to talk about racial identities specifically in our team.”
Like Lia, Brandon spoke about working in a “white environment where I served
underrepresented students who wanted to thrive, but [students] kept on getting beat upside the
head.” Brandon further shared, “My colleagues didn't have faith that [students] will follow
through. And so, I never tried to talk from a negative standpoint. It's a growth mindset. If you
fail, that's okay. We can bounce back.” He talked about how he affirmed and reminded his
students to “not let these people deter you from your dreams. So that helped me in so many
ways.” Brandon explained that he went the extra mile to support his students because “they
helped me maintain my sanity” and because within the first year into his role “there were five
suicides and that was draining on the spirit because the architecture students work long hours.
So, I will go purchase food, bring it to the architecture building, and tell them, y'all come eat,
because that's important.” He argued that caring for students “wasn't a typical thing to do for
students in that environment.”
Like Brandon who identified as a Black man and who worked in a dominant White space,
Garvey who previously worked at the university, recalled his experience as “one of the few
Black staff members” at the institution. Garvey “felt that the campus had a need for more Black
people.” Being underrepresented, he said, meant that his “identity as a Black man mobilized
differently at NU in comparison to any other place that had worked in before, and I have been in
higher education for a while.” He further noted,

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As a Black staff member, I was very cognizant of the fact that there weren't many of us. I
was very cognizant of the fact that I represented every facet of my identity; I felt
tokenized. I knew that I had to be an example for the students that I served, especially for
other young Black students. And I can say that with full confidence, because many of my
conversations with students would be centered around, “Oh, we're happy that you're here,
there aren't very many of you.” My identity was one of learning how to wear the many
hats, wear the hat of a Black man doing my job, and then the hat of a Black man that by
virtue of me being there, I was seen as a mentor and an example for Black students.
Being one of few BIPOC employees across departments was not un-common for all the
participants. Bishop, who previously worked in a different department at the institution than
Garvey and Lia, explained that “At the time, I was the only other Black male in my department,
but he was in a higher position. And then there was one or two women of color in the
department.” Mazel can also relate as she reflected during her interview:
So actually, about three years ago, I was consistently the only Black therapist. I got away
from a job that I didn't want to be the only Black person, and I came here, and then I was
consistently like the only Black female, Black therapist.
Despite the institution’s efforts to increase BIPOC hiring, Mazel voiced, “I still ended up being
the only female Black therapist. I had other colleagues, other female colleagues of color, but they
have since left and it's been kind of hard because people don't stay.”
Mazel, who has worked at the institution for 10 years and who was the only Black female
therapist for years, shared that she also had to do the work of “having to be vocal on topics that
are hard for many at work to talk about.” She further explained,

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People are unwilling to talk about it, but I can point to people when they're being
inconsiderate. I tend to speak up when it's very important that I speak up because for a
long time, I was the only Black woman and many times I felt like my voice kind of fell
into the den.
Despite her being a voice for her BIPOC colleagues, she noted,
that did not stop me from speaking up. People reach out to me all the time because they
want me to use my voice and because they know, if it’s hard for them, that I will point
out spaces where they’re gonna get the support they need.
When coming to NU, Anastacia recounted “immediately recognizing that I was the only
Black person in the room.” For Anastacia, coming from working in Norfolk which she described
as “super-duper diverse,” and as an institution where she admitted, “honestly, like, there, I don't
remember thinking about being a Black woman very frequently.” When she came to work at NU,
however, things were different. She said:
So, when I think of [NU], being Black was very much so in the front of everything.
Immediately, every day, like, not even exaggerating, when I was on campus, I was
thinking about being a Black woman in this space, and how I needed to watch myself to
make it in those different spaces that I was going into.
Anastacia summarized her experience as,
Yeah, it wasn't easy. As far as me, I knew immediately that this was not going to be a
place that I was staying in. I think I was maybe like a month or two in and I was like, I'm
gonna give this place maybe like a year or two, and I'm gonna be out.
Employees who identify as Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) are
underrepresented at the institution. As presented in the most recent NU report, 16.31% of the

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employees identify as BIPOC employees, displaying NU’s equity gap when it comes to the
hiring retention and representation of BIPOC professionals. While the institution has not
published records of racially and ethnically diverse breakdowns, 16.31% BIPOC employees out
of a total of approximately 11,000 staff members for a school that serves close to 49% BIPOC
students, such numbers display a hiring equity gap. The findings of a recent survey sent out to
BIPOC employees show that BIPOC staff members expressed a lack of belonging which alluded
to lack of support from leadership/supervisors, feelings of unwelcomeness, isolation, and
undervaluation. More than 86% of BIPOC respondents expressed lack of advancement and
promotion as a barrier and identified these as reasons for wanting to leave the institution. Such
findings show evident ways in which the institution has perpetuated a system of inequity for
BIPOC employees.
Summary
BIPOC representation on PWI campuses matter, not only to close the existing racial and
ethnic diversity hiring gap between BIPOC and White employees, but because BIPOC
professionals and students see themselves in these staff members. Being and feeling what is like
to be one of few BIPOC employees across departments was not an uncommon experience for all
23 participants. BIPOC staff members also serve as mentors and role models for students and
staff. Underrepresentation makes BIPOC employees feel tokenized. Underrepresentation of
BIPOC-SAPs did have a significance in why BIPOC employees were leaving the institution and
why they could not imagine staying at the organization for long.
“Invisible Labor” Leads to BIPOC-SAP Burnout
According to most participants, the invisible labor described by many BIPOC-SAPs is a
leading cause of burnout. Although not all participants experience burnout, 19 participants

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revealed feeling and experiencing burnout during their tenure at NU. Interview questions three
and 18 addressed research question two (see Appendix D). Findings show that although the rise
of COVID-19 heightened burnout for participants due to stressful and unknown working
conditions, participants expressed having endured immense burnout prior to COVID-19 due to
labor demands and for simply being BIPOC staff members. Some of those demands included
additional tasks that are not in their job descriptions, like serving on diversity and inclusion
committees, educating their colleagues and students about racial and ethnic disparities, working
long hours to mentor and support BIPOC students, and having to serve on panels and workshops
to educate the community about racial and ethnic challenges BIPOC face in America. Figure 10
(on the following page) displays the 19 participants who expressed experiencing burnout and the
four who did not experience burnout.

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Figure 10
Participant Burnout Comparison

According to Jennie, “The burnout comes more from the upper department.” Jennie
voiced experiencing burnout because they reached a point where they “has no more energy to do
more work.” In Jennie’s department, there is a performative focus on self-care that does not
match the department’s action on staff wellbeing. Jennie stated that “leadership would say
something at the beginning of meetings like oh, by the way, take care of yourself.” However, for
Jennie and their colleagues, telling them to take care of oneself is what they would hope to hear
from leadership, however it does not match the leadership team’s action during team meetings.
Jennie described what they hoped leadership would say to employees during staff meetings,

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We know there was a riot happening at the Capitol, so instead of our regular meeting we
should encourage staff to talk about it and/or let them know if you need to leave this
meeting, they can leave this meeting, but instead we just start talking about work.
A typical day for Jennie begins with leadership sending “us something one day that's due the
next morning.” Such expectations are “unreal,” Jennie argues, and lead to burnout.
Similarly, Dina voiced experiencing burnout because “there's a lot of inconsistency
among the administrative team. And so, it almost seems like that falls under my supervisor’s
leadership, and it impacts us because many of us are people of color.” Dina further expressed,
“[My BIPOC colleagues and I] almost feel like we have to do extra work and it goes unseen.
And sometimes it goes on unpaid.” Dina shared an example of her own department’s
inconsistencies that have contributed significantly to her burnout. She stated,
So last semester, I was requesting time off, but it was flexing, and I had heard this term
used by my co-workers and people who are under the same leadership as my
supervisor’s. So, I said to my supervisor I would like to use a flex day tomorrow. And
they said, well, you can't really do that you don't have time accrued. And I said, well,
what do you mean, I thought this was something that we could just say, like, hey, we
worked this extra time outside of work hours and now we're like cashing in. But it
became a bigger conversation, they said you didn't use your flex days closer to the
required time so you can't use it. I went crazy. I was texting other people to make sure I
had my information right. Then I said, so you're telling me because no one told me that I
had to use my days earlier, now I can’t use them. I said, what about all those hours that I
spent for training after 5pm? I kept pushing because I was overworked and my mom
came to see me, that's why I wanted the day off.

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This experience left Dina feeling frustrated. She further explained, “I have to fight for what is
rightfully mine. I need a day off to run, to do whatever it is I need to do to get my mind right.”
Dina further explained that this was not the first time she had been frustrated at work. She
describes this frustration coming directly from “unwritten expectations and the lack of
consistency in treatment of staff across the board. And that's why us as full-time staff have
different experiences, because we're what's expected of us is different across the board.”
Like Dina, Mazel also felt that the extra labor she was tasked to do was not
acknowledged nor properly compensated. She described frustration when she was asked to do
work outside her job description like multicultural or cultural programming: “I think there is a
terrible, use the word acknowledgement that you should take some flex time, or really take flex
time when you are already overburdened, because, well, I'm already overburdened because of the
workload.” Although Dina and Mazel worked in two different departments, it was clear that the
use of “flex time” was a customary practice across different departments and an obvious un-
written and unfair practice. When not compensated for the extra labor and hours (in which she
completed multicultural or cultural programming work) that her White colleagues were not
comfortable doing and not even asked to do, Mazel explained, “It was really hard not being
recognized for the additional labor and not to kind of feel like my time was spent in the way that
I valued my time being spent.” Mazel noted that it was not that she did not care about the work,
but rather, her frustration was due to the lack of time because of the many other duties she had on
her job description, which left her with “little to no flexibility to spend on doing additional
programming” such as multicultural initiatives, which she acknowledges she does because it is
“work that directly relates to working with students, staff, and faculty of color.”

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For Esperanza, similar experiences with burnout also came from not having
compensation time to make up for the long extra work hours. She noted,
Many times, I had to stay late. If I had to do weekend times, I could have been content if
I had comp time to make that up. To my surprise I came in on Saturday and Sunday and
worked like, crazy, but no, you don't automatically get time off.
Esperanza then explained,
I could have taken time off, but it would come from my PTO (personal days). I like my
paid time off. I think that was a little bit of a surprise that even though we were expected
to put in a lot that we weren't necessarily asked to make sure we're taking time for
yourself.
Such practice is what Esperanza described as “a surprise.” Esperanza’s burnout also came from
the additional labor and “expectations added to my plate in comparison to people I've worked
with and without getting any kind of a title change or pay raise.” She noted that when she first
started her role, she would advise “six student groups, and now [I] advise 10.” In addition, she
said, “when I came into the role, “There was one summer research program, and now it's two
summer research programs and a high school program that shifted without really seeing any
financial compensation or title change.”
Unlike Dina, Mazel, and Esperanza, Michael had a supervisor that was supportive of his
wellbeing. He stated that his “supervisor is very encouraging of my wellbeing. He would urge
me, encourage me to take time off when needed to do what I need to do to prevent burnout.” He
continued,
You know, working with students, taking care of my mental wellbeing and also physical
wellbeing is important, so [my supervisor] has also been supportive of me, going to the

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gym during work hours when it's not as busy, which specially now in a pandemic. And he
was flexible with work time and always expressed appreciation.
Similarly, Jennie mentioned that while “I don't feel like I'm burnt out yet,” they also
acknowledged that “I did see burnout happening a lot at work and there needs to be something
done to improve the environment for people of color […] who are constantly asked to volunteer
[on] committees.” Recognizing that burnout is happening at a higher rate for people of color,
Jennie urged that “leadership needs to put in the effort so that no actual jobs are causing
employees to lead to burnout.”
While Michael’s supervisor is supportive, Garvey ascribed his burnout to being directly
linked to his supervisor. He explained, “I don't know if burnout is the concept that I would use if
you can get burnout from being over supervised and, yes, I have experienced burnout.” He said,
I simply got tired of being overly supervised. Because one thing that I know, is that by
virtue of being a Black or a person of color in this environment we take on additional
unpaid responsibilities such as serving as a mentor and advocate for students, because
you care.
The difficult part for Garvey was not mentoring or advocating for students. He mentioned “I
would find myself doing these off my job description things that I thought needed to be done for
the students. And I did them with great happiness and pleasure and it brought me joy.” However,
the challenge Garvey faced was:
Having to constantly justify that with my supervisor… that's what's created the friction.
That's what created the tiredness. That's what created the thoughts of why am I doing this,
and should I be doing this? That's what created the taxation of coming here is a chore
now.

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When Garvey was hired, his job description included for him to support and advocate for
students and that is what he felt he was doing. But in doing so he was constantly having to justify
his actions to his supervisor. Such practice is what Garvey described as
The micro and I do mean this if there was a thing that was smaller than micro, and I know
there is a measurement that's other than micro, it was that level of supervision that really
drained my personal and professional energy.
He described always feeling “policed” by his supervisor, which led to some of the work stressors
he was facing and to part of the reason he decided to depart the institution.
For Penelope, thinking back on her own experience of burnout led to her recounting the
“time where my bosses basically said like it's on you if this is not successful.” She expressed
how that approach is “not good leadership and definitely not supportive leadership because it
really got me on the fast track to burnout.” She felt “so much responsibility” and she stated, “I'm
already an overly responsible person,” but such approach led to Penelope burning out. She
explained, “I got heart palpitations, to the point I had to do a heart monitor for 24 hours. I felt
really unsupported when I'm juggling a lot of different things.” She further expressed,
I’m not taking care of myself so once again I really think a big part of it is leaders who
don't lead well or support us, but also lack of self-care and not getting mental health
support, not eating well or exercising also contributed to my burnout. So, I'm trying to
keep that in balance.
Penelope also spoke about how “directly supporting students of color, low-income students, and
others that really have additional needs” contributed to her burnout. She explained how
supporting underrepresented students is “a passion and work of love”; however, often she found
herself answering emails late at night well after work hours. She noted,

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That's where burnout comes to, because if we are the limited people in a particular office
who relate with those students, it is more common for others in the office regardless of
their background to send those students your way because you understand the different
things that these communities are dealing.
In general, Penelope recognized that trying to take care of herself while making sure she was
supportive of underrepresented student needs “is really a challenging thing to navigate,
especially when students gravitate to you because you are a person of color.”
During his interview, Xavier said, “I wouldn't say I was burned out regarding my work
duties because I still love the work I did and who I did it with.” Xavier’s burnout, rather, came
from what he described as “certain expectations [that] were given without commensurate titles
and [the] kind of power that was supposed to be tied to it.” He furthered described that his
experience “almost felt like being a little overworked, while not really getting the chance to
move up or be promoted.” What kept Xavier going was the “work that we did, especially in that
particular office was deeply personal work.” However, Xavier also explained that although the
work was personal for him, “There's always that extra burden that comes from the day-to-day
duties that were not accounted for.” Xavier, expressed how important and helpful it was for him
to “[be] able to leave and go home and kind of recharge.” Going home did not solve all
challenges for him, he noted. In fact, he said, “Every incident that happened cut that much
deeper, because we're feeling it, we're in it.”
Like many of the participants, Lulu felt the same when it came to feeling burnout at work
due to additional work expectations. Lulu realized, “I was doing two jobs in one, but because I
was in my 20s, and I didn't realize what I was really getting myself into, so what I did was I gave
100%, but I was burnt out.” She further explained, “When I think about it, I was doing so much

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as if I had two jobs.” She also stated, “I had several titles, you know they wanted me to be
advisor for [the student organization], they wanted me to do admissions work, they wanted me to
do all this stuff but not pay me to all these things.” At some point in her career, Lulu recalled,
It wasn't until I realized that I was being taken advantage of like I was really making less
money with a terrible title, doing two people's jobs, and it took my friends, the people
that mentored me, and the people that were looking out for me to tell me, listen, you're
burnt out, and to top it all off my boss was somebody that was terrible to me. I think he
was terrible to me partially because he was the only Black male in our entire school, and
he was also miserable with the person he was supervised by that he took it out on me. I
had a horrible situation and I think about those situations, where people of color are put
against other people of color, which was not uncommon at the university. I [saw] it
happen in many situations.
Despite being over worked and burnt out, Lulu expressed her gratitude to the people that saw and
validated her experience. She said, “I had a lot of support from people that I consider allies that
understood my worth and were majority of the people that supported me were people of color
and people that have been around for a long time.” Having their support helped Lulu feel
empowered to speak up for herself, and she shared that “I wrote myself out of that job and I
basically said to my director at the time, listen, I can't do both these jobs. I'm underserving the
population that you want me to work for in many ways.” She furthered explained to him that
what she was experiencing was “not right. Like, we talk about how he expected for one person to
do two people's jobs and that's under serving the communities that are already underserved.” No
longer wanting to “work with [her supervisor],” Lulu shared, “It was a very difficult decision and

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I left Student Services, but with the understanding that I would still be connected to the
community.”
Summary
Although not all study participants experienced burnout, 19 of the 23 participants
revealed feeling and experiencing burnout during their tenure at NU. All 19 participants
expressed that burnout was a direct link to the added and unpaid labor. All 19 of the participants
mentioned having to do two people’s jobs in addition to their own, and this caused participants to
feel exhausted and not supported by their supervisors when they spoke up about the additional
labor, they were tasked to do but not compensated or paid for. Participants also expressed
experiencing burnout due to the social and emotional taxation aspect of their work for simply
being BIPOC employees. Some of the participants specifically spoke about the invisible labor
that comes from simply being the only BIPOC staff member in their departments. Such invisible
labor included serving in diversity and inclusion committees and being mentors, advisors, and
advocates for BIPOC and vulnerable student populations. Burnout was a considerable influence
that led some of the participants to leave their jobs.
Research Question 3: What Are Notable Organizational Challenges Associated with Not
Retaining BIPOC Student Affairs Professionals Working at NU?
Organizational Influences Findings
Understanding organizational influences are influential factors for PWIs senior leaders
and decision makers to consider; efforts to improve retention of BIPOC employees. The study
examined assumed organizational needs through interviews. Through interviews, as the
researcher, I evaluated organizational factors that influence BIPOC-SAPs to want to leave the

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institution and also evaluated factors that led some of the participants to leave the institution.
This evaluation included cultural models and cultural settings.
These organizational components were assumed in the conceptual framework to address
challenges and barriers that BIPOC-SAPs face at NU. Cultural models showed up in all
participant interviews. Interview questions four, seven, eight, nine, 12, 15, 16, and 21 addressed
research question three (see Appendix D for a list of all interview questions). Cultural settings
were investigated to better understand why participants might have contemplated leaving or
taken action to leave the institution. Questions five, ten, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, and 20 relate to
cultural settings and are related to research question three (see Appendix D for the full interview
question list).
Lack of Formal Onboarding
Twenty-two participants shared not having a proper onboarding or training that prepared
them for their jobs. Interview question four addressed research question three. Figure 11 (on the
following page) shows the number of times participants referenced not having a proper
onboarding process at NU.

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Figure 11
Participant Perception of Onboarding Effectiveness

Dina described her onboarding by explaining that her supervisor “usually encourages us
to look at this box.” Not having a formal onboarding process has led to Dina having to
“constantly ask questions to [her] supervisor that they do not even know how to answer, which is
why they constantly refer me to look in the box folder for the answers.” Dina expressed, “More
than often I cannot find the answer in the box folder; in fact, there are a ton of documents in that
folder that are not helpful.” Similarly, Vivian shared how her onboarding consisted of a folder.
She recalls, “Well, I guess I did have a folder from the guy who was departing the institution.”
She further mentioned, “I don't know if he had like a new employee training either.” Vivian’s
onboarding consisted of “meetings with people across campus.” She said, “But really, [an] in-
depth onboarding process did not happen; they were just like, here's the program.”

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Adriana spoke about the onboarding that she received from Human Resources. She stated,
“I had the formal university human resources onboarding which entailed just selecting benefits
and things like that.” She recalled, “There was an email from HR about, this is where you get
your computer and that kind of stuff, but there wasn't sort of a formal onboarding at all.”
Likewise, Gina expressed how in the three jobs she has had at the institution, “There was no
training or on-boarding, in all three roles.” Gina mentioned how she had to learn how to do her
job on her own because “there's no training, instead they give you a list of people that you should
connect with, that's it.” Anita voiced a desire for the institution to consider having “better
onboarding where staff can share resources, build community connections, participate in
mentoring opportunities with successful BIPOC staff as the mentors, where staff can learn about
professional development opportunities and funding resources.”
Onboarding, Bishop reflected, was something he will never forget because he was
onboarded alongside six other individuals who all left within the first three years of starting at
the institution. He stated, “I think the onboarding cross-campus was interesting.” He recalled,
I went to HR and to other departments on campus, but I would say the onboarding in my
own department was kind of iffy. I felt like the person who was supposed to onboard me
didn't want to be training me. So, I was truly onboarded by other people who actually
came in and was like, Hey, you know, I'm noticing it's not going too well, I'm gonna step
in and make sure it's a better situation for you. So the purpose of the person on paper,
who was supposed to orient me, it just wasn't working out, right, there was a lot of issues
communication, was kind of like these setting feelings, like they didn't want to do it, they
didn't want to spend the time with me, teaching me the things that I needed to know and
him and making sure that I felt comfortable with a lot of things.

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It took someone outside of Bishop’s department to step in train him. Bishop remembers how
difficult it was to come the second semester into the start of the academic year. He shared,
“There wasn't orientation, it was kind of like I got there and like, the next week, I was meeting
my staff and I kind of had to hit the ground running type of thing.” Such an approach was
exhausting because, “[…] it was a lot of learning on the fly type of things, a lot of hitting the
ground running, learning by learning and by making mistakes, type of type of situation.”
Summary
All but one of the participants expressed not having a formal onboarding that prepared
them to transition into their roles. Having a formal onboarding process, not just from human
resources about university benefits, is crucial for participants to do their jobs, and to successfully
transition to the institution. Although none of the participants mentioned onboarding being a
factor in their decision to leave the institution, participants did express that not having a formal
onboarding process created a lot of frustration and more work on their part to find the answers to
their questions when it came to navigating their roles and the institution.
Lack of Supervisor Support
Sixteen participants shared that the lack of support from their supervisor was a major
influence that impacted their decision to want to leave the organization. Questions seven, eight,
nine, ten, and 11 addressed research question three (see Appendix D for the full list of interview
questions). Figure 12 (on the following page) displays the number of participants who expressed
having a supportive supervisor relationship contrasted with those who reported not having a
supportive supervisor relationship.

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Figure 12
Reports of Supportive Supervisor Relationship

Michael challenged and urged for the institution and for all PWIs to "listen to what are
needs for BIPOC employees.” He further stated, “In terms of administration, we could use more
BIPOC stats and evaluate who is in higher positions.” According to Michael, BIPOC staff
representation is:
good but sometimes when they're in positions of power, they don't feel like have the
safety or support to actually advocate for other staff of color, and they can perpetuate the
characteristics of white supremacy that are prevalent in a PWIs.
Michael explained that part of the problem is that the institution is “hiring the seventh person of
color to serve in those higher places but not all people they hire are passionate and feel safe
enough to advocate for others.” Esperanza shared that her relationship with her supervisor has

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“changed.” When describing her relationship with her supervisor she said, “There's been
resentment, there's been a lot of resentment, and there's been feelings of the staff taking on more
than we should.” She further explained that “leadership is creating more stress and […] people
are finding it really challenging to work in this place.” She also shared, “I think on the surface, it
looks fine, and it looks okay, but it's not like I want to continue there for a long, long time
because I do not feel supported and it's stressful.” Mazel voiced, “At this point, my supervisor
has been completely unhelpful, and I have no confidence that anything will change fast enough
to convince me to stay. When an opportunity presents itself, I absolutely plan to leave.”
Similarly, Lulu spoke about her frustration with her supervisor and how she is constantly
having to question if he perceives her as capable. She said, “I don't think he's racist per se, but
there's a disconnect between what he sees in me, and sometimes I think because he thinks I'm a
young professional, but I've been in this profession for a long time.” Although unlike Lulu, Dina
felt comfortable being a young professional at work, she shared how she felt like her
“supervisors really follow what's expected of us, almost to a fault, for there seems like there's no
wiggle room or [no room to negotiate].” Such experience has made Dina’s workplace feel a
“little frustrating, in terms of the unwritten expectations because there's a lot of inconsistency
among the administration team and specially supervisors.” Dina further expressed,
I don't really feel my supervisor is very motivated in this job. And since I have had
problems with feeling motivated in this job, like sometimes when [my supervisor and I]
meet, it can be hard. I don't necessarily feel like either of us is able to really motivate
each other to at this point.
Dina mentioned feeling frustrated with the lack of support provided by her supervisor, which led
her to say,

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Sometimes I think like I do a better job of sort of managing up, it's not just like, we do
not even use my 1:1 as a place to give updates or for us to up with some solutions related
to work challenges.
For Jennie, the relationship with their supervisor was a direct link to why they are
considering leaving the organization. Jennie stated,
I think my relationship with my supervisor has some effect on my motivation to wanting
to leave because my supervisor has hinted at wanting to leave or not being sure like about
this department and where it's headed. That is also how I feel in a lot of ways.
Jennie, who often sought guidance from their supervisor, mentioned how hearing their supervisor
not feel confident about where the department is going made them also feel like “I don't know
where this department is going, and I don't feel super confident in our leadership.” Jennie further
voiced,
I feel like I'm not really growing in the way that I could be, and I have brought this up a
couple of times to my supervisor, but I just feel like my supervisor isn't in a place to
dedicate time to my growth.
Jennie mentioned how discussing career goals with their supervisor did not happen often, which
made them feel, “I want a better supervisor relationship like the one I had prior to coming here.”
Ari spoke about her supervisor’s lack of support by not providing her any training “for
some of the tasks that I was asked to do even though I'd asked for that.” When asked to describe
her relationship with her supervisor, Ari described it is “almost non-existent.” She further
explained, “I don't get a lot of mentorship or guidance from my supervisor and I've consistently
felt that way since I first started working.” For example, Ari stated:

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When I asked for clarification, it's been met with a lot of hostility or just very vague
answers. So, I feel like if I bring something to her that's concerning and we discuss it, it's
not necessarily going to be relayed in the way that I that I described it. It's going to be
relayed in a way that is beneficial to her. It may mean that I may have asked a question or
asked for support. But she didn't know how to provide that support and so when it comes
up later on, it's a question of who said what. So, I don't feel like we have a good
relationship, unfortunately.
Such incidents have contributed to Ari’s lack of trust and confidence in her supervisor’s ability
to communicate work-related expectations. Ari further explained,
I don't feel confident in my supervisor’s ability to communicate job expectations, so I
took the initiative to start writing down what we had discussed in meetings, and then
sending it back to her in an email, because there was so much.
The lack of support was evident to Ari because her supervisor would “cancel a lot of our one-on-
ones, but I was constantly reprimanded for little things that she failed to communicate to me
[like] job expectations that were not written in my job description.”
Like Ari, Lia also spoke about the lack of communication from her supervisor. Lia said,
“My perception is that my office does not really communicate implicit and explicit
expectations.” Lia reflected on her supervisor being supportive with helping her navigate
department dynamics, but not necessarily helpful with specific assigned duties such as “how to
develop a grant.” Lia shared that when meeting unknown expectations, “Sometimes I would,
like, tough it out. But when I am not feeling great about my job, it amplifies my resentment and
frustration.”

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Vivian described having a different supervisor every year and recalled how her first
supervisor, who also recruited her, “was great.” She noted that despite having “moments where
we did disagree, he was always my ally, and he was the most upfront with me with office
changes.” She also reflected on how her previous supervisor communicated that “you're getting a
new supervisor; here's how you work with this person.” Of her new supervisor, she observed,
“although he was a man of color, I was really disappointed.” Vivian began the job search, and
when she shared news of her departure with her supervisor, she recalls him being “really pissed
and he was just like, I can't believe you did it behind my back.” But Vivian also realized that this
job was “not gonna pay any more” despite her working “50 hours a week.” She also stated that
her supervisor:
wasn't willing to go to bat to say we should pay her more. Even when I told him that if
you pay me a little more, if you gave me one job title, I’ll stay because I really enjoy the
work I am doing.
Another factor in Vivian’s decision to leave was that she “knew that there was no upward
mobility in this position.” Lack of support from her supervisor, unequal pay, and lack of upward
mobility led Vivian to constantly ask, “why stay?” She also felt confused that her supervisor was
not willing to advocate for additional pay for the additional labor she had been doing. The
hardest thing for her to comprehend was his refusal to support her when all she wanted was a
space where “we should all be celebrating each other and advocating for each other, but he
wasn't willing to do it.”
Garvey who previously worked at the institution, described his relationship with his
supervisor as “professional and one of management.” Garvey further explained that his
relationship with his supervisor “didn't go beyond management.” He stated, “I wouldn't say it

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was encouraging. I wouldn't see that as supportive because at baseline, it was simple
management.” Garvey voiced, “If I'm to coin something, it would be an essentialism
management style, where you only focus on the things that the manager thinks are essential, but
such an approach was very subjective.” He mentioned that such style of management “wasn't a
good fit for me personally.” When asked what impact his relationship with his supervisor had on
his decision to leave the institution, Garvey confidently stated, “I would say 98%, and 2% was
me being a free-willed person and having choice and being able to exercise that choice. But the
number one variable that I considered was the way in which I was managed.” He described his
experience with his supervisor as one where he “did not feel supported and I was overly and
haphazardly managed to the point it was advantageous for me to leave.” Like Garvey, Gina also
shared,
I have a supervisor that's very micromanaging and who has that pressure to want to
compete and be known as the best, but they do not think about the staff wellbeing at all.
Like, we're in a pandemic and I know we're supposed to support students, but we got to
make sure we're okay to though… we had over 60 programs last semester, and there's
three of us.
When asked to reflect on the impact that her supervisors had on her decision to want to leave,
she noted that her supervisors were a “huge part of the reason why I left my previous roles and
internally worked at other departments.”
Bishop spoke having multiple supervisors during his tenure at the institution, but he also
spoke about the lack of support and unequal treatment supervisors gave to BIPOC and White
employees. He described, “I had supervisors that just didn't get it, like it was always a
confrontation, like, it was always a head-butting thing.” He further explained, “I would have

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these ideas, and they're like, oh, no, we're not going to do that, or we can't do that. But then when
white colleagues who gave their ideas, it was a different conversation that was supportive.” He
recalls that his White colleagues were always affirmed and supported; supervisors would say
“We could do that, and we can help you out with this and those different types of things.” Bishop
described having only “one supervisor of color for like a little while, but everyone else was
white.” He stated, “I wanted out of the job” because
there were different issues and concerns that I had, especially when racialized incidents
happened in the community or, like incidents happen with my staff of color, versus my
white staff, there was conversations that didn't sit well with me and how supervisors were
supportive of some things, and they were totally not supportive of other things.
Adriana, who is contemplating leaving the institution, shared that she often does not feel
supported. She said, “I'm doing work that I understand is good, it is valuable to the [school],”
however, she stated, “it's not that easy, you know, it's not glamorous in any way.” When
reflecting on her experience, Adriana spoke about how she “also get[s] really frustrated.” She
said,
The [school] uses my program to sell itself and to promote to prospective students if they
want to do social justice work, we have a great office, but then [leadership] are also
ignoring 99% of time I have no support, and so that's been sort of an ongoing frustration.
She shared how she constantly has to speak about the “laughable lack of resources” she is given
to “thrive” in her role.
Summary
The lack of support from supervisors was a significant factor for staff members making
the difficult decision to leave the institution (out of the 23 participants, nine have departed NU

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and 14 are currently thinking about leaving the institution). Some participants’ relationship with
their supervisor was the direct cause of them leaving the institution, and most participants spoke
about how the lack of support from supervisors created frustration and added to the many
challenges they faced at the institution. Lack of support from supervisors for participants ranged
from lack of advocacy when underpaid and overworked, lack of recognition, lack of clear
direction, lack of resources, and for some, lack of empathy in transactional interactions they
shared with their supervisors.
Limited Access to Internal Professional Development & Career Advancement Opportunities
Contribute to Participant Turnover
Of the 23 participants, 14 participants expressed not having access to professional
development and career advancement opportunities. Those who had professional development
funding resources noted that they did not have authority to choose which trainings or conferences
would support their development. Participants also described a lack of professional development
negatively impacting their opportunities for promotion. Figure 13 (on the following page)
illustrates participant responses indicating access to professional development opportunities.

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Figure 13
Participant Access to Professional Development

When it came to professional development, Lia said, “I have no experience with [the
institution] supporting my professional advancement or professional development, and this is the
same for other BIPOC people staff members that I know.” Adriana spoke about the benefits that
the institution offers employees, specifically the employee degree program. Adriana said, “I
mean, I know that anyone wants a[n] [NU] degree, it takes years, but you can get one.” Adriana
described the tuition reimbursements for staff who participate in the employee degree program:
“the amount of support is actually quite minimal, so minimal in profit is sadly laughable and not
worth it.”
Ari is currently thinking about leaving the organization and said that she is currently
participating in the employee degree program. She explained that taking classes at NU has been a
highlight of her employment at NU; however, she noted that “my department is not supportive of

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me taking classes […] I am only allowed to take one [class] a semester and I have to work during
my lunch hour to make up for taking the class during the day.” Ari further described that when
she first attempted to take classes, she was instructed to tell her supervisor. She said, “I told her
that I was interested in taking a class. And she seemed to welcome that.” In trying to take
advantage of the benefits offered by the institution to employees, Ari spoke about how
challenging it was for her to take one class. She stated,
When the time came to get the paperwork done, there was a lot of dragging feet. And
then finally, getting closer to the end of the class, I received an email with a lengthy
explanation of how fortunate I was to be given this opportunity to take classes at [NU]
even though it's part of our benefits package and something that we discussed, and the
email also included language that I think was intentional to keep me from wanting to
pursue education or wanting to pursue something in the fall, because it was the following
summer when I first had class.
What Ari described as more “upsetting” was that in the email explanation she received, “[the
department head] said taking classes again will be tied to my job performance.” She described
such a response as feeling “[…] like a veiled threat to some extent.” Ari also spoke about the
lack of professional development opportunities she has received throughout her time at NU. She
shared,
I have asked for managerial training which is the main sticking point of what I wasn't
doing well at work. And I never received any training, and the only training I received
was for something also which was never a part of my job description.
Like Ari, Esperanza spoke about the lack of institutional support when trying to access
professional development opportunities. She said,

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I feel like I've been able to identify professional development opportunities, both
internally and externally, but when I wanted to do something, like go to this conference,
or I want to do something else, it was not met with the same support that my colleague
received.
Esperanza also expressed wanting to enroll in a degree program, but because she had not been
permitted to even participate in conference attendance, she “doubt[s] it will be approved.”
Gina is currently thinking about leaving the organization and shared that she has had
several supervisors during her time at the university, but she noted that it is “very hard to find a
good supervisor at [NU].” She further stated:
A lot of what I have done is self-initiated and self-growth and, like, self-professional
development, because it's very much an academic focused institution. They don't focus
on professional development of staff or their supervisors. Yes, there are trainings that
exist, but it's not required of managers, which blows my mind, to participate.
Gina also spoke about how professional development is particularly important for employees like
her who are looking to move into leadership roles. Gina added that many years ago, her
supervisor “[was] very much not letting me pick my own professional development. My
supervisor would send me to nice conferences, but it wasn't what I needed.” She continued,
I wanted to learn more about advising students and about race and ethnicity because I
thought that would help me support students better, but in her mind our office was all
about academic support and what I was asking for was not our role.
Jose Santos, who has left the institution, shared that professional development
opportunities “weren't there.” He noted, “I think there were obvious names that these

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opportunities would go, these opportunities would go to the people who had been there like three
or four years.” Moreover, he explained,
I did appreciate that my supervisor gave me several different committee commitments
because that gave me a larger understanding of our department, but such opportunities
were not necessarily helpful for me to pursue more advancement and promotion
opportunities.
He added that participating in all those committees was in fact “pretty overwhelming, given that
they weren't my primary responsibilities in my role.”
When asked about advancement opportunities available at the institution, Lia voiced,
“Personally, I did not feel like I have opportunities to advance at [the institution] unless I leave
my office.” Jose Santos also shared, “Opportunities for advancement are not really there.” He
mentioned,
To be honest, it's hard for me to see myself in leadership roles because there's nothing
that indicates that I would be accepted or be looked at as a potential leader given the
current makeup of the university leadership is majority white.
Prior to his departure from the institution, Jose Santos recalls, “there was one or two examples of
staff of color that I know of, who changed departments within the institution, but that doesn't
always mean a promotion, because sometimes it's just a lateral change and it's not a promotion.”
He further explained, “I also heard of people of color who have changed departments and taken a
lower title and lower pay to leave a toxic work environment.” Jose continued,
The fact that's taking place here, I think is a cause for alarm because that's not normal;
people need to be given support to navigate these situation, not lower titles and lower
pay. That’s why I think a lot of people leave.

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Garvey, who has left the institution, said, “Promotion and advancement was something
that I had hoped and wished for, but being honest, that never happened.” He continued, “It's
something that I had asked for, but it never manifested itself.” When asked to consider what sort
of impact that lack of advancement opportunities had on his decision to leave, he stated, “That
was the 98% of the reason why I left. I didn't feel like if I stayed, I would be growing and or
stretching myself in the ways in which I thought would have been impactful for me.” Garvey
used an analogy to describe his experience:
There wasn't room for creativity and being in that environment was like being in this big
arena, and knowing that there's so many opportunities, but there's no oxygen in the arena.
So even if you wanted to move or run, display your talent, or take advantage of a of an
opportunity there, you couldn't move because the one thing you need to move, which is
oxygen, which is support, but that wasn't there.
Garvey further explained:
[the lack of opportunity] was the big rub; I had ideas about how I could advance myself,
but those ideas they were not met with any support and I was told that it wasn't in the best
interest of the department at the time, so I was denied many opportunities.
Similarly, Lance Sullivan recalled, “I can't remember specifically any opportunities for
advancement.” He said, “a lot of the conversations were that there was no clear path to
advancement.” He voiced, “I didn't necessarily want to stay in residence life, but I don't think
there was much conversation departmentally about how do we advance because although my
position was a director role, it was marketed as an entry level position.” Lance mentioned that he
also does not recall having a conversation with his supervisor regarding how he “can prepare for

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the next role or for future roles.” Lance also described an occasion when he applied to an internal
position prior to his departure from the institution:
I wanted to stay; I love my students very much. But they hired somebody else from
outside the university, and I feel like the reason that I was given as to why I did not get
the role was insufficient. I personally don't think that the university likes to be challenged
and I was definitely going to be one of those leaders who would challenge leadership to
do better and to be accountable, of course, in a respectful way.
Gina disclosed, “There's been talk of promoting me, but I take that with a grain of salt.”
She explained that over time, her job responsibilities “grew four times larger than what the
original job description [described].” Despite that being the case, she said that she was not
offered a new title, nor was she given additional pay. In fact, she mentioned, “I kept asking for
my job responsibilities to be adjusted and I that I was promised to be promoted. However,
whenever the mention of me becoming a parent came into the picture, the promotion was never
discussed again.” Gina also noted that “the load kept increasing without the job description
matching the work or pay I should be getting for the amount of work I am doing.” She recounted
how her supervisor “downplays it by saying this is a growth opportunity for you. This is an
opportunity for you to show yourself on campus. You know, like this also shows I trust you.”
But such a tactic, Gina asserted, is
Not right, and it was more of like gaslighting to take the extra load, and that later, it
would be considered for promotion potentially. But then when the discussions happen
[about a promotion], they mentioned it may not come with pay, it might have a change of
title.

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What Gina described as “heartbreaking” is that her supervisor who told her this “was also a
person of color.” Gina voiced how too many times at the institution she had to offer her “free
experience, free time, and free labor, especially when I was supervised by people of color.”
Summary
Participants acknowledged that while professional development opportunities existed in
their departments, opportunities that were offered to them did not enhance their abilities to do
their jobs or advance their career. Those who had the opportunity to participate in career
development opportunities encountered lack of support or hesitation from their supervisors or the
institution more broadly. The lack of autonomy experienced by many participants was identified
as a factor in some participants wanting to leave the organization. All participants connected
professional development opportunities to a lack of promotional opportunities. The 14
participants who did not get to experience participation in professional development
opportunities were negatively impacted by their decision to want to stay at the organization.
Salary Impact on Turnover
Fifteen participants claimed that their salary influenced their decision to leave or, for
those who currently work at the organization, to want to leave the organization. Interview
question 15 addressed research question three. Figure 14 (on the following page) illustrates
whether salary had an impact on participants’ decisions to leave or stay at the institution.

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Figure 14
Impact of Salary on Participant Retention

According to Dina who moved far away from home, "The salary is trash." Ari also spoke
about the salary being below her expectations. She said, “The […] pressure of the job was way
more than I expected from a position like this, and especially a position that doesn't pay very
well.” Jose Santos, who left the institution, noted,
My salary did not make me want to stay.” In fact, he stated, “Coming to work here was a
significant salary pay cut. And so, for me, given all the challenges that exist at [NU],
feeling isolated, challenges of culture shock, and the diversity at [NU], my salary is
where I thought there was no room for persuasion and attraction to make me want to stay.
Anastacia, who also left the organization, spoke about the additional uncompensated
labor that is crucial for the institution to acknowledge. She stated,

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I was not recognized for my work nor was I compensated for all the work that I did, and
not only what is in my job description. The institution needs to recognize the work and
effort of the BIPOC community and stop making it an expectation for all departments to
not overwork their employees and not to add additional responsibilities without
additional compensation.
Lulu, who is considering leaving the institution, spoke about “hidden additional tasks.” She said,
“The problem was that I took the job, but then quickly realized that I should have been an
associate director, and I should have had a change in my pay ban and a change in my title.” For
three years, Lulu advocated for herself to assure her “pay ban is corrected.” She stated that “it’s
exhausting” and that the institution needs to do a better job of “having more transparency of
salaries, specifically the range of those who previously held your position when one is
promoted.” Such practice, she argued, “would convince me that [NU] is a place interested in fair
and equitable salaries for its employees.”
In similarity to Lulu’s experience, Vivian mentioned working two jobs when she was
hired to do one. Vivian said, “They took both job descriptions and merged them together, and I
could tell that they were just piling it on and not figuring out like how we get these two positions
to collaborate in two months.” Vivian recounted standing up for herself by documenting the
process to show her supervisor that this was really happening to her. She explained,
I created my own spreadsheet to show my supervisor the additional work I was given,
and I said to him, “You've got to delegate these extra tasks to other people and here are
the additional 10 things I'm willing to do for more pay.”
Vivian’s supervisor agreed to get her additional pay, so she stated,

130
We took it to HR, and for the most part they held true to it. But by the end of the first
semester, it was like all hell has broken loose and they didn’t know how to separate the
two job descriptions, so it was hard.
She explained, “I got a little bit of a pay raise, but not enough for me to do two jobs.”
Penelope described her salary as “okay,” but she also reflected on her worth. She stated,
“As I start to understand that I do have leadership capacity and I do have gifts, I could be making
more money.” Penelope described how getting more pay for the work she does also impacts her
family. She stated:
We are overdrawn, but we worked so hard, and there's other people that are using their
skills and talents and they are making six figures, you know. And so that's where I'm like,
why can I not be making six figures? Like, why not, you know? And so that's where I
started thinking maybe I should look elsewhere, you know. I think about my family, I
think about how we try to help other people and that's kind of what puts me down and
over drafted. God will prevail, I am worth it… if I’m going to be working so much, I
might as well be making six figures.
Summary
Many of the participants described the additional unpaid work they were given once
hired. Some spoke about taking a pay cut to work for the institution but asserted that the
additional challenges they face at the organization coupled with lack of pay equity did not
convince them to want to stay at the institution. For the 14 participants that are considering
leaving the institution, the salary was a notable influence that led them to start seeking jobs
outside the organization.

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Summary of Validated Assumed Influences
This problem of practice employed a qualitative approach using semi-structured
interviews of 23 BIPOC employees who worked at the study site to understand the motivating
and organizational barriers that contribute to the turnover of BIPOC-SAPs at NU. Nine key
themes emerged: (1) BIPOC-SAPs have high job related intrinsic and extrinsic expectancy
values, (2) participants reported high self-efficacy addressing work challenges and biases, (3)
BIPOC-SAPs experience some forms of bias, microaggressions, discrimination, and racism
during their tenure, (4) underrepresentation of BIPOC-SAPs contribute to employees
experiencing a lack of sense of belonging, (5) invisible and unrecognized labor contributes to
BIPOC-SAPs burnout and work stressors, (6) BIPOC employees are not receiving proper
onboarding which creates frustration when trying to learn their jobs and the organization’s
culture, (7) supervisors lack of support contributes to turnover, (8) limited access to internal
professional development and career advancement opportunities contribute to participant
turnover, and (9) salary impacts turnover. Results from this study add to the limited research
conducted on the experiences of BIPOC-SAPs who work in PWIs.
Motivation
Two influences were used to examine the motivation of BIPOC-SAPs. The first influence
assessed the expectancy-value that BIPOC-SAPs perceived in their work as student affairs
professionals working at a PWI. The findings revealed that BIPOC-SAPs found value in their
work, working in a diverse work environment, in serving BIPOC and underrepresented student
populations, working in an environment that offered resources, and working in an organization
that valued their skill set. Such findings indicate that there was not a gap in the expectancy-value
of BIPOC-SAPs that were interviewed in this study. The second influence evaluated the self-

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efficacy that BIPOC-SAPs reported regarding their ability to address the challenges and biases
that they experienced as BIPOC-SAPs. The findings suggested that BIPOC-SAPs face unique
challenges working in PWIs such as biases, microaggressions, discrimination, and racism in the
workforce, but they were confident in their ability to navigate these challenges and biases. These
two influences provided the researcher insight into motivation that contributed to BIPOC-SAPs
seeking employment at NU and what contributed to their turnover.
Organization
Five influences were used to assess the cultural models and cultural settings of the study
site and how they affected the experiences of BIPOC-SAPs. The first cultural settings influence
examined the ways in which institutional leaders and decision makers need to implement policies
and practices that support the retention of BIPOC-SAPs. Findings also suggested that
institutional leaders and decision makers need to acknowledge the need for policies and
practices, such as formal onboarding, promotion and pay equity, that support BIPOC-SAPs.
These findings indicated that a lack of supervisor support coupled to a lack of existing policies
and practices contributed to BIPOC employee turnover. The second influence evaluated the
cultural model influence related to the organization’s need to foster a culture in which BIPOC-
SAPs feel visible. Findings indicated that due to the underrepresented of BIPOC employees at
the organization, participants expressed experiencing racial fatigue. The third cultural setting
influence evaluated institutional leaders and decision makers’ needs to publicly acknowledge the
existing barriers that affect BIPOC-SAP persistence and retention at the organization. Findings
suggest that despite there being a 10-year difference between participants who left the
organization and those who are currently leaving the organization, current participants continue
to experience similarities to those who left the organization such as incidents of bias,

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microaggressions, discrimination, and racism. The fourth cultural setting influence evaluated
leaders’ and decision makers’ need to provide institutional access to resources that enhance
persistence and retention of BIPOC-SAPs. Findings revealed that participants lacked access to
resources to address employee burnout. The fifth cultural setting influence evaluated the
institution’s need to provide development opportunities to strengthen skills that contribute to
professional development, promotion, upward mobility, and retention of BIPOC-SAPs. Findings
suggested that limited access to professional development and career advancement opportunities
contributed to participant turnover. These five organizational influences provided the researcher
insight into the ways in which the institution is not achieving its performance goal of retaining
BIPOC-SAPs, thereby creating a performance gap. Specifically, the findings offer specific
insight into strategies the organization can employ to close this gap and raise BIPOC-SAP
retention rates.
Chapter Five will include recommendations, based on study findings and literature, in the
areas of motivation and organization that will inform the design of initiatives and practices to
increase persistence and retention of BIPOC-SAPs in PWIs.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
Supported by literature and qualitative data collection as discussed in Chapter Four, this
chapter contains four primary sections: 1) discussion of results and findings, 2) recommendations
for practice, 3) limitations and delimitations, and 4) recommendations for future research. Each
section will relate the findings back to relevant literature review and clarify the emergent themes
that were generated by the study. This section will conclude with examination of solutions and
findings that warrant additional investigation for future research, and implication for equity in
the field.
Discussion of Findings
The findings and results of this study indicated that there were two findings related to
motivational influences that were determined as assets. This study revealed that all 23
participants reported high job-related intrinsic and extrinsic expectancy values. Twenty-one of 23
participants also communicated that they were highly motivated to serve BIPOC and
marginalized student populations. Participants also reported high self-efficacy when it came to
addressing work challenges and biases. Literature found that marginalized and vulnerable student
populations benefit the most from the presence of racially and ethnically diverse staff members
(Turrentine and Conley, 2001; Turner et al., 2008; Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Milem et al., 2005).
Participants communicated experiencing organizational challenges associated with
cultural models and cultural settings. Findings related to the five organizational influences served
as barriers that need to be addressed to positively impact BIPOC-SAPs retention and close the
institutional performance gap and were determined as needs. Out of the 23 study participants, 21
of the participants expressed experiencing biases, 17 endured some form of microaggression, 12
experienced discrimination, and nine experienced racism in the workplace. In addition to

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undergoing some form of bias, microaggression, discrimination, and racism, participants also
expressed experiencing burnout. Nineteen of 23 participants reported experiencing burnout due
to work-related stressors and additional unpaid labor. Studies show that workplace racism is
associated with a range of detrimental outcomes including poor mental and physical health and
wellbeing, problem thinking, psychological distress, reduced productivity and innovation,
reduced organizational commitment and employee perceptions of procedural injustice, reduced
trust and job dissatisfaction, as well as an increased cynicism, absenteeism and staff turnover
(Buttner et al., 2010; Buttner & Lowe, 2010; Trenney & Paradise, 2012). Coupled with concerns
of limited access to resources available for BIPOC-SAPs, all participants identified these as
organizational barriers that had a significant impact on their persistence and retention at the
institution.
Participants also faced organizational barriers tied to lack of resources available to
overcome challenges (invisible labor, burnout, BIPOC employee underrepresentation, overwork,
underpaid, undervalue, limited opportunities to upper mobility, etc.). These factors have
decreased the motivational belief that they will succeed at the organization. All but one
participant expressed not having formal onboarding that effectively prepared them to transition
to the institution and to do their jobs. While all participants shared high-levels of self-efficacy
when it came to navigating institutional barriers because of their involvement in the BIPOC
professional networks, not having a formal onboarding process was a barrier that contributed to
participants burnout and frustration as they had to seek information across the institution.
Moreover, 16 of the 23 participants reported that the lack of support from their supervisor
was a major barrier that impacted their decision to want to leave the organization. Lack of
support type included lack of advocacy when overworked or underpaid for additional labor, lack

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of recognition, lack of clear direction, lack of resources, and lack of empathy in transactional
interactions with supervisors. Participants drew connections between their supervisors’ lack of
support to supervisors’ lack of support for professional development opportunities, and some
connected lack of access to professional development opportunities to a lack of career
advancement and promotion at the organization. A study conducted by Marcus (2000)
highlighted that dissatisfaction of faculty and staff of color with their positions is due partly to
the quality of supervision and socioemotional issues. Steele (2018) found that supervisory
relationships both supported and expanded the current literature on the importance of quality
supervision, especially for staff members of color. When it came to pay equity, 15 participants
reported that their salary influenced their decision to leave; for those who currently work at the
organization, salary was a leading influence that impacted participant’s decision to want to leave
the institution. Data collected in report published by College and University Professional
Association for Human Resources (2018) shown that the student affairs profession is
demographically more diverse than other college professions and yet continues to lack in pay-
equity issues.
Connection to Outside Research
In coming decades, the United States population is projected to continue becoming more
racially and ethnically pluralistic (Vespa, Medina, & Armstrong, 2018). By 2060, the racial
composition population is projected to grow by 200% for people who are two or more races
other than White (Vespa et al., 2020). Literature shows that as the racial composition continues
to shift, BIPOC students will soon also become a majority student body on most college
campuses (Eagan et al., 2016; Musu-Gillette et al., 2016; Vespa et al., 2018) and the success of
students enrolled in college and universities depends on the support of student affairs

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professionals of color (Steele, 2018). Racially and ethnically diverse and inclusive learning
environments positively impact student learning and prepares students to be contributing
members of society (Turner et al., 2008; Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Milem et al., 2005). Studies
show that marginalized and vulnerable student populations benefit the most from the presence of
racially and ethnically diverse staff members (Turrentine and Conley, 2001; Turner et al., 2008;
Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Milem et al., 2005), yet the population of staff members of color
working in student affairs remains disproportionately underrepresented in comparison to White
administrators (Pritchard & McChesney, 2018; Steele, 2018). The underrepresentation of
BIPOC-SAPs in PWIs (in addition to workplace barriers and high turnover rates) limits PWIs
from closing the hiring and retention equity gap that exists amongst BIPOC and White
employees.
Recommendations for Practice
Three recommendations for human resources management, senior leaders, and decision
makers are identified below to address key findings. The first recommendation outlines an
approach to increase employee wellbeing through addressing employee burnout and establishing
psychological safety in the workplace. The second recommendation outlines an employee
mentorship program to increase career advancement opportunities for BIPOC-SAPs. Finally, the
third recommendation outlines a process to coach supervisors and hold them accountable.
The practice recommendations are guided by the modified Clark and Estes (2008) gap
analysis conceptual framework used in this study to explore the motivation and organizational
influences related to BIPOC employees’ retention at NU; additionally, these recommendations
are grounded in the research literature pertaining to each recommendation.

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Recommendation 1: Establish Programming Relevant to Combating Burnout in the
Workplace for BIPOC Employees
Hiring BIPOC employees is not enough to combat turnover. Studies show that
organizations that fail to retain staff members are spending time and money trying to replace
staff rather than providing training and resources to retain employees, which ultimately benefits
the establishment as a whole (American Institute of Research, 2009). Workplace racism is
associated with a range of detrimental outcomes including poor mental and physical health and
wellbeing, problem thinking, psychological distress, reduced productivity and innovation,
reduced organizational commitment and employee perceptions of procedural injustice, reduced
trust and job dissatisfaction, as well as an increased cynicism, absenteeism and staff turnover
(Buttner et al., 2010; Buttner & Lowe, 2010; Trenney & Paradise, 2012). Work racism coupled
with microaggressions are additional barriers to staff wellbeing at work. Wing (2010) asserts that
microaggressions are the everyday verbal, nonverbal, and environmental slights, snubs, or
insults, where people intentionally or unintentionally communicate hostile, derogatory, or
negative messages to the target person solely because of their marginalized group membership.
In many cases, Wing (2007) discovered that microaggressions may invalidate the group identity
or experiential reality of target persons, demean them on a personal or group level, communicate
that target individuals are lesser human beings, suggesting they do not belong in the majority
group. Microaggressions have a powerful impact on the psychological well-being of
marginalized groups (Wing, 2010), and if left unchecked, these microaggressions can turn to
racism or forms of bias and discrimination.
Barriers to motivation related to elements of one’s work environment destroys motivation
(Clark & Estes, 2008). Literature shows that underrepresentation of BIPOC-SAPs leads to

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BIPOC-SAPs feeling invisible; indeed, burnout is a leading cause for BIPOC-SAPs departures
from the field of student affairs (Steele, 2018; Higgins, 2017).The Yale Center for Emotional
Intelligence found that while employees showed desirable behaviors such as high skill
acquisition, these apparent model employees also reported the highest turnover, even higher than
the unengaged group (Moeller et al., 2018). A study conducted by the Harvard Business Review
(2018) found that one in five highly engaged employees is at risk of burnout, which contributes
to staff turnover. Studies show that even the most motivated employees are at risk of burnout,
which is why a key recommendation to address employee wellbeing and burnout is to create and
implement a wellness program comprised of materials and activities that are relevant and useful
to employees, connected to their interests, and based on real-world tasks.
Knowledge and motivation work together to close the gap between success and failure
associated with BIPOC-SAP turnover; addressing motivational barriers creates tangible benefits
for an organization when there is a gap between goals and current performance (Clark & Estes,
2008). Institutions must be prepared to create a work environment that is beyond welcoming and
inclusive for employees to thrive in. Part of welcoming someone into a community involves
providing resources, creating a sense of belonging for employees, and empowering employees to
speak up regarding work-related challenges without experiencing gaslighting or retaliation.
Motivation gets one going, keeps one moving, and tells one how much work and effort to spend
on work tasks (Clark & Estes, 2008). BIPOC-SAPs need to feel confident that the organization
has programming and resources available for them to navigate and overcome work-related
stressors and burnout. Pajares (2016) asserts that high self-efficacy can have a positive impact on
motivation; appropriately, BIPOC-SAPs must feel efficacious to identify and utilize resources
that will enable BIPOC-SAP retention prior to them accepting employment at the organization.

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While participants expressed confidence in their ability to navigate institutional
challenges through their participation in the BIPOC professional networks, participants also
communicated not feeling as confident when addressing burnout due to invisible labor coupled
with bias, discrimination, and racism. Increasing performance requires eliminating unnecessary
demotivators by replacing them with positive motivational support focused on closing
performance gaps (Clark & Estes, 2008). BIPOC-SAPs need to feel confident that the
organization has resources available for them to navigate and overcome work-related challenges
and burnout. Clark and Estes (2008) assert that experienced, intelligent people who are
unmotivated lack the direction, persistence, and energy to accomplish much at work. Motivation
derives from the experiences and perceptions that employees have about themselves. Study
participants demonstrated a desire and need for resources that focus on addressing burnout and
underrepresentation of BIPOC employees at the institution. Implementing initiatives centered on
addressing burnout and establishing psychological safety requires leaders to provide employees
with programming that is based on employee needs and to provide resources that ensure
employees are thriving at work. To achieve this recommendation, human resources professionals
need to develop and implement a wellness initiative that focuses on providing yearlong
programming and resources to address BIPOC-SAP wellness and wellbeing as it relates to work
stressors and burnout.
Motivation learning and performance is enhanced when individuals have positive
expectations for success (Clark 1999; Clark & Estes, 2008; Pintrich, 2003). The organization’s
website has links to articles about how employees can address the seven dimensions of wellbeing
(emotional, mental, financial, relationship, environmental, cultural, and physical); however, the
institution lacks a proactive approach of providing continuous programming and initiatives

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throughout the year for employees. Based on participant responses, having links on the
institution’s website to available resources is not enough, especially when there is only one
counselor of color who serves all BIPOC employees at the organization. Human resources must
design and implement a yearlong initiative centered on the seven dimensions of wellbeing and
offered to all staff members. This programming should be provided by the division of human
resources and must be offered to staff members every month. Such an approach will keep
employees up to date with resources and opportunities that are available to them regarding
organizational benefits and programming for staff.
Recommendation 2: Create a Mentoring Program that Prepares BIPOC-SAPs for Internal
Promotion and Advancement
Having oversight for employee retention and persistence involves creating appropriate
conditions and understanding what will inspire retention. Career advancement and promotion
opportunities allows for employees to bring their gifts and vision to the workplace and to see
themselves staying at the organizations. Study participants expressed a desire to be promoted
internally, which is why developing a mentoring program that focuses on senior leadership
mentoring BIPOC employees will enhance professional development opportunities for BIPOC
employees. This will also increase opportunities for BIPOC-SAPs to gain the necessary
experience and insight regarding internal promotion opportunities.
An organization’s management practices, and work environment can also influence an
employee’s level of commitment to the organization, which can impact staff turnover as well
(Buck & Watson, 2002). Literature shows that individuals may have varying reasons for leaving
a position or an employer (Bender, 2009; Evans, 1988; Lorden, 1998; Renn & Hodges, 2007).
When organizational processes and resources align, employee performance and retention

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improve. According to a study assessing job satisfaction in student affairs professionals, turnover
of student affairs professionals is often due to limited opportunities for advancement (Evan,
1998). Bender (2009) found that student affairs professionals do not intentionally choose this
career path; they fall into these careers. The organization must create a successful pipeline to
help employees thrive in these positions, and mentoring relationships can impact an employee’s
longevity at the institution and in their roles (Roberts, 2007).
Mentoring has served as a beneficial strategy to help with recruitment and retention of
students, faculty, and staff (Roberts, 2008). Research suggests that mentoring is a critical
component of any professional development program (Roberts, 2007; Schmidt & Wolfe, 2009;
VanDerLinden, 2005). Roberts (2007) asserts that new professionals choose a mentor to develop
skills in the professional development area. The more experienced and powerful the mentor, the
greater the chances for the mentor to appropriately guide and assist mentees (VanDerLinden,
2005). Studies show that the outcomes of mentoring relationships serve two functions: (a) career
functions (coaching, providing visibility, protection, and addresses challenging work
assignments) and (b) psychosocial functions (modeling, support, and guidance) (Kram, 1985).
According to Kram (1985), career functions are associated with the job or “learning the ropes” of
an organization. Psychosocial functions are connected to the relationship and enhance
“competence, identity and confidence in a role” (Kram, 1985, p. 23).
Designing and implementing an effective employee mentoring program will contribute to
the organization’s sustainable strategy for change centered on professional development
opportunities to enhance promotional opportunities. To achieve change and assurance that
employees receive the proper mentoring that they need to thrive at the organization, the
institution must adapt Kotter’s 8 Step Change Model (2007). Kotter’s 8 Step Model encourages

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change by offering eight change steps: create urgency, form powerful coalitions, create a vision
for change, communicate the vision, empower action, create quick wins, build on the change,
and make it stick.
Adapting Kotter’s model by establishing a mentoring program that enhances and supports
the development of employees will create a culture of change. It will take more than human
resources management to implement and engage volunteers and people who are interested in
participating in the program; in fact, creating an effective employee mentoring program will
require engagement from multiple stakeholders. Adapting Kotter’s model to address employee
turnover by enhancing professional development opportunities will entail the following 8 steps:
1. The institution must create urgency to develop and establish an employee mentoring
program.
2. The institution must form a powerful coalition that consists of human resources, senior
leaders, managers, and staff members who will help the institution create a successful
mentoring program. These key stakeholders will play a vital role in developing and
implementing an employee program designed to enhance professional development
opportunities. Human resources will serve as the conduit to bring all stakeholders together,
but managers must also play a role in serving as mentors and allowing for their direct
reports to participate in the initiative.
3. The institution must create a clear vision for change that includes how the institution will
be proactive in their approach to enhance resources to ensure successful mentor
relationships.
4. Key stakeholders must communicate the vision to all involved, including senior leaders,
managers, and program participants.

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5. Human resources professionals must encourage action from senior leaders to serve as
mentors; from managers to promote the program with their direct reports; from employees
to use these resources and to participate in any mentoring opportunities available to them.
6. Key stakeholders must create short-term wins and consider rewarding employees both for
utilizing program resources and for attending program-related activities. Rewards can be a
partnership between managers and employees in the form of time off to attend events. This
could encourage employees to take a break while at work to meet with their mentors.
7. The institution must also consider what is working and build on the change by discussing
challenges and solutions to those challenges. This will require creating an assessment tool
that measures satisfaction from volunteers and participants. Such approach will encourage
employees who participate and use resources to improve the mentoring program.
8. To implement an effective change program, the institution must anchor the changes in
institutional culture; this may also require the organization to set up policies and procedures
that reinforce employee access to these resources and that reinforce managerial support of
the program.
Kotter (2018) asserts that strong leadership is critical to capitalize on future change
opportunities while keeping the day-to-day operations. Employee diversity facilitated through
management and human resource systems plays a pivotal role (Kochan et al., 2003; Prasad et al.,
1997; Richard, 2000; Soni, 2000) as does the interplay between racism and diversity within
workplaces (Triana, Garcia, & Colella, 2010). Transformational leaders also play crucial roles in
organizational behavior, which is found to be heavily influenced by emotion, satisfaction of
personal interest, and shared understanding (Soparnot, 2011). To plan and execute this
recommendation by fall of 2021, the institution should start work as early as May by having

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conversations with key stakeholders and sending out a survey for potential volunteers who want
to serve as mentors and mentees. This initiative should be led by human resources and include
senior leaders, managers, and other campus partners that can contribute to creating programming
and resources. The program’s goal is to provide employees with the opportunity to learn from
current employees and offer professional development opportunities and resources for employees
to successfully navigate the organization. Due to the new nature of this initiative, human
resources and campus partners should consider sending out a pre-survey to employees in July to
gauge program interest and collect data on what participants would hope to gain from this
experience. Sending out a pre-survey will provide more insight regarding community needs. To
assure sustainability, this initiative should grant employees a yearly opportunity to serve as
mentors and mentees with the hope that mentees will also one day serve as mentors.
Recommendation 3: Establish an Organizational Culture of 360-Degree Feedback to
Enhance Supervisor Accountability
Clark and Estes (2008) stated that elements in an organization's culture can significantly
influence change. Literature indicates that despite a university’s diversity and inclusion values
and mission statements, many PWIs struggle to retain professionals of color due to executive and
senior leadership whose espoused values are often not congruous with the organization’s culture
(Steele, 2018; Turrentine & Conley, 2001). Schein (2004) asserted that this incongruity often
leads to difficulty in leading. Zaidi and Bellak (2019) argued that leadership cannot exist without
the people; followers need to be able to trust the integrity of their leadership (Sharif & Scandura,
2014). Organizational culture incorporates culture in the work environment, culture in the
collective group of people in an organization, and individual culture (Clark & Estes, 2008).
When organizational goals, policies, and procedures are not congruent with the organization's

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culture, both individual and group performance inevitably becomes compromised (Clark &
Estes, 2008). To influence cultural change within an organization, leaders must have a clear
understanding of the organizational culture, and the organizational culture must align with the
overall organizational behavior. This recommendation seeks to establish a culture of fair
feedback by enhancing employee opportunities to offer feedback to their supervisors using a
360-degree appraisal process.
To achieve performance effectiveness, organizational culture and core beliefs must align
with the organizational policies, procedures, and communication within the organization (Clark
& Estes, 2008). Organizational human resource policies and procedures provide context that may
either encourage or discourage certain forms of trustworthy behavior (Korsgaard et al., 2002).
Research shows that workplace encounters with managers affect employee trust (Lewicki &
Bunker, 1996). To effectively tackle organizational barriers, supervisor actions must be in
alignment with the institution’s vision regarding diversity and inclusion. Supervisors must also
be accountable, consistent, and reflective on the organization’s commitment to address turnover
of BIPOC-SAPs. Perception of policies as fair is often due to the alignment of manager behavior
with human resources policies or to good intentions (Korsgaard et al., 2002). However, Clark
and Estes (2008) note that when organizational policies fail to support processes, the result is
chaos and inefficiency. A study conducted by Buck and Watson (2002) on human resources
practices at 34 public institutions of higher education found a connection between employee
turnover and its dependence on organizational commitment. To address lack of supervisor
support and accountability, organizations must establish policies and procedures that require
supervisors to undergo 360-degree feedback.

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Korsgaard et al. (2002) asserted that performance appraisals found that fair human
resources policies can provide insight for fair managerial behavior. Effective performance
appraisal systems are modeled on due-process principles and allow for managers to exhibit open
communication and demonstrate concern (Korsgaard et al., 2002). Distinct from traditional
appraisal systems in which supervisors are the only ones evaluating their employees, a 360-
degree feedback system allows for employees to provide evaluation regardless of their job or
rank (El Haddad, Karkoulian, & Nehme, 2019). Such practice, Mondy (2010) emphasized, has
shown to minimize bias and improve employee job performance. A study conducted by Sylvia
and Caetano (2014) found that 360-degree appraisals create a positive work environment, with
prominent levels of perceived organizational justice, which lead to an increase in positive work
attitudes and behaviors, job satisfaction, and job commitment. In fact, 360-degree feedback
impacts employee perception of the three components of organizational justice: distributive,
procedural, and interactional (Karkoulian et al., 2016). Further findings show that both
procedural and interactional justice are important indicators of the sustainability of an
organization’s fair work environment (Karkoulian et al., 2016).
Wong (Lau) 2016 asserted that many of our current practices related to multiculturalism
and diversity, though highly effective, do not invite those in the majority to participate in
creating inclusive institutions, nor do they directly critique the exclusionary policies, practices,
and structures that continue to exist. To achieve meaningful organizational change related to
equity, diversity, and inclusion in higher education, organizations must align employees with
these values across the whole campus. While it is not yet possible to use individual profiles to
enhance performance, it is possible to use culture profiles to align the culture of any organization
with all the important policies, procedure, and communication within the organization (Clark &

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Estes, 2008). Clark and Estes (2008) argued that organizational culture inevitably filters and
affects all attempts to improve performance, and successful performance improvement relies on
taking the specific culture into account. The core belief that characterizes all organizational
cultures can guide decisions about goals and the processes and procedures used to achieve those
goals (Clark & Estes, 2008). There are three things that can be done to assess whether
organizational elements are influencing the ability to create change, which according to Clark
and Estes are the following: (1) collecting information on the "big three causes" by conducting
individual and group interviews, (2) looking through work records, and (3) observing work
processes (p. 42). Gathering a sense of such information, according to Clark and Estes, can be
used to assess whether additional support is needed, and if so, what kind of support is required to
accomplish those goals.
Overall, to guarantee success in establishing a culture of effective 360-degree feedback,
human resources professionals must align the following four key steps to policies and
procedures:
1. Human resource professionals should not wait to check in with both the supervisor and
their direct reports. Checking on the supervisor about how they feel they are doing as a
supervisor is important and just as much is reading the employee pulse to help understand
how people are doing.
2. The institution should implement policies and procedure that allow supervisors and direct
reports to provide feedback every three months, instead of every 12 months.
3. Remind supervisors that their job is to empower their employees and that 360-degree
constructive feedback helps both supervisors and employees grow.

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4. Celebrate and give recognition to supervisors who are supportive and contribute to staff
growth and persistence.
For all employees to thrive at work, clear policies and procedures must guide adaptation to 360-
degree performance appraisals, and supervisors must align their behavior, values, and beliefs to
the organization’s mission and values to achieve organizational cultural change.
Limitations and Delimitations
Whether access or resources, each study faces limitations and delimitations that put the
study at risk of constructing incorrect or misleading data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Theofanidis
and Fountouki (2019) state that limitations are weaknesses out of the control of the researcher,
and delimitations are weaknesses that develop within the study’s scope based on the researcher’s
choices.
The purpose of this study was to examine the motivation and organizational factors
influencing BIPOC-SAPs turnover at NU. Due to the research design and the nature of the
environment, there were three significant limitations in this study. The first limitation was the
selection of a specific population for this study: (a) BIPOC-SAPs who have left within the last 10
years, and (b) BIPOC-SAPs who currently work at NU and are thinking about leaving the
institution. By studying a specific group of participants (BIPOC-SAPs) and conducting the study
at a single institution, the study presented a limited assessment affecting the significance of the
study. The second limitation is limiting the study site to one elite PWI-NU. Although NU is a
PWI, the experiences of BIPOC-SAPs at NU may not be representative of the experiences of all
BIPOC-SAPs at other elite PWIs. The third limitation is that the study relied on the memory and
truthfulness of the participants when answering interview questions. The memory of participants,
according to Weiss (1994), may vary from clear to obscure at times.

150
This study has two delimitations. The first is the researcher, though serving the role of the
principal investigator of this study, due to their role as a person of color who works at a PWI, the
researcher can be perceived as an insider. Such position, according to Merriam and Tisdell
(2016), poses a challenge for the research grounded on strong feelings concerning insider and
outside beliefs among participants. The second limitation is the small sample size of this study.
Due to the use of purposeful snowball sampling as the data collection method, the researcher was
only able to sample a small population that required study participants to self-identifying as
either current BIPOC-SAPs at NU or having worked at NU within the past 10 years.
The current events taking place throughout the country and the nation are other aspects to
consider. The nation is currently undergoing the Novel Corona Virus (COVID-19) pandemic.
Prior to COVID-19, the intent of the study was to conduct in-person interviews on NU’s campus.
However, with potential city and state restrictions due to the spread of COVID-19, the interviews
took place online using Zoom as the main platform for data collection. In addition, there have
been nationwide protests of different although related things, including police violence, the Black
Lives Matter movement, and anti-Asian xenophobia. Due to the proximity of race and ethnicity,
these demonstrations and target hate crimes may have also influenced the participant responses
since the events may have impacted their emotional well-being as BIPOC professionals. Along
with a global pandemic, racial protests, police violence, and a bitter national election, this year
has shifted participant priorities to focus on what is currently happening. Reflecting and speaking
about their own experiences can bring a lot of pain to participants.
Recommendations for Future Research
This study offers many opportunities for future research. While a qualitative approach
captured the narrative individuals, a future study using a mixed methods approach may be able to

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capture more insight and reach a larger sample size. The participants of this study all self-
identified as BIPOC employees, but there was an underrepresentation of Asian and Indigenous
participants. More research capturing and centering the voices of Asian and Indigenous
employee experiences would help give the findings broader perspective and contribute to future
research.
Moreover, the study design focused on one organization, but it could be adapted in other
private, selective, PWIs to broaden the perspective of participants interviewed on this topic.
While the study focused on understanding motivational and organizational factors associated
with BIPOC-SAPs, future research might include a knowledge component. Lastly, while the
Clark and Estes (2008) framework was a useful model to assess barriers related to BIPOC-SAPs
turnover, due to the study focusing on BIPOC employee experiences, Critical Race Theory or
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological models could provide alternate frameworks to facilitate deeper
exploration of the problem of practice.
Implications and Considerations for Equity
Despite research findings which indicate that companies with greater racial and gender
diversity perform better (Wong (Lau), 2016), studies on the current COVID-19 pandemic found
that organizational decision making focusing only on economic impacts can result in economic
insecurity and in an increased gender, racial, and ethnic inequality (Kramer & Kramer, 2020).
According to Bauman (2021), since the World Health Organization announced a pandemic in
March 2020, at least 570,000 employees in higher educations have been laid off or have left
higher education. Bauman emphasized how workers with limited labor protections, like those
providing administrative support or working in food service, were impacted the most. As so were
employees of color, who Bauman asserted saw outsized losses relative to their share of the

152
overall workforce. In another recent COVID-19 study conducted by Brookings Metropolitan
Policy Program, findings revealed that the overall racial, ethnic, and foreign-born makeup of
vulnerable workers is similar to that in many workers who have been impacted by the pandemic
and face economic insecurity (Berube & Bateman, 2020). However, years of structural racism in
America separate the overall racial, ethnic, and foreign-born makeup of vulnerable workers from
everyone else who is undergoing the impacts of the pandemic.
According to Rose (2017), structural racism in the U.S. is the normalization and
legitimization of an array of dynamics (historical, cultural, institutional, and interpersonal) that
routinely advantage Whites while producing cumulative and chronically adverse outcomes for
people of color. Structural racism has had long standing staggering effects on jobs, schools,
criminal justice, and wealth; structural racism has been widely observed and discussed during the
current COVID-19 pandemic. Research shows that while vulnerable workers are
disproportionately young, female, and possess less formal education, in particularly LatinX or
Hispanic individuals were found to be slightly more vulnerable populations of workers with
20%, in comparison to 17% of workers in industries not at immediate risk of job loss (Berube &
Bateman, 2020). Additional findings revealed that Black vulnerable workers represented the
second leading population of vulnerable workers with 13%, as compared to 11% of other
workers (Berube & Bateman, 2020). While no studies have been released that measure the
impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on NU’s campus, prior to the pandemic, the number of
employees who identified as Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) were low in
comparison to White employees. As presented in NU’s most recent reports, 16.31 % of
employees identify as BIPOC employees, displaying NU’s equity gap when it comes to the

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hiring of BIPOC professionals. These numbers display the institution’s lack of regard for BIPOC
employees.
Studies based on a decision-making perspective suggest that diversity offers a broader
knowledge base and a range of perspectives that, in turn, can positively influence problem-
solving and decision-making (Williams and O’Reilly 1998; van Knippenberg and Schippers,
2007). Thus, decision makers need to understand how structural racism is imbedded into our
hiring policies and procedures (Rose, 2017). Organizations must examine existing structures to
ensure that all employees are treated equitably. Designing equitable policies and procedures
requires organizations to take a closer look at the historical trends and ways by which BIPOC
employees have yet to experience full institutional benefits. Closing the racial and ethnic gap that
has existed in the U.S. for decades will require organizations to lead from an equity approach,
creating inclusive policies and procedures that ensure that all employee needs are being meet.
Conclusion
The findings and results suggest that hiring BIPOC employees is not enough to retain
BIPOC employees. Organizations must be prepared to create the conditions for employees to
thrive by providing proper onboarding, long-term resources, guidance on successfully navigating
the institutional climate, and a mechanism for holding managers accountable for the growth and
support of all employees. The purpose of this study was to understand and acknowledge the
motivation and organizational influences centering the experiences of BIPOC student affairs
professionals related to hiring, retention, and advancement at private, selective, PWIs. The
design, methodology, data analysis, and recommendations were driven by the following research
three questions:

154
1. What are the motivating factors that led BIPOC student affairs professionals to seek
employment at NU?
2. What are the motiving factors that are making current and former BIPOC student affairs
professionals leave NU?
3. What are notable organizational challenges associated with not retaining BIPOC student
affairs professionals working at NU?
The results and findings of this study indicated nine themes that emerged from the problem
being explored: (1) BIPOC-SAPs have high job related intrinsic and extrinsic expectancy values,
(2) participants reported high self-efficacy addressing work challenges and biases, (3) BIPOC-
SAPs experience some forms of bias, microaggressions, discrimination, and racism during their
tenure, (4) underrepresentation of BIPOC-SAPs contribute to employees experiencing a lack of
sense of belonging, (5) invisible and unrecognized labor contributes to BIPOC-SAPs burnout
and work stressors, (6) BIPOC employees are not receiving proper onboarding which creates
frustration when trying to learn their jobs and the organization’s culture, (7) supervisors lack of
support contributes to turnover, (8) limited access to internal professional development and
career advancement opportunities contribute to participant turnover, and (9) salary impacts
turnover.

155
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Appendix A: Study Email Invitation
Dear (name of staff member):

I hope this email finds you well. I have identified Notable University (NU; a pseudonym for the
institution I am conducting the study in) as an institution where I would like to collect findings
for my dissertation study. This email is a request for you to partake in the study. The title of my
study is, “Retaining and Supporting BIPOC Professionals in PWIS: Addressing PWIs
Equity Gap.”

The purpose of this study is to examine the degree to which NU is meeting its goal of prioritizing
the hiring and retention of BIPOC student affairs professionals. By participating in this study,
you will have the opportunity to reflect and to share your experiences as a BIPOC staff
professional at NU. If you are willing to participate in the study, please reply to this email and I
will follow-up with the informed consent form that explains what your involvement in this study
will entail. I will also like to speak with you about scheduling a time when we could meet via
Zoom to conduct your interview. Should you have any questions or if you need additional
information, please contact me at via email at [researcher email] or via phone at [researcher
phone number] Thank you for your consideration, I look forward to hearing from you.

Respectfully,
Patricia Gonzalez (She/Her/Ella), M.A.
USC Rossier School of Education

173
Appendix B: Interview Information Fact Sheet for Exempt Non-Medical Research
INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH
STUDY TITLE: Retaining and Supporting BIPOC Professionals in PWIS: Addressing PWIs
Equity Gap

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Patricia Gonzalez
______________________________________________________________________________
You are invited to participate in my research study. Your participation is voluntary. This
document explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is
unclear to you.

PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to understand the motivation and organizational influences related to
Black, indigenous, and people of color communities (BIPOC) in predominantly White
institutions (PWIs). There are many personal and institutional factors that impact the retention of
BIPOC student affairs professionals. I hope to learn how to improve the experiences of BIPOC
student affairs professionals at Notable University (pseudonym). You are invited as a participant
because you have either (a) left NU within the last ten years, and/or (b) you currently are
thinking about leaving NU.

ELIGIBILITY
To participate in this study, you must identify as a BIPOC student affairs professional who has
(a) left NU within the last ten years, and or (b) who is thinking or thought about leaving NU.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
Your participation in this study is completely voluntary. The interview will take 60 minutes. You
may choose not to participate or discontinue participation at any time without penalty or loss. In
addition, you may skip any questions that you do not feel comfortable responding to.

ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
The alternative is to not participate in the research study. Your relationship with the institution is not
affected by your participation or non-participation in this study.

CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

Any identifiable information obtained will remain confidential. Your responses will be coded
with a pseudonym and maintained separately.

174
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Principal Investigator,
Patricia Gonzalez at pg08870@usc.edu, (323) 807-3293.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the University of
Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email irb@usc.edu.

By participating in this interview, you are consenting to the terms listed above.

*Please print or save a copy of this form for your records.

175
Appendix C: Recruitment Survey
Respondent Criteria: NU student affairs professionals of color who have (a) left NU within the
last 10 years and or (b) NU student affairs professionals who are considering severing ties with
the institution.

1. Have you left NU and or are planning to leave NU within the next 6 months?
2. What is your preferred pseudonym (a fictional name) for this study?
3. What are your preferred pronouns?
a. She, her, hers
b. He, him, himself
c. They, them, theirs
d. Ze, zir, zirs
e. Xe/xem/xyrs
f. Prefer not to say
g. Different pronouns not listed here (please specify): ________________________
4. Which of the following best describes you?
a. Asian or Pacific Islander
b. Black or African American
c. Hispanic or LatinX
d. Native American or Alaskan Native
e. White or Caucasian
f. Multiracial or Biracial
g. A race and or ethnicity not listed here (please specify): ________________________
5. Which of the following best describes your gender identity?

176
a. Cisgender female/woman
b. Cisgender male/man
c. Transgender female/woman
d. Transgender male/man
e. Gender nonconforming
f. Non-binary, third gender, or gender fluid
g. Prefer not to answer
h. Different identity (please specify): ________________________
6. What is your highest level of education completed?
a. High school graduate or GED
b. Some college or vocational school
c. College Graduate
d. Graduate degree
e. Doctoral degree
7. Which of the following best describes your age?
a. 20-25
b. 25-30
c. 30-35
d. 35-40
e. 45-50
f. 50-Above
g. Prefer not to answer
8. Are you currently working at NU?

177
a. Yes
b. No
9. How long have you worked at NU for?
a. 3 months-6 months
b. 6 months-12 months
c. 1 years-2 years
d. 2 years-3 years
e. 3 years-5 years
f. 5 years- or more
10. What department at NU were you most recently working in?
a. Academic Affairs
b. Campus Activities
c. Care and Crisis / Counseling Service
d. Career Services
e. Multicultural Affairs (Diversity & Inclusion)
f. Residential Life
g. Student Conduct
h. Other: _______________________
11. Which title best describes your current and or most current position at NU?
a. Administrative Assistant
b. Coordinator
c. Assistant Director
d. Associate Director

178
e. Director
f. Associate Director
g. Associate Dean
h. Other: _______________________
12. What is your salary range at NU?
a. $20,000-$40,000
b. $40,000-$60,000
c. $60,000-$80,000
d. $80,000-$100,00
e. $100,000-Above
13. Do you know of other student affairs professionals of color that fit the study criteria?
a. Yes
b. No
14. If yes, are you willing to share their contact information (email is fine)?
a. Yes
b. No
c. I will ask them to confirm and I will get back to you via email.
15. Please list below the first name (s) and contact information of the individual(s) you feel fit
the criteria for this study.

179
Appendix D: Interview Protocol
Thank you for taking the time to meet with me today. Your perspective and life experience will
be useful as I study intersection of retention practices at NU and student affairs professionals of
color, with the intent to support and retain current student affairs professionals of color working
in higher education. The purpose of this study is to conducts a needs analysis in areas of
motivation and organizational resources necessary to help understand the persistence of
employees of color. Do you have any questions about the study before we begin?
The three research questions explored in this project include:
1. What are the motivating factors that led BIPOC student affairs professionals to seek
employment at NU?
2. What are the motiving factors that are making current and former BIPOC student
affairs professionals leave NU?
3. What are notable organizational challenges associated with not retaining BIPOC
student affairs professionals working at NU?
I want you to know that all data gathered is confidential and kept in a secure place. Please know
that your insight will not be shared with any of your colleagues, or anyone else. I want to remind
you that you will not be identified in any of the written material. If I do use a quote from our
interview, I will use a pseudonym for you. Is it okay if I use a recorder to help me reflect on the
details of our discussion? This interview will take 60 minutes; please note that there is no
pressure for you to complete this interview and you may choose to stop at any point. Do you
have any questions before we get started?
Please state if you self-identify as a NU student affairs professionals of color who has (a) left NU
within the last 10 years and or (b) who are considering severing ties with the institution?

180

Interview Question Potential Probes RQ Concept
1. What is you preferred
pseudonym for this study?

2. Could you discuss some of
your reasons for seeking
employment at NU?
How did you conclude NU was
the best option for you?
RQ1 Cost-value;
Motivation
3. Could you discuss your
expectations of the role, prior to
your arrival to NU?
How valuable is it for you to
meet these expectations?

What influenced these
expectations?
RQ
1
Cost-value;
Motivation
4. To what degree do you feel
your on-boarding process
prepared you for your role at NU?
If you had no on-boarding
process, can you tell me how
confident you feel about your
ability to perform your job
expectations?
RQ
3
Cultural
Model;
Organizational
5. What does being a BIPOC
employee on NU’s campus look
like on a daily basis for you?
What is the connection and or
difference between your
experiences and that of your
colleagues’ experiences?
RQ
2 &
RQ
3
Self-efficacy;
Motivation;
Cultural
setting;
Organizational
6. How do you feel about your
ability to navigate NU’s campus
culture as a BIPOC student affairs
professional?
Why do you think this is the
case?
RQ
2
Self-efficacy;
Motivation
7. How would you describe your
relationship with your supervisor?
What sort of impact do you think
your relationship has on your
motivation to want to leave NU?
RQ
3
Cultural
models;
Organizational
8. How confident do you feel in
your supervisor’s ability to
communicate written and un-
written job expectations
associated with your role?
What sort of impact do you think
the organization’s written and
unwritten jobs expectations have
on your motivation to want to
leave NU?

How did you determine that?
RQ
3
Cultural
models;
Organizational
9. How has your supervisor
enhanced your opportunities of
advancement at NU?
What sort of impact do you think
the opportunities to advance at
NU have on your motivation to
want to leave or stay at NU?

Can you give me an examples?
RQ
3
Cultural
models;
Organizational
10. Can you give me examples of
the type of support you receive
from your supervisor?
What sort of impact do you think
your supervisors’ support and or
lack thereof has on your
RQ
3
Cultural
setting;
Organizational

181
motivation to want to stay and or
leave NU?
11. How frequently did you and
your supervisor have discussions
about your career goals?
RQ
3
Cultural
Setting;
Organizational
12. How does NU support staff
professionals career advancement
and professional development?
What sort of impact do you think
that had on your motivation to
want to leave NU?
RQ
3
Cultural
models;
Organizational
13. Is this support provided to all
employees by NU as a standard
practice? If no support exists how
have you navigated challenges in
this environment?
How so, describe the standard
practices that exists if any?
RQ
3
Cultural
setting;
Organizational
14. Can you give me examples of
what resources exist at NU that
have you used to navigate NU’s
culture?
What sort of impact do you think
your this has on your motivation
to want to leave NU?
RQ
3
Cultural
setting;
Organizational
15. How has your salary impacted
your decision to want to leave
and or stay at NU?
What sort of impact do you think
your salary has on your
motivation to want to leave or
stay at NU?
RQ
2
Cultural
models;
Organizational
16. How would you describe
NU’s racial campus climate?
What sort of impact do you think
your NU’s culture has on your
motivation to want to leave or
stay at NU?
RQ
3
Cultural
models;
Organizational
17. Have you experience biases
and or discrimination on NU’s
campus because of your race and
or ethnicity?
If yes, give me an example?
How did it make you feel?
RQ
3
Cultural
setting;
Organizational
18. Research shows that BIPOC
professionals tend to burnout
faster due to extra labor demands
that are uncounted and unpaid
for. Do you feel that burnout is
something you have experience at
NU?
What sort of impact do you think
burnout has on your motivation
to want to leave at NU?
RQ
3
Cultural
setting;
Organizational
19. What are some examples of
policies and/or procedures that
support diversity and inclusion
for BIPOC employees?

RQ
3
Cultural
setting;
Organizational
20. What are some examples of
ways that NU has opportunities
for growth to support racially and
ethnically diverse faculty and
staff members?
What sort of impact do you think
this has on student affairs
professionals of color motivation
to want to leave or stay at NU?
RQ
3
Cultural
setting;
Organizational

182
21. What did no one tell you, that
you wish you had known, about
what it means to be a BIPOC
employee working in a PWI?
What sort of impact do you think
being a person of color on a PWI
campus has on your motivation
to want to stay or leave NU?
RQ
3
Cultural
models;
Organizational
22. Talk about your strategies to
address barriers and biases in
your role as a BIPOC individual
working in student affairs.
What things bolster your
confidence?

What skills do you think you
have developed over the years?
RQ
1
Self-efficacy;
Motivation
23. What factors influenced you
to decision to want to continue
and or leave NU?
How did you conclude that? RQ
2
Cost-value;
Motivation
24. How has your experiences
working at NU changed and or
shaped your career trajectory?
How did you conclude that? RQ
2
Cost-value;
Motivation
25. What has your experience
thus far taught you about yourself
and the work environment that
you would thrive in?
Looking back, what would you
do differently now, if anything
RQ
1
Self-efficacy;
Motivation
26. Do you have any advice for
BIPOC student affairs
professionals who are in a
comparable situation as yours?
RQ
2
Cost-value;
Motivation
27. What are recommendations
for improvements that would
encourage you to stay the
institution?
Why do you think this is the
case?
RQ
2
Self-efficacy;
Motivation
28. Is there anything else you
would like to add about your
experience at NU?
RQ’
s 1,
2, &
3

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Asset Metadata

Creator Gonzalez, Patricia (author)

Core Title Retaining and supporting BIPOC professionals in PWIs: addressing PWIs equity gap

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2021-08

Publication Date 07/29/2021

Defense Date 06/02/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black,Burnout,equity,Higher education,indigenous,OAI-PMH Harvest,people of color,predominantly White institutions,retention,student affairs professionals,systemic racism

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Adibe, Bryant (committee chair), Phillips, Jennifer (committee member), Simmons, Alana (committee member)

Creator Email pg08870@usc.edu,pg2532@tc.columbia.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC15669259

Unique identifier UC15669259

Legacy Identifier etd-GonzalezPa-9941

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Gonzalez, Patricia

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu