University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

The racialized experiences of Black students in online master’s degree programs at a Predominately White Institution

(USC Thesis Other)

The racialized experiences of Black students in online master’s degree programs at a Predominately White Institution

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content

The Racialized Experiences of Black Students in Online Master’s Degree Programs at A
Predominately White Institution
by
Melissa Marie Medeiros

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2021

ii
© Copyright by Melissa Marie Medeiros 2021
All Rights Reserved

iii

The Committee for Melissa Marie Medeiros certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Akilah Lyons-Moore
Anthony Maddox
Tracy Poon Tambascia, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021

iv
Abstract
Black students experience educational spaces in racialized ways; however, research about the
ways in which campus racial climates reverberate in online learning platforms is limited.
Research is particularly sparse regarding the racialized experiences of Black graduates in online
educational spaces. Qualitative methods were used to examine the racialized experiences of 13
Black students enrolled in synchronous online master’s degree programs at a Predominately
White Institution (PWI). This study explored the ways race and racism manifest in online
learning environments and the ways in which racial identity influence responses to race-based
incidents. Three major themes emerged from in-depth interviews: 1) racial visibility,
hypervisibility, and invisibility in online spaces, 2) meaning-making of race-based incidents, and
3) cultivating care and support. Critical Race Theory and the Multidimensional Model for Racial
Identity were utilized as part of a conceptual framework to further analyze these themes and to
address the research questions. The findings support existing literature about the impacts of
campus racial climate and racial fatigue on Black students, but also contribute to literature about
racial neutrality in online spaces and the deficit theorizing about the experiences of all Black
students at PWIs. Six recommendations were provided to campus and program administrators
and curriculum developers. Future research should focus on the adaption of campus racial
climate assessments that more appropriately capture the nuances of online educational
experiences, exploring the intersectionality of the multiple identities Black graduates occupy,
and examining the invisible tax for Black online graduates given our current political and social
climate.
Keywords: online education, graduate students, campus climate, racism, Critical Race
Theory, racial identity

v
Dedication
To all my beautiful and bright brown skin girls.

vi
Acknowledgements
First, I want to give thanks to God whose blessings and favor over my life allowed me to
complete this doctoral journey. I am thankful for the grace and mercy you shower me with every
single day. I am thankful for the nights I called on your name for direction and discernment. In
honor of the late Bishop Rance Allen, there is certainly something about the name Jesus! I pray
you continue to use me and this project as a vessel to do your will.
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my mom and dad, Marie and Joe, for your
unwavering love and support for every adventure and goal I set out for myself. I stayed the
course Mommy. I had fun and never took myself too seriously, Dad. Thank you for your
encouragement, prayers, and life gems that have shaped the woman I am today. I also want to
thank my wonderful bonus parents Suk and Ced for loving me as your very own and supporting
me along the way. To my younger siblings, Diamond, Francois, Josette, Tatiana, and Jacob,
thank you for teaching me more about life and for always supporting your big sissy. I love you
all!
I am extremely grateful for my partner and rock, Joseph Strong. You stayed up late to
keep me company as I wrote, you listened for hours on end as I thought out loud, and helped
keep me to my deadlines, even if that meant sacrificing the time we spent together. You were the
person I retreated to with my concerns, my doubts, my insecurities and you reminded me every
single day that I’ve got this. You helped me keep my eye on the prize as I chanted “short-term
sacrifice, short-term sacrifice.” I truly love and appreciate you.
Thank you to my line sisters, my soul sisters and closest friends, Tomika, Paige,
Le’Shaunte, and Ashley. Ash, thank you for validating my experiences and guiding me through
this doctoral journey. I appreciate you always pouring into me and reminding me of my light.
Mika, thank you for snatching me out of my house so I could clear my mind, for our many walks

vii
along the beach, and for reminders about what awaits me on the other side of this journey. I
thank you sorors for allowing me to lean on the shield in ways I never knew I would. For all my
friends, too many to name, thank you for your love and support, and most definitely the laughs.
I would be remiss to not acknowledge and thank Erin and Kristi whose friendship, words
of encouragement, and weekly writing sessions helped me through some of the roughest patches
of the writing phase. You two ladies are angels. We did it!
Tracy, you are someone I have respected and admired since I stepped foot into your
classroom as a master’s student. You pushed me academically, challenged me intellectually, and
guided me professionally. When I embarked on this journey, I knew you would make me work
hard, very hard, to produce something I was proud of. I am indeed proud! Thank you for your
mentorship, guidance, and support over the last seven years. Dr. Maddox, I will forever cherish
our conversations on that 21st floor and your words of affirmation. Above all, I am forever
grateful for the love you proudly display for Mrs. Maddox. Thank you for modeling pure Black
love! Dr. Lyons-Moore, I am grateful for your arrival at a pivotal point in my professional life
when I really needed another Black woman to be able to ask, “I’m not crazy, right?!” I thank you
for being a breath of fresh air and for reassuring me that I was indeed sane. I thank you all for
your commitment to me and this journey.

Table of Contents
Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables .............................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ........................................................................................................................... xii
List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................ xiii
Chapter 1: Overview of the Study .................................................................................................. 1
Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 1
Anti-Black Racism in Higher Education ................................................................................. 1
Negative Campus Climates for Black Learners ...................................................................... 2
Online Education ..................................................................................................................... 3
Statement of the Problem ............................................................................................................ 3
Purpose of the Study ................................................................................................................... 5
Significance of the Study ............................................................................................................ 5
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions ............................................................................. 6
Delimitations ........................................................................................................................... 8
Assumptions ............................................................................................................................ 9
Definition of Terms ................................................................................................................... 10
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 12
Chapter 2: Literature Review ........................................................................................................ 14
Education as Liberation ............................................................................................................. 14
Denied Access ....................................................................................................................... 15
Black Resistance and Perseverance ..................................................................................... 17
Access to American Higher Education .................................................................................. 18
Emergence of HBCUs ........................................................................................................... 18
Contemporary Higher Education .............................................................................................. 21
Campus Climates .................................................................................................................. 22
Black Students in Online Education .......................................................................................... 29
History of Distance Education ............................................................................................... 29
Surge of Online Education .................................................................................................... 31
Black Learners Turn to Online Education ............................................................................ 32
Conceptual Framework ............................................................................................................. 36
Critical Race Theory ............................................................................................................. 36

BlackCrit ............................................................................................................................... 39
Using CRT to Analyze Online Education ............................................................................ 40
Racial Identity Development in Higher Education ................................................................... 41
Black Racial Identity Development ..................................................................................... 41
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 46
Chapter 3: Methodology ............................................................................................................... 47
Research Design ........................................................................................................................ 47
Site Selection ............................................................................................................................. 48
Population and Sample .............................................................................................................. 50
Instrumentation.......................................................................................................................... 51
Data Collection .......................................................................................................................... 53
Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................ 55
Trustworthiness ......................................................................................................................... 57
Ethics ......................................................................................................................................... 58
Role of Researcher .................................................................................................................... 59
Chapter 4: Findings ....................................................................................................................... 61
Participants ................................................................................................................................ 61
Participant Profiles ................................................................................................................ 62
Themes ...................................................................................................................................... 67
Racial Visibility, Hypervisibility, and Invisibility in Online Spaces .................................... 67
Racial Visibility and Representation ................................................................................. 67
Racialization of Curriculum ............................................................................................... 70
Intentional Hypervisibility ................................................................................................. 72
Minimizing Negative Racial Stereotypes Online .............................................................. 74
Race Rendered Invisible or Neutral Online ....................................................................... 76
Making Sense of Race-Based Incidents ................................................................................ 79
Makings of a Person........................................................................................................... 79
Punished for Speaking Up ................................................................................................. 83
Incidents Attributed Internally vs. Externally .................................................................... 86
Cultivating Care and Support ................................................................................................ 89
Expectations for Greatness ................................................................................................ 89
Personal Attention and Accommodation ........................................................................... 91
Real-World Application ..................................................................................................... 92

Belonging and Inclusivity .................................................................................................. 94
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 96
Chapter 5: Discussion and Recommendations .............................................................................. 98
Connections and Contributions to Existing Literature ............................................................ 100
Campus Racial Climate ....................................................................................................... 100
Racial Fatigue ...................................................................................................................... 101
Racial Neutrality in Online Spaces ...................................................................................... 102
Negative Educational Experiences at PWIs ........................................................................ 103
Research Questions ................................................................................................................. 104
Recommendations for Practice ................................................................................................ 111
Future Research ....................................................................................................................... 115
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 117
References ............................................................................................................................... 119
Appendix A ............................................................................................................................. 130
Appendix B ............................................................................................................................. 132
Appendix C ............................................................................................................................. 135
Appendix D ............................................................................................................................. 137
Appendix E .............................................................................................................................. 140

xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Participant Characteristics Overview 62

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: The Oxymoronic Social Existence of Whites (or Neoliberalism as the New Slave
Code) 24
Figure 2: Data Analysis in Qualitative Research 56

xiii
List of Abbreviations
CRT Critical Race Theory
DEI Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
FMU F & M University
HBCU Historically Black Colleges and Universities
MMRI Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity
PWI Predominately White Institution
US United States of America

1

Chapter 1: Overview of the Study
Introduction
Higher education within the United States has always reflected the cultural hegemonic
values, beliefs, expectations, and interests of its society. The purpose and mission of higher
education has largely paralleled the needs of the prevailing era, whether to increase the literacy
and education of religious leaders, to produce teachers for primary education, to train future
leaders and prepare productive citizens, or to promote social stratification between the erudite
and the uneducated. Consequently, the student bodies on college campuses have overwhelmingly
represented those privileged and intentionally positioned to fulfill these missions, White men and
women. The long history of exclusion and marginalization of certain populations within higher
education reflects these hegemonic beliefs about the perceived social utility and humanity of
people of color in this country, specifically Black Americans. In the midst of the #MeToo and
#BlackLivesMatter movements, we are reminded that institutions of higher education serve as a
microcosm of the socio-cultural, political, and economic climate of present-day American
civilization. Higher education, regardless of modality, on-campus or online, is not immune to the
institutionalization of race, racism, and inequalities that continue to influence outcomes of
present-day Black learners.
Anti-Black Racism in Higher Education
Higher education in many ways shares the organizational logics and framework that
supported the enslavement of Black people in the 17th and 18th centuries (Squire et al., 2018).
To justify the cruelty and inhumanity of forced migration and enslavement, Black people were
fundamentally viewed as nonhuman and inferior. Anti-Black racism, the systematic devaluing
and dehumanizing of Black people, is endemic in every aspect of American society, including
higher education. Squire et al. (2018) highlighted the parallels between slave plantations and
2

contemporary universities such as the use of labels to strip Black people of humanity: savages
and non-thinking compared to at-risk, remedial, and unprepared. They also argued the
similarities in the commodification of Black people on plantations to work the fields and take
care of the home and children to that of universities, where Black students are recruited to pay
tuition, increase college rankings and provide publicity.
Dancy et al. (2018) furthered that higher education has reaped enormous financial gain
from the exploitation of Black labor during slavery and to the present-day. The authors argued
that colleges and universities directly benefited from the physical labor of those enslaved
to create buildings and structures while also tending to the personal care of college presidents
and administrators (Dancy et al., 2018). Similarly, Black students are currently recruited to play
in the highest revenue-generating sports programs for top colleges and universities, while they
are unable as students to profit from their own labor. Whether by design, neglect, or a
combination of both, Black students experience a more hostile, unsafe, and unwelcoming
campus than their peers (Campbell et al., 2019; Johnson et al., 2014; Mwangi et al., 2018).
Negative Campus Climates for Black Learners
Harper (2013) argued that the Black experience on college campuses result from the fact
that “Black students have been excluded longer than they have been afforded opportunities to
matriculate” (p. 186) and that little has been done to ensure the present-day campuses are
responsive to their needs. Current demands to dismantle systemic and structural racism on
college campuses are reminiscent of the ones made by Black students in the 1960s and 1970s,
with Black students fighting for greater representation, institutional support in the form of
scholarships and financial aid, the establishment of Black-centered curriculum and courses, and
places to seek refuge like Black cultural centers. For Black students, racially hostile campus
climates led to feelings of isolation, simultaneous invisibility and hypervisibility, and
3

marginalization (Harper, 2013; Hubain et al., 2016). Research has highlighted the academic and
psychological effects of race-based stress for Black students, which include disengagement,
attrition, and lower GPAs (Campbell, et al., 2019; Harper, 2013; Hubain et al., 2016; Johnson et
al., 2014). The cumulative effects of feeling unwelcome and stigmatized required Black students
to exert more energy and effort to achieve the same academic goals as their White counterparts
(Campbell, et al., 2019). The challenges Black learners face are not unique to traditional, in-
person and on-campus educational experiences, but appear in other learning modalities as well.
Online Education
Online education has been touted as providing greater opportunities for access and
affordability for historically underrepresented students. The focus of most research has mainly
been on online education as a media form and modality of education with less focus on the
content and culture of that learning environment (Clark et al., 2010). However, online education
is essentially the vehicle in which the content and culture of a university, program, or course is
delivered to students. Inevitably, the established cultural norms and ideologies that govern
traditional on-campus campus environments shape and influence the culture of online settings.
The existence and maintenance of systems of power requires that they be dominated by,
identified with, and centered on privileged groups (Johnson, 2006). Traditional models of higher
education have historically been White-dominated, White-identified, and White-centered.
Understanding the ways in which structural forms of anti-Black racism are ingrained, carried
over, and perpetuated in the online learning environment were quintessential to the purpose of
this study.
Statement of the Problem
One component of the accumulating educational debt impacting Black students includes
a moral debt which “reflects the disparity between what we know is right and what we actually
4

do” (Ladson-Billings, 2006, p. 8). Given the preponderance of damage-centered research
focusing on negative responses to racism such as poor performance, social withdrawal, and
attrition, there is a moral obligation to provide counternarratives of how Black students not only
survive but thrive despite unsupportive learning environments. Most research focuses on the
experiences of undergraduate Black students, but Black graduate students are not immune to the
negative effects of racially hostile campus climates (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Hubain et al.,
2016). Racist events and student protests against racism at colleges and universities across this
nation are not isolated incidents. Even more, explorations of racial campus climates in online
settings have largely been unexamined. Understanding the ways in which cultural norms of
traditional college campuses are transferred or carried over to the online setting must be
explored. Additionally, the commercialization and growth of the global online learning
(or eLearning) industry is expected to bring in over $336 billion by 2026 (Syngene Research,
2019). Given the history of commodification and dehumanization of Black people in America for
economic gain, it is of utmost importance to examine these online learning spaces to demand
they be more racially inclusive, supportive, and affirming of a growing online student
population.
This process of critical examination, however, has been politicized and vilified. On
September 4, 2020, former President Donald J. Trump’s administration issued a directive
banning anti-bias training that focuses on White privilege and Critical Race Theory (CRT). The
directive required that federal government agencies “cease and desist from using taxpayer dollars
to fund these divisive, un-American propaganda training sessions” (Vought, 2020). President
Trump would go on to say these trainings teach people “to hate our country, and I’m not going to
allow that to happen” (Lang, 2020). A popular, yet unattributed quote explained the US
government's reaction to the confrontation of systemic racism in this country: “Racism is so
5

American that when you protest it people think you are protesting America” (as cited
in DiAngelo, 2018). This directive is problematic yet underlines the importance of continuous
examination of the inherent anti-Black racism that is so tightly ingrained into American society.
So much so, that the United States government would politicize, police, and deny its very
existence.
Purpose of the Study
This study explored the racialized experiences of Black master’s degree level students in
synchronous online programs at a Predominately White Institution (PWI). Specifically, this
study examined the ways in which the historical and socio-cultural legacies of anti-Black racism
influenced the experiences of present-day Black students in online learning environments using
Critical Race Theory (CRT) as part of a conceptual model to understand the permanence of
racism in American civilization. Additionally, this study sought to disrupt damaged-based and
pathologized understandings of what it means to be Black by exploring ways in which Black
identity positively contributed to resilience and perseverance in the face of racial and educational
inequities. The guiding research questions for this study were as follows:
 In what ways do race and racism manifest in synchronous online learning environments,
if at all?
 How does racial identity influence the way students experience and respond to racism in
online learning settings?
Significance of the Study
This study provides insights to institutions offering online education programs and
personnel who have direct influence within these learning environments. First, this study is
beneficial to senior-level administrators, including presidents, provosts, administrators appointed
to oversee student affairs, and academic deans. Through detailed accounts of the ways in which
6

systems of racism and oppression manifest in online settings, administrators must be willing to
raise these issues to institutional consciousness in order to assess and address educational
disparities resulting from anti-Black racism, marginalization, and oppression of Black learners.
Racist encounters or interactions can no longer be peddled as isolated incidents. Administrators
must examine the ways in which institutional policies, practices, and priorities work to maintain
or dismantle systemic racism against its Black student body.
Secondly, this study proves beneficial to faculty, curriculum developers, and staff at the
programmatic level. Social science and social service programs are designed to educate and train
professionals to work within fields such as urban education, social work, mental health services,
and health care which serve the most sensitive and vulnerable populations. This study pursued
insights about the experiences of Black learners within these programs to take a deep dive into
the specific curriculum and training that may perpetuate systems of oppression beyond the
classroom and into the communities in which these professionals will go on to service. Many
programs within these fields required courses or units on diversity and multicultural competency
to support the historically marginalized populations they will service. The insights from this
study will help program administrators and faculty uncover any existing misalignments between
the espousals of diversity, equity, and inclusion in the curriculum and the endemic nature of
racism that manifests in their own programs.
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions
The purpose of this study was to examine the ways in which issues of race and racism
that exists within a campus climate may transfer into online learning environments and impact
the experiences of Black online students. The researcher explored these topics in a bounded case
study of specific master’s degree programs on a single college campus. In addition to the single
campus, this study relied on a small sample of participants which means the results from this
7

study are not generalizable to all online degree programs nor to all Black students enrolled in
online programs.
Another possible limitation of this study is the current state of political and social unrest
in the United States in which this study takes place. Sparked by the video recorded murder of
George Floyd, an unarmed Black man on May 25, 2020, there have been rallies, demonstrations
and protests across all 50 states calling for an end to police violence against Black Americans.
Chants of “Black Lives Matter” continued to echo in the streets as names of Black men and
women were added to the growing list of victims murdered at the hands of law enforcement.
Compounded by the disproportionately high death rates of Black and Latinx Americans as a
result of the world health pandemic, COVID-19, conversations about race, systemic racism,
privilege, discrimination, and violence against people of color were prominent across all arenas.
This is a possible limitation as the study relied on voluntary participation to share experiences of
race and racism in online environments. The decision to participate could result from a
heightened sensitivity, awareness, or feelings related to race, racism, and racial justice.
Alternatively, the study could be seen as too emotionally taxing, uncomfortable, or re-
traumatizing, thus minimizing what was shared during the interviews or limited
participation altogether.
Eligible participants for the study must have been currently enrolled in a synchronous or
hybrid online program or recently graduated within the last two years. This poses a potential
limitation to the study because participants who graduated had to provide historical accounts of
their experiences in their online program. The findings in this study relied on the honest and
accurate account of participants. A number of variables influence the accuracy of
memory including salience and availability heuristic (Creative Commons, 2012). Salience refers
to the likelihood of remembering single events that grab our attention while ignoring or
8

forgetting more informative, yet less attention-grabbing events. Availability heuristics refers to
the cognitive process of making judgements based on the frequency and ease in which an event
can be retrieved. Given the discussion of the current social climate, the availability of current
examples of racism may have caused participants to overestimate or amplify incidents from the
past.
Lastly, the study could be further limited by researcher bias. I am a Black woman who
has experienced online education from a variety of vantage points, including as a student and
student affairs professional. I carry a variety of assumptions and biases about these online
environments based on my own first-hand experiences as a Black learner, administrator, and
even intermediary between Black students and White faculty. Additionally, the bulk of this
dissertation was written during the most tense and racially charged era of modern history - or at
least, my history. The impact of the collective traumas of the Black community, the struggles of
working at an PWI that was largely performative in its reactions, and the constant threat to my
own personal health and safety is inevitably interwoven into every word and thought in this
dissertation. It was by far the most stressful time in my life, yet it was also the fuel that
motivated me to persevere through this study and doctoral process. The weight of doing justice
by the thirteen participants in this study was a personal goal and challenge. A way to reduce
researcher bias was through reflexivity, a constant examination of one's own background and
beliefs. I engaged in the practice of reflexivity to avoid confirmation bias and to ensure my
experiences, assumptions, and biases did not influence the direction or findings in this study.
Delimitations
This study involved specific and intentional delimitations to best help answer the guiding
research questions. These decisions included the intentional exclusion of asynchronous online
programs, fields of study outside of social science or social services, and undergraduate and
9

doctoral degree levels. Asynchronous programs were excluded since they do not involve face-to-
face or live components of instruction. As such, asynchronous learning environments do not
resemble campus-based programs and assessing parallel learning environment cultures would be
difficult to examine. Social science and social services programs, specifically education, social
work, counseling, and health care, typically include topics of diversity, equity, and inclusion
(DEI) as part of the curriculum, as these programs prepare candidates to work with diverse and
often historically marginalized populations. Lastly, this study excluded undergraduate degree
programs due to the racial identity development process that often takes place during the
formative undergraduate experience years that can influence participant’s perceptions and
experiences with race and racism. Online doctoral degree programs were excluded due to the
nuances of doctorate degrees, such as student-faculty chair relationships, the dissertation writing
process, the general lack of representation of Black students in doctoral programs, and other
factors that are outside the scope of this study.
Assumptions
This study utilized Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a conceptual framework to analyze and
access the relationship between race, racism and power (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). The five
major tenets of CRT, interest convergence, counter-storytelling, permanence of racism,
Whiteness as property, and critiques of liberalism, are also assumptions that undercut this study.
Specifically, this study assumed that racism is deeply and systematically rooted in American
civilization, including higher education. This study also assumed that qualitative research
methods are the most appropriate for the collection of data-rich information to help answer the
guiding research questions. Lastly, this study assumed all participants shared honestly and to the
best of their ability.

10

Definition of Terms
The following terms were used throughout this study:
Anti-Blackness – A form of racism against Black people that centers on the antagonistic
relationship between Blackness and humanity. Black people are viewed as always-already slaves
(property), a thing to be possessed, that justifies violence of and against Black bodies (Dumas &
Ross, 2016).
Black – A racial or ethnic label for individuals who identify as Black Americans and/or who
have origins in Africa (Smith, 1992). Blackness also refers to the historical, social, and cultural
contexts in which Black Americans define who they are as social beings (Cross, 1971; Cross &
Strauss, 1998). In this study, the terms Black and African American are used interchangeably.
Campus Climate – A campus’ environment or climate is comprised of an institution’s historical
legacy of inclusion or exclusion of various racial groups, its structural diversity in terms of
numerical representation, the perceptions and attitudes between and among groups, and the
intergroup relations on campus (Hurtado et al., 1998).
Commodification – A social practice that transforms something into a commodity to be bought,
sold, or rented for economic gain. In this study, body commodification pertains to the
dehumanization and objectification of Black people that transforms them “into objects of
economic desire” (Sharp, 2000, p. 293).
Counternarratives – Narratives that center the voices and stories of marginalized groups and
dispel widely accepted beliefs about their existence or experiences (Hubain et al., 2016; Squire,
2018).
Critical Race Theory (CRT) – A theoretical framework that focuses on the interrelationship
between racism, power, and privilege. CRT argues that racism is endemic and deeply rooted in
all aspects of American society (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
11

Distance Education – A method of teaching where the instructor and learner are physically
separated. Distance education adaptations include correspondence, radio, television education,
and online education (Kentnor, 2015; Lee, 2017).
Historically Marginalized/Minoritized – A term to describe the social construction of
underrepresentation and subordination in which individuals are rendered minorities in particular
situations and institutional environments that sustain an overrepresentation of Whiteness
(Harper, 2012). In this study, the terms historically marginalized and minoritized are used
interchangeably.
Hybrid – A form of blended instruction that incorporates a mix of on-campus/face-to-face and
online synchronous or asynchronous learning activities (Irvine, 2020).
Online Education – Instruction delivered through the use of digital platforms over the internet
(Kentnor, 2015; Lee, 2017).
Predominately White Institutions (PWI) – A term to describe higher education institutions
where White students account for 50% or more of the total student population (Brown &
Dancy, 2010). In this study, PWI is used to describe institutions where White students make up
the majority or largest percentage of the student population.
Race – Social categorization of individuals based on visible biological traits such as skin color
and physical differences (Torres et al., 2003).
Racial Identity – The beliefs, opinions, behaviors, and perceptions about how an individual is
perceived externally and how they receive themselves internally (Torres, et al., 2003).
Racism – A system that creates socially constructed hierarchies of human value (Kendi, 2019).
For the purpose of this study, various forms of racism, including individual, institutional, and
structural racism, will be used interchangeably.
12

 Individual racism – The individual beliefs, attitudes, and actions that perpetuate
racism in conscious or unconscious ways (Potapchuk et al., 2005).
 Institutional racism – The race-based policies and practices that give unfair
advantages to Whites over Black people within organizations or institutions
(Potapchuk et al., 2005).
 Structural/Systemic Racism – The overarching system of racial bias across
institutions and society by the whole of the White community against the Black
community (Kendi, 2019; Potapchuk et al., 2005).
Social Science – A broad term used to categorize a branch of science that deals with the
institutions and functioning of human society and with the interpersonal relationships of
individuals as members of society (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).
Social Service – A broad term used to describe any of numerous publicly or privately provided
services intended to aid historically disadvantaged, distressed, or vulnerable persons or groups.
The term social service also denotes the profession engaged in rendering such services (Pinker,
2016).
Synchronous – Instruction that occurs live with both instructor and students present for each
class session using a shared online streaming platform (Irvine, 2020).
Conclusion
Higher education is a microcosm of the social, political, and racial climate of the larger
American society (Mwangi et al., 2018). The racial injustices apparent in local and national
communities of Black students do not vanish once they step onto a physical college campus or
log into an online course. The everyday racism and racial tensions of the broader national climate
reverberate onto college campuses and classrooms through new forms of marginalization,
isolation, and discrimination (Hubain et al., 2016, Mwangi et al., 2018). Given this positionality
13

and the known impacts on academic outcomes, the qualitative realities of Black students are
rarely inquired about or captured in campus climate assessments. Despite research highlighting
that Black students experience a more hostile and unwelcoming racial campus climate than their
peers (Campbell et al., 2019; Johnson et al., 2014; Mwangi et al., 2018), even less is known
about the racialized experiences of Black graduate students in online learning settings (Harper,
2013). The following chapter provides a review of the relevant literature around the historical
and present-day racial campus climates for Black students that served as the foundation for this
study.
14

Chapter 2: Literature Review
This chapter discusses the perseverance of Black learners in the face of educational
inequality and anti-Black racism within the United States. The historical landscape begins with
the forcible enslavement of Black people and the use of education as a means to control and
maintain slavery, as context in understanding the contemporary college campus climate for
Black students. This literature review will examine the ways in which plantation politics during
the slavery era echo throughout the American higher education system, persisting to current
times, and despite mode of delivery (in-person or online instruction). The primary research
questions guiding this study were as follows: 1) In what ways do race and racism manifest in
synchronous online learning environments, if at all? 2) How does racial identity influence the
way students experience and respond to racism in online learning settings?
The following chapter is organized into four main sections. The first section provides an
overview of the historical role of education and fight for access by Black people in the United
States. The second section highlights the continued challenges Black learners face on
contemporary campus colleges, in the shadows of the historical legacies of slavery and anti-
Black racism within the academic institution. The third section provides an overview of the
growth of online education and the ways in which the online learning environments may support
or hinder the success of Black students. Lastly, the final section explains the conceptual
framework and how it will be used to address the research questions for the study. This
framework includes Critical Race Theory (CRT) and two racial identity models, Black
Conversion Model and the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI).
Education as Liberation
Education has always been inextricably linked to freedom for Black people. Black men
and women held a deep commitment to education well before they were given legal permission
15

to pursue it. The acquisition of literacy skills played a critical role in the Black freedom struggle
as it provided a vision of an alternative future for themselves and their children (Allen & Jewell,
1995; Gundaker, 2007; Monaghan, 1998). As such, literacy was a source of empowerment in the
fight for personal liberation, both mentally and physically (Monaghan, 1998). This
empowerment, however, posed a threat to the institution of slavery and thus the allowance and
denial of literacy for enslaved Black men and women was used as a means of social control to
maintain a system of racial oppression (Burtchart, 1988; Monaghan, 1998).
Denied Access
Enslaved Black people had little to no opportunities for formal education at any level
during the 18th and mid-19th centuries. While White slaveholders often pointed to the
intellectual inferiority of the enslaved, the suppression of educational training was a deliberate
and necessary tactic to maintain oppression of Black people and the evils of the slavery
institution (Albritton, 2012; Byrd, 2016; Monaghan, 1998). Prior to the early 1820s, reading
instruction was deemed permissible by White slaveholders due to the belief that the immortal
souls of the enslaved could be converted to Christianity and saved. Reading of the Bible was
essential to the task of salvation and docility (Monaghan, 1998). During this same time, however,
the teaching of writing literacy was all but forbidden. Monaghan (1998) argued that while
reading was compatible with the institution of slavery, writing was viewed as dangerous. He
asked, “…whom does this particular skill benefit, emotionally, socially, culturally, spiritually,
politically, legally, financially, or in any other way?” (p.311) as a means of understanding its
inherent benefit for the enslaved or risk to the institution.
With growing concerns about the rising abolitionist movement from White northerners
condemning slavery and the writings from the freed offering a vision of freedom, reading itself
became a subversive activity in the early 1800s and onward (Monaghan, 1998). Fearful for the
16

ways in which reading could lead to mental and physical uprisings, White slaveholders started to
question whether the reading that was once instrumental to the conversion to Christianity posed a
threat if the enslaved began to misinterpret the scriptures in the Bible (Gundaker, 2007;
Monaghan, 1998). With an influx of inflammatory reading materials making their way into the
hands of the enslaved, any congregation of the enslaved in a single place for the purposes of
mental instruction was also considered unlawful by some states (Monaghan, 1998).
While states passed laws prohibiting the writing, printing and dissemination of such
inflammatory materials, preventing the enslaved from being able to read, such materials would
be the ultimate last line of defense (Monaghan, 1998). Widespread illiteracy restricted the ability
of Black people and Northerners to communicate with one another and spread abolitionist
ideologies. Sparked by Nat Turner’s slave rebellion, the largest slave rebellion in the United
States, many states banned the education of Black people (enslaved or freed) altogether
(Gundaker, 2007; Monaghan, 1998). Laws passed by Georgia in 1818, South Carolina in 1820,
Georgia in 1829, and Louisiana in 1830 made it illegal for any person to teach Black people to
read or write (Monaghan, 1998).
Consequences for Learning
The anti-literacy laws imposed consequences to all violators, Black and White, through
fines from $30 to $1000 and imprisonment from 10 days to one year. However, the harsher
realities of violating these laws were reserved for Black people through physical brutality. For
example, the penalty for violating Savannah, Georgia’s 1818 ordinance against teaching any
person of color to read or write included a fine or imprisonment with 39 lashes (Monaghan,
1998, p.329). Physical harm did not end with lashings; Monaghan (1998) and Gundaker (2007)
explained that punishments would also include the cutting off of limbs or death by hanging.
Though few Whites were ever convicted of violating such laws, for Black people, it was
17

the belief that literacy was illegal and punishable that was more sinister than the actual passage
and enforcement of the laws (Monaghan, 1998).
Black Resistance and Perseverance
Despite the threat of physical harm, the literal and figurative quest for freedom through
education was worth the risk and sacrifice for some. In the few instances where the education of
enslaved people was allowed, like The Charles Town Negro School that opened in 1743 in
Charleston, South Carolina, Black parents were deeply committed to the education of their
children, paying the schooling fees “off their own backs and out of their own bellies”
(Monaghan, 1998, p. 321). Informal and hidden forms of education, though undervalued, were
also instrumental in the acquisition of knowledge for the enslaved (Gundaker, 2007).
Black people did not wait for permission for a seat in a classroom to begin their
education. They pushed back on formal conceptions of education and seized opportunities to
learn openly and cunningly from their White masters, mistresses, and their children (Gundaker,
2007; Monaghan, 1998). They learned from free Black people as well as other literate enslave
people for both practical and critical literacy skills (Schiller, 2008) that could potentially lead to
their liberation from the bondage of slavery. Learning to read and write could increase enslaved
people’s chances of escaping to freedom. Coupled with critical thinking and ingenuity,
the enslaved could learn to forge written passes that gave them permission to leave the plantation
and how to read maps for their journey North (Gundaker, 2007; Monaghan, 1998). The liberation
of the mind, for many enslaved Black people, assisted in the liberation of the body. The growing
importance of education in the lives of Black people would continue to be quintessential beyond
slavery.

18

Access to American Higher Education
Prior to the American Civil War in 1861, Black people had very few options for a formal
college education. The few universities willing to take on the mission of educating Black people,
like Lincoln University, Cheyney University, and Wilberforce University, were only open to free
Black people (Albritton, 2012; Harper, 2007). Though not enrolled, enslaved Black people often
outnumbered Whites on the most prestigious college campuses constructing buildings, cooking,
and cleaning while serving as personal attendants and house servants to college presidents
(Dancy et al., 2018). It would take a patchwork of federal legislation to support Black access to
higher education. Most notable are Brown v. Board of Education (1954), Civil Rights Act of
1964, and Higher Education Act of 1965.
With a unanimous Supreme Court decision declaring “separate but equal” as
unconstitutional, Brown v. Board of Education (1964) helped sparked the civil rights movement
and set the legal precedent to overturn legal segregation in a variety of public facilities. Using the
victory in Brown v. Board as a catalyst, the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 protected the
basic rights of minorities in the US, prohibiting racial discrimination in employment and
education. Specifically, Title IV of the Act would restrict the distribution of federal financial aid
to schools discriminating on the basis of race, color, or national origin. Lastly, participation in
higher education was further enhanced through the passage of the Higher Education Act of 1965,
which provided additional funding support and stability for Historically Black Colleges and
Universities (HBCUs) and federal student aid programs to finance the cost of a higher education,
providing access and opportunity for Black learners that was once reserved exclusively for White
citizens.
Emergence of HBCUs
In 1861, illiteracy rates for Black Americans were as high as 90% (Harper, 2007). Given
the number of newly freed slaves, college institutions took on the responsibility of basic skills
19

education. Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), defined by the Higher
Education Act of 1965, is any institution established before 1964 whose ongoing mission is the
education of Black Americans (Arroyo & Gasman, 2014; National Center for Education
Statistics, n.d.). There are currently 101 HBCUs, mainly clustered around 19 southern and
neighboring states (National Center for Education Statistics, n.d.). At their pinnacle, HBCUs
conferred over 35% of all bachelor’s degrees earned by Black students (National Center for
Education Statistics, n.d.). Currently, HBCUs enroll 223,163 Black students and confer 13% of
Black bachelor’s degrees.
While early HBCUs served the function of teaching basic reading and writing, they were
also places of empowerment and liberation. The newly educated Black men and women would
take what they learned in the classroom and apply it to their on-going fight for equality and
justice (Albritton, 2012; Allen & Jewell, 1995; Arroyo & Gasman, 2014; Harper, 2007). HBUCs
affirmed Black students’ identity and offered the opportunity to experience a world that was once
unimaginable (Albritton, 2012; Arroyo & Gasman, 2014; Harper, 2007). Albritton (2012) argued
that “…education was not simply a tool to obtain a better job or to improve one’s
social positioning; rather, education acted as an instrument of liberation from a long history of
legalized discrimination and oppression” (p. 313).
HBCU Philosophical Underpinnings
Following slavery, the role of education as a pathway to liberation took on different
forms. Two of the greatest Black leaders of their time, Booker T. Washington (1856-1915) and
W.E.B Du Bois (1868-1963), agreed on the necessity of education for Black Americans, but
disagreed on the strategies as well as the specific role education played in the advancement of
Black people (Albritton, 2012). The infamous Washington/Du Bois debate is important in
understanding the historical context and philosophical underpinnings of the development of
20

HBCUs. Washington was an American educator who believed in self-help and hard work.
Washington hoped educating Black people with practical and vocational skills would help “gain
the acceptance and goodwill of their Whites counterparts'' by demonstrating they were not a
threat to the values of industry or the existing racial caste system (Albritton, 2012). Additionally,
Washington (1896) argued while 85% of Black people made their living through agriculture, few
institutions had taught them the skills to prosper. He explained during his 1895 speech at the
Cotton States and International Exposition:
One of the objections sometimes urged against industrial education for the negro is that it
aims merely to teach him to work on the same plan that he was made to follow when in
slavery. This is far from being the object at Tuskegee . . . the student is taught not only
practical brick-masonry, for example, but also the underlying principles of that industry,
the mathematics and the mechanical and architectural drawing . . . In a word, the constant
aim is to show the student how to put brains into every process of labor; how to bring his
knowledge of mathematics and the sciences into farming, carpentry, forging,
foundry work; how to dispense as soon as possible with the old form of ante-bellum
labor. (Washington, 1896)
Washington’s contribution to the mission and curriculum of HBCUs would center on the
advocacy of general education and industrial training in preparation for students to enter the
skilled labor force to build stable lives for themselves. In contrast, Du Bois believed in self-
determination. He insisted on liberal education and higher learning as a mechanism for uplifting
the Black race from its existing predicament. With an emphasis on the cultivation of Black
intellectual leaders, whom he called the Talented Tenth, Du Bois (1903) argued,
The Negro race, like all races, is going to be saved by its exceptional men. The problem
of education, then, among Negroes must first of all deal with the Talented Tenth; it is the
21

problem of developing the best of this race that they may guide the mass away from the
contamination and death of the worst, in their own and other races. (p. 33)
Du Bois maintained that in addition to the education of the mind, HBCUs would also serve to
fight racial injustice, including segregation and Jim Crow laws. These divergent, yet influential
leaders set the landscape for the role of HBUCs that is still relevant today. As such, HBCUs have
contributed significantly not only to the education of Black students but to the American
educational landscape and workforce. However, despite the significant strides Black people have
made in the quest for education, they still face significant challenges within the institution of
higher education, particularly at predominantly white institutions (PWIs).
Contemporary Higher Education
Despite an educational journey fraught with obstacles, Black people continue to strive for
academic excellence and to fulfill their educational aspirations. From 2000 to 2018, Black
student college participation increased from 31% to 37% for students 18-to 24-years old (U.S.
Department of Education, 2019). In Fall 2017, Black students comprised 11.7% of all students in
four-year undergraduate programs and 11.1% of all students enrolled in graduate programs
(Ginder et al., 2018). However, participation or enrollment rates only capture part of the
educational pipeline, as Black student acceptance rates are often lower than overall student
acceptance rates (Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (JBHE), 2018), especially at highly
selective Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs). For context, Vanderbilt University, located in
Tennessee, enrolled in 2017 the largest percentage of Black students in its freshmen class
(14.1%) in the last 25 years (JBHE, 2018). It is important to understand the greater enrollment
and higher education landscape when discussing current Black student enrollments. Black
students must have access to campuses to pursue postsecondary degrees, and often their desires
and motivations are not matched with the requisite support from schools and universities.
22

For Fall 2010, Black students made up 11.9% of the total entering cohort. Thirty-seven
percent began their academic journeys at public four-year institutions, 15% at four-year private
institutions, and 48.5% at two-year public institutions (Shapiro et al., 2017). Thirty-eight percent
of Black students completed degrees within six years, with 17.4% of students still enrolled
(Shapiro et al., 2017). A traditional deficit-achievement perspective would point out the 62% of
students who did not persist to degree completion (Harper, 2013), and frame it as an individual
or race-based failing, as opposed to a systemic problem. Explanations for the achievement
gap between Black and Latinx students compared to White students are often based on cultural
deficit theories that blame academic deficiencies on lifestyle or family background (Ladson-
Billings, 2006). Ladson-Billings (2006) implored that we take into consideration the
accumulation of historical, sociopolitical, economic and moral debts that shape the experiences
of students of color and continue to impact academic outcomes today. In this manner, she
exposed the underlying problems that have led to persistent inequality for Black and Brown
students. This educational debt is further magnified by contemporary campus climates that do
not provide supportive, inclusive, or welcoming environments for Black students to thrive.
Campus Climates
The historical legacies of exclusion, marginalization, and discrimination of Black people
in the United States continues to shape the contemporary campus climates for Black students
today. Despite increases in the enrollment of Black students at PWIs and espoused institutional
commitments to diversity, Black students viewed their campuses as more hostile, unwelcoming,
and less affirming than for White students (Harper, 2013; Hubain et al., 2016; Mwangi et al.,
2018). College satisfaction and success is not experienced the same way by every student
(Campbell et al., 2019; Harper & Hurtado, 2007) and contemporary cohorts of Blacks students
continue to encounter negative and damaging racial dynamics on college campuses similar to
23

those from decades’ prior (Harper, 2013). Harper (2013) argued that in order to understand
contemporary problems related to race and racial underrepresentation in higher education, we
must understand the ways in which groups were excluded and then granted access. Squire et al.
(2018), however, proposed that a deeper dive into the connection between slave plantations and
institutions of higher education would better help explain contemporary tools and ideologies of
oppression.
Plantation Politics
Slavery, the prison-industrial complex, and the contemporary college campus share
parallel organizational logics and cultural norms rooted in the enslavement of Black bodies on
slave plantations (Squire et al., 2018). Squire et al. (2018) inquired,
What is needed to reframe a slave plantation into a college campus? At its core, it
requires a fundamental set of frames that argues that no matter which laws exist, Black
people are inhuman and are worth less than White people (p.5).
Fundamentally, White people view Black people as slaves, as inferior, as inhuman, as savages or
nonhumans. They further explained,
They utilize a frame from another (allo-) time (-chrono) to understand a group of people
today. Therefore, Blackness as it was understood in slave times is applied to Black people
as they exist today despite 150 years of reconstruction and conciliation (p.5).
The exploitation, commodification, restriction and suppression of Black bodies experienced on
college campuses today are all forms of dehumanization used to maintain and sustain the
American slave industry (Dancy et al., 2018; Squire et al., 2018). Figure 1 demonstrates the
parallels between slave plantations and contemporary universities. While Black people are no
longer forcibly used as labor to work the fields for financial gain, the Black is still viewed as
profitable. Just as White slaveholders justified allowing “savage” enslaved Black people to tend
24

to their homes and children, White institutions admit “underprepared” and “dangerous” Black
students onto its college campuses. The commodification of the Black within higher education
included admitting Black bodies to its respective campuses, including Black bodies in recruiting
materials, and recognizing the existence of Black bodies on campus to boost national rankings.
All of these serve the purpose of increasing enrollment and prestige that lead to greater financial
profit.

Figure 1
The Oxymoronic Social Existence of Whites (or Neoliberalism as the New Slave Code)
SLAVE PLANTATIONS
Descriptions of the
enslaved:

 Savages
 Non-thinking with
debilitated mental
capacities
A “legal double-down” on slavery existed in the
form of state-wide “Slave Codes”
to quell uprising.

 No reading or writing allowed
 No travel without a White person or papers
 All slave owners must abide or face penalty

Need Black people to:

 Work the fields
 Take care of house
and children
 And not cause
trouble
CONTEMPORARY UNIVERSITIES
Descriptions of People
of Color (PoC):

 At-risk
 Unprepared
 Remedial
 Dangerous
 Inner-city/urban
Neoliberal action maintains hegemonic power of
Whites and gives Black people limited education
and concession to quell uprising

 Lack of coursework and Black faculty & staff
 Militarized policing of Black bodies on/off
campuses
 Removal or underfunding of cultural centers,
marginalization of NPHS, MSIs, limiting
enrollment, social isolationism
 Creation of “diversity” task forces and panels to
quell unrest
 Ostracization, removal, marginalization
of PoC and others who resist
 Rhetoric/realities of job market & need of college
education
Need Black people:

 For recruitment
purposes
 To pay tuition
 For rankings
 Publicity
 And not cause
trouble

Note. Adapted from Squire, D., Williams, B., & Tuitt, F. (2018). Plantation politics and neoliberal racism in higher
education: A framework for reconstructing anti-racist institutions. Teachers College Record, 120(14), p. 10.

25

Power is developed, sustained, and protected to keep hegemonic systems in place, which
are often occupied by members of the privileged group that establishes and advances the
political, social, and economic status quo. Johnson (2006) stated that systems organized around
privilege are dominated by, identified with, and centered on privileged groups. Moving from the
plantation to the college campus, these hegemonic systems and structures continue to be White-
dominated, White-identified, and White-centered. The cultural norms that govern college
campuses continue to empower White stakeholders at the expense of Black academic, emotional,
and mental well-being (Harper, 2013; Squire et al., 2018).
Racism and Microaggressions on PWIs
Black students have reported experiences of racism both inside and outside the college
classroom (Hubain et al., 2016). However, it is the “everyday racism” in the form of
microaggressions that shape the campus climate and leads to feelings of isolation, discrimination,
and marginalization for Black students (Harper, 2013; Hubain et al., 2016). Racial hostility,
inequitable treatment, tokenization, and the dichotomous feelings of invisibility and
hypervisibility all contributed to Black students having negative perceptions of their campus
climates (Harper, 2013; Mwangi et al., 2018). Consequently, students had difficulty naming
spaces where racial segregation or discrimination did not occur (Harper & Hurtado, 2007).
Onlyness. Harper (2013) outlined two experiential realities shared across multiple
generations of Black students: onlyness and “niggering.” Onlyness is defined as
“the psychoemotional burden of having to strategically navigate a racially politicized space
occupied by few peers, role models, and guardians from one’s same racial or ethnic group”
(Harper et al., 2011, p.190). Compounded by the lack of representation of Black students and
faculty on PWIs, students often felt like they had to be exceptional in their academics and
campus leadership roles (Harper, 2013). Black students also reported feeling like they have to be
26

the sole voice for all Black people when topics about race were discussed in and out of the
classroom (Mwangi et al., 2018). Additionally, Black students felt an added burden of needing to
educate and correct their White peers on their racist assumptions or stereotypes about
minoritized groups (Harper, 2013). Described as feeling like a fly in a glass of milk, the toll of
tokenization and onlyness make Black students more susceptible to stereotype threats, a fear of
internalizing negative stereotypes about one’s racial group, leading to increased anxiety and
underperformance (Harper, 2013).
“Niggering.” Harper (2013) defined “niggering” as “the process by which stereotypes
about Black boys and men shape people’s low expectations for their success in schools and
society” (p.191). Niggering comes in many forms but often perpetuated by the imagery of Black
people as inhuman, inferior, and savages. Black students described stares from White onlookers
who appeared to be suspicious or threatened by their mere presence, being stopped at higher
rates by campus security to prove they belong on campus (Harper, 2013), and over-policing due
to suspicions of criminality (Hubain et al., 2016). Additionally, the myth of Black people as anti-
intellectuals further casts doubt that Black students have legitimately earned their spot on college
campuses (i.e. affirmative action or athletic scholarships). Beliefs about intellectual competence
are evident in White students’ reluctance to work with Black students on class group projects or
White faculty members being skeptical when Black students perform well on papers or exams
(Harper, 2013).
In addition to first-hand experiences of racism, Black students also experience trauma
through encounters of racial discrimination by witnessing or hearing the recounting of racist
treatment of other Black students and faculty (Campbell et al., 2019; Hubain et al., 2016). The
various forms of racial injury experienced by Black students impacts both individual and
27

collective sense of belongingness at PWIs due to the constant reinforcement of racist stereotypes
(Harper, 2013).
Effects on Academic and Psychological Wellness
The burden of racism negatively affects persistence, academic achievement, and
psychological wellness (Campbell, et al., 2019; Harper, 2013; Hubain et al., 2016; Johnson et al.,
2014). Hubain et al. (2016) argued that feeling unwelcome and stigmatized leads to
disengagement or dropping out altogether. Johnson et al. (2014) added,
…stress related to the academic environment was an indirect negative influence on
persistence for students of color. This form of stress had a negative direct effect on
students of color’s commitment to this institution, and indirectly affected their intention
to return and making academic progress after the first and second years of college.” (p.
92)
Campbell et al. (2019) explained that Black students have to exert more energy and effort to
reach the same academic goals as their White counterparts and that race-based stress has
negative effects on GPA. Having to constantly prove themselves adds additional psychological
stress that takes away energy that could be devoted to academic work (Harper, 2013; Hubain et
al., 2016). The constant exposure to race-based stress can lead to symptoms of racial
battle fatigue such as anxiety, fear, helplessness, hopelessness, anger, disappointment,
frustration, fear, and resentment that negatively affects psychological wellness (Harper,
2013; Hubain et al., 2016). Black students may have to make additional academic sacrifices to
meet the goal of graduating and maintaining self-worth in a racially hostile environment
(Campbell et al., 2019). This added tax has led to frustration with institutions that have not lived
up to their stated diversity priorities.

28

Espoused vs Enacted Institutional Values
Espoused institutional commitments to inclusive campus climates are often undermined
by passivity about race-based issues (Harper, 2013). Students expressed frustration with
institutions that expected that enrolling students of different races and backgrounds would
magically facilitate cross-racial engagement (Harper & Hurtado, 2007). Harper and Hurtado
(2007) argued that the lack of structure, guidance, and avenues to have meaningful interactions
with racially different peers is a form of institutional negligence.
Additionally, White students are often the biggest beneficiaries of cross-racial
interactions, often at the expense of minoritized students (Harper, 2013). Harper and Hurtado
(2007) found that Black students believed White interests were more privileged over others,
which they viewed as inconsistent with institutional claims about inclusiveness. A participant
shared,
Everything is so White. The concerts: White musicians. The activities: catered to White
culture. The football games: a ton of drunk White folks. All the books we read in class:
White authors and viewpoints. Students on my left, right, in front and in back of me in
my classes: White, White, White, White. I feel like there is nothing for us here
besides the [cultural] center, but yet [this university] claims to be so big on diversity.
That is the biggest white lie I have ever heard. (p. 18)
Black culture centers often serve as the single place dedicated to the inclusion and representation
of Black students. Harper and Hurtado (2007) argued that the ethnic centers, offices, or majors
cannot, on their own, improve campus climates when outside those spaces, racist stereotypes are
routinely perpetrated. When race is treated like a four-letter word, there are limited opportunities
for effective engagement and acknowledgment about the effects they create on college campuses
for minoritized students (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Mwangi et al., 2019).
29

Despite the struggles Black students face on contemporary college campuses, one study
found that 38% still found ways to actualize their educational aspirations and graduate (Shapiro
et al., 2017). Through affirming engagement with the Black community on and off campuses and
positive connections to their racial identity, Black students continue to persevere and find
empowerment in their Blackness. Nonetheless, with the introduction of new instructional
platforms, further examination of campus climates must also take into account the online
learning environments on college campuses in order to evaluate and support Black learners.
Black Students in Online Education
Since online education became more common and mainstream in the 1990’s, online
education has seen a surge in enrollment from students across higher education (Kentnor, 2015).
In Fall 2017, the U.S. Department of Education (2018a) reported that over 3.5 million
postsecondary students were enrolled in at least one online education course, and 3.1 million
were enrolled exclusively in online courses. Nearly 30% of the total population of graduate
students completing a masters or doctoral degree (roughly 3 million) were enrolled exclusively
in online courses (U.S. Department of Education, 2018a). Online education is expected to grow
as institutions recognize that online learning as critical to their long-term educational strategy
(Allen & Seaman, 2016). As an increasing number of students select online programs over
traditional brick-and-mortar instructional settings, understanding the historical underpinnings of
online education and the experiences of Black learners within online education is important to
support academic success.
History of Distance Education
Distance education, a method of teaching where the instructor and learner are physically
separated, is not a new phenomenon and dates back as early as the 18th century (Kentnor, 2015;
Lee, 2017). Born out of democratic values to provide educational opportunities and access for
30

underserved populations who were not able to participate in traditional campus-based programs,
the growth of distance education mirrored the technical abilities of the time (Lee, 2017).
Distance education adaptations include correspondence, radio, television education, and online
education (Kentnor, 2015).
Correspondence Education
By the 1870’s, correspondence education had sprung up across Europe and the United
States. Correspondence education utilized the postal service, where materials were mailed out by
the instructor, completed independently by the learners, then mailed back to the instructor for
evaluation.
Radio. With the invention of the spark transmitter making way for the first radio device
in 1894, distance education took a new turn to reach a wider audience. Over 176 educational
institutions were granted radio broadcast licenses by the end of the 1920s. Radio was an
inexpensive way to educate and inform the masses and covered a variety of topics like science,
literature, history, and music.
Television. Visual educational technology became mainstream in the 1930s, when the
first television broadcast was offered by the University of Iowa. By 1966, 632 television
channels had been reserved exclusively for educational purposes, one-third of which were
licensed to colleges and universities.
Online. Distance education would tap into a whole new market with the invention of the
World Wide Web. Made publicly available in 1991, distance education could reach an even
greater audience. Nevertheless, many traditional brick-and-mortar institutions that ventured into
online education programs early on failed due to a lack of understanding of online pedagogy and
lack of faculty buy-in. In Fall 2015, only 29% of academic leaders agreed with the statement
“faculty at my school accept the value and legitimacy of online education” (Allen & Seaman,
31

2016, p. 47). Although initially viewed as second-rate to the traditional campus-based learning
experience, the Internet was seen as a way to facilitate interactive and collaborative learning
experiences which bolstered its reputation and receptiveness for students (Lee, 2017). Most
recently, due to the health risks associated with the novel coronavirus (COVID-19), all
educational levels, K-12 and higher education, were required to indefinitely move instruction to
the online format. With increasing demand, online education has seen a proliferation and
commercialization of opportunities at both for-profit and traditional non-profit institutions.
Surge of Online Education
While the original mission of distance education emphasized accessibility to underserved
student populations, a convergence of market-driven factors would forever change the mission
and philosophies of online education. Profit-driven forces such as the financial, political, and
consumer demands within online education is rarely discussed (Lee, 2017). With dwindling
federal and state funding for higher education as a whole, institutions have become much more
reliant on student tuition dollars as its primary source of revenue (Lee, 2017; Sun & Chen, 2016).
Additionally, limited capacity and resources has forced many institutions to dive into
alternative educational avenues (Rodgers, 2001) to maintain and grow student enrollments for
financial stability and profit. Political influences have also influenced online education to be
more responsive to changing workforce demands (Lee, 2017; Rodgers, 2001).
The commercialization of online education has most notably been influenced by the
evolving student and customer-oriented demands for a quality educational experience that offers
convenience and flexibility (Kentnor, 2015; Lee, 2017; Rodgers, 2001; Sun & Chen, 2016).
Rodgers (2001) argued that in addition to convenience, online students also desire an interactive,
seamless, transparent, and individualized experience, making it challenging for institutions to
design programs that hit all the required marks. Lee (2017) stated,
32

As a consequence, current online programs seem to be divided, or polarized, into two
groups according to the dominant pedagogical approaches used: one group is more
traditional, and is perceived as less innovative but more accessible and affordable; while
the other is perceived as more innovative, but also as more expensive and thus less
accessible to the disadvantaged. (p. 17)
With higher expectations and less patience, online students have forced institutions to think
about maintaining a competitive edge in the market (Lee, 2017).
Black Learners Turn to Online Education
Black students have enrolled in online education in high numbers over the last 10 years.
(Salvo et al., 2019). In Fall 2017, Black graduate students pursuing a masters or doctoral degree
comprised 11% of the total graduate student population (Ginder et al., 2018). However, data on
the percentage of Black graduates enrolled exclusively in online education classes ranges from
33% (U.S. Department of Education, 2014) to 45% (U.S. Department of Education, 2018b). Lee
(2017) proposed the evaluation of authentic accessibility of online education, which is more than
just allowing underserved students in but ensuring they “actually benefit from their institutional
experience” (Lee, 2017, p.4). He offered that online education exposed a “range of under-
acknowledged challenges for learners” (Lee, 2017, p.12). For Black learners, understanding both
the opportunities and challenges is critical to the academic success of one of online education’s
largest consumer populations.
Black Online Student Profiles
Distance education students have been labeled as “non-traditional” and disadvantaged in
terms of their personal, financial, social, and even learning abilities (Lee, 2017). They are also
traditionally characterized as independent learners - internally motivated, self-initiating and self-
regulating. In a phenomenological study about the completion rates of Black males in online
33

courses, Salvo et al. (2019) interviewed 10 Black male undergraduate students enrolled at a
southern public university who had successfully completed an online course. Black students at
the institution made up 16% of the total undergraduate population (n=6,961). The researchers
found that the participants shared common profiles such as the reliance on financial assistance,
experience with technology systems and equipment, prior academic achievement, and knew the
importance of being a self-regulated learner. The participants fully understood and explained the
challenges with learning new or demanding content in an online environment and therefore, only
selected online course sections for subjects in which they already had sufficient
prior knowledge.
Despite displaying a wide range of learner demographics, Black learners also reported the
desire for traditional campus-based learning attributes such as real-time learning, face-to-face
interactions, and classroom community (Rovai & Ponton, 2005; Salvo et al., 2019). This sheds
light on the complicated decisions students must make about instructional delivery methods,
subject matter, and personal circumstances when choosing to enroll in online or in-person
courses. Consequently, characteristics of the online learning environment can either contribute to
or hinder the success of Black students.
Opportunities for Black Success
Most of the research about online education has focused on the delivery of instruction
rather than the interactions between media, instructors, and learners in the online learning
environment (Clark et al., 2010; Lee, 2017; Rodgers, 2001). Several factors within the online
learning environment can positively support Black student achievement within online education
(Salvo et al., 2019). These factors include convenience and flexibility of classes, a culturally
neutral environment, faculty responsiveness and timeliness with feedback, and academic support.
34

Convenience and the sociocultural environmental factors are noteworthy since they are linked to
both positive and negative influences for Black learner success online.
Convenience. The interest in online education varies greatly from student to student, but
the most important factors contributing to the decision to choose an online program include
flexibility, convenience, and time efficiency (Jaggers, 2014). The scheduling flexibility of online
education is an attractive option for Black students because they are more likely to be employed
full-time (Rovai & Ponton, 2005). Therefore, online education offers a level of independence and
autonomy that takes into consideration the personal, professional, and academic needs and
demands of students.
Culturally Neutral Environments. Salvo et al. (2019) presented a number of factors
that led to online success for the Black males in their study. One factor in particular was the
experience of a “non-prejudicial environment.” Collins (2014) and Hall (2010) both found that
online spaces created culturally neutral environments that supported academic success especially
when students had experienced negative classroom environments in the past. Black students use
the anonymity of the asynchronous classroom to distance themselves from racial stereotypes and
prejudicial treatment. A participant in Salvo et al. (2019) shared,
It’s an open forum where everyone has the opportunity to say what they want to say. In
the classroom you may not get picked. That’s being honest. In online classes, everyone
has the same access. I hate to talk about all that kinda stuff. You know, race and that. But
I see fewer people of color raising their hands. Because they already know that it’s not
going to happen. Now we can decide. In online classes, it takes all of those variables
away. It makes you feel comfortable. No anxiety about any of that. I really do like it.
(p.28)
35

Students of color, particularly Black students with previous experiences of alienation, had a
heightened attention for and awareness of possible threats to their sense of belonging in the class
environment (Gray et al., 2018); therefore, environments that are racially neutral can protect
against negative stereotypes and microaggressions (Salvo et al., 2019). The option for racial
invisibility is specifically unique to the asynchronous learning environment.
Challenges Hindering Black Success
Black learners also face many challenges in the online learning environment. Thomas et
al. (2014) argued that a one-size fits all approach may not be conducive to all online learners,
especially historically underrepresented populations. Black students who do not match the
“ideal” online learner profile (self-directed, intrinsically motivated, independent, highly
organized) may feel like they do not “fit in,” which can impact their perceptions of belonging
and connectedness within the online learning community (Gray et al., 2018; Rovai & Ponton,
2005). Rovai and Ponton (2005) found that Black students may prefer classroom environments
that espouse communal and social values similar to those within their culture-based
communities. Evidenced in the observance of Kwanzaa, an African American tradition that
celebrates principles of the African American culture such as unity and collective work and
responsibility, Rovai and Ponton (2005) argued that communal values influence the “knowledge
that is valued, how learning occurs, and communication patterns of working together” (p. 87).
Participants discussed opportunities to talk face-to-face as well as communicate through
discussion boards with faculty and other students as important to their sense of belonging and
meeting learning goals (Rovai & Patton, 2005). These preferences may not be easily reproduced
in the more independent and autonomous online format. Additionally, Rovai and Ponton (2005)
described cultural modes of communication and interaction within their home cultures that may
conflict with school or class culture and make it harder for Black students to develop a sense of
36

community. Student demands for convenience may not align with the actual level of interaction
desired from their academic experience.
While some studies attribute cultural neutral environments as a positive factor for Black
learners, Rovai and Ponton (2005) countered that racially neutral spaces can also perpetuate
racial stereotypes by defaulting to Whiteness when there are no opportunities to express racial
identity. They added,
Adult education is influenced by the environment created by both the instructor and the
students where the environment is both real (the objective influence of behavior on the
environment) and imagined (the subjective influence of internal personal factors on the
environment). (p. 79)
Black learners’ experiences are important to note as online learning environments carry
historical, social, and cultural legacies from its traditional campus-based predecessor.
Conceptual Framework
Two frameworks will be used to examine the racialized experiences of Black students in
online graduate programs: Critical Race Theory and Black Racial Identity Theory.
Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) builds upon the critical legal studies movement (CLS) in the
1970s that sought to address the effects of race and racism on the American legal system
(Hiraldo, 2010) and redress historical wrongs (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). Building on the CLS
and radical feminism movements, CRT was first used as a framework to analyze and assess the
perpetuation of inequalities between the dominant and marginalized racial groups in education
(Hiraldo, 2010; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Critical race theorists argue that race is so deeply
rooted in American society that its ordinariness makes racism difficult to address and transform
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). CRT seeks to analyze the
37

relationship between race, racism, and power within a larger perspective in order to unearth
institutional and structural patterns of exclusion, inequality, and racial oppression (Delgado &
Stefancic, 2017; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Guided by five
major tenets, CRT can be used to demystify racism in educational settings.
Major Tenets of CRT
There are five prevailing tenets of CRT to help assess the ways institutions reinforce and
perpetuate racism: interest convergence, counter-storytelling, permanence of racism, Whiteness
as property, and critiques of liberalism.
Interest Convergence. Interest convergence theory argues that marginalized racial
groups only achieve civil right victories to the extent that Whites benefit (Delgado & Stefancic,
2017; Hiraldo, 2010; Hubain et al., 2016; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Examined through the lens
of Brown v. Board of Education (1954), critical race theorists argue that this ground-breaking
triumph likely resulted more from White self-interest than a moral quandary over civil rights.
Hiraldo (2010) argued that Whites are the primary beneficiaries of civil rights and that little
progress is made for communities of color unless interests from both sides converge. Within
education, diversity recruitment efforts at Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) can be seen
as a form of interest convergence (Hiraldo, 2010; Hubain et al, 2016). Hubain et al. (2016) noted
that “the institution provides access on a procedural, not substantive level, resulting in potential
further harm to students of color because the institution, not the student, benefits from the
access” (p. 953).
Counter-storytelling. Ladson-Billing and Tate (1995) claimed that “most oppression
does not seem like oppression to the perpetrator” (p. 57); therefore, the use of voice or counter-
storytelling in CRT provides a way to express the realities of the oppressed (Hubain et al., 2016).
In this way, counter-storytelling legitimizes the experiences of marginalized groups, exposes
38

hegemonic ideology (Hiraldo, 2010), challenges dominant deficit theorizing of students of color
in education (Harper et al., 2009; Solorzano & Yosso, 2002), and “replac[es] comforting
majoritarian interpretations of events with ones that square more accurately with minorities’
experiences” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017, p. 20). The use of counter-stories can be helpful
in analyzing the campus climate for students of color to tell their stories involving racism and
marginalization (Hiraldo, 2010).
Permanence of Racism. This tenet holds that racism is deeply rooted culturally, legally,
and psychologically in American civilization (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). While the “social
construction” theory argues that race and race categories were invented, the fact remains that
dominant society chooses to racialize (invent, manipulate, and retire) different minoritized
groups when convenient (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). Delgado and Stefancic (2017) asserted
that since racism serves two purposes, psychic and material, there is little incentive to dismantle
the social construction of race and the racial hierarchy. Permanence of racism as a tenet helps
higher education institutions examine the structural ways that racism impacts the academy and
how they may be further perpetuating and promoting racism through its processes and structures
(Hiraldo, 2010).
Whiteness as Property. This tenet encapsulates the idea that because racism is endemic
in American society, Whiteness, which only Whites can possess, is considered valuable and
therefore a form of protected property (Dumas & Ross, 2016; Hiraldo, 2010; Ladson-Billings &
Tate, 1995). The history of ownership in this country and the protection of property rights,
including the objectification of African Americans as property (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995),
further serve to perpetuate White supremacy (Hiraldo, 2010). Whiteness extends the “the right of
possession, the right to use and enjoyment, the right to disposition, and the right of exclusion”
only to White individuals (p. 55). This tenet is important in examining the ways in which
39

Whiteness as property shapes and demands conformity to White norms on college campuses
(Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995), including the exclusion of anyone viewed as antithetical to
Whiteness.
Critique of Liberalism. The final tenet of CRT argues that liberal ideology such as
color-blindness and equal opportunity for all do little to address and dismantle structural racism
in the United States (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Hiraldo, 2010; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
Ideas such as neutrality, objectivities, and color-blindness requiring equal treatment to everyone
will only redress the most blatant racial harms while disguising the structural forms of racism
that serve the self-interest of Whites (Hiraldo, 2010; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Ladson-
Billings and Tate (1995) asserted “as critical race theory scholars we unabashedly reject a
paradigm that attempts to be everything to everyone and consequently becomes nothing for
anyone, allowing the status quo to prevail” (p. 62).
BlackCrit
While CRT serves as an analytical framework to analyze race and racism, Black critical
race theory (or BlackCrit) seeks to center this analysis on anti-Black racism and the subjugation
of Black people in American society. (Dumas & Ross, 2016). Dumas and Ross (2016) argued,
CRT is not intended to pointedly address how antiblackness—which is something
different than White supremacy—informs and facilitates racist ideology and institutional
practice. More, it cannot fully employ the counter stories of Black experiences of
structural and cultural racisms, because it does not, on its own, have language to richly
capture how antiblackness constructs Black subjects, and positions them in and against
law, policy, and everyday (civic) life. (p. 417)
BlackCrit theorists contend that “the Black” is viewed as non-human and therefore issues of
exploitation and subjugation cannot be understood as these examinations require an assumption
40

of humanness (Dancy et al., 2018). The idea that Black people are viewed as always-already
property helps extend analysis of institutional policies and structures that legitimize
Black suffering (Dumas & Ross, 2016). Analyzing the ways in which higher educational
institutions inherited legacies of anti-Black racism is important in dismantling practices that
further subjugates Black students as inhuman.
Using CRT to Analyze Online Education
The CRT analytical framework can be used to further theorize the ways in which racism,
endemic to American society and embedded in the history, structures, and discourses of
American education, exist in online education. Based on an American educational model that is
inherently racist, its reinterpretation and redesign in the online format inevitably draws from a
deeply rooted racist system functioning to maintain and reinforce White supremacy (Hiraldo,
2010) and anti-Blackness, whether intentionally or not. Hubain et al. (2016) asserted that “no
program or campus is immune from the realities of students of color experiencing racial
microaggressions, even when they espouse a commitment to inclusion and diversity” (p. 958).
Therefore, CRT offers a mechanism to learn from the narratives of Black students about the
racialized experiences within online graduate learning environments. Their voices are needed for
a comprehensive analysis (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) of the online racial campus climate
and to disrupt deficit perspectives that serve to reinforce a system of White-over-color
ascendancy (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017) and anti-Black racism that depicts Black students as
anti-intellectual, inferior, inhuman, and property (Dancy et al., 2018; Harper, 2013). Hiraldo
(2010) argued that “reflecting on how campus leaders incorporate racial perspectives in the
academy through the construction of the curriculum, diversity initiatives, and institutional
policies is essential to the progress of higher education’s relationship with racial equality” (p.
58).
41

Racial Identity Development in Higher Education
College is a critical time in the development of identity and sense of self. A student’s
experiences with the university, faculty, curriculum, and classmates will either support or
challenge his or her psychological growth and self-concept (Torres et al., 2003; Hurtado et al.,
2015). Research highlights a positive connection between self-concept and academic success
(Zirkel & Johnson, 2016). Consequently, campus environments that support Black students’
psychosocial and cognitive development can reduce academic barriers such as racism and stigma
(Torres et al., 2003; Zirkel & Johnson, 2016). Hurtado et al. (2015) found that race continues to
be a salient identity for college students even within diverse college campuses (Hurtado et al.,
2015). Therefore, racial identity development is important in understanding the qualitative and
experiential meaning-making between individuals and their environments (Sellers et al., 1998).
Understanding the role of racial identity is important in the experiences of both curricular
and co-curricular contexts as they are influenced by their own organizational and historical
legacies around inclusion and exclusion (Hurtado et al., 2015). Engagement in both
contexts is likely to be processed based on one’s current state of situational racial awareness as
well as where they fall along a larger identity developmental sequence (Cross, 1971; Cross &
Strauss, 1978; Hurtado et al., 2015; Sellers et al., 1998). Therefore, applying racial identity
development to practice is important in building multicultural awareness and competency when
analyzing learning environments for Black learners.
Black Racial Identity Development
Unlike multi-group identity theories that focus on the universal aspects of group identity,
Black racial identity models focus on the emotional and psychological impacts of post-
slavery life in the United States (Cross, 1971; Sellers et al., 1998; Zirkel & Johnson, 2016).
Sellers et al. (1998) argued that the Black experience in America is unique compared to all other
42

ethnic groups due to the enslavement that eradicated an indigenous African culture and denied
assimilation to the new American culture. Therefore, Black racial identity models must take in
account the historical, social, and cultural contexts in which Black Americans define who they
are as social beings (Cross, 1971; Cross & Strauss, 1998; Sellers et al., 1998; Zirkel & Johnson,
2016).
There are two seminal Black racial identity models that are highlighted in the
underground research approach to racial identity. Underground racial identity research explores
the richness of the Black experience that is not limited to a damaged or deficit psychological
perspective (Cross, 1971; Cross & Strauss, 1998; Sellers, et al., 1998; Zirkel & Johnson, 2016).
These models conceptualize the development or status of a strong and positively affirmed sense
of self that is independent of the public regard, or dominant perceptions of Blacks (Cross &
Strauss, 1998; Tatum, 1997; Zirkel & Johnson, 2016).
Black Conversion Model
Cross’s (1971) initial model explored the process of becoming Black through a five
stage process. This model emphasizes a Black orientation as the optimal stage leading to the
promotion of “psychological liberation within the conditions of oppression” (Cross, 1971, p. 13).
The model included four stages related to the development of a Black orientation followed by a
commitment stage.
Pre-Encounter. In this stage, an individual’s worldview is consistent with the dominant,
Euro-American cultural, social, political values that deemphasize or degrade Black identity. A
negative or neutral racial identity exists in favor of an American identity.
Encounter. During this stage, a verbal or visual experience occurs that disrupts ways of
knowing or thinking about oneself and the assumptions about Blacks in America. This stage is
43

predicated on a physical encounter, an intellectual reinterpretation of one’s worldview, and
finally, the seeking of validation of these new-found perceptions of Blackness.
Immersion-Emersion. During this stage and following an encounter that challenges
former identity orientations, individuals immerse themselves in experiences that are themselves
Black or focus on Blackness. The emotional state of individuals at this stage is often marked by
anger and guilt. In later phases of this stage, guilt becomes replaced with genuine pride as
individuals gain awareness and control through a more complex understanding of the Black
condition.
Internalization. During this stage, the expectations and emotional challenges from the
previous immersion-emersion stage can lead to hopelessness and regression (disappointment and
rejection), stagnation due to continued feelings of hatred (continuation and fixation), or a shift in
the psychological Black self-concept (internalization).
Commitment. During this stage, individuals seek congruence between the manner in
which they live their lives and their new self-concept. Cross (1971) detailed the long-term
commitment to a psychological, emotional, and even political Black orientation:
The shift is from concern about how your friends see you (Weusi anxiety) to confidence
in one’s personal standards of Blackness; from uncontrolled rage toward White people to
controlled, felt and conscious anger toward oppressive and racist institutions; from
symbolic rhetoric to quiet, dedicated, long-term commitment; from unrealistic urgency to
a sense of destiny; from anxious, insecure, rigid, inferiority feelings to Black pride, self-
love and a deep sense of Black communalism. (p.23)
The model depicts an individual in the fifth stage as being committed to action and the
advancement of the Black community as a whole. Individuals in this stage also have intense
compassion for those in earlier developmental stages and see the necessity of all stages in the
44

development of a strong, affirmed Black identity. Though each stage is necessary, the process is
not linear in that individuals may cycle through earlier stages at different points in their life
(Cross, 1971; Tatum, 1997). Cross (1971) argued for the emotional and psychological space and
opportunity for Black people to actualize one’s Blackness on one’s own terms.
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity
Unlike Cross’ (1971) racial identity model, the Multidimensional Model of Racial
Identity (MMRI) focuses on the status of an individual’s racial identity at a specific point in
time, rather than along a developmental sequence (Sellers et al., 1998). MMRI provides texture
to the unique experiences of African Americans by distinguishing between the racial beliefs of
individuals, such as the different identity profiles of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, two
prominent Black leaders. MMRI offers no judgement on identity profiles, nor proposes an
optimal racial identity. Instead, the model focuses on four dimensions to express the ways in
which Black racial identity is manifested: salience, centrality, regard, and ideology.
Salience. Saliency is the relevancy of one’s race to one’s self-concept. Racial salience is
reactive to the most immediate social context and an individual’s core identity which means the
saliency of one’s race may vary across situations and between individuals experiencing the same
situation. Salience can impact the way an individual appraises and construes the environment,
layering on racialized experience, meaning, and context (Sellers et al., 1998).
Centrality. Centrality refers to the normative perceptions of how an individual defines
oneself in regards to race. This dimension is relatively stable across situations and focuses on the
importance one places on race as an identity.
Regard. Private regard refers to the positive or negative feelings towards African
Americans as well as feelings about being an African American. Public regard is the positive or
negative feelings one perceives others to have about African Americans. Public and private
45

regard are not mutually exclusive. It is possible for an individual to believe that African
Americans are held in a negative regard yet have a strong, positive regard in the ways they feel
about being a member of that group.
Ideology. Ideology refers to the beliefs about the way Black members should live and
interact in society. There are four main philosophies: nationalist, oppressed minority,
assimilation, and humanist that define attitudes toward political/economic development, cultural,
social activities, intergroup relations, and dominant group perceptions. Nationalist ideology
emphasizes the uniqueness of the Black experience and believes Black people should have
autonomy in controlling their own destiny with little to no input from other groups. Oppressed
minority ideology understands the shared oppression between Blacks and other minority groups
and is more likely to support coalition building as a possible social strategy. Assimilationist
ideology attempts to promote American identity by entering into the mainstream either as the
goal itself or to make change from within. Lastly, humanist ideology believes all individuals
belong to a single, human race and are concerned with issues such as world peace and the
environment while viewing issues of oppression as “man’s inhumanity towards man” (Sellers et
al., 1998, 28).
The dimensions interact with situational cues that result in psychological construals that
influence behavior in a particular situation. In this way, individuals will behave differently based
on individual differences in the qualitative meaning of being Black.
Both models share an underlying progression towards Black consciousness and
empowerment. Taken together, these models complement one another and offer a more
comprehensive understanding of the experiential nature of being Black both in-time and across
the lifespan (Cross, 1971; Cross & Strauss, 1998; Sellers et al., 1998). Additionally, both models
emphasize, phenomenologically, that Blackness exists not in opposition of Whiteness, but within
46

its own state of being. Finally, the use of racial identity development further supports analysis of
the racialized experiences of Black students to uncover counter-stories about persistence
and perseverance that disrupt negative and stereotypical narratives about Black learners that
reinforce racist and anti-Black campus climates (Harper, 2013; Hiraldo, 2010; Hurtado et al.,
2015).
Conclusion
This chapter provided a critical review of literature about the historical challenges Black
learners have faced and continue to encounter on PWIs. The literature detailed the ordinariness
of racism in American society and how anti-Black racism is replicated on college campuses
through the commodification and dehumanization of Black bodies. It also provided arguments
for the permanence of racism within institutions of higher education, whether delivered through
on-campus or online formats. Lastly, the literature highlighted the importance of an anti-deficit
framework by capturing stories of Black resiliency, perseverance, and empowerment that lead to
positive academic outcomes. The subsequent chapter will detail the research design and
methodological approaches used in this study to answer the guiding research questions.

47

Chapter 3: Methodology
The purpose of this case study was to examine the racialized experiences of Black
graduate students in online, synchronous programs at a Predominately White Institution (PWI).
This study sought to understand the ways in which the historical and socio-cultural legacies of
slavery and anti-Black racism influence the experiences of present-day Black students in online
learning environments. Lastly, this study explored the ways in which racial identity influences
behaviors and actions in response to racism in these online settings. The guiding research
questions for this study were as follows:
 In what ways do race and racism manifest in synchronous online learning environments,
if at all?
 How does racial identity influence the way students experience and respond to racism in
online learning settings?
Research Design
The study utilized a qualitative methods approach to answer the guiding research
questions. Qualitative research methods are most effective when the researcher seeks to
understand the participant’s meaning-making process about a social phenomenon (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). According to Maxwell (2013), qualitative research utilizes “process theory,”
which sees the world through the lens of people, situations, and processes. Qualitative inquiry
has been used in a variety of fields such as education, health, law, and counseling, using words
opposed to numbers as data to understand how people interpret their experiences and construct
their worlds (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The research questions explored the thoughts,
experiences, and perceptions of Black students about the social phenomenon of race and
racism.
48

Using a critical approach to qualitative research, the researcher relied on participant’s
understanding and interpretations of race and racism through the meaning they have constructed
by their personal, cultural, and historical experiences. The goal of such critical research is to not
only understand, but to critique and disrupt existing structural systems of power (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016) in academia that further perpetuate and promote anti-Black racism, which
negatively impacts Black learners.
Through this lens, the researcher uncovered each participant’s individual truth told
through their own words to serve as counter-narratives to dominant deficit beliefs about the
experiences of Black students in White academic institutions (Creswell & Creswell, 2018;
Harper et al., 2009; Hiraldo, 2010; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Solorzano & Yosso, 2002). These
counter-narratives were captured through one-on-one interviews with participants and retold by
the researcher in narrative form that captures shared patterns. Interviews helped elicit
information that cannot be easily observed such as thoughts, feelings, and motivations (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). Johnson and Christensen (2014) described interviews as “interpersonal
encounters” because they allow you to enter the world of another person to achieve clarity and
depth about a given phenomenon. Through the use of interviews, the researcher obtained a
deeper understanding of the ways in which Black students perceive race and racism in their
online learning environments.
Site Selection
The site selected for this study is F&M University (an assigned pseudonym). F & M
University (FMU) is a large, private research institution located on the West Coast. Established
in the late 1800s with just over 50 students in its inaugural cohort, FMU currently enrolls over
48,000 students located worldwide. FMU is home to 28,000 graduate students and offers over
400 graduate and professional programs. FMU has a long legacy of distance learning education
49

dating back to the early 1930s through the use of radio broadcasting. To date, FMU offers a
variety of distance education options for graduate students including fully synchronous,
asynchronous, and hybrid modalities. In 2019, over 23% of all Fall enrolled graduate students
completed their graduate degrees exclusively via distance education.
FMU prides itself on a rich history of diversity. Founders of FMU called for an institution
that would provide equal education for both women and men. FMU’s first graduating class
included a woman who was named class valedictorian. Additionally, FMU has welcomed
international students from around the world and key university initiatives have focused on
internationalization as a strategy to position itself as a global leader. FMU’s history and
commitment to the equal education of Black students, however, is less celebrated.
Despite being situated within a large urban neighborhood with over 38% Black
population, FMU’s campus does not resemble its surrounding community. Since the 2000s,
Black students have consistently comprised just 5% of the total student body. In Fall 2019, FMU
enrolled just under 1,000 Black undergraduates (4.8%) and 1,600 Black graduate students
(5.8%). Issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion of Black students have come to light within the
last decade, including racist incidents on-campus including racial profiling by local police and
discrimination within the fraternity and sorority system. Diversity concerns, however, are not
limited to students. Black faculty at FMU currently represent 3% of all faculty, compared to 66%
White, 14% Asian, and 6% Hispanic or Latino faculty. Given the racial tensions documented on
campus and the lack of diversity of its Black student and faculty bodies, FMU is an ideal location
to examine the ways in which issues of race and racism within the campus climate reverberate in
its online learning environments.

50

Population and Sample
The population for this study included students who identified as Black or African
American and were enrolled or recently graduated from an online graduate degree program at
Predominately White Institutions (PWI) within the United States. This population reflected the
greatest range of the Black experience in online programs, including variations by gender, age,
major, and degree level. It also captured demographic aspects that may influenced the online
learning environment such as geographic location and institution type.
For this study, a purposive sample of the target population was selected. Since
generalizability is not the goal of qualitative research, nonprobability sampling such as purposive
sampling, is most appropriate (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Purposive sampling is
utilized when the researcher must identify a sample of the population that will best help answer
the research questions and provide the most in-depth understanding of the phenomenon being
studied (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The purposive sample was identified through the use of a
screening questionnaire to ensure participants met the following criteria: participants identified
as Black or African American, were enrolled or recently graduated from a synchronous online
master’s program at FMU within the last two years, and the field of study was within social
sciences or social services. Synchronous and hybrid online programs requiring instructors and
students to meet live for at least 50-100% of the time shared the most similar attributes to
traditional campus-based programs. Additionally, social science and social service programs
typically prepared candidates to work with diverse and historically minoritized populations and
the curriculum of these programs most often include topics surrounding race, diversity, and
multicultural competency. Examining the espoused values represented in the program curriculum
and enacted values as experienced by Black students provided an important lens for this
study. The screening questionnaire assisted the researcher with identifying who should be
51

included or excluded from the study and ensured that the unit of analysis was bounded within a
specific range of online master’s programs within the social and social services fields at FMU.
After the close of the screening questionnaire, the researcher reviewed survey responses
and excluded any potential participants who did not meet the specified criteria. Maximum
variation sampling was utilized to select from the remaining list of eligible participants in order
to provide the greatest representation of characteristics and student experiences. Demographic
data captured in the survey questionnaire to aid in this sampling included age, status in program
(enrolled v. graduated), start term and expected or actual end term. A total of 34 respondent
completed the screening survey, but only 14 met all specified criteria. Thirteen participants were
interviewed to share their individual experiences and understanding of race and racism in the
online learning environment. The total number of participants needed for this study
was dependent on the researcher’s ability to answer the guiding research questions and the goals
of reaching data saturation of redundancy. Saturation was met when no new information or
insights were forthcoming (Johnson & Christensen, 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Since this
study sought to provide data rich information about the racialized experiences of Black students
in online environments at FMU, a smaller sample size (less than 20) allowed for depth of insight
over breadth (Couch & McKenzie, 2006).
Instrumentation
The researcher served as the primary instrument in the collection of data for this
qualitative study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In this study, the
researcher collected, recorded, and analyzed data independently, which allowed for the most
adaptive and responsive design feature to answer the guiding research questions (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). To aid in the collection of data, the researcher utilized semi-structured interviews
and document analysis.
52

As previously stated, interviews are best at capturing thoughts, feelings, and intentions
that are not easily observable (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Through one-on-one interviews lasting
approximately 45-60 minutes, the researcher gained a deeper understanding of the ways in which
Black students experience online learning environments through a series of open-ended
questions. The researcher utilized a semi-structured interview, or interview guide approach. An
interview guide approach includes specific topics and open-ended questions that can be asked in
any order to gain the most elaborated and in-depth responses from participants (Johnson &
Christensen, 2014).
Semi-structured interviews allow for flexibility to probe and ask clarifying questions
while still eliciting specific and consistent data from each respondent (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The questions asked in the interview guide were more specific to help address the research
questions. According to Maxwell (2013), “the research questions formulate what you want to
understand; your interview questions are what you ask people to gain that understanding” (p.
100). The interview guide included 22 questions, an overview of the study, information about the
interview, statement of confidentiality, reminder that participants could terminate the interview
at any time, and request for permission to audio record the interview.
In addition to one-on-one interviews, the researcher also utilized document analysis.
O’Leary (2017) argued that “sometimes a good way to understand the reality of the researched is
to examine the texts that they themselves produce” (p. 282). The documents analyzed for this
study included public documents such as university and course websites and online discussion
forums. These forms of data were considered less obtrusive sources of information and they
could be assessed at times most convenient for the researcher (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The
public documents were utilized to triangulate the experiences of the participants by analyzing
public statements, such as mission or diversity statements, that either or align or deviate from the
53

participants' lived experiences. Online discussion forums such as Reddit and social media
platforms such as Facebook or Instagram, allow users to openly or anonymously share their
thoughts and opinions on any number of topics, news, or content. These public platforms also
provided insight into the culture of a given course or the university.
Data Collection
Following approval from the university Institutional Review Board (IRB), the researcher
began the process of data collection. To identify potential research participants, the researcher
solicited the support of administrators for programs that meet the following criteria: 1) offered at
F&M University, 2) program was characterized as a social science or social service field, 3)
offered via online synchronous or hybrid format, and 4) led to a master’s degree after
completion. Program directors or appropriate administrators were provided with a recruiting
email and screening questionnaire with a request to forward to their student email listservs for
identified programs. Additionally, the researcher sent a request for the recruiting email and
screening questionnaire to be sent to FMU’s academic advisor council listserv. Academic
advisors had direct contact with students and could serve as an additional recruiting tool.
Research participants were identified from the screening questionnaire and contacted via email to
confirm interest in participating in the study and to schedule a time for an online interview. At
the point of confirmation, all participants were assigned a pseudonym either created by the
researcher or specified by the participant. Any further documentation utilized the participant’s
pseudonym only.
Participant interviews were expected to take 45 to 60 minutes to complete. Interviews
were conducted virtually using Zoom, an online video conferencing platform, to minimize the
health risks for the participants and researchers associated with the novel coronavirus (COVID-
19) global pandemic. Zoom was free to participants and is accessible on all devices, including
54

mobile phone, desktop, laptop, or tablet. Interviews were scheduled based on the participant and
researcher availability. Once a day and time have been selected, the participants received a
personalized Zoom meeting invitation and link.
Before the start of the interview, participants were provided with an Information Sheet,
and an overview of the study, what to expect from the interview, and a reminder that they can
choose to not answer any questions during the interview, request to end the interview, and/or
terminate their participation in the study at any time. With consent to proceed, the researcher
asked the participant for permission to audio record the interview session and take hand-written
notes. Audio recording aided in the data collection process by allowing the researcher to focus
more on the substance instead of attempting to capture verbatim what the participant had shared.
Hand-written notes captured interesting points, unexpected insights, and researcher reactions and
reflections. Following the interview, the researcher thanked the participant for their participation
and willingness to share. The researcher also asked permission to reach out to the participant if
there were any follow-up or clarifying questions. Immediately following the interview,
participants received a $15 Amazon digital e-gift card as a token of appreciation for their
participation.
Data was also collected through document analysis. The researcher utilized O’Leary’s
(2017) eight-step document analysis process: 1) gather relevant texts, 2) organize, 3) make
copies, 4) confirm authenticity, 5) explore the text’s agenda, 6) explore background information,
7) ask questions about the document, and 8) explore content. The researcher began with
document analysis of FMU’s statements about diversity, equity, and inclusion, statements about
discrimination, racism, and harassment as well as FMU’s online education program website,
individual program recruiting and informational websites.

55

Data Analysis
Relying on the researcher as the primary instrument, I needed to utilize a variety of data
analysis tools and techniques to make sense of what I saw and heard. The data analysis process
was guided by Creswell and Creswell’s (2018) five step process to data analysis depicted by
Figure 2: 1) organize and prepare the data for analysis, 2) read or look at all data, 3) start coding
all of the data, 4) generate descriptions and themes, 5) represent the description and themes. This
process ensured that themes emerged from an in-depth analysis that had passed through at least
two layers of analysis, general and more advanced.
The first technique included simultaneous analysis of data as the researcher collected
data. Creswell and Creswell (2018) recommended that “while interviews are going on, for
example, researchers may be analyzing an interview collected earlier, writing memos that may
ultimately be included as narrative in the final report, and organizing the structure of the final
report” (p. 192). Maxwell (2013) encouraged researchers to analyze field notes and transcriptions
immediately following an interview to avoid difficulty and discouragement later on. The second
technique included the use of researcher comments, jottings, and memos. Bogdan and Biklen
(2007) suggested using researcher comments and memos as a way to start speculating about what
the data is telling you. Memos not only helped the researcher capture analytic thinking and
reflections, but can also helped facilitate the analytic insight by actively thinking about the
material (Maxwell, 2013). This technique was a raw attempt at adding meaning to what I was
hearing and observing.

56

Figure 2
Data Analysis in Qualitative Research

Note. Adapted from Creswell, J. H. & Creswell J. D. (2018). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed
methods approaches (5th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, p. 194.

Lastly, I utilized inductive and deductive analysis methods that first built potential
themes from the bottom up using the raw data collected from the interviews and document
analysis (inductive) then moving back from the emerging themes to determine if there was
sufficient support in the data for each major theme (deductive) (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Once interviews were transcribed, the data analysis process started with the use of coding.
During the first cycle of coding, words and phrases were assigned first-level codes or topics.
This phase included summarizing and labeling the data. During the second phase, individual
57

codes and topics were lumped and narrowed into categories that were more specific and
addressed the research questions. This phase included organizing winnowing down the data.
Following, categories were further refined and lumped into larger emerging themes. From the
themes, assertions about the research questions were made. Miles et al. (2014) stated that an
assertion is a declarative statement supported with confirming evidence and modified when
disconfirming evidence is presented. These assertions were then confirmed by going back to the
data and ensuring nothing was missed and that my interpretations were accurate and had
sufficient evidence to support.
Trustworthiness
Establishing qualitative validity and reliability in this study was of utmost importance.
Qualitative validity ensures accuracy from the vantage point of the researcher and participants as
well as plausibility from the point of the readers of this study. To ensure qualitative validity, the
researcher utilized a variety of methods. First, the researcher collected and analyzed data from
two different sources, interview and document analysis, to triangulate the findings. Triangulation
involved using multiple data sources to provide justification for themes (Creswell & Creswell,
2018; Maxwell, 2013). Creswell and Creswell (2018) stated, “If these are established based on
converging several sources of data or perspectives from participants, then this process can be
claimed as adding to the validity of the study” (p. 200). Next, the researcher used member
checking which directly involved the participants in checking the final report to comment on the
accuracy of the analysis. This ensured that what the participants shared were accurately reported
through the major findings and themes reported. Lastly, the researcher used rich, thick
descriptions in order to provide detailed narratives and help readers see the world through the
lens of the participants. Additionally, thick descriptions allow readers to make informed
decisions about the believability of the study and the findings (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
58

In order to increase qualitative reliability, the researcher utilized three primary methods.
First, the researcher recorded accurately and double-checked notes and transcriptions to ensure
no obvious mistakes are made. Second, the researcher utilized audit trails to ensure trackability.
Audit trails allowed the researcher to easily decipher major themes and findings by linking them
back to the raw data and the process of data reduction and reconstruction (Lincoln & Guba,
1985). Lastly, the researcher ensured that the definitions of codes remained consistent by double
checking data against codes. This was best accomplished through the use of qualitative
codebooks and researcher memos about codes and their meanings.
Ethics
Ethical considerations for this study were guided by the three basic ethical principles
outlined by the Belmont Report: respect for persons, beneficence, and justice (National
Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research,
1979). These basic participles were used to evaluate and justify actions throughout recruitment,
data collection, data analysis, and reporting. To maintain respect for persons, all eligible
participants entered the study voluntarily with informed consent for their participation. All
participants were also reminded routinely of their ability to terminate participation in the study at
any time. Participants were asked permission to audio record their interviews. Lastly, a semi-
structured interview protocol was used to provide participants with a choice to freely respond
without limiting their voice.
To ensure beneficence, the researcher sought to do no harm, maximize potential benefits
while minimizing possible harm. The study explored difficult conversations about race and
racism that had the potential to cause harm by bringing an awareness to or revisiting negative
incidents in the online environment. The researchers, however, was interested in exploring
stories of resilience and empowerment and hope to also bring awareness to the strength and
59

perseverance of students as a potential benefit. Also, in order to protect the identity of the
participants and minimize any harm from exposure, all participants’ identities were kept
anonymous and confidential. Participants were assigned a pseudonym and any personally
identifiable information was removed from the written report. Participants had an opportunity to
review the final report to request any additional information they deem to be identifiable to be
removed.
Lastly, to achieve justice, the researcher set specific criteria to bound the unit of analysis
without interfering with the students’ ability to fairly volunteer to participate in the research
study. The researcher did not include selection criteria that would unfairly exclude potential
participants who may otherwise benefit from participation in the study. Given the fact that Black
people have a long history with experimentation and dehumanization in the name of science, it
was important to note that the benefits gleaned from this research study were intended first and
foremost to the participants who offered their experiences and understandings of the online
learning environment.
Role of Researcher
Similarly, to the participants in this study, I hold my own personal beliefs, interpretations,
and understandings of the world that influenced my role as researcher in this study. I am a Black
woman who has spent over a decade attending and/or working within higher education. The
majority of my professional experience has been in graduate and online education programs and
therefore, I carry my own biases, assumptions, and first-hand accounts in these settings that
influence my interest and problematization of the topic of race and racism in online learning
settings. Creswell and Creswell (2018) argued that qualitative researchers must practice
reflexivity, examination of one’s own background, beliefs and judgements, to understand how
the researcher’s positionality has a cause and effect on the direction and outcome of the study.
60

I practiced reflexivity throughout the data collection and analysis process, as well as looked for
disaffirming evidence to minimize researcher bias and avoid confirmation bias (Maxwell, 2013).
In addition, I was cognizant of the way my positionality and worldview influenced my
interactions with the participants in the study. I could have had insider status in regards to racial
identity, but also outsider status in relation to gender, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation,
field of study, etc. This insider-outsider status could shape the participant-researcher relationship
as it related to building trust and rapport; and ultimately, the insights that were shared and
contributed to the overall analysis and conclusion of the study (Maxwell, 2013). Additionally,
my insider status as a member of the student affairs community required that I remain cognizant
of potential conflicts due to my professional role and scope of work within higher education.
Lastly, I was aware of the way in which my philosophical worldview influenced the
nature of the study. A critical research approach inherently seeks to bring about change to
inequitable systems of power and I believe that the data collection process itself could be a
mechanism of change. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) stated that the act of talking can invite change
by bringing those issues to consciousness. I was aware of the power relations inherent in my
positionality in this study and sought to continue to reflect on the dialectical process that affected
both the researcher and participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

61

Chapter 4: Findings
This qualitative research study examined the racialized experiences of Black students
enrolled in online master’s degree programs at F&M University, a Predominately White
Institution (PWI) located in California. The focus of this study centered on social science and
social service graduate degree programs as they aim to educate and train professionals to work in
a variety of fields interested in the welfare of others. These programs typically embed diversity,
equity, and inclusion (DEI) courses into their curriculum which allows for analysis of the
espoused and enacted values for the welfare and support of its own student body. The research
questions guiding this study were as follows: In what ways do race and racism manifest in
synchronous online learning environments, if at all? How does racial identity influence the way
students experience and respond to racism in online learning settings? This chapter will
summarize the findings uncovered from one-on-one interviews with 13 participants from F&M
University.
Participants
Thirteen participants from four master’s degree programs at F&M University (FMU)
participated in this study. Participants were either currently enrolled or recently graduated from
one of the following master’s degree programs: Criminal Justice, Human Resource Management,
Public Health, or School Counseling. Two participants from the Criminal Justice program, three
participants from the Human Resource Management program, one participant from the Public
Health program, and seven participants from the School Counseling program completed the
initial screening survey and were willing to participate in a one-on-one semi-structured
interview. Participants included seven women and six men with ages ranging from 22 to 59.
Table 1 provides a snapshot of participant characteristics, arranged by program.

62

Table 1
Participant Characteristics Overview
Participant Age Gender Degree Program Start Term Graduation Term
Zoe 25 Female Criminal Justice Spring 2021 Fall 2021
Robert 59 Male Criminal Justice Fall 2019 Spring 2021
Alicia 24 Female Human Resource Management Summer 2020 Spring 2022
Regina 26 Female Human Resource Management Spring 2021 Summer 2022
Frank 35 Male Human Resource Management Spring 2019 Spring 2021
Joelle 22 Female Public Health Spring 2021 Fall 2022
Keith 24 Male School Counseling Fall 2020 Spring 2022
London 26 Female School Counseling Summer 2018 Fall 2019
Desiree 27 Female School Counseling Fall 2020 Spring 2023
Nicole 28 Female School Counseling Summer 2019 Fall 2020
Shaun 35 Male School Counseling Summer 2018 Fall 2019
Christian 36 Male School Counseling Summer 2019 Spring 2021
Mike 39 Male School Counseling Spring 2019 Spring 2022

Participant Profiles
All participants either self-selected or were assigned a pseudonym to protect their identity
and confidentiality. Brief participant profiles are presented by program.
Criminal Justice Program
Zoe was a 25-year-old daughter, sister, and wife. She comes from a healthy and fun
family where she is the only girl out of four children. Her interracial marriage prompted
personal, professional, and emotional growth. Zoe, her husband, and their fur baby (a pet cat)
reside in Rocklin, California. She graduated with a bachelor’s degree from the University of San
Francisco. Although she had original aspirations of becoming an actor and singer in her youth,
pursuing a degree in Criminal Justice was an amalgamation of her interests in law, her
background in philosophy, and her analytical skill sets. She expected to graduate with a master’s
degree next Fall.
63

Robert was 59 years old, a husband and father to two biracial sons. He has an extensive
and respected career of over 30 years in law enforcement where he served as a community
liaison, sergeant, and lieutenant. Robert was an avid car enthusiast and comic book collector that
filled both his office and home. He began his undergraduate education at California State
University, Los Angeles but would go on to graduate from Union Institute and University. He
described his acceptance to the Criminal Justice program as divine intervention and hoped to
eventually be able to teach at the junior college level. He celebrated the completion of his
master’s degree program this Spring.
Human Resource Management Program
Alicia was a 24-year-old biracial, queer woman who is proud of her Black, Native
American, and Irish heritage. She graduated from Loyola Marymount University where she
became a member of the first historically Black sorority, Alpha Kappa Alpha, Sorority,
Incorporated. A spoken word artist, Alicia used her voice to make change on and off campus.
With a demonstrated commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion, she was driven to human
resources as it provides an opportunity every day to ensure other people feel included. She
expected to graduate with her master’s degree in one year.
Regina was 26 years old, a daughter, wife, and South Carolina native. She journeyed to
the West Coast to make her debut as an aspiring actress. Although she loved the entertainment
business, she knew she needed more stability and luckily had a fallback plan. She applied and
was accepted to F&M University to pursue a bachelor’s degree in business administration. Her
interest in human resources was inspired by her mother who worked in the field and taught her
how to shine as a job applicant. Regina had a passion for talent acquisition and strived to create
an environment at work that she is proud to bring people into. She expected to graduate with her
master’s degree in a little over a year.
64

Frank was a 35-year-old biracial son, brother, and father to a two-year-old son. He
recently celebrated his nine-year anniversary with his wife and eagerly awaited the birth of his
second child in a few short months. He attended Portland State University on a football
scholarship where he got serious about his academics so he would not have to rely on his body to
make a living. He would go on to graduate with a bachelor's degree in business with a
concentration in human resources management. As the only Black person in his human resources
department at work, Frank leaned into the responsibility of sharing his experience and educating
others. He just completed the final course of his master’s degree program this Spring.
Public Health Program
Joelle was a 22-year-old woman. She is a sister and daughter of Ethiopian immigrant
parents who instilled the importance of education and pride in her Ethiopian heritage. She
graduated with an undergraduate degree in molecular cell developmental biology. She was
exposed to the field of public health at the Annual Biomedical Research Conference for Minority
Students and credits the conference’s diversity of attendees as being helpful in her career
exploration journey. She believed she can have a greater impact within a field she fully
understands and enjoys. Joelle was completing her first semester in the Public Health program
and expected to graduate with a master’s degree in a year and a half.
School Counseling Program
Keith was 24 years old and the youngest of three children. His father served in the
United States Navy for 26 years and his mother was a pharmacist. He is very close with his
father whom he described as his best friend. He and his girlfriend of five years are looking to
relocate to Texas as a middle ground between his family on the west coast and Florida, where his
parents plan to retire. He completed his bachelor’s degree in criminal justice and wanted to
65

become a juvenile counselor to help make a difference in the lives of youth offenders, and is
expected to graduate with a master’s degree in one year.
London was a 26-year-old sister, daughter, wife, and a proud member of the LGBT
community and the Muslim community, in which she has been a member all her life. She
attended Hope International Institution on a basketball scholarship and credited her teammates
and family as being her core support system to get her through. London already had a master’s
degree in psychology but decided to pursue another degree in school counseling because she had
a passion for working with kids and realized she could do a lot more to help kids who come to
depend on their school counselors. She graduated with her second master’s degree last Fall.
Desiree was a 27-year-old biracial woman raised by her mother who is Hawaiian,
Korean, and White and adopted stepfather, who is White. She graduated from Grand Canyon
University in Phoenix, Arizona where she struggled to find her identity and a community. Yet
she was able to meet some of her closest friends, one of whom is still her roommate to this day.
Desiree aspired to be an advocate for youth across the spectrum, students of color, LGBT youth,
those battling depression, or who come from broken homes. She currently resides in Chandler,
Arizona and looked forward to graduating in Spring 2023.
Nicole was a 28-year-old daughter and California Native. She was raised by her mother
while her father was incarcerated for 12-13 years of her life. He was released in her senior year
of college. She credited her decision to go to college to her friends, who were all going, and she
didn't want to be left behind. She graduated from Alabama A&M University, a historically Black
university, with a bachelor’s degree in English. Despite the initial culture shock, she thrived in an
atmosphere with so many diverse Black people all there to pursue an education. She had a
passion for working with kids and graduated from the School Counseling program last Fall.
66

Shaun was a 35-year-old son and husband. He grew up in a tight knit Black Seventh Day
Adventist church community. He described his parents as being conservative and he had a
relatively strict upbringing. They pushed the importance of education and he attended Alabama
A&M University for one year after high school. Due to culture shock and family turmoil, he
moved back home to attend the University of Redlands, where he graduated with an
undergraduate degree in business administration. He valued independent thinking and the
importance of economic freedom. He believed there are other important life skills beyond
reading and writing, like emotional intelligence, which prompted his decision to pursue a career
in school counseling. Shaun graduated with a master’s degree just under two years ago.
Christian was a 36-year-old brother and son to a Mexican mother and Black father. He
was very close to his mother’s side of the family, which he described as very religious,
supportive, and deeply family-oriented. Education was very important and driven by his father’s
side of the family, who encouraged him to attend a historically Black university, Langston
University, in Oklahoma. Without a strong sense of belonging on campus, he decided to instead
pursue a career in the United States Navy, where he served for seven years. Despite sustaining a
traumatic brain injury in service, he graduated with a bachelor’s degree from Columbia College,
currently serves as a veterans service advocate, and is pursuing his master’s degree in school
counseling to help support students’ overall mental health and well-being. He celebrated the
completion of a master’s degree program this Spring.
Mike was a 39-year-old son and father of two. He was originally from Little Rock,
Arkansas but moved to California around the age of five, where he was primarily raised in South
Los Angeles. He attended F&M University for his undergraduate degree where he was often
mistaken for an athlete, despite never stepping foot on a field. He currently teaches and serves as
a counselor at a nursing university. He decided to pursue a degree in school counseling to catch
67

students at the pivotal high school level and show them they can make it out or have a better life.
He is expected to graduate with a master’s degree next Spring.
Themes
The one-on-one interviews offered just a glimpse into the unique lived experiences of 13
Black women and men, highlighting the vast differences in upbringing, values, and experiences
in and outside the classroom. Most importantly, they differed in identification and expression of
Black identity, which was critical in understanding the lens in which they view themselves and
make sense of the world around them. It became evident after the first two interviews that it
would be challenging to appropriately synthesize their experiences since Black people nor the
Black experience is universal. Nonetheless, all interview participants generously provided
thoughtful and robust responses about their experiences as Black students in online graduate
programs resulting in three emergent themes that are discussed in the following sections: 1)
racial visibility, hypervisibility, and invisibility in online spaces, 2) meaning-making of race-
based incidents, and 3) cultivating care and support.
Racial Visibility, Hypervisibility, and Invisibility in Online Spaces
When discussing the differences between online and on-campus racial dynamics, five of
the thirteen participants explicitly stated that there was no difference. They spoke of minor
nuances that really were no different than the traditional, in-person classroom. These small
nuances, however, coupled together created a unique learning environment that nonetheless still
had to be adapted to and navigated by the participants. Specifically, participants shared how race
in many ways was made both more and less visible in the online space.
Racial Visibility and Representation
Similar to in-person classrooms, some participants took inventory of the virtual room.
With no real expectations of who could or should be in that space, some participants reflected on
68

the positive benefits of racial visibility and representation. London, who already had one
master’s degree under her belt, still questioned her qualifications for admission to FMU’s School
Counseling program. Fueled with self-doubt, she assumed her admission offer was only to fulfill
a university diversity quota. It was not until she showed up for class and saw that “everyone
looks like me” that her doubts began to subside. For half of the participants, substantial racial
visibility and representation of Black and Brown faculty and classmates in their programs was a
surprising, yet welcomed experience. Participants who experienced overwhelming diversity in
their classrooms expressed gratitude for their program’s efforts in creating a diverse cohort
experience. Desiree shared how the visibility of women of color in her graduate program was
particularly impactful:
…that's one thing that I was really looking for in my graduate program, because I want
representation, like I've never had all of that. And especially as a mixed woman, like you
look for representation in what you know, and all I knew was White, and so like, now
that I'm 27, and I want to see representation in a woman of color, like, I'm seeing that and
it makes me feel powerful. It makes me feel like ... Oh shit, like, I can actually do this.
And it's like, not just because of being a woman, but like also being ... a Black woman
and a woman of Asian descent. Like it's not easy, you know?
Desiree’s relationship and exploration of her Black racial identity was heavily influenced early
on by her mixed-race family, who refused to answer questions or address complex emotions that
arose from being a biracial child. She shared her struggles finding acceptance of who she is as a
mixed race person:
It took me some time to accept who I am because years and years and years go on and
people tell you that you're not, you know, worthy because you're Black. And because
you're part Black and then you have like the Black kids making fun of you because you're
69

not Black enough. And like it was a weird like, I never knew who I was. And I never
wanted to accept it until like, I was like, this is who I am... And that's when I really, like
tapped into it and had to push past the experiences that my family were trying to portray,
and pretend that never happened. But, you know I'm Black and I'm proud of it, because
that's still part of who I am. And I can't change anything about that.
Throughout the interview, Desiree reflected on academic, social, and personal experiences
through the lens of how others viewed her racially and how she defined herself. The degree
program had a transformative impact on her as exploration and pride in racial identity became an
essential component of her on-going development.
Mike, who also attended FMU as an undergraduate, was so accustomed to the lack of
diversity of faculty and students, it left him a little perplexed when he reflected on the racial
makeup of faculty in his School Counseling program:
Wow. I hadn't thought about that, um, it's truly been mixed. Let’s see, I've had three or
four African American teachers. One Asian teacher, one White teacher, one Indian. Yeah,
she was Indian. Yeah. Yeah, it's really been diverse. I wonder if that's intentional. I
wonder if they did that intentionally?
Mike would go on to share that there “were way more African Americans in there, more Black
people than I thought would be in my program.” Similarly, Keith was one of four or five Black
males in his online program but remarked his satisfaction with at least having all Black faculty
during the Spring semester. He added, “I've feel like I relate more to the Black professors only
because they understand what it's like to be in this program at this you know, prestigious school
compared to like the other races of professors.”
Christian similarly remarked that he never could remember being a part of a program
with so many non-White professors. He was even more impressed by how many Latina
70

professors there were in the program. When onlyness in classroom spaces is commonplace,
students seemed to rejoice with the visible representation they had with both their faculty and
classmates in the program.
Racialization of Curriculum
Beyond the racial visibility and representation in their educational spaces, the intentional
inclusion of DEI topics and open dialogues about race and racism were also significant. Eight
participants heavily praised the programs for embedding topics about race and DEI into their
curriculum. Joelle’s career change from molecular cell developmental biology to public health
offered greater diversity in both cohort and curriculum. She described how her engineering
classes kept topics like race separate from the curriculum. She stated that for biostatistics, the
whole point was to just learn the math, but with the health education and health promotion
classes, race was an integral part of the discussion. Joelle admitted that her upbringing and
primary identity as a Christian woman acted as a shield from many of these race-related topics
earlier in her life:
I recognize a lot of the stuff that's going around me, and especially it was happening to
Black people in general. But I think because of my heritage and my, just at least my
social upbringing, within like the Ethiopian community, I was kind of told not to think
too much about it, you know, because that's not essentially a top priority. And I think it's
been part because it wasn't a top priority to my parents. My parents were coming from a
third world country, their top priority was to just get food, get a higher education, better
themselves, you know. So I think it's just like, don't focus so much on like, the racism,
focus more on your education. And that will be, that will essentially be like your
leverage, your proof so that nobody will doubt you, despite the fact that you're a Black
woman.
71

However, now these conversations, while at times uncomfortable, were something she
welcomed:
Because at the end of the day, things are getting more diverse, things are more
complicated. I would rather be…be uncomfortable but mindful, instead of being ignorant
and then saying something very stupid. Because just because you're a minority does not
mean that you're, you're going to be like exempt from saying something that's actually
pretty racist, or sexist or homophobic, you know?
For Nicole and Shaun, however, the curriculum in their School Counseling program felt
oversaturated. Nicole felt like her program “beat race to death.” Given the emotional and mental
toll of COVID and the murder of George Floyd had on her personally, she hoped the classroom
space would be an escape. She recalled showing up and hoping they would keep the career and
development focus:
I was drained, honestly, like it was a lot already going on ...That's right when COVID had
popped off as well. So I was honestly drained like, I would not want to come to class.
And I remember I think it was right when the George Floyd thing had happened. Yeah, I
was like, I didn't want to go to class. But I was like, let me just go because it’s once a
week, let me just go. And I just remember, I was like, oh, I hope they don’t bring it up. I
hope they don't bring it up. And then as soon as they brought it up, I remember I just
turned my camera off. Like, it was just draining.
Shaun believed the overemphasis of race, victimization, and what he described as a “rapidly
growing ... socialist movement in Black talk and discussion” left little space or patience for
dissenting views or ways of thinking. Shaun proudly identified culturally as an American first
and by his race secondly. His identity is based in part by his belief that the purpose for the civil
rights movement was so everyone would be treated as an equal, not to be boxed in:
72

I think identifying as American is because, like, I've never been to Africa. Like if I was a
White person who was born in Africa would that make me African American if I come
here? So there's like these boxes that I've never really quite fit in, because I'm mixed and
have all these different values that I just said, you know... the closest thing that I have is
being American. I'm like a melting pot, I'm mixed up with a whole bunch of different
things. I have different tastes, different values, different views. And that's, that's really I
would say, that makes me American. And plus, I really dislike when people create their
own stereotype that they have to live in.
He shared an instance where a faculty member cut him off during a discussion and said “We
don’t want to hear that point of view.” Shocked, he learned that he needed to play it cool and
play his part which included ducking down and pretending to be part of the group. This created
challenges for him during class:
And then I would ask questions, and it kind of sucked, because during the time period
that I was in class, there was a lot of racially motivated stuff going on. And they would
just assume, because I'm Black that I agreed.
The inclusion of topics related to race are critical in the preparation for entering fields that are
largely human-centered, however, it would seem striking a balance that meets the needs and
desires for all students could be challenging to achieve.
Intentional Hypervisibility
Two participants in the Human Resources program found that they were not in diverse
classroom settings, so they decided to leverage the online platform to intentionally increase their
racial visibility. For Regina, the intentional, outward expression of Black pride and the
awareness of what these symbols represent to others was a deliberate political act:
73

When I think about my Blackness, “I love it” is the first thing that comes to my head. I
think I am very aware of it, but I like that. I feel like I wear it, you know? Like, today my
hair is straight because I got it dyed yesterday for the first time and I love it, but typically
it’s natural. So I had a job interview last week and I thought about putting my hair up in a
puff as usual, and I thought - no, I'm gonna wear this fro and we're gonna see how it goes.
So with things like that I feel like I wear it intentionally. It feels political to just be Black.
And it feels really good.
Regina seized a similar opportunity to be deliberately visible through the use of Zoom’s
background feature:
So, the school used to hang banners or flags along [the main thoroughfare] during Black
History Month. Obviously, we're in a virtual setting, so they just sent them out as Zoom
backgrounds. I put up a Black History Month banner as my background at school and
work and got to see a lot of other people who did, and it was wonderful. So I would say
maybe race is more visible virtually in the sense that you get to see that relationship that
people have with their race. After I shared the backgrounds I'm seeing a lot of non-Black
people who did, which was really cool, too.
Like Regina, Alicia used Zoom backgrounds as a way to explicitly claim her Blackness in
classroom spaces right away:
So I'd say my experience of racism in the school setting has been less, because I give off
a vibe that I will not allow it from jump... I've had personally less [overt racism] to my
face in a Zoom setting because I can talk about Blackness right away. I talked about DE
and I. I talked about the murder of George Floyd. I say it just like that murder, not death.
And so they know where I'm coming from. I think half my class sessions, I have a ...
Black Lives Matter Zoom background, like so ‘try it’ is the vibe I like to give. I'm
74

Blackity Black so I'm able to state that without saying anything and my background has
given me another opportunity to claim my Blackness before... somebody's saying
something sly in person.
Hypervisibility, which some call the “fly in buttermilk” effect, is usually a feeling imposed by
the environment when Black students are the only Black or only person of color in a given space.
Regina and Alicia utilized the technology to bring awareness to their identities, proudly
displayed behind their faces as they sat silently or engaged with the class.
Minimizing Negative Racial Stereotypes Online
All participants talked about their awareness of the way Black people are viewed and
treated in society. London discussed hyper-awareness of the way she dressed being a gay
woman, avoiding overly baggy clothes. Nicole, Keith and Regina talked about watching what
they said around certain people, or code switching. Mike shared that he sometimes had to even
be mindful of his body language. Unlike Regina and Alicia, who used the online platform to
bring attention to their identity, two participants shared pre-class routines they developed to
minimize negative racial attention. Interestingly, feelings of hypervisibility in school settings at
an early age offered insights about the ways in which these same students showed up for class in
their graduate programs.
Frank recalled memories as early as the fourth grade, and being called the “N word” at
his predominantly White elementary school. He described the added pressures of navigating
normal social challenges such as being liked by his peers, while also acknowledging he was
Black and different from everyone else. He shared,
So I think that's when I was like, Oh, hey...I'm different. And, you know, I'm not just
worried about my bad breath anymore. Now, it's like, oh, does that girl not like me?
Because I'm Black? Are these people not want to hang out with me? Because I'm Black?
75

This hyperawareness and hypervisibility at an early school age continued to influence Frank’s
experiences in his current graduate program. He no longer worried about being liked, but was
troubled by problematic stereotypes and perceptions of Black people:
I think, you know, as Black people, I feel that White people look at us to fail, or to not be
dressed nice enough or not speak clearly enough. And, you know, all I want is for the
Black people interacting with White people around me to you know, not cut the g's off
their words, as horrible as that sounds, because it doesn't mean [you are] any less
educated but the perception will be that. ...And so, that comes to presenting yourself well.
Frank shared his pre-class preparation, which included making sure his office/gym was clean and
clear, his treadmill was positioned down and away from his screen, he was sitting up straight in
his chair, and he had perfect screen lighting.
Like Frank, Zoe had negative early childhood experiences being otherized by classmates.
Zoe shared her experience moving to a new school and being the only Black kid in her third-
grade class. She explained how the children in the class made fun of how she talked and how she
looked, leading to heightened awareness and criticism for being different:
I remember walking in and being stared at by an entire room of people. And I just
became very aware that I stuck out. I didn't know at that time, in what way, but then, it
was the first time of my life where I got comments about my nose. And I was just, I was
constantly seeing kind of like, um, who was popular, who was well liked. And there was
this definite kind of like, just, it was me. And I was, like, the darkest and the only Black
kid in the class. And then there was like everybody else.
In her master’s program, Zoe shared how being on camera made her more insecure and worried
about her on-screen appearance. She expressed the added pressure to prepare for class:
76

You know, it makes me actually more aware of my skin tone, my hair, whereas I see my,
you know, non-dark, lighter skinned, you know, peers perceivably, they just, it looks like
they just like kind of got out of bed like you know, and their hair just falls to the side. I'm
like, I have to do my hair before I go on camera. And you know, even when they're in
darker lighting, you would still see them, but I don't get to have that, I have to like, I have
to place myself specifically.
Six participants talked openly about the targets on Black lives; a hypervigilance that is required
to make sure they make it home alive. Frank and Zoe's pre-class preparation gave a similar
feeling of hypervigilance in protection of something far greater than just their appearance on-
screen.
Race Rendered Invisible or Neutral Online
The majority of the participants talked about how the online setting allowed for racial
ambiguity and in a lot of instances, invisibility or neutrality. Both Zoe and Regina shared how
the online setting reduced some of the nuances they attributed to others’ perceived race. Regina
elaborated,
There are things beyond skin color that kind of signal somebody's race. There's voice and
accent and things like that. There's your dress, body language, even, that can signal it and
the virtual space takes some of those things away. And so maybe ... some of the traits that
you unconsciously attribute to somebody based on their race are neutralized a little bit.
Even with student cameras turned on, Nicole and Frank said it was hard trying to figure out what
people were. Nicole even suggested that some students went out of their way to avoid disclosing
their identity or “trying to pass as White.” Whether due to the lighting or missed social cues that
would provide extra details about a person’s race, participants found it was harder to distinguish
race online. Without cameras on, London stated that you would only be able to go off someone’s
77

name, but then proposed that if her name was say “Ashley” she could attend class and participate
in discussions without anyone ever knowing she was Black.
Four participants echoed that names meant little in being able to accurately gauge the
race of others in the class. Robert shared that students could “turn your camera off and just sit
there and not say anything.” Zoe felt the online space helped students “hide” if they wanted to
and she only recognized race when it was pointed out to her. She shared the difference between
in-person and online classes:
... when I was physically in a class, I would look for, are there any other Black people
...or, you know, non-White people in general. But now, because people can turn their
cameras off. Or, you know, just like I said, just look a different way, for whatever reason,
I don't know. I just I don't look for that. I only become aware of it if it's pointed out. Or
like I had one other, another Black student email me, she’s like, oh, you know, we're the
only two in the class, but I didn't notice that because she always has her camera off. So
stuff like that. I just don't look for it anymore.
In a way, Frank and Desiree believed this was a positive attribute that prevented some of the
cliquing up or natural gravitation to same-race groups that can normally happen in an in-person
classroom. Frank reflected,
…thinking back to undergrad, you're in class, and you do see all of these different people
and, you know, one that can make you then gravitate to a certain group, because, I mean,
as we see in society, right, people tend to just gravitate to their ethnic groups a lot when it
comes to things like that. So, and honestly, [the online platform] just allows that not to
happen so that may be a good thing. Because we didn't ever get to pick our groups, right?
They were just assigned randomly.
Desiree added that not having to worry about where to “sit” was an added bonus:
78

... when you physically go into class, you’re like, okay, I'm not gonna sit over there. I'm
not gonna sit over there. We are literally in [an online] room. And we're all sitting in our
rooms at home, in the comfort of our own homes. Not caring what we look like, you
know? And so I think it's a little it's better, I would say, neutralizing it, because it's
making it more comfortable for those who are uncomfortable.
Racial invisibility or neutrality was described rather positively by students. Joelle mentioned that
she noticed who perceivably was in the room when she first logged in, then after that “it was
kind of just like, okay, let's just, I gotta log into class and then I gotta go watch Jeopardy with my
Dad.” Even Zoe remarked that after her initial freak out about lighting, the space made her
forget about her or other’s race which allowed her to just focus on class. Unfortunately,
invisibility was not always seen as a positive attribute. Alicia recounted a phone conversation
with a friend in the program who had been rendered invisible by the technicalities of the Zoom
platform system:
We were talking last night on the phone, actually. And she's like ... I'm glad you have a
diverse class, but that's not my experience. She's like, I didn't have as many diverse
people in my courses. I had blatant racist things said to me because they forgot I was in
the room. Because you know, the Zoom screen you can only see like five people unless
you expand so it’s kinda that thing where they don't realize you've got to flip the page.
This unfortunate encounter was interesting in that it highlighted the idea that conversations
taking place in the online space were different depending on whether Black people were
perceived to be in the room. Invisibility in these spaces also caused difficulty in deciphering
tones or figuring out a person’s personal stance. Beyond assessing “vibes,” participants talked
about having to do some investigative work such as reading through discussion posts, seeing
who commented on your posts, and paying attention to those who never give you a positive
79

Zoom reaction such as clapping hands, thumbs up, or a heart. The online space presented many
challenges and opportunities for students that in many ways were very similar to the traditional
on-campus and in a lot of ways significantly different.
Making Sense of Race-Based Incidents
All thirteen participants noted multiple and specific instances in their personal and
academic lives when their racial awareness was amplified in a given situation by others or
internally. Participants were able to recall early memories of racial discrimination or otherizing
within their neighborhoods or school settings ranging as young as five years old to 14 years old.
The majority of the shared memories centered around concepts such as onlyness and othering,
where they had to navigate a racialized space occupied by no or few other persons of their same
racial or ethnic group (Harper et al., 2011). Within their online degree programs, seven
participants identified first or second hand race-based incidents or racialized experiences with
their faculty and/or classmates. They not only shared the details of the experience but the
meaning-making process of how they interpreted the incident and their subsequent response.
Makings of a Person
London shared an encounter with a White classmate who questioned her ability to receive
the highest grade on a paper assignment. London detailed the incident:
A negative instance would be with, I can see that girl's face right now... one of my
Caucasian classmates. We’re in a breakout group and she was just talking about like, this
paper, how she got the best grade on this paper, blah, blah, whatever. And then we went
back to the group. The teacher actually told us the highest grade and it was my grade and
then she kind of like chatted me like, how'd you get the highest grade on the paper,
something like that. I was like, what? Like just because I'm not bragging about
everything I do doesn't mean I'm not doing my work. She was definitely a bragging type
80

of student. Like, kind of like a know it all. And she was kind of kind of questioning me
like I had done something wrong. Because I didn't. And she reminded me of undergrad a
lot.
London described how this White classmate got under her skin because she reminded her of the
girls she encountered at her undergraduate campus where she stated “anyone who was not
Caucasian was an athlete.” London shared how the White girls on the undergraduate campus
acted like know-it-alls and thought they were better because their parents paid for their tuition
compared to those, like her, on scholarship. London would go on to state that even though the
classmate was White and reminded her of the other White girls during undergrad, she didn't
necessarily attribute the classmate’s actions to race. London elaborated that she had “met people
of many races who were kind of like that throughout school” so she didn't think her classmate
acted that way simply because she was White. Robert echoed this sentiment when sharing some
of the race-based incidents he encountered over the course of his life. As the oldest of all
participants, Robert recounted his many experiences with people of “all colors and creed” and he
attributed their individual actions to the quality of the person, not the person’s race. He stated:
“People are people no matter what race they are.” He shared an important lesson from his
mother, whose father was killed by the police in 1958: “…she kind of impressed on me more
than anything else was that you have to watch all people, your people, Whites, Latino, you got to
watch people.”
Nicole’s perceived intent of a faculty member caused her to leave her first online
program at FMU altogether. She recalled the day exactly, Friday, February 2nd, when her
professor paused her lecture to address Black History Month:
And then she like stopped the middle of her lecture. She just was like oh yeah, Happy
Black History Month, a tokenism I don't agree with ... I'm just sitting there like looking,
81

like why did she say that and then I know what tokenism means but just to check I
checked the definition. Like let me make sure I’m not understanding but um, I don't
know, that just really rubbed me the wrong way and I was already like not into it because
I realized I didn't want to teach and so I just dropped out that same day.
As the only Black student in the course, Nicole thought it was “funny” that a class about racial
injustice and how to teach Black and Hispanic boys was being taught by someone who clearly
had “some type, I don't want to say racist, but you have some negative feelings towards Black
history and the tokenisms that we received.” She questioned: “So how are you teaching this class
about how to teach Black boys? Like, it just didn't make sense to me?” Nicole shared that she did
tell someone in the online teacher preparation program about the incident but nothing happened.
Upon reflection, Nicole wished she had said something to the professor in the moment:
And that's one thing I did learn from this school counseling program. It's like, you can
address things. It's just all about how you address them. And I felt like I should have
stopped her in her tracks and addressed, I should have questioned like, Well, what do you
mean about that? And let her further explain. And maybe she could have backtracked,
and maybe her she herself didn't even realize what she said and what that could have
meant.
Without opportunity to discuss the situation or clarify intent, Nicole could only take the
encounter at face value and it proved to be the final straw for a program she was no longer
interested in. She applied to the School Counseling and felt confident that the faculty in that
program, specifically the program chair she called out by name, would have handled it and a
bigger conversation would have happened.
Keith highlighted one negative incident in his online program where he was asked
directly by an Asian male student in this class his thoughts on Black History Month being taught
82

by someone who is not a person of color. Keith felt like the student only asked him that question
because he was Black and immediately felt like the incident was racist but decided to let it slide.
He responded to the question by stating “I feel like people can’t teach something ... that doesn’t,
you know, represent them.”
Keith described that he was visibly irritated, but did not report the student or the incident.
In processing what occurred, Keith shared that he did some perspective-taking. He elaborated,
Well, I tried to think of it like, from his perspective, like, oh, if I was Asian, how would I
want someone who's wasn't, you know, Asian descent teaching my history. So I guess I
could see where he was coming from. But I wouldn't ask him that question, if that makes
sense. Like, he could have went a different way, maybe ask a professor who was Black,
she could have answered that question instead of coming for me. And that I felt like I had
to answer because I was the only Black person in the group when he asked the question.
Keith admitted that even though he could understand where the student might have been coming
from, he still viewed the incident as racist. Even so, he feared being labeled a troublemaker if he
brought it up to the program. He stated that since there were only four Black people in his cohort,
the class would have known it was him. He did not want to deal with any of the subsequent
drama or others thinking that he only cared about race. Keith added that he viewed this incident
as an opportunity for growth for when he has to work with diverse populations in the future:
So I feel like, I need to get practice in doing it now. I can't just go off on a person because
[I] don't want to lose my job...So now that I'm in this graduate program, I view things
differently, like how I respond to certain things. Like undergrad [Keith], we would have
been fighting, but we're not gonna go there. This what I mean, you know, you're in a
program. So it's like, you don't want to be kicked out, then you're, like wait, you're paying
all this money, you don't want to like, you know, lose it. So it's like, there's like, more
83

important than I'm not going to my race isn't important. But there's more important
things, like my future. And why I'm in this class, in this program.
The meaning-making process of perceiving and evaluating likely racist or race-based incidents
was different for each participant. What was noticeable was a hesitancy in most, but not all
participants, to be a “victim” or “play the race card” which seemed to hold negative
connotations.
Punished for Speaking Up
Keith was not the only participant that reflected on the repercussions of speaking out on
incidents they viewed as racist or discriminatory. Alicia detailed an encounter in a course co-
taught by a pair of White professors. On her final assignment, she addressed how the class lacked
relevancy to the current climate:
...their whole class didn't do one Black thing or talk about one Black thing in their class,
and we're talking about organizational leadership. And they didn't, they didn't [adapt]
anything. And in this current climate, you really need to [adapt] your current lessons,
especially for master’s courses, which are about teaching you how to work in the
industries that you're already in, and what's going on. And I called them out in a final
assessment, and they didn't even acknowledge it.
In Alicia’s view “ignoring things is just as racist to me as directly saying something racist. So the
fact that I directly asked you a direct question, and you did not respond. It's not okay to me.”
Alicia added that not only did they not address what she wrote, they graded her so low on the
assignment that it dropped her grade from an A- to a B+. She felt that the professors, who were
also the course writers, felt offended by her questioning their course. She took her B+ and
walked away, noting if she ever saw them again, “we’ll have a conversation.” Alicia would go
on to explain how walking away and keeping your mouth shut until the end was something she
84

had learned over time starting with an incident during undergrad that almost prevented her from
graduating and required interference from school administration. However, even this plan of
keeping quiet to the end still seemed to backfire:
For me, you know, I've been institutionalized as a student for a long time, and it’s kind of
like, well, don't tarnish your grade. So when I knew that, that professor in that Zoom
class is racist ... I just really never talked in his class, again, just did his assignments and
kept my mouth shut. Because my next two grades after I talked were bad, like, not bad,
but like, they were BS when I said, I'm an A student, you know, so and I could tell like,
right after I spoke and said something you didn't like, suddenly, my grades are low. I sat
out for a couple weeks, and my grades are back to where they should be. So I shut up for
that first class. And the second one was my final assignment. And I could already tell
they were giving me first class vibes so I didn't say anything until my final assignment on
purpose. But like I said, they gave me the lowest possible grades, gave me a B plus,
instead of an A minus I deserve because I pissed them off. So they hold my grades in
their hands. And they play with that, when they don't like what I have to say.
Alicia addressed the challenges with the online format in being able to confront faculty: “The
problem with online learning is that I can't address them in person, they can't look me in the eye,
they only have email … they can ignore my emails. They don’t have to answer me.” She, along
with other Black women in graduate programs at FMU, discussed methods for speaking out and
noted one friend who waits until the course evaluation to speak up but includes her name and
contact information so she can be contacted for further discussion. Alicia continued to assess the
right moments to speak up or walk away.
Problematic comments coming from “unaware” people is not a new experience for
Christian. In his online program, he discussed at great length the challenges that arose from
85

grouping all underrepresented people together. He shared specific examples about the Asian
community and how the struggle in America looked very different for Latinos, Blacks, and
Native Americans and that the program could do a better job of highlighting those differences.
As a biracial male, Christian has had his own first-hand experiences with the specific nuances
and sometimes polarizing experiences being Latino and Black. At eight years old, the contrasts
he saw in himself and his family included different last names and family resemblance. He
wanted everyone to know he and his cousins were all related but his last name was Black and
theirs was Mexican and he just looked… a little different. He would go on to add that confusion
about his identity went both ways because in middle school, a lot of his friends didn’t know he
was Black and tried to get him to join in on the Mexican-Black race wars at school. He shared:
“And they asked me, Hey, are you ready to go and join us? Because we're going to go fight with
them. And I was like, No, I can't do that. Like, you’re asking me to fight with myself. So I never
got involved in those. But that's when I really realized, you know, I was different, too.”
His experiences led him to be more aware and vocal about race. At his current placement site
where he is completing fieldwork, he recalled an incident where he was pulled aside by the Vice
Principal of the school following a courageous conversation event in which the N-word was
being debated:
And, you know, there were some things said in that setting, where, you know, a woman
came out and talked about, well, basically, that the N-word isn't really that negative in
other cultures. I'm like, well, you're seeing it from your perspective, you're White. And,
you know, she also highlighted the fact that she's married to a Black man, and that she
went to, you know, his country I think Nigeria and that, you know, someone, they asked
to touch her hair, and she was like, well, you know, I felt like I knew how Black people
felt … I'm like, No, you can't say that you don't know how they felt. You don't know how
86

that feels, like, no one in your family has, you know, the last word before they passed
away was the N-word. Like, you haven't heard that. Can't say that to us. I didn't like that.
The Vice Principal told Christian the space was “...a time for you to really listen and observe.”
Christian shared that this incident really bothered him but like Keith, he attempted a bit of
perspective taking. He offered that maybe the VP was still growing and working on increasing
his cultural awareness or trying to be more aware of his implicit biases. Christian also suggested
that maybe the VP wasn’t fully aware of what he said. Regardless of where the VP was in his
journey, Christian was resolute that he would continue to speak his mind.
Incidents Attributed Internally vs. Externally
Witnessing the dismissive treatment of other Black students can be equally
uncomfortable and unsettling. In the Criminal Justice program, Zoe described being one of very
few students without a law enforcement background, which made conversations about the
murder of George Floyd extremely challenging. She described such a conversation where the
professor gave elaborate responses to students in the class who carried “very strong opinions”
about the topic, yet made faces and responded with “yeah” to a Black student sharing out. Zoe
said the incident made her cringe because the professor made it seem like her Black classmate
was “talking about Narnia or something.” Zoe said she was very cautious in this class but still
hesitant to label the incident as racist or race-based.
She detailed how she would watch and monitor how her classmates responded or
interacted with other people in the class before jumping to conclusions. Interestingly, Zoe shared
that being the darkest person in the room made her feel insecure about possibly being ignored
and in other incidents, possibly overpraised. For her, the safest route to avoid spiraling was to
just not talk in class anymore. She shared this was something she learned in elementary school
about being bullied about her skin and the way she talked: “So that's how I learned it. And now
87

it's just, it's second nature, just, you know, just take it in, you know, deal with it later, say
nothing...don't make waves.”
She would go on to share, however, that not addressing the issue often led to internalization:
I mean, I ignore it, but then I internalize it. So that I start kind of, either I'm going to be
hard on myself, because I feel like I'm playing a victim mindset, or I'm going to feel like
...I just want to, like hide and just kind of maybe turn off my camera...I start internalizing
it. Sometimes it tends to be more of a negative response, though, I just, somehow it feels
like it's something against me like, I take it personally, but I don't ever address. I never
address it to the person or anything like that.
For Zoe, internalization in these academic settings carried over into a variety of aspects that had
very real consequences on her mental health. Zoe admitted that most people do not even think
she is Black over the phone and she feels like she hides behind that fact to make her feel safer.
She added that she doesn't try to experience what it means to be Black and she puts that part of
her identity on the backburner. However, she reflected on the connection she saw between her
anxiety and racial identity:
It affected my health for a long time to the point where I was prescribed medication. And
so I've been told by a therapist that they believe that it's because I carry so much stress
and anxiety and I feel that I constantly have to go like I'm going to war when I walk out
the store, because I constantly have to put on this mask and all this armor.
She spoke of her exhaustion of having to put on that mask and the importance of allowing herself
to start exploring her racial identity more.
While Mike could not think of a single negative experience in his program, other than a
classmate who took it upon herself to be the sleep police, he did experience a significant racist
encounter as an undergraduate on FMU’s campus worth noting. However, unlike Zoe, Mike
88

refused to attribute or internalize the ignorance of those involved to himself. Mike shared that as
a tall Black male on FMU’s campus, he was routinely mistaken as a student athlete. Mike
recalled a time when he was given $50 from an older White man on-campus as a token of his
appreciation for all Mike did for the team. “Wow, I’ve never stepped a foot on the field.” Mike
shared that he simply steps out into the world, as Mike. He goes through life not thinking about
what it means to be Black until he is reminded that the way he views himself is not always
congruent with how others view him in a very race-conscious society. Mike added that not
thinking about race is somewhat intentional:
You know, I don't really think about it. And I think it's intentional. And I'm also very
naive, well, not very naive, but I would like to think there's a lot of good people still in
the world. So I sometimes carry myself like I'm anybody else. To me, that's how people
should be right? And then something will happen. And I'm like, damn, really? You
know? Then my friend will be like, what do you think was gonna happen? You know, so
sometimes, I just like to think that they're people like me. People like me in the world.
And yeah, sometimes I'm reminded that there aren't.
Despite pervasive stereotypes about African Americans males existing on college campuses only
as athletes, this wasn’t a view he internalized. Mike actually felt bad for those who don't think
Black people can excel in school like them: “You know, I really feel sorry for them sometimes,
like, wow, they only think that we can attain the same level of education through sports, you
know, and it's like sad.”
Like Zoe and Mike, a handful of participants wrestled with labeling incidents as blatantly
racist. However, these two participants provided such a powerful contrast in the meaning-making
process of ascribing responsibility in a given race-based incident.

89

Cultivating Care and Support
Participants shared a variety of both positive and negative experiences in their online
programs with faculty and students that either supported or hindered their participation and
learning. Participants pointed to the genuineness and personal investment of their faculty that
made the most significant impact on their academic experiences. Words such as warm, gentle,
supportive, uplifting, understanding, and respectful were used to describe faculty who held
students to high expectations, who provided personal attention and accommodation, who
provided professional modeling and mentorship, and who fostered an environment of belonging
and inclusivity.
Expectations for Greatness
As a whole participants shared positive experiences with faculty of all races, however,
three participants spoke about the impact Black and Brown faculty had on them as they went the
extra mile and set expectations for greatness. For Keith, the difference between his Black and
“other race” faculty provided a stark contrast. Not only did he feel like he could relate more to
the Black faculty, he felt that his Black faculty were the only ones that truly cared and were not
“just there for a check.” He elaborated that his Black faculty pushed him to do better and at times
made sure he was actually paying attention in class. These interactions were impactful for Keith
especially as he detailed the backdrop of an institution he described as negligent in their care for
and support of Black students:
…they're like, a White Christian university, or private university? They don't understand
what us Black students go through, they might try, you know, like, I have, I get
notifications from, to join BSU Zooms. So I guess they're trying but they don't. As far as
like the president and the top staff, they don't, they don't understand because they don't go
through it.
90

He would go on to say that even at the programmatic level, care for Black students varied
individual to individual. London’s relationship with a Black female professor was truly
transformational in her academic journey. She described the professor as someone who was
genuinely a “good person” and who helped her by calling her out in a good way:
And she's like, you're really, you're really a good counselor, but you need to do more, you
need to step up. And, you know, you’re kind of just cruising, you need to participate
more. So she kind of made me like, level up, I was like, I can do more. Like she believed
in me. And I knew that I was a person that kind of just coasted in the background. So I
was like, Wow, she sees me and she knows that I can do better.
London shared that a Black professor spoke to her in ways that she could relate to and was not
afraid to tell her to step up. London wished someone had told her these things years ago but
shared that most teachers are afraid to say the wrong thing to Black kids. She would go on to say
that this professor made her feel so comfortable to break out of her shell in just two weeks
compared to two years during her undergrad.
Christian echoed the power of having strong women believe in their students. He shared
how influential it was to have his Latina professor not only expect greatness, but see greatness in
him. He shared, “I can see that she sees greatness in me, and it’s helped me, you know,
overcome the challenges through grad school, helped me believe in myself.” Having suffered a
traumatic brain injury during service with the United States Navy, he shared that professors
sometimes just are not aware of the challenges their students face. This made his professor’s
prophecy of greatness even more impactful as he started to see convergence in other areas as
well, like at his placement site. Christian shared that his placement site is “just loving me” and
continued to speak positively about his future in the field, even asserted that they know he will
be wanted for a full-time position once he completed his program. For each of these participants,
91

having faculty of color encourage, push, and speak confidently about what they can accomplish
was truly transformational.
Personal Attention and Accommodation
Across programs, participants praised faculty that went the extra mile to check in on them
personally and provided reasonable accommodations when life seemed to get in the way. Having
access to faculty though email and being able to talk to them after class contributed to a positive
learning experience for Nicole. However, as one of few Black students in her class, she recalled
a Black professor checking in with her personally to make sure she was okay during the protests.
She shared that the professor went out of her way to check in and make sure she was able to still
focus on school. London shared a similar incident where a Black professor reached out to make
sure she was okay following a tearful breakdown in class:
So I was telling a story about my grandma, and like, how she passed and trying to talk
about it. And then I just started like crying. So I just turned my video off. And while she
was teaching, still, my chat like lit up and she's like, are you okay? … And I was just
thinking, wow, like, you know, another teacher probably would say, oh, just take some
time to come back. But she definitely checked up on me. And then even like, the next
day, she checked up on me. And I was like, oh, okay, she cares.
Other participants shared experiences where faculty went out of their way to accommodate them
academically that was supportive of other areas of their lives as well. Desiree recounted a time
where she was feeling exceedingly burned out from working a lot and going to school. She
recalled reaching out to the professor to ask for a two-day extension. To her surprise, the
professor extended the assignment to the end of the week which she said allowed her to actually
“breathe.” Regina echoed the challenges of work-school-life balance. She shared an experience
with a faculty member who reached out to her to notify her that she had forgotten to submit parts
92

of an assignment. He encouraged her to get it in for partial credit but she was concerned about
meeting the same day deadline as she explained all assignments were typically due Wednesday
by midnight. When she asked if she could have until the next morning, her professor responded,
“Oh, turn it in by Saturday, you're working, you're doing things.” Like in Desiree’s experience,
this gesture not only was academically accommodating but it validated their experiences as
students juggling a myriad of other responsibilities.
Lastly, Zoe shared an encounter where she was willing to give up on an assignment and
texted her professor just to give him a heads up:
He's like, just do it. And he's just like, you'll get the grade that you get, but he's like, I
think you'll really benefit from not only doing the readings, but putting the readings, you
know, to work. And I just, I love that he cared enough to not only respond to me on a
Sunday, but to kind of not just give me like a blanket statement. It was very much
personal. And it wasn't just like, just turn it in. It was, he really wanted me, it felt like he
was looking out for my quality of education, which I really appreciated.
For each of these participants, it wasn’t just their faculty’s actions that were impactful, it was that
they exceeded their expectations, and for some, challenged what they were used to as it relates to
personal attention, care, and accommodation from faculty.
Real-World Application
Four participants remarked that a problem they had with their programs was a lack of
real-world application. Shaun expressed gratitude for his favorite professor, whose name came
up in many interviews within the School Counseling program, for doing a great job in preparing
students for the field. He shared,
93

She was a really great teacher. She would always tell us like the reality of what we're
gonna see in the field. And she was like really trying to prepare us. Some of them were
giving us theory, but she was actually trying to make things real world based.
Like Shaun, Desiree and Christian not only felt prepared for the field but were grateful for the
way their faculty modeled how to address certain issues that can arise in the field or in life.
Desiree recounted a time when a White student in her class was being close-minded about
“White privilege.” Desiree shared that the student didn’t understand the concept, but also didn't
think she wanted to understand. Desiree’s professor addressed the student in front of the class
and it was certainly impactful:
...the way they handled it with such grace was just so like, wow, never seen that happen
before. And it was very professional, very graceful. And I was just like, okay, that is how
we call somebody out when they don't understand. And it's not necessarily calling them
out. It's just educating. And it was just, it was just so effervescent. That's the word I could
think of.
Desiree had shared older, explicitly racist encounters with White people and she excitedly
detailed exactly how she would address them if she could go back in time. She also shared a
more recent encounter, where after reading the room to ensure her safety, she decided to address
a White man and opened with, “Do we have a problem, sir?” She beamed with what seemed to
be a newfound confidence.
Christian, leaned onto his faculty mentor for support on how to address a pervasive issue
and resistance to disaggregating data at his placement site. He shared that this was a common
issue they discussed in their program and while he did not want to step on toes, he was ready to
“blast this guy.” Before doing so, he reached out to his mentor who helped him think through a
collaborative approach that he described as extremely helpful:
94

...I liked how she guided me in that way without, you know, trying to show off. It really
helped me look at it from a different perspective. And maybe, you know, this school
counselor is just dealing with burnout, you know, who knows, without allowing my
biases to you know, influence how we communicate with them.
Christian shared that stumbling onto the term “emotional intelligence” was one of the pivotal
moments in his decision to pursue a master’s degree in school counseling. He believed that
students who are emotionally intelligent would be able to “increase their possibility in
performing highly academically, and also be able to socially interact with others in a healthy
manner.” Through the guidance and mentorship of his faculty, he demonstrated his own ability to
apply coveted tenets of emotional intelligence to his own student and professional experience.
Belonging and Inclusivity
All participants expressed feeling like they belonged, included, and safe in their
classroom spaces were important. London shared how having her name pronounced properly
was a small but meaningful act. She shared that throughout her undergraduate career, teachers
would always say her name wrong, a name she does not think is even that complicated. London
stated that her Black online faculty looked like her, related to her, and knew how to say her
name, which made her want to participate more. Nicole shared that she saw herself in her
faculty. She called them “down to earth” and that she “could see them [her] community” which
helped break down any barriers and intimidation to speak to them openly. Mike echoed that
sentiment, almost surprised at how “cool” his professors were online until he had a chance to
meet some of them in person following campus events:
I did, I thought they would be tougher than what they are. They were, they were so down
to earth. And I was, it threw me off a little bit like you can't really be like this. And then
95

when I met like a couple of them in person, and had a few adult beverages. I’m like, they
really like this. They really just cool and really yeah good.
Nicole, Mike, Regina, and Frank all shared that there were some unspoken assumptions of Black
faculty, such as being tougher on Black students, “snooty” and “on their Ps & Qs.” Nonetheless,
for these participants, approachability and relatability were instrumental to relationship building
with their faculty.
Alicia, on the other hand, believed FMU is all about “facework” right now with no
action, so the race of her faculty did not always mean she was going to be supported in the ways
she wanted to be as a Black student. She recounted her relationship with a Black professor who
she described as “trying to be Blackity Black” in emails but missed the mark in other critical
areas:
He really cared about you as a student, which was great. But he was also to the book. He
didn't care that everything was White. He was like, well, we just got to do what they gave
us.
In contrast, she shared her experience with a White professor who “started off the class by saying
she knows this isn't diverse coursework. She was always like, ready to listen.” Alicia elaborated
that the professor pulled materials and invited a guest speaker on her own that better related to
diverse experiences. This was impactful because Alicia didn't believe that FMU had done a good
job of adapting the coursework to what's going on in the real world. In Alicia’s case, having
faculty who made her feel heard was more than important than the race of the faculty alone.
Robert and Zoe echoed the sentiment about being heard and respected in their classroom
spaces. Respect out the gate had not always been Robert’s experience in law enforcement.
Robert recalled a time when he was almost passed up for a promotion despite killing it in his
interview. The captain wanted to go with a White woman and when the captain consulted his
96

wife about who he should hire, she asked “Who is best?” Robert got the job, but it would take six
months to ease the captain’s doubts. So even with over 30 years of experience in law
enforcement, Robert never expected to be treated any differently when he started his Criminal
Justice program. However, his classmates would soon tease him about being the teacher’s pet:
He said, Oh, you know, whatever [Robert] says, is, you know, accepted. He said, we
could be talking about something and he said, then they turn to you, Captain [Robert],
what do you, what do you think about this? You know, for me, they have been extremely
respectful of my time, my experience, all of that, which I didn't expect. I did not expect
that. I didn't come in looking for that, you know, to me, I'm in the class just like anyone
else. ... I really didn't expect that with the instructors.
Zoe shared how finding a faculty member who respected her thoughts and opinions was
also rewarding. She shared that in a classroom full of police officers, she felt uncomfortable at
times sharing her “civilian perspective.” However, she recounted one professor who referred to
everyone in the class as his “future colleagues.” In a way, this put Zoe on an even playing field
with her classmates and the faculty. She added: “he really made us feel like equals.” The
individual faculty that demonstrated a commitment to the care and respect of these participants
created a real impact and provided specific memories that could be called upon regardless of
beliefs about institutional support for Black students.
Conclusion
The racialized experiences of these Black students, compounded by varying degrees of
identification and expression of Black identity, were wide-ranging and robust. No two
participants experienced their programs, faculty, nor classmates the same, therefore, the
inclusion of their unique narratives highlighted just how vast the educational experiences can be
for Black, online graduate students. While the majority of participants felt like the online
97

learning environment was no different than the traditional in-person classroom, the online
platform itself created subtle differences in the way race and racialized incidents were perceived
and interpreted. Nonetheless, feelings of invisibility and hypervisibility, and desires for
belongingness and inclusion were not unique to their online learning experiences. The most
impactful experiences they shared resulted from a learning environment that cultivated a climate
of care and support. The inclusion and representation of Black and Brown faculty and classmates
greatly benefited their educational experiences when they were used to White-dominated spaces.
However, participants pointed to both positive and negative experiences with people of all races
in their online programs. What mattered most were relationships with faculty and peers that
made them feel seen, heard, validated, and safe. In the next chapter, the themes outlined in this
chapter are further analyzed and discussed to provide implications for practice and future
research.

98

Chapter 5: Discussion and Recommendations
In Fall 2017, Black learners accounted for 11% of the total graduate student population
pursuing masters or doctoral degrees (Ginder et al., 2018) and data for Black students enrolled
exclusively in online education ranged from 33-45% (U.S. Department of Education, 2014; U.S.
Department of Education, 2018b). Prior to the pandemic, online learning was already on its way
to becoming a $336 billion global industry by year 2026 (Syngene Research, 2019). Coupled
with growing consumer demand due to COVID-19, perceptions and preferences for online
education will continue to shift, specifically for Black Americans who hold more favorably
views of online-only options compared to other racial groups (Strada, 2020). Despite growing
confidence in the quality of online education, there are still concerns about the quality of the
educational experience for Black students in these online settings. Published research has shown
that Black students experience more hostile, unsafe, and unwelcoming campus experiences than
their peers (Campbell et al., 2019; Johnson et al., 2014; Mwangi et al., 2018) and students are not
immune to effects of negative racial climates even in online spaces (Tynes et al., 2013).
Ladson-Billings (2006) implored that we take into consideration the accumulation of
historical, sociopolitical, economic and moral debts that shape the experiences of students of
color and continue to impact academic outcomes today. Plantation politics, the shared
organizational and cultural norms that govern slave plantations and the contemporary college
campus, expands the notion that despite being admitted to college campuses, Black students are
still devalued and dehumanized in ways that parallel their treatment while enslaved (Squire et al.,
2018). College campuses have historically been White-dominated, White-identified, and White-
centered, with structural forms of anti-Black racism that impact the experiences and academic
outcomes for Black learners (Dancy, 2018; Harper, 2013; Johnson, 2006). Exploration of the
99

ways in which systems of anti-Black racism are ingrained or perpetuated in the online learning
environment was fundamental to this study.
The purpose of this study was to explore the racialized experiences of Black students
enrolled in online master’s degree programs at a Predominately White Institution (PWI). Using
the conceptual lens of Critical Race Theory (CRT), this study sought to examine ways in which
historical and socio-cultural legacies of anti-Black racism influence the experiences of present-
day Black students in online learning environments. This study also sought to disrupt damage-
centered research about the experiences of Black learners by sharing counternarratives that
highlight resilience and strategies for thriving. The primary research questions guiding this study
were as follows:
1. In what ways do race and racism manifest in synchronous online learning environments,
if at all?
2. How does racial identity influence the way students experience and respond to racism in
online learning settings?
Thirteen interview participants offered varying and complex accounts of their experiences in
online learning settings. Diligent analysis of their responses resulted in three emergent themes
outlined in Chapter Four: 1) racial visibility, hypervisibility, and invisibility in online spaces, 2)
meaning-making of race-based incidents, and 3) cultivating care and support. This chapter will
first compare the findings in this study to existing literature on topics related to campus climate
and Black learners in online programs. Secondly, it will expand upon the emergent themes and
findings to address the guiding research questions., Lastly, this chapter will provide
recommendations for practice and future research given the limitations of this study.

100

Connections and Contributions to Existing Literature
The findings and themes uncovered from the interviews conducted in this study both
affirmed and contributed to current research and literature on the experiences of Black students
at predominantly White institutions.
Campus Racial Climate
Findings from this study support existing literature about the perceptions and impact of
campus racial climate for Black learners, specifically at PWIs. Published research highlights that
Black students experience more hostile college campuses than their peers and that graduate
students are often underrepresented in discussions about the perceptions and effects of racially
hostile campus climates (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Hubain et al., 2016). This study affirmed that
Black graduate students were highly aware of the historical legacies of PWIs and experienced the
effects of a hegemonic campus culture even in the online setting. Participants spoke about the
racial representation of senior leadership and how commitments to diversity and equity espoused
in university messages rang hollow and even forced. Participants recounted feeling unsupported
largely due to the institution failing to understand or caring to understand the experiences and
needs of Black students. These findings support existing literature that studied the way Black
learners interact with their college campuses in racialized ways even in spaces where racial
identifiers are minimized.
These study findings also contribute to existing literature because the assessment of
campus climates in online spaces (Dyer-Barr, 2010; Tynes et al., 2013), particularly at the
graduate level, is scarce. While some participants had very little interactions outside their
programs, six participants described online environments that possibly shielded them from the
campus racial climate of the university as a whole. Study participants reported that their program
office, faculty, and cohort enveloped them with a nurturing learning environment, one that
validated them as Black women and men, as working or aspiring professionals in the field, as
101

human beings. Five other participants described online campus climates that felt like virtual
extensions of FMU’s White-dominated and White-centered campus culture. One participant
defined that culture as “separate but equal” and “very segregated.” All in all, even in their online
settings, these findings support Gusa’s (2010) claim that “today’s PWIs do not have to be
explicitly racist to create a hostile environment” (p. 465). Few participants pointed to overtly
racist incidents in their online programs, but there was no shortage of racialized experiences that
highlighted “White institutional presence” which perpetuated White normality and conformity
(Dumas & Ross, 2016; Gusa, 2010; Hiraldo, 2010; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
Racial Fatigue
Research highlighted that the impacts of hostile campus racial climates also contribute to
race-based stress that can cause academic and psychological effects on Black students
(Campbell, et al., 2019; Harper, 2013; Hubain et al., 2016; Johnson et al., 2014). Racial fatigue
was evident in many participants not only due to the racialization, racism, and microaggressions
they encountered in the classroom, but due to an encompassing racial fatigue of being Black in
America. Mwangi et al. (2018) declared that higher education is a microcosm of the social,
political, and racial climate of the larger American society. The everydayness of racial tensions
evident in the national climate pulsate onto college campuses and classrooms through new forms
of marginalization, isolation, and discrimination (Hubain et al., 2016, Mwangi et al., 2018). The
findings in this study affirm these claims as participants pointed to the myriad of race-based
incidents taking place on the national stage such as the murders of George Floyd and Breonna
Taylor, Trump in office (both the man and the era), and the US Capitol attack. Additionally,
research also concluded that Black students also experience trauma by witnessing or hearing the
recounting of racist treatment of other Black students (Campbell et al., 2019; Hubain et al.,
2016). Three participants shared second-hand accounts of racial mistreatment of peers in similar
102

programs that were unsettling. Research stated that racial stress can create feelings of isolation,
marginalization, stigmatization can lead to attrition, lower GPAs, and disengagement. There are
direct correlations with this research as the ensuing effects of race-based stress on mental and
emotional reserves often resulted in academic and social disengagement. Participants shared
turning off their cameras, debating whether they wanted to turn in assignments, staying quiet in
group breakouts, and not contributing to whole class discussions. However, these findings
contribute to existing literature because disengagement was also a self-regulation and self-
preservation strategy. Participants made active and weighted choices to hold back in order to
reserve, preserve, and just survive their programs.
Racial Neutrality in Online Spaces
Published research has found that online spaces helped create more culturally neutral
environments by offering racial anonymity and thus allowing students to distance themselves
from racial stereotypes and prejudicial treatment (Collins, 2014; Hall, 2010; Salvo, 2019). The
findings in this study both support, deviate, and contribute to this growing literature. Most
research focuses on the neutralizing effects of asynchronous classroom environments where
there is little to no live interaction with students and peers. However, even with cameras and
microphones off, participants in this study still pointed to the variety of racial identifiers or
assumptions used to racialize others. No participant in this study felt like the online setting
neutralized race completely. Perceived racial make-up of the faculty and peers still contributed to
feelings of invisibility and hypervisibility (Harper, 2013; Mwangi et al., 2018). Additionally,
incidents were racialized internally when tone or intent were ambiguous. These findings
contribute to current research because it is believed that Black students have greater confidence
in online education largely due to negative in-person classroom environments in the past (Gray et
al., 2018; Inside Higher Ed., 2020). Yet, Gray et al. (2018) also noted that Black students who
103

had previous experiences of alienation had a heightened awareness of possible threats to their
sense of belonging in the class environment. The findings in this study support but extend the
notion that the accumulation of racialized and racist encounters of the entire period of their
academic journeys and personal lives still can create a heightened awareness to threats of
belonging even in the online space.
Negative Educational Experiences at PWIs
Research shows that contemporary cohorts of Black students continue to experience
negative racial tensions at PWIs (Harper, 2013). For some participants, they described negative
educational experiences and even voiced regrets for not having attended a HBCU where they
believed they would have had a more supportive environment. While the findings in this study
support claims about hostile campus environments and negative racialized experiences at PWIs,
this was not the experience of all participants in this study. Not all participants resonated with the
idea that their existence at a PWI was linked to suffering. Robert, for example, apologized for
not having any negative encounters to share and Shaun would likely disagree with the
proposition that the Black student is disadvantaged at all. The findings in this study counter
research skewed towards a monolithic view of the Black educational experience. For Black
participants in this study, their experiences were vast and wide-ranging. Even participants who
shared negative experiences found in faculty and their peers’ interactions that resulted in joy and
belonging.
Findings in this study did support and contribute to research as it relates to the hegemonic
White cultural ideology that governs most PWIs. Participants who shared the most positive
experiences detailed environments that were not White-dominated. Programs such as School
Counseling offered the most diversity in its faculty, cohorts, and curriculum and where the five
of the six participants detailed the most positive programmatic experiences. This helps support
104

literature focusing on the importance of representative, affirming, and supportive learning
environments for Black learners as programs such as School Counseling helped mediate the
effects of a broader hostile campus climate.
Research Questions
Rich data collected during one-on-one interviews with each of the 13 participants helped
address two guiding research questions pertaining to the ways in which race and racism manifest
in online settings and the ways in which Black students perceive and respond to racist
encounters. This section will also frame the findings to these research questions through the
conceptual frameworks: Critical Race Theory and the Multidimensional Model of Racial
Identity.
Question 1: In what ways do race and racism manifest in synchronous online learning
environments, if at all?
Race, a social categorization and classification of individuals based on external traits
such as skin color (Torres et al., 2003), is such a prevalent concept in American society that it
can manifest itself anytime two or more individuals share a given space. Within the context of
the online learning space, participants felt that the concept of race was no different than in
traditional in-person spaces, except that it was harder to identify and assign individuals to a
specific racial category. Participants shared the racial markers that they or others have used to
identify and assign racial categorization such as names, skin tone, hair, nose shape, physical
build and stature, and speech. Confined to small video squares on the Zoom platform, the clues
they used to racially identify others were limited but not radically different. While race was more
ambiguous online, the concept of race and the racialization of themselves, their classmates, and
faculty were still prevalent. When asked to recount the racial make-up of their faculty and peers,
all participants were able to do so using their own racial identifiers. However, a few participants
105

also provided caveats that their assessments could be wrong since they were only able to go off
what they perceived. Nonetheless, race as a construct was present in the way all participants
made sense of who shared their online learning spaces. The impact of race or being racialized,
however, was not universal.
The meaning and value ascribed to race varied greatly amongst participants. Two
participants (Mike and Robert) ascribed little meaning to race while in their online programs.
Race existed but carried no added value or burden to their experiences as Black males nor to
their interactions with their faculty and peers. On the other end of the spectrum, two participants
(Zoe and Frank) detailed the way race impacted the way they showed up to every class session.
According to the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI), racial salience refers to
the relevancy of race to an individual’s self-construct at a particular moment or situation in time
(Sellers et al., 1998). Racial salience for these participants were heightened due to being one of
few Black people in their learning spaces. The added belief that Black people are viewed
negatively by others, negative public regard, enhanced the feelings of hypervisibility in the
online space. This led these participants to engage in pre-class rituals to minimize any negative
feelings, stereotypes, or perceptions their faculty or classmates might have about them. To them,
race not only existed but carried significant meaning to the way they believed they were
perceived by others and thus impacting their experiences as Black students. The other nine
participants fell somewhere along this spectrum sharing both the affirming effects of being in a
space with other Black and Brown faces or sharing the ways in which race and racialization
created a feeling of being othered.
Race not only manifested in the identification of self and others but also in relation to the
curriculum and discussions about race throughout their programs. School Counseling, Human
Resources, Criminal Justice, and Public Health programs were all centered around the training of
106

professionals to work in settings in which race can have a direct impact on outcomes. Therefore,
discussions about equitable policies and practices that impact academic success, hiring and
retention, over-policing and criminalization, and health promotion are integral to the preparation
of students entering these fields to be change agents. The levels and depth in which race was
discussed certainly varied by program and according to some participants, varied by individual
faculty. Participants also shared that topics of race not only came up in the curriculum but also
due to conversations about race, racism, and racial justice taking place at the national level.
Racism, a system that creates socially constructed hierarchies of human value (Kendi,
2019), manifested itself in ways congruent to the major tenets of Critical Race Theory (CRT).
CRT argues that race is so deeply rooted in American society that its ordinariness makes racism
difficult to address and transform (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
The majority of the negative racialized experiences or racist encounters overlapped three of
CRT’s major tenets: interest convergence, permanence of racism, and Whiteness as property.
Interest Convergence
Five participants spoke positively about their academic program’s stance and support for
Black students and issues relating to race and racism. It is possible that for students, their
program offices, faculty and peers served as the nucleus of their virtual campus experience and
campus culture. Six other participants, however, spoke explicitly about the influence of their
local programs being situated within a private, White institution. They talked about how the
university, like any other large corporation, put together well-scripted messages that espouse
diversity, equity, and inclusion. They believed these messages contained the right buzzwords and
phrases but lacked meaningful action and accountability. One participant characterized the
university’s lack of understanding and responsiveness to the needs of Black students as
“negligence.” Another participant added how universities never seem to be able to hire full-time
107

Black faculty either. Interest convergence results in “access on a procedural level” where
students are recruited and admitted to PWIs but not on a “substantive level,” where students feel
supported, valued, or affirmed (Hubain et al., 2016, p.953). The university benefits most from
this level of access through tuition dollars, cohort diversity statistics that can boost national
rankings, and even marketing materials to recruit additional Black bodies. Ultimately, the Black
students themselves are left to bear any costs.
Permanence of Racism & Whiteness as Property
Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) maintained that race in America is used to perpetuate
and maintain the self-interests of its dominant group, Anglo-Americans. They added “thinking of
race strictly as an ideological construct denies the reality of a racialized society and its impact on
‘raced’ people in their everyday lives” (p.48). Participants shared various stories, whether or not
they classified them as such, of being “raced” as a means to exclude anyone antithetical to
Whiteness. Whiteness as property not only maintains the self-interest of Whiteness in American
society but extends the right to shape and demand conformity to White norms on college
campuses (Dumas & Ross, 2016; Hiraldo, 2010; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
At least five participants shared stories where they either experienced or witnessed the
policing of their (Black) presence and participation in the online classes. Examples ranged from
the visible dismissal of the thoughts, feelings and perspectives of a Black student discussing the
murder of George Floyd by a faculty member who had a background in law enforcement, other
students policing the ways in which a participant was allowed to take part in group discussions
(“Can we use the raise hand feature so loud people aren’t always talking?”), or a student in
disbelief that one participant was capable of achieving the highest grade on an assignment
(“How’s you get the highest grade on the paper?”). Two other participants shared examples of
White students making “ignorant” comments in classes that took up class time and energy to
108

respond, problematize, and redirect, all at the expense of other students. Additionally, one
participant who described her program’s curriculum and readings as “White and Eurocentric”
detailed the consequences of speaking up to her faculty about the need for more inclusive
materials and guest speakers. Whiteness, the right of possession, enjoyment, and exclusion, even
in the online learning space, becomes a form of protected property. Taken together, BlackCrit
helped further critique these examples through a frame that takes into account the exploitation
and subjugation of Black people in our society and therefore helped paint a picture of the ways in
which the online learning environment also perpetuates antiblackness.
Question 2: How does racial identity influence the way students experience and respond to
racism in online learning settings?
Racial identity in many ways influenced the ways participants perceived, interpreted and
explained race-based encounters. Responses to racism, however, were more nuanced and
difficult to correlate to racial identity. The layered experiences and identities meant every
participant would perceive racism differently and respond accordingly. The Multidimensional
Model of Racial Identity (MMRI) was used to address and contextualize participants’ sense-
making and responses to racism in their online settings.
According to the MMRI, racial centrality refers to the normative perceptions of how an
individual defines oneself in regards to race across time and situations (Sellers et al., 1998). This
perception is relatively stable and is indicative of an individual’s hierarchical rankings of other
core identities such as gender, religion, sexual orientation, and nationality. Eight out of the
thirteen participants described race as a central identity and superordinate to their self-construct.
The stability of race as a central component to their self-construct meant this core identity was
not simply reactive to the way they are perceived by or interact with others, but by the way they
perceive themselves. For the remaining five participants in this study, Black racial identity was a
109

non-essential or subordinate component of their self-construct. The lens in which they view
themselves and the world is not dominated by a Black racial lens or racial lens at all. While fully
aware of their racial classification within society, being Black is not a core identity they
subscribe to themselves. This study found that participants with central racial identities were
more likely to perceive encounters in racialized ways compared to the five participants who did
not rank race as the most important to their core identity. This finding comes with two significant
outliers worth noting: London and Zoe.
Race was a central identity for London. She shared two negative encounters in her online
program, one with a White peer who questioned her ability to receive the highest grade on an
assignment and another with a Latina professor who was unresponsive to requests for a letter of
recommendation she had willingly provided to other Latinx students in her class. In both
incidents, London did not perceive these encounters in racialized ways and did not interpret them
as a slight against her for being Black. When asked how she processed and dealt with these
challenges, she shared a lesson she learned as a basketball athlete: when something does not
work, “you just got to bounce back” and “go another route.” London was less concerned about
the intent behind the actions and instead focused and responded in ways that moved her closer to
her goals: continuing to perform academically well and to land a job post-graduation. Our
interview time was insufficient to appropriately classify London according to Cross’ conversion
model as she displayed attributes across different stages.
Race was not a central identity for Zoe. Even so, she shared a variety of negative
experiences in her online program with faculty and classmates that for her likely had racial
undertones. Even with this acknowledgement, she was hesitant to interpret or explain these
incidents as racist because she did not want to “play victim” or “use the race card.” Despite race
not being a core identity for Zoe, the myriad of racist and racialized encounters she experienced
110

from such an early age continued to have lasting impacts on the way she perceived herself in
relation to others around her. It is important to note the “wakening” she described in relation to
her racial identity and the decisions she was making to support her overall mental health and
well-being. In many ways, Cross’ Black Conversion Model was too simplistic and narrow to
delineate participants’ racial identities especially given the complexities, intersections, and
histories of what it means to be Black in America. These complexities mirrored the concept of
double consciousness which Du Bois explained was “this sense of always looking at one's self
through the eyes of others” (Du Bois, 2008). Most participants struggled to articulate their
Blackness independently from the perceptions of their Blackness by others. Nonetheless, most
participants expressed pride, love, and appreciation for their Black identity. Keith captured the
essence of this pride: “I love it and I wouldn’t trade it for anything in the world.” The
acknowledgement of the way others view Black people, public regard, did not constitute a
negative internalization of the way they viewed themselves, private regard.
The findings from this study certainly found a relationship between central Black racial
identity and the perceptions race-based encounters; however, there was less of a connection
between a central racial identity and response. Unlike centrality, racial salience refers to the
relevancy of race to an individual’s self-construct at a particular moment or situation in time
(Sellers et al., 1998). The participants who did encounter negative race-based or racist incidents
often pointed to aspects of the interaction that made race temporarily more salient. Responses
varied from disengagement, verbally standing their ground, or reaching out for assistance on how
to address the incident. Decisions to disengage were often self-regulatory tools to protect their
energy and themselves. This finding is important in broadening the conversation and analysis
about Black student engagement at PWIs. Using the three dimensions of engagement (Fredricks
et al., 2004) – behavioral, cognitive, emotional – participants were able to remain academically
111

engaged by attending class, completing assignments, working in groups, etc. while potentially
disengaging in ways that served to protect them emotionally. Whether conscious or not, tools for
resiliency and perseverance are important to capture and highlight.
One final noteworthy finding in regards to responding to race-based encounters was the
importance of modeling. Three participants who shared a strong, central racial identity discussed
how impactful it was to witness other students and their faculty demonstrate how to effectively,
yet professionally address incidents of racism. These participants shared the confidence they had
to better respond to race-based incidents should they come up again.
Recommendations for Practice
Tuck (2009) urged researchers to capture desire in place of frameworks that pathologized
communities as damaged and broken. She contends that “desire-based research frameworks are
concerned with understanding complexity, contradiction, and the self-determination of lived
lives” (p.416). The recommendations outlined in this section come from the voices of Black
participants – their experiences, desires, hopes, and wisdoms. This set of recommendations place
the focus and responsibility in the hands of educational leaders to provide more substantive
support of Black students enrolled in online programs at predominately White institutions.
Recommendation 1 – Incorporate more inclusive and representative perspectives into
course materials and program curriculum.
All participants in this study racially identified as Black, but they were also members of
other ethnic and social groups. The intersectionality of their identities meant they not only
experienced their online programs through the lens of race, but also gender, sexual orientation,
religion, and more. Half the participants talked about their desires for program materials,
discussions, readings, etc. that were more representative of the variety of identities they occupy.
Five of the thirteen participants identified as biracial or of mixed heritage and so inclusive
112

program curriculums also meant representation beyond the Black-White paradigm. These desires
are reminiscent of what Gay (2018) defined as culturally responsive pedagogy which uses “the
cultural knowledge, prior experiences, frames of reference, and performance styles of ethnically
diverse students to make learning encounters more relevant to and effective for them” (p. 36).
Culturally responsive teaching focuses on creating educational experiences that are validating,
empowering, and emancipatory. One participant extended her desire for her program to be more
responsive and adaptive to the specific cohort demographics. She detailed that while she
understood the importance of including race in the curriculum, she did not need the program to
explain to her what it meant to be Black. Finding ways to incorporate course materials, authors,
guest speakers, and perspectives that are responsive to each student cohort will require consistent
re-evaluation and revisions.
Recommendation 2 – Provide opportunities for meaningful social engagement.
All participants shared the positive impact of peer networks and support groups while in
their online programs. Most participants recalled at least phone conversations or text groups with
peers that validated their student experiences and supported them through academic and personal
challenges. Program administrators should forgo assumptions about online students’ interest in
social engagement or social events. One participant explicitly requested a “buddy system,'' one in
which he would have a classmate he could lean on to validate his experiences or reassure him
that he “was not crazy”. Participants welcomed opportunities to interact and socialize outside the
classroom, especially since the classroom space where informal socializing often takes place is
closed or ended following a lecture on Zoom. Finding organic spaces to hang out, talk, and
network online are challenging. It is important for program administrators to address their
underlying beliefs about online learners and understand that Black students enroll in online
programs for a variety of reasons. Programs, in collaboration with Black culture centers, should
113

work to provide and foster opportunities for meaningful interactions, especially for Black
students online who can suffer from feelings of invisibility, hypervisibility, and disengagement
when they are, or perceive themselves to be, the only Black students in their online spaces. Black
culture centers and resource centers should provide meaningful and intentional engagement with
Black students online to prevent further alienating this population through hybrid or dual
programming, mentorship, and social networking.
Recommendation 3 – Interrogate policies and practices that disadvantage online learners.
Program administrators should be mindful of policies and practices that
disproportionately disadvantage online learners. Beyond opportunities for social engagement,
participants also pointed to negative financial implications due to program calendars that did not
follow traditional financial aid or scholarship timelines. Most college campuses operate on
academic calendars that are more responsive to traditional, undergraduates enrolling for the first
time in the Fall and graduating in the Spring. Given the high financial cost of attending a private
institution, non-traditional calendars or course sessions can have profound impacts of Black
students who are more likely to be paying out of pocket or through student loans, further
perpetuating wealth inequalities (Hanson, 2021; U.S. Department of Education, n.d.).
Additionally, administrators and instructors must be diligent in observing campus holidays, study
days, and wellness days as online students continue to receive cyclical university messages that
are earmarked for traditional in-person, undergraduate experiences that are not congruent with
their realities, which can lead to feelings of invisibility, loneliness, and disenfranchisement.
Recommendation 4 – Assess program alignment to diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI)
values espoused in curriculum.
The four programs captured in this study were concerned with the care for and
improvement of outcomes in key areas of a person’s life: education, work, due process, and
114

health. These programs embedded into their curriculum topics specifically about race and equity
and espoused to create leaders and change agents in their respective fields. Six participants
shared experiences where the espoused values uplifting topics about race, diversity, equity, and
inclusion fell short in the implementation of supporting and uplifting Black students in these
programs. Espoused values are the values organizations say they exhibit or care about while
enacted values are reflected in the actual behaviors of the members of the organization.
Participants sounded frustrated, yet unsurprised by the lip service of their programs and
institutions that espoused commitments to diversity without consequential actions that supported
the inclusion and success of Black students. In addition to curriculum and syllabi crosswalks to
assess for content and competencies, program administrators and faculty should assess for
demonstrated commitment to the values espoused in the curriculum. They should be equally, if
not more concerned about the care, support, and the cultivation of racially affirming learning
environments for their Black students in their programs as they are about the people they are
training them to serve in the field.
Recommendation 5 – Demonstrate a commitment to racial equity and accountability.
It is a common criticism that within student affairs and higher education we talk
persistently about students, without ever talking to students. This is certainly true; Black students
hold invaluable wisdom and have been instrumental in reshaping the contemporary college
campus. However, they also continue to shoulder the burden and mental and emotional energy of
providing recommendations and solutions for DEI task groups and committees that often go
unrealized. It is this researcher’s recommendation that campus and program administrators
leverage the preponderance of existing research, including this study to educate, frame, and
articulate a concrete racial equity agenda and strategic plan to dismantle anti-Black racism on
their college campuses. Bring Black students into conversations to further contextualize the local
115

setting and provide critiques of established action items but only once a demonstrated
commitment to doing the work has been made. Action plans should not be yet another example
of interest convergence, where it is in the best interest of the institution to make pledges to fight
racism only when it is a national trending topic. If 2020 has demonstrated nothing else, Black
people are tired of explaining racism to White America, so please, do your own homework.
Intuitions must be willing to move beyond sound bites to diagnosing root causes to these
institutional problems and formulating remedies to solve them (Hentschke & Wohlstetter, 2004).
Future Research
Research on campus racial climates over the last two decades has been quite extensive;
however, research and assessment of racial climate and culture for online students is particularly
limited (Tynes et al., 2013). Research is even more sparse as it relates to the racialized
experiences of Black graduates in online spaces. As online education continues to grow
exponentially across most institutions of higher education, assessing the experiences and
perceptions of online, virtual, and/or digital campus racial climates is critically important.
Current national survey tools, such as HEDS Diversity and Equity Campus Climate Survey
(HEDS Consortium, 2021) and National Assessment of Collegiate Campus Climates (USC Race
and Equiy Center, 2021) typically focus on the experiences of undergraduate or on-campus
students with questions and subsequent recommendations that focus on traditional in-person
enrollment and campus engagement. Research that focuses on the ways race manifests to create
online campus racial climates is important to address, especially for Black graduates enrolled in
master’s degree programs who interact and engage with the campus for shorter periods of time
compared to undergraduate or doctoral students. Future research should focus on the ways
institutions and programs can create supportive, welcoming, and affirming online campuses
before Black students even log-on to their first class, starting with online information sessions
116

and new student orientations, will have a profound impact on their success in their online
programs.
Additional research should also focus on the intersectionality of the multiple identities
Black graduate students occupy such as race, gender, sexual orientation, and religion.
Participants in this study also spoke of the ways race undercut many of their other identities as
spouses, parents or even members of the armed forces or law enforcement. The nuances these
layered identities add to each of their experiences was beyond the scope of this study but relevant
and important in contextualizing the way these students experience and respond to incidents in
racialized spaces. For example, Christian was a Black and Mexican biracial, Christian male who
had served seven years in the United States Navy. His racialized experiences, perceptions, and
desires for an affirming learning environment stemmed from finding a community where we
belonged, as his true, whole self. Further research should expand on the variety of identities
Black students embody simultaneously and the conditions that allow for Black students to bring
their authentic, whole selves to educational spaces.
Thirdly, this study intentionally focused on fields that espouse DEI as a field and embed
issues related to race and racism into the curriculum of their academic programs. Further
research into online programs outside the social science or social service fields, such as STEM,
is important to the conversation about the ways in which Black graduates are racialized or
experience race-based incidents in online learning spaces. Further research should uncover the
ways race, racism, and/or bias manifest online particularly in fields governed by objectivity and
oftentimes, color blindness.
Lastly, further research should delve deeper into the true cost of education for Black
online learners. Black graduates are more likely to work full-time jobs, while also juggling
personal and family obligations. Six participants in this study shared the added burden and
117

responsibility of being learners and teachers about topics related to racism or DEI both inside
and outside the classroom. In addition to research highlighting the accumulating historical
educational debt that impacts academic outcomes, further research should also study the
mounting costs and invisible tax Black learners must pay for the same education as their White
peers and to merely survive (Givens, 2016).
Conclusion
Research has detailed the ways in which contemporary cohorts of Black students
continue to face similar racial challenges on college campuses as decades’ prior (Harper, 2013).
Racially unwelcoming, insensitive, and dismissive campus climates at PWIs are still prevalent
due to the ordinariness of anti-Black racism that exists in this country. Racism, so ingrained in
American society that “when you protest it, people think you are protesting America'' (as cited in
DiAngelo, 2018). Participants shared detailed accounts about being aware of racial differences
or being racialized at ages as young as five and six years old. These experiences undoubtedly
shaped the way they view themselves and the world and framed the ways they navigate academic
environments. The findings in this study support the claims that higher education is a microcosm
of the social, political, and racial climate of the larger American society (Hubain et al., 2016,
Mwangi et al., 2018) even in online learning spaces. The findings in this study also support
claims related to racial battle fatigue (Campbell, et al., 2019; Gusa, 2010; Harper, 2013; Hubain
et al., 2016) due to increased hypervigilance for what feels like “open season” on Black people in
this country.
Nonetheless, the most noteworthy contribution of this study is in the positive affirming of
Blackness that is not exclusive to brokenness and suffering. While conducting interviews, at least
three participants apologized for lacking significant racial encounters. They feared that their
responses would not be helpful to this study. These interviews allowed us to talk candidly about
118

the hopes and desires of Black people, and having a racist encounter to share was most definitely
not the aim or goal. This study in many ways continues a long-standing conversation about what
it means to be Black, beyond the historical and subjective (in)humanity ascribed to Blackness.
As Sexton (2011) contends, “what is the nature of a human being whose human being is put into
question radically and by definition, a human being whose being human raises the question of
being human at all?” Blackness, the antithesis of anti-Blackness, was captured in the stories and
emotions of each participant, their joys and dreams, as well as their smiles and sounds of their
laughs. They leave words of wisdoms (see Appendix E) for the Black students who will continue
to traverse these educational spaces and offer hopes for successful journeys.

119

References
Albritton, T. J. (2012). Educating our own: The historical legacy of HBCUs and their relevance
for educating a new generation of leaders. The Urban Review, 44(3), 311-331.
Allen, I. E., & Seaman, J. (2016). Online report card: Tracking online education in the United
States. Babson survey research group.
Allen, W. R., & Jewell, J. O. (1995). African American education since "An American
Dilemma". Daedalus, 124(1), 77-100.
Arroyo, A. T., & Gasman, M. (2014). An HBCU-based educational approach for Black college
student success: Toward a framework with implications for all institutions. American
Journal of Education, 121(1), 57-85.
Bogdan, R. C., & Biklen, S. K. (2007). Qualitative research for education: Introduction to
theory and methods (5
th
ed.). Boston: Pearson.
Brown, M. C., & Dancy, E. T. (2010). Predominantly White institutions. Encyclopedia of
African American education, 1, 523-526.
Byrd, M. (2016). “Negro Harry’s school”: A monument to equal rights to education. Social
Service Review, 90(3), 434-463.
Campbell, S. D., Carter-Sowell, A. R., & Battle, J. S. (2019). Campus climate comparisons in
academic pursuits: How race still matters for African American college students. Group
Processes & Intergroup Relations, 22(3), 390-402.
Clark, R. E., Yates, K., Early, S., Moulton, K., Silber, K. H., & Foshay, R. (2010). An analysis of
the failure of electronic media and discovery-based learning: Evidence for the
performance benefits of guided training methods. Handbook of training and improving
workplace performance, 1, 263-297.
120

Collins, S. Y. (2014). Racial identity theory and its perceived impact for African American
students in an online distance learning program (Doctoral dissertation). Available from
ProQuest Dissertations and Theses database. (UMI No. 3682202)
Creative Commons (2012, December 29). Accuracy and inaccuracy in memory and
cognition. Creative Commons. Retrieved from
https://2012books.lardbucket.org/books/beginning-psychology/s12-03-accuracy-and-
inaccuracy-in-mem.html
Creswell, J. H. & Creswell J. D. (2018). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed
methods approaches (5th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Cross Jr, W. E., & Strauss, L. (1998). The everyday functions of African American identity.
In Prejudice (pp. 267-279). Academic Press.
Cross, W. E., Jr. (1971). The Negro-to-Black conversion experience. Black World, 20 (9), 13–
27.
Crouch, M., & McKenzie, H. (2006). The logic of small samples in interview-based qualitative
research. Social science information, 45(4), 483-499.
Dancy, T. E., Edwards, K. T., & Earl Davis, J. (2018). Historically White universities and
plantation politics: Anti-Blackness and higher education in the Black Lives Matter
era. Urban Education, 53(2), 176-195.
Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2017). Critical race theory: An introduction (Vol. 20). NYU Press.
DiAngelo, R. (2018). White fragility: Why it's so hard for white people to talk about racism.
Beacon Press.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1903). The talented tenth. In B. T. Washington (Ed.), The Negro problem: A
series of articles by representative American Negroes of to-day (pp. 31–76). New York,
NY: J. Pott.
121

Du Bois, W. E. B. (2008). The souls of Black folk. Oxford University Press.
Dumas, M. J., & Ross, K. M. (2016). “Be real Black for me” imagining BlackCrit in
education. Urban Education, 51(4), 415-442.
Dyer-Barr, R. (2010). Virtual racism, real consequences: Facebook, racial microaggressions and
campus racial climate. Implementing diversity: Contemporary challenges and best
practices at predominantly White universities, 43-62.
Ewing, K. M., Richardson, T. Q., James-Myers, L., & Russell, R. K. (1996). The relationship
between racial identity attitudes, worldview, and African American graduate students'
experience of the imposter phenomenon. Journal of Black Psychology, 22(1), 53-66.
Fredricks, J. A., Blumenfeld, P. C., & Paris, A. H. (2004). School engagement: Potential of the
concept, state of the evidence. Review of educational research, 74(1), 59-109.
Gay, G. (2018). Culturally responsive teaching: Theory, research, and practice. Teachers College
Press.
Ginder, S.A., Kelly-Reid, J.E., and Mann, F.B. (2018). Enrollment and Employees in
Postsecondary Institutions, Fall 2017; and Financial Statistics and Academic Libraries,
Fiscal Year 2017: First Look (Provisional Data) (NCES 2019- 021rev). U.S. Department
of Education. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved from
http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch.
Givens, J. R. (2016). The Invisible Tax: Exploring Black Student Engagement at Historically
White Institutions. Berkeley Review of Education, 6(1), 55-78.
Gray, D. L., Hope, E. C., & Matthews, J. S. (2018). Black and belonging at school: A case for
interpersonal, instructional, and institutional opportunity structures. Educational
Psychologist, 53(2), 97-113.
122

Gundaker, G. (2007). Hidden education among African Americans during slavery. Teachers
College Record, 109(7), 1591-1612.
Gusa, D. L. (2010). White institutional presence: The impact of Whiteness on campus climate.
Harvard Educational Review, 80(4), 464-490.
Hall, J. (2010). African American doctoral students at for-profit colleges and universities: A
critical race theory exploration (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from
https://repository.lib.ncsu.edu/bitstream/handle/1840.16/6211/etd.pdf?sequence=1&isAll
owed=y
Hanson. (2021, June 9). Student Loan Debt by Race. EducationData. Retrieved from
https://educationdata.org/student-loan-debt-by-race
Harper, B. E. (2019). African American access to higher education: the evolving role of
historically black colleges and universities.
Harper, S. R. (2012). Race without racism: How higher education researchers minimize racist
institutional norms. The Review of Higher Education, 36(1), 9-29.
Harper, S. R. (2013). Am I my brother’s teacher? Black undergraduates, racial socialization, and
peer pedagogies in predominantly white postsecondary contexts. Review of Research in
Education, 37(1), 183-211.
Harper, S. R., Davis, R. J., Jones, D. E., McGowan, B. L., Ingram, T. N., & Platt, C. S. (2011).
Race and racism in the experiences of Black male resident assistants at predominantly
White universities. Journal of College Student Development, 52, 180–200.
Harper, S. R., & Hurtado, S. (2007). Nine themes in campus racial climates and implications for
institutional transformation. New directions for student services, 2007(120), 7-24.
123

Harper, S. R., Patton, L. D., & Wooden, O. S. (2009). Access and equity for African American
students in higher education: A critical race historical analysis of policy efforts. The
Journal of Higher Education, 80(4), 389-414.
HEDS Consortium (15 June, 2021). Diversity and equity campus climate survey. Retrieved from
https://www.hedsconsortium.org/heds-diversity-equity-campus-climate-survey/
Hentschke, G. C., & Wohlstetter, P. (2004). Cracking the code of accountability. University of
Southern California Urban Education, 17-19.
Hiraldo, P. (2010). The role of critical race theory in higher education. The Vermont
Connection, 31(1), 7, 53-59.
Hubain, B. S., Allen, E. L., Harris, J. C., & Linder, C. (2016). Counter-stories as representations
of the racialized experiences of students of color in higher education and student
affairs graduate preparation programs. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in
Education, 29(7), 946-963.
Hurtado, S., Alvarado, A. R., & Guillermo-Wann, C. (2015). Thinking about race: The salience
of racial identity at two-and four-year colleges and the climate for diversity. The Journal
of Higher Education, 86(1), 127-155.
Hurtado, S., Clayton-Pedersen, A. R., Allen, W. R., & Milem, J. F. (1998). Enhancing campus
climates for racial/ethnic diversity: Educational policy and practice. The Review of
Higher Education, 21(3), 279-302.
Inside Higher Ed. (2020, July 30). Survey data reveal impact of COVID-19 on perceptions of
online. Retrieved from https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2020/07/30/survey-data-
reveal-impact-covid-19-perceptions-online-education
Irvine, V. (2020). The landscape of merging modalities. EDUCAUSE Review, 2020(4), 40-58.
Johnson, A. (2006). Privilege, power, and difference. New York, NY, McGraw Hill.
124

Johnson, D. R., Wasserman, T. H., Yildirim, N., & Yonai, B. A. (2014). Examining the effects of
stress and campus climate on the persistence of students of color and White students: An
application of Bean and Eaton’s psychological model of retention. Research in
Higher Education, 55(1), 75-100.
Johnson, R. B., & Christensen, L. (2014). Educational research: Quantitative, qualitative, and
mixed approaches (5th ed.). Los Angeles, CA: Sage.
Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (2018). The JBHE annual study: Black first-year students
at the nation’s leading research universities. (2018). The Journal of Blacks in Higher
Education. Retrieved from https://www.jbhe.com/2019/01/black-first-year-students-at-
the-nations-leading-research-universities-2018/
Kendi, I. X. (2019). How to be an antiracist. One world.
Kentnor, H. E. (2015). Distance education and the evolution of online learning in the United
States. Curriculum and Teaching Dialogue, 17(1), 21-34.
Ladson-Billings, G. (2006). From the achievement gap to the education debt: Understanding
achievement in US schools. Educational researcher, 35(7), 3-12.
Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate, W. F. (1995). Toward a critical race theory of education. Critical
race theory in education: All God’s children got a song, 11, 30.
Lang, C. (2020, September 29). President Trump has attacked critical race theory. Here’s what to
know about the intellectual movement. Time. Retrieved
from https://time.com/5891138/critical-race-theory-explained/
Lee, K. (2017). Rethinking the accessibility of online higher education: A historical review. The
Internet and Higher Education, 33, 15-23.
Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic Inquiry. Beverly Hills: SAGE
125

Maxwell, J. A. (2013). Qualitative research design: An interactive approach (3rd ed.). Los
Angeles, CA: Sage.
McEwan, E. K., & McEwan, P. J. (2003). Making sense of research: What's good, what's not,
and how to tell the difference. Corwin Press.
Merriam, S. B., & Tisdell, E. J. (2016). Qualitative research: A guide to design and
implementation (4th ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Merriam-Webster. (n.d.). Social science. In Merriam-Webster.com dictionary. Retrieved from
https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/social%20science
Miles, M. B., Huberman, A. M., & Saldana, J. (2014). Qualitative data analysis: A methods
sourcebook (3
rd
ed.). Los Angeles: Sage Publications.
Monaghan, E. J. (1998). Reading for the enslaved, writing for the free: Reflections on liberty and
literacy. In Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society (Vol. 108, No. 2, p. 309).
American Antiquarian Society.
Mwangi, C. A. G., Thelamour, B., Ezeofor, I., & Carpenter, A. (2018). " Black elephant in the
room": Black students contextualizing campus racial climate within US racial
climate. Journal of College Student Development, 59(4), 456-474.
National Center for Education Statistics. (n.d.). Fast facts: Historically Black colleges and
universities (667). Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=667
National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral
Research. (1979). The Belmont report: Ethical principles and guidelines for the
protection of human subjects of research. Retrieved
from https://www.hhs.gov/ohrp/regulations-and-policy/belmont-report/read-the-belmont-
report/index.html
126

O’Leary, Z. (2017). The essential guide to doing your research project (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks,
CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. Retrieved from http://www.ru.ac.bd/wp-
content/uploads/sites/25/2019/03/402_06_00_O%E2%80%99Leary-The-Essential-
Guide-to-Doing-Your-Research-Project-2017.pdf
Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage.
Pinker, R. A. (2016, July 31). Social service - The work of the personal social services.
Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved from https://www.britannica.com/topic/social-
service/The-work-of-the-personal-social-services
Potapchuk, M., Leiderman, S., Bivens, D., & Major, B. (2005). Flipping the script: White
privilege and community building. Silver Springs, Md.: MP Associates, Inc., and the
Center for Assessment and Policy Development (CAPD).
Rogers, P. L. (2001). Traditions to transformations: The forced evolution of higher
education. AACE Journal, 9(1), 47-60.
Salvo, S. G., Shelton, K., & Welch, B. (2019). African American males learning online:
Promoting academic achievement in higher education. Online Learning, 23(1), 22-36.
Schiller, B. (2008). Learning their letters: Critical literacy, epistolary culture, and slavery in the
antebellum south. Southern Quarterly, 45(3), 11.
Sellers, R. M., Smith, M. A., Shelton, J. N., Rowley, S. A., & Chavous, T. M. (1998).
Multidimensional model of racial identity: A reconceptualization of African American
racial identity. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2(1), 18-39.
Sexton, J. (2016). The social life of social death: On Afro-pessimism and Black optimism.
In Time, Temporality and Violence in International Relations (pp. 61-75). Routledge.
127

Shapiro, D., Dundar, A., Huie, F., Wakhungu, P., Yuan, X., Nathan, A & Hwang, Y., A. (2017,
April). A national view of student attainment rates by race and ethnicity – Fall 2010
cohort (Signature Report No. 12b). Herndon, VA: National Student Clearinghouse
Research Center.
Sharp, L. A. (2000). The commodification of the body and its parts. Annual Review of
Anthropology, 29(1), 287-328.
Smith, T. W. (1992). Changing racial labels: From “colored” to “negro” to “Black” to “African
American.” Public Opinion Quarterly, 56(4), 496-514.
Solórzano, D. G. and Yosso, T. J. (2002). A critical race counterstory of race, racism, and
affirmative action. Equity & Excellence in Education, 35(2), 155-168.
Squire, D., Williams, B., & Tuitt, F. (2018). Plantation politics and neoliberal racism in higher
education: A framework for reconstructing anti-racist institutions. Teachers College
Record, 120(14), 1-20.
Strada (2020, July 29). Public viewpoint: The value of online education. Retrieved from
https://cci.stradaeducation.org/pv-release-july-29-2020/
Sun, A., & Chen, X. (2016). Online education and its effective practice: A research
review. Journal of Information Technology Education, 15.
Syngene Research (2019). Global e-learning market analysis 2019. Retrieved
from https://www.researchandmarkets.com/reports/4769385/global-e-learning-market-
analysis-2019tables/dt18_311.30.asp?current=yes
Tatum, B. D. (1997). Racial identity development and relational theory: The case of Black
women in White communities. Women’s growth in diversity: More writings from the
Stone Center, 91-106. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=
128

cgQphvjyxx0C&oi=fnd&pg=PA91&ots=oGbC3MunqL&sig=LPY4h05zaqS2KMtaJBh
Dv3g5GiY#v=onepage&q&f=false
Thomas, L., Herbert, J., & Teras, M. (2014). A sense of belonging to enhance participation,
success and retention in online programs. The International Journal of the First Year in
Higher Education, 5(2), 69-80.
Torres, V, Howard-Hamilton, M. F., & Cooper, D. L. (2003). Identity development of diverse
populations: Implications for teaching and administration in higher education. ASHE
ERIC Higher Education Report, 29(6). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Tuck, E. (2009). Suspending damage: A letter to communities. Harvard Educational
Review, 79(3), 409-428.
Tynes, B. M., Rose, C. A., & Markoe, S. L. (2013). Extending campus life to the Internet: Social
media, discrimination, and perceptions of racial climate. Journal of Diversity in Higher
Education, 6(2), 102.
U.S. Department of Education. (n.d.). Fact sheet: Black college graduates and the student debt
gap. White house initiative on educational excellence for African Americans. Retrieved
from https://sites.ed.gov/whieeaa/files/2016/11/Black-College-Graduates-and-the-
Student-Debt-Gap.pdf
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2014). National Center
for Education Statistics, 2011-12 National postsecondary student aid study (NPSAS:12),
Table 311.30. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d18/
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2018a). Digest of
Education Statistics, 2016 (NCES 2017-094), Table 311.15. Retrieved from
https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=80
129

U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2018b). National
Center for Education Statistics, 2003-04, 2007-08, 2011-12, and 2015-16 National
postsecondary student aid study (NPSAS:04, NPSAS:08, NPSAS:12, and NPSAS:16),
Table 311.32. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d18/tables/
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2019). Table 302.60.
Percentage of 18- to 24-year-olds enrolled in college, by level of institution and sex and
race/ethnicity of student: 1970 through 2018. Retrieved from
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d19/tables/dt19_302.60.asp
USC Race and Equity Center (15 June, 2021). Colleges & universities: National assessment of
collegiate campus climates. https://race.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/NACCC-
BackgroundDevt.pdf
Vought, R. (2020, September 4). Training in the federal government [Memorandum]. Office of
Management and Budget. https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/M-
20-34.pdf
Zirkel, S., & Johnson, T. (2016). Mirror, mirror on the wall: A critical examination of the
conceptualization of the study of Black racial identity in education. Educational
Researcher, 45(5), 301-311.

130

Appendix A
PARTICIPANT RECRUITMENT & SELECTION EMAILS
Initial Recruitment Email
Dear [Name],

My name is Melissa Medeiros and I am a doctoral student in the Rossier School of Education at
University of Southern California. I am conducting a research study as part of my dissertation
that examines the racialized experiences of Black students enrolled in online master’s degree
programs within the social science or social services fields. I would like to invite you to
participate in this study to share your own experiences and perspectives around the topics of race
and racism in online learning settings.

If you are interested in participating, I kindly ask that you complete a short questionnaire that
will help me in selecting 10-15 eligible participants to be interviewed for this study. The
questionnaire will take no more than 10 minutes to complete.

If you meet the criteria for the study, I will contact you by email to schedule a date and time for
an interview. Your participation in this study is completely voluntary and your identity as a
participant will remain confidential.

If you are selected to participate in this study, a $15 Amazon gift card will be emailed to you
after your interview.

If you have any questions about the study, please do not hesitate to contact me at
mmedeiro@usc.edu.

The link to the online questionnaire can be found by clicking here

Or you can copy the following link into your web browser:
https://forms.gle/DBpnjp2ZM1XnwUtZ8

Thank you for your consideration,

Melissa Medeiros
Doctoral Candidate
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
131

Reminder Email
Dear [Name],

My name is Melissa Medeiros and I am a doctoral student in the Rossier School of Education at
University of Southern California. As a reminder, I am conducting a research study that
examines the racialized experiences of Black students enrolled in online master’s degree
programs within the social science or social services fields. I would still like to invite you to
participate in this study to share your own experiences and perspectives around the topics of race
and racism in online learning settings.

If you are interested in participating, I kindly ask that you complete a short questionnaire that
will help me in selecting 10-15 eligible participants to be interviewed for this study. The
questionnaire will take no more than 10 minutes to complete.

If you meet the criteria for the study, I will contact you by email to schedule a date and time for
an interview. Your participation in this study is completely voluntary and your identity as a
participant will remain confidential.
If you are selected to participate in this study, a $15 Amazon gift card will be emailed to you
after your interview.

If you have any questions about the study, please do not hesitate to contact me at
mmedeiro@usc.edu.

The link to the online questionnaire can be found by clicking here

Or you can copy the following link into your web browser:
https://forms.gle/DBpnjp2ZM1XnwUtZ8

Thank you for your consideration,

Melissa Medeiros
Doctoral Candidate
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
132

Eligible Interview Participant Email

Dear [Participant Selected Pseudonym],

Thank you for completing the online questionnaire and for your willingness to participate in my
study. As a reminder, my study will examine the racialized experiences of Black students
enrolled in online master’s degree programs within the social science or social services fields.
Based on your responses on the questionnaire, I believe you are an ideal candidate for my study
and I would like to schedule some time to meet with you to conduct a one-hour interview online
via Zoom.

Please provide your availability for the following days and times:
Day & Times TBD

If none of the dates and times work for your schedule, please let me know a preferred day/time
that works best for your schedule and I will do my best to accommodate.

If you have any questions about the study, please do not hesitate to contact me at
mmedeiro@usc.edu or (916) 743-0621.

Thank you again for your help with my study,
Melissa Medeiros
Doctoral Candidate
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

Ineligible Interview Participant Email

Dear [Participant Selected Pseudonym],

Thank you so much for completing the online questionnaire. The nature of my study requires
specific participant criteria and I regret to inform you that you were not selected to participate in
this study.

I appreciate your willingness to participate in this study, as well as the time and effort that went
into completing the online questionnaire.

If you have any questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact me at
mmedeiro@usc.edu.

If you are interested in learning the results of the study, please let me know I would be more than
happy to provide you with study once it is complete.

Sincerely,
Melissa Medeiros
Doctoral Candidate
University of Southern California
Appendix B
133

SCREENING QUESTIONNAIRE
The research study will examine the racialized experiences of Black students enrolled in online
master’s degree programs within the social science or social services fields.
Please answer the following questions to the best of your ability and knowledge. All responses
will remain confidential.
1. Are you currently enrolled in a master's degree program?
 Yes
 No
 Not applicable.
2. Is/was your master’s degree program held primarily online?
 Yes
 No
 Unsure
Enrollment Information
3. What semester and year did you first begin your master's degree program? (Ex: Fall 2018)
________________
4. What is your actual or expected graduation term? (Ex: Spring 2021)
_________________
5. If you have graduated, was it within the last two years?
 Yes
 No
Degree Program Information
6. What is the online format of your program?
 Asynchronous - Instruction that does not require students to meet live (face-to-face) with an
instructor for class sessions
 Hybrid - Blended instruction that includes a mix of on-campus and online (synchronous or
asynchronous) learning activities.
 Synchronous - Instruction that occurs live with both instructor and students present for each class
session using a shared online platform
 Unsure
7. Is your degree program within the social service or social science fields?
 Yes
 No
 Unsure
8. What is the title of your degree program?
_________________

Demographic Information
9. Do you identify as Black and/or African American?
134

 Yes
 No
10. Age
_________________
11. Gender
 Female
 Male
 Non-binary
 Not Listed: _________________
12. Preferred Pronouns
_________________
Study Participation
If selected to participate in this study, a $15 Amazon gift card will be emailed to you after your interview.
13. May I contact you for a 60-minute interview regarding your racialized experience in online
learning settings?
 Yes
 No
Please provide the following contact information:
Pseudonyms (fake name) will be used to protect your identity as a participant in this study.
14. Your Preferred Pseudonym (first name only)
_________________
15. Email Address
_________________

135

Appendix C
INFORMATION SHEET
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4033

INFORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR EXEMPT NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

RACIALIZED EXPERIENCES OF BLACK STUDENTS IN ONLINE MASTER’S
DEGREE PROGRAMS AT PREDOMINATELY WHITE INSTITUTIONS

You are invited to participate in a research study. Research studies include only people who
voluntarily choose to take part. This document explains information about this study. You should
ask questions about anything that is unclear to you.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This research study aims to understand the racialized experiences of Black master’s level
students in synchronous and hybrid online programs at a Predominately White institution (PWI).
This study will examine the ways in which the historical and socio-cultural legacies of anti-Black
racism influence the experiences of present-day Black students in online learning environments.
Additionally, this study seeks to disrupt damaged-based and pathologized understandings of
what it means to be Black by exploring ways in which Black identity positively contributes to
stories of resilience and perseverance in the face of racial and educational inequities.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you agree to take part in Part 1 of this study, you will be asked to complete an online
questionnaire which will include 7 multiple choice and 7 short answer questions. The survey is
expected to take no more than 10 minutes to complete. You do not have to answer any questions
you don’t want to, click “next” in the survey to move to the next question.

If you agree to take part in the second part of this study, you will be asked to participate in a 60-
minute audio-taped interview via Zoom. You do not have to answer any questions you don’t
want to. If you don’t want to be audiotaped, handwritten notes will be taken. If you permit
audiotaping and wish to no longer be recorded once the interview has begun, you will be able to
stop recording at any time.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
For the questionnaire, you will not be compensated for your participation.

For the interview, you will receive a $15 Amazon e-gift card for your time. You do not have to
answer all of the questions in order to receive the e-gift card. The e-gift card will be emailed to
you after you complete the interview.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential.
Your responses will be recorded and coded using a false name (pseudonym) to maintain your
136

privacy as a participant in this study. When the results of the research are published or discussed
in conferences, no identifiable information will be used.

Any hard copy files will be shredded after the conclusion of the study. The audio files will be
destroyed once they have been transcribed. The data will be stored on a password protected
computer in the researcher’s office for three years after the study has been completed and then
destroyed.

Since the interview will be conducted online using the Zoom video conferencing platform, this
study adheres to Zoom’s Privacy Policy. To understand the privacy and confidentiality
limitations associated with using Zoom, we strongly advise you to familiarize yourself with
Zoom’s policy (https://zoom.us/privacy).

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
Principal Investigator Melissa Medeiros via email at mmedeiro@usc.edu or phone at (916) 743-
0621 or Faculty Advisor Tracy Tambascia at tpoon@rossier.usc.edu or (213) 740-9747.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board, 1640 Marengo Street, Suite 700,
Los Angeles, CA 90033-9269. Phone (323) 442-0114 or email irb@usc.edu.

137

Appendix D
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
Researcher Name: Melissa Medeiros
Participant Pseudonym:
Date:

Research Question(s):
1. In what ways do race and racism manifest in synchronous online learning environments,
if at all? How does racial identity influence the way students experience and respond to
racism in online learning settings?

Introduction
Thank you for agreeing to meet with me and participate in my study. I truly appreciate the time
that you are setting aside to answer my questions. As we discussed earlier, the interview should
take about an hour, is that still okay with you today?

I want to assure you that the nature of my questions is not evaluative. I will not be making any
judgments about you or your ideas. I am not looking for right or wrong answers. This interview
is also confidential. What that means is that your name will not be shared with anyone besides
me. I will not share your perspectives with your faculty, classmates, or your program office.
The data for this study will be compiled into a final dissertation report and while I do plan on
using some of what you say as direct quotes, none of this data will be directly attributed to you.
We will use the pseudonym (fake name) you selected to protect your confidentiality and I will
try my best to make sure no one can identify you otherwise.

Do you have any questions about the study before we get started?

We are using Zoom which has an audio-recording feature I would like to use today with your
permission. The recording is solely for my purposes to best capture your perspectives and to
ensure I do not miss anything. I will not share the recordings with anyone, and the files will be
deleted after the completion of the final report. May I have your permission to record our
conversation?

Interview Questions (with transitions)
I’d like to start by asking you some background questions to get to
know you a little better.
1. Can you tell me about:
a. Your life growing up
b. Your family background
2. What is the earliest memory you have when you realized or were
made aware that you were Black?
3. How would you describe your racial identity now?
4. Now, tell me a little about your UG experience:

Background, RQ2

RQ2

RQ2
138

a. Where did you go?
b. On-campus or Online?
c. Racial make-up of the campus?
d. Your most prominent memory?

Great - thank you for sharing. Next, I’d like to learn a little bit more
about your master’s program.

5. Why did you decide to pursue a master’s degree in _____?
6. Can you describe how your online program works?
a. Would you describe it as synchronous, asynchronous, or a
hybrid?
i. What components/activities are live
(synchronous)?
ii. Which components/activities are completed on
your own, offline (asynchronous)?

Now, I’d like to understand more about your experiences and
interactions as a student within your program.

7. How would you describe the learning environment in your
program?
a. Would you describe it as supportive?
i. Why or why not?
8. How would you describe the racial makeup of?
a. Your classmates?
b. Your faculty?
c. Administrative staff?
9. Tell me about your interactions with faculty.
a. Interactions specifically with Black faculty?
10. Tell me about your interactions with staff/administrators.
11. Tell me about your interactions with other students.
12. Given the nature of your program, how has the online format
impacted the way you experience race, racism or racial
discrimination, if at all?
a. In what ways is race and/or racial discrimination most
pronounced, if at all?
i. How is this different from your on-campus
experiences, if at all?
b. In what ways is race and/or racial discrimination the least
noticeable or pronounced, if at all?
i. How is this different from your on-campus
experiences, if at all?
13. What do you believe is your institution’s stance related to racism
and racial discrimination and why?
14. What do you believe is your school/program’s stance related to
racism and racial discrimination and why?
Background, R1

Background, RQ2
Background

RQ1

RQ1

RQ1

RQ1
RQ1, RQ2
RQ1
RQ1
RQ1
RQ1

RQ1
RQ1

RQ1
RQ1

RQ1

RQ1
139

15. Can you share a time where you experienced racism,
microaggression, or any other negative encounter that you
attributed to your race while in your program?
16. Did you share what occurred with your program office or any
school administrators?
a. Why or why not?
b. How did they respond?
17. How did you process what occurred?
a. How did you respond?
i. Where did you learn how to deal with challenging
encounters in this way?
18. In what ways do you believe your experiences are similar to or
different from other Black students in your program?
a. How do you know?
19. How has the current racial and political climate impacted you as a
student in your program, if at all?
a. Impacted your interactions with faculty?
b. Impacted your interactions with staff/administrators?
c. Impacted your interactions with other students?
Depending on response
20. How have these racial challenges affected or influenced your:
a. ability to focus on academic work, if at all?
b. Academic progress in the program, if at all?
c. What keeps you going despite these challenges?
21. What do you feel you need from your program or university to be
even more successful in your program?
22. What advice would you have to new incoming Black students in
the program?

Closing
Thank you so much for you sharing your thoughts and experiences with
me today! I really appreciate your time and willingness to share
openly. Everything that you have shared is really helpful for my study. If
I have any follow-up questions, would it be okay if I contacted you? Is
this email still OK to reach you at? Again, thank you for participating in
my study!

RQ1
RQ1
RQ1

RQ2
RQ2
RQ2
RQ1, RQ2

RQ2

RQ1

RQ1, RQ2

RQ2

RQ2

140

Appendix E
WORDS OF WISDOM TO FUTURE BLACK STUDENTS
Alicia - Human Resource
Stand up for yourself and everything you do. It's hard to do that as a Black person, if you
need to speak your voice and speak up for things that aren't right, but you have to find the
right niche to do so. And that's just been something I always continually evolve with,
because sometimes I'm a bomb, and I just go off. But you need to be calculated about
how you go about addressing issues that are important to you if you really want to be
heard.

Christian - School Counseling
[You] belong here. [You] deserve a seat at the table. That this program is great. And you
know, embrace other cultures and working with them because that's the only way you're
going to get through this program.

Desiree - School Counseling
Be ready to work on yourself more than you anticipated. I think especially with
counseling career wise. You have to really focus on your well-being. And that entails
seeing a therapist, and that entails that you're working on the hard things. And, you know,
life goes on, even when you're in school. Be prepared to be challenged … be ready to be
to feel powerful.

Frank - Human Resource
Leverage [your] black experience. There were times when you're on a certain call or in a
certain class where I was the black person that luckily, the black professor would lean on
to say, ‘What about you Frank?’ … So I would say your experience as a Black person
matters, you know, people are going to want to know about that. And when they want to
know about that, let them know, and lean into it.

Keith - School Counseling
Take it day by day. Make sure you're doing the work. There are some teachers who are,
you know, who help and who care, and there's some who don't. And I feel like as long as
you try your best. it'll show eventually… I would [also] tell someone it's fast paced, but
also, it's doable, because if I can do it, anyone can do it.

London - School Counseling
Don’t doubt yourself. They’re not just letting anybody in school. Don't think what I was
thinking and just work hard for yourself even if no one is telling you or if no one cares.
You've got this far just work hard for yourself and take the program serious.
141

Mike - School Counseling
I will say have fun, be open to new ideas, be open to meeting new people, be open to
certain conversations, and enjoy it.

Nicole - School Counseling
Be open and be open to [the program]. And don't go in thinking you know everything
Black; you can still learn from it. Just be open to the new ideas, the thinking and try to
put yourself in a [different] situation because there were methods that I never really
thought about.

Regina – Human Resource
I would just advise that people continue to check in with how they're feeling.
Specifically, with how they feel about their identity, how they feel about their blackness.
And if you feel like it's not welcomed, or you feel uncomfortable, say so. At least in this
program, I think there's safety there to say so, I don't think that it would be held against
you. And I think you'll just have a better experience if you address the discomfort when it
happens.

Robert – Criminal Justice
Be open minded, you know, because what I have found in the program is it's a lot of the
instructors are very liberal, very liberal, and law enforcement tends to be very
conservative. But having an open mind about it coming into the class, I learned a lot. I
learned a lot about reform, about criminal justice reform about juvenile offending things
that, you know, I can't say that I completely think that way. But it does definitely give me
something else to think about.

Shaun – School Counseling
There are two kinds of racism, the one others put to limit you, and the limitations you put
on yourself. Don't fall into group think if you want to be seen as an individual.

Zoe - Criminal Justice
Make the reason why you enter this program your main priority above anything else.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Black students experience educational spaces in racialized ways; however, research about the ways in which campus racial climates reverberate in online learning platforms is limited. Research is particularly sparse regarding the racialized experiences of Black graduates in online educational spaces. Qualitative methods were used to examine the racialized experiences of 13 Black students enrolled in synchronous online master’s degree programs at a Predominately White Institution (PWI). This study explored the ways race and racism manifest in online learning environments and the ways in which racial identity influence responses to race-based incidents. Three major themes emerged from in-depth interviews: 1) racial visibility, hypervisibility, and invisibility in online spaces, 2) meaning-making of race-based incidents, and 3) cultivating care and support. Critical Race Theory and the Multidimensional Model for Racial Identity were utilized as part of a conceptual framework to further analyze these themes and to address the research questions. The findings support existing literature about the impacts of campus racial climate and racial fatigue on Black students, but also contribute to literature about racial neutrality in online spaces and the deficit theorizing about the experiences of all Black students at PWIs. Six recommendations were provided to campus and program administrators and curriculum developers. Future research should focus on the adaption of campus racial climate assessments that more appropriately capture the nuances of online educational experiences, exploring the intersectionality of the multiple identities Black graduates occupy, and examining the invisible tax for Black online graduates given our current political and social climate.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

The impact of school racial climate on the retention of teachers of color

PDF

African-American/Black students’ experience and achievement in asynchronous online learning environments at a community college

PDF

The swirl world: sense of belonging of Black multiracial identifying students at a predominantly white institution

PDF

Historically Latino/a-based fraternities/sororities: understanding Latino/a student experiences in a historically White-dominated system

PDF

And yet, still, they rise: a qualitative study on the persistence of Black undergraduate women at a predominantly White institution

PDF

Negotiating racial conflict: the leadership role of the dean of students

PDF

Unlocking the potential: improving persistence and graduation of Black female students at select historically Black colleges and universities: a case study

PDF

Black premedical student retention: exploring campus support programming through the eyes of the student

PDF

Chief diversity officers and their impact on campus climate for students of color

PDF

Campus change agents: examining the experiences of cultural center scholar practitioners at a predominantly White institution

PDF

A different world: exploring how Black students facilitate their own success at a public, 4-year institution

PDF

Other duties as assigned: Black student affairs professionals navigating and learning to heal from racial battle fatigue at predominantly white institutions

PDF

Perceptions of campus racial climate as predictors for cross-race interaction at Christian colleges and universities: differences by race/ethnicity, sex, and religiosity

PDF

Addressing the education debt: how community college educators utilize culturally relevant pedagogy to support Black and Latinx student success

PDF

Authors of our story: Black female students' experience during their first year at a predominantly White institution through a syncretic lens of critical race feminism and Afro-pessimism

PDF

An examination of outsourcing student services for online graduate students

PDF

Asian critical theory: Southeast Asian transfer student experiences at a predominantly White institution

PDF

Preserving the HBCU mission: experiences and sense of belonging of Black alumni at a PW-HBCU

PDF

Validation matters - student experiences in online courses: a mixed method study

PDF

What makes a house a home: factors of influence for Black students' sense of belonging at a predominately White institution

Asset Metadata

Creator Medeiros, Melissa Marie (author)

Core Title The racialized experiences of Black students in online master’s degree programs at a Predominately White Institution

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Degree Conferral Date 2021-08

Publication Date 08/04/2021

Defense Date 07/14/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag campus climate,critical race theory,graduate students,OAI-PMH Harvest,online education,racial identity,Racism

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tambascia, Tracy (committee chair), Lyons-Moore, Akilah (committee member), Maddox, Anthony (committee member)

Creator Email mdotmedeiros@gmail.com,mmedeiro@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC15676460

Unique identifier UC15676460

Legacy Identifier etd-MedeirosMe-9984

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Medeiros, Melissa Marie

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu