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The effect of diversity courses on international students from China and Hong Kong: a focus on intergroup peer relationships

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The effect of diversity courses on international students from China and Hong Kong: a focus on intergroup peer relationships

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THE EFFECT OF DIVERSITY COURSES ON INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS
FROM CHINA AND HONG KONG: A FOCUS ON INTERGROUP PEER
RELATIONSHIPS

by

Sonja Gail Daniels

____________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2010

Copyright 2010 Sonja Gail Daniels

ii
Dedication
To my parents, L.C. and Hattie Mae Daniels, who always stressed the importance of
education. I hope you are proud and smiling down from above. You are missed
every day.

iii
Acknowledgements
All thanks to God for his amazing grace. There are so many people that
supported me on this journey in which I am truly thankful. To my family, thank you for
all your love and support, most especially my brother Robert, for all the encouragement
and travel adventures during the program. It kept me sane. To my San Diego family,
Mom and Cynthia – I love you very much!!
To my many friends, my eternal love and gratitude for being there when I
needed you. I was truly blessed by your calls, e-mails, texts and laughter on days that I
felt truly challenged balancing so much. You were amazing!! I look forward to re-
connecting with all of you. Special thanks to my dear friend Evette for just being my
rock anytime I needed you. I am so thankful God blessed me with your friendship all
these years!! For their friendship, the soft nudge to get this degree done, and believing
that I could do it – thank you Dr. Lori White, Dr. Evette Castillo Clark and Dr. Sabrina
Sanders. You always inspired me. To my mentor and friend, Dr. Hal Gin - thank you.
To an amazing group of friends from my first year in the program; Sumi, Karen,
Mark “Dekan”, and Anna Liza – it was wonderful being in the trenches with you. I am
so honored to have shared this journey with each of you. We had some crazy days and
too much fun along the way! For Dekan, thanks for always keeping class interesting – I
look forward to football games without books with you and Sarah. Thank you Anna
Liza for always being my biggest cheerleader and on those rough days always saying,
“You are going to be a Dr.” I so admire your strength and know we will call you Dr.
someday soon!!

iv
To my Cal State Northridge colleagues and friends, thank you for your support
and always listening to my school experiences with a smile. I hope I have inspired
some of you to continue your educational goals! Jamison, you rock for being my
personal guide and library for this program, thank you!!
For my “Diversity Course” cohort crew – you were amazing! Thanks for
making the hard work enjoyable and for the many laughs and drinks we shared together.
Special thanks to Emily and Wendy for your support, especially in our last year. To the
most amazing committee, Dr. Darnell Cole, Dr. Patricia Tobey and Dr Melora Sundt,
thank you for supporting and challenging me to give my best. To my chair Dr. Cole,
thanks for allowing me to join your research project. Your passion for diversity is
inspiring. Thanks for keeping us on target and always with a smile – “for sure”! I truly
enjoyed the learning. For Pat – thanks for your caring and nurturing spirit – could not
have made it without you!
Finally, I could not have accomplished this study without the 12 student
participants. Thank you for sharing your experiences, insight and such thoughtful
reflections with me. I hope this work contributes to a greater understanding of how
international students experience the diversity of the United States and our campuses.
This dissertation was funded in part by the Teagle Foundation. Additional
funding was also provided by the National Association of Student Personnel
Administrators – Region VI.

v
Table of Contents
Dedication ii

Acknowledgements iii

List of Tables vii

Abstract viii

Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Statement of the Problem 2
Purpose of the Study 4
Research Questions 6
Importance of the Study 6
Limitations and Delimitations 8
Definitions of Terms 9
Organization of the Study 10

Chapter 2: Review of the Literature 12
Models of Diversity Courses and the Curriculum 13
Western University Diversity Requirements 16
Figure 1: Typology of Diversity Courses 18
Diversity Courses and Student Outcomes 19
Impact of the Diversity Classroom 21
Gender in the Classroom 26
International Students 30
International Students‟ Transitions and Adjustments 32
International Student Acculturation 32
Academic and Social Integration 37
Learning Models 38
Diversity Knowledge and Understanding 41
Institutional Role in Transitions 42
Intergroup Peer Relationships and College Students 43
Theories 43
Empirical Studies 47
Conclusion 50

Chapter 3: Methodology 53
Research Design 54
Strategy of Inquiry 55
Site Selection 57
Sample and Population 59

vi
Instrumentation 61
Data Collection 63
Data Analysis 66

Chapter 4: Review of Findings - International Student Experiences 70
Introduction 70
Introduction of Student Participants 75
Choosing a Diversity Course 76
Defining Diversity 77
Prior Knowledge and Influence on U.S. Diversity Issues 79
Diversity Courses 82
Diversity Course Topics and Understanding 84
Intergroup Peer Relationships 97
Classroom Environment and Size 97
Discussion Sections 99
Student Learning Through Classroom Engagements 101
Changing Attitudes 103
Developing Friendships 108
Student Acculturation 110

Chapter 5: Discussion 120
Introduction 120
Review of Findings 121
Prior Knowledge and Influence on U.S. Diversity Issues 122
Diversity Course Understanding 124
Intergroup Peer Relationships - Classroom Related 127
Intergroup Peer Relationships – Intra/Interpersonal Related 134
Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students (ASAIS) 140
Implications of the Study 144
Limitations of the Study 149
Future Research 152
Conclusion 156

References 158
Appendices 173
Appendix A: Interview Protocol 173
Appendix B: Student Profile 175
Appendix C: ASAIS 180
Appendix D: Student Recruitment E-mail 182
Appendix E: International Students Office Newsletter 184
Appendix F: Bulletin Board Postings 185
Appendix G: Student Consent Form 187

vii
List of Tables
Table 1: Genres of Research in Multicultural Education 25

Table 2: Top 10 International Countries 61

Table 3: Themes, Descriptions and Student Quotes 73

Table 4: Student Background Characteristics 76

Table 5: Student Diversity Courses 83
Table 6: Descriptive Statistics on the ASAIS 111
Table 7: Descriptive Statistics on the ASAIS - China Students 112
Table 8: 33 Item ASAIS 113

viii
Abstract

This dissertation explores the perceptions and experiences of international
students from China and Hong Kong with diversity courses. Using theoretical
frameworks that examine the diversity classroom, informal interactional diversity, a
diversity typology used to categorize diversity courses, intergroup peer relationships
and student acculturation, this study examines how student learning in diversity courses
contributes to building intergroup peer relationships. In reviewing student
acculturation, how student perceptions of intergroup peer relationships can vary by their
acculturation level is also explored.
Through individual student interviews and results from an acculturation survey,
the findings from this study show the significant knowledge on topics in diversity
courses gained by international students. Student knowledge and understanding of
diversity was supported by peer interactions in discussion sections, various classroom
learning engagements and the positive role provided by teaching assistants. The peer
interactions further allowed students to develop friendships with their peers and led to
the changing of student attitudes around diversity issues. Finally, the students‟ level of
student acculturation supported their ability to build intergroup peer relationships.
This study has multiple implications for international students in diversity
courses and our institutions. For international students, support in choosing diversity
courses, smaller classroom environments, the teaching styles of faculty and the use of
various learning engagements, such as debates, presentations, group projects and the use
of popular culture in diversity courses support their learning and interactions with peers.
1

Chapter 1
Introduction

According to Zhao, Kuh and Carini (2005), relatively little is known about the
college experiences of international students. Most of the current literature on
international student experiences deals with transitional issues as they adapt to a new
living and learning environment (Poyrazil & Grahame, 2007). The adjustment to a new
environment may impact their academic success and psychological well-being (Barratt
& Huba, 1994; Charles & Stewart, 1991). Being unfamiliar with American customs,
norms, and values can cause difficulties for international students in interacting with
Americans both personally and academically (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998). Student
adjustments can vary by country of origin, race and ethnicity, their level of English
language proficiency, as well as their differences and foundation of coming from an
individualist or collective culture (Constantine, Anderson, Berkel, Caldwell & Utsey,
2005; Surdam & Collins, 1984). The greatest difficulty with transitional issues is
experienced by students from Asian countries and Latin America (Lee & Rice, 2007; Li
& Kaye, 1998; Wilton & Constantine, 2003). In contrast, students from Western
Europe experience the least difficulty with transitional issues (Lee & Rice, 2007; Li &
Kaye, 1998; Wilton & Constantine, 2003).
For international students, personal concerns such as mental health issues,
academic and financial difficulties, racial/ethnic discrimination, loss of social support,
depression, homesickness, alienation and feelings of loneliness further impact their
academic, psychological health and cross-cultural experiences (Leong & Chou, 1994;
2

Mori, 2000). The largest barrier is often around language between international and
English speaking students that can limit their communication and social interactions
with other students (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998; Pederson, 1991; Poyrazil & Grahame,
2007). Therefore, these communications and miscommunications can often lead to
stress and isolation for international students (Pedersen, 1991; Furnham & Alibhai,
1985; Poyrazil & Grahame, 2007). In comparison to American students, international
students also experience greater difficulties and distress in the initial stages of
transition, as well as academic and career needs (Hechanova-Alampay, Beehr,
Christiansen & Van Horn, 2002; Leong & Sedlacek, 1989). While stress is a major
issue, research further shows that students with a higher level of self-confidence and
self-efficacy experience less stress and issues of adjustment (Hechanova-Alampay et al.,
2002).

Statement of the Problem
The college experiences of international students need to be explored beyond
transitional issues. The United States is the premiere destination for international
students studying abroad and these students provide an important source of diversity for
our college campuses (Institute of International Education, 2009; Zhao et al., 2005).
Specifically, international students provide diversity to the student population, bring
new perspectives to classroom conversations and increase the awareness and
appreciation for other cultures among domestic students (Lee & Rice, 2007; Bevis,
2002).
3

In the Open Doors report (2009) published by the Institute of International
Education, the number of international students in the U.S. for the 2008-2009 academic
year was a record high of 671,616, up 8% from the previous year. While the
international student population continues to increase, most of the literature on this
population focuses on transitional issues as they adapt to a new living and learning
environment (Poyrazil & Grahame, 2007). After international students transition, what
social, academic, or cultural experiences are important to their development?
There is much to learn about how international students experience diversity
issues in the U.S. and at our institutions of higher education. How do international
students build intergroup relationships with domestic students from many diverse
backgrounds? As society becomes more global, how do institutions support the
learning and growth that can occur between international and domestic students around
diversity? Colleges and universities are currently addressing diversity issues through
the academic curriculum and requiring diversity courses (Humphreys, 2000).
According to Humphreys (2000), 62% of colleges and universities currently have or are
in the process of developing a diversity requirement for students. Curricular-based
diversity initiatives that are broadly applied to undergraduate education have
consistently shown positive effects for students in such areas as openness to cultural
awareness, interest in racial understanding and reducing prejudice (Astin, 1993;
Hurtado, 1996; Chang, 1999). Students further develop complex and socio-historical
thinking (Gurin, 1999), sociopolitical views and new ways of thinking about human
4

differences (Henderson-King & Stewart, 1999; Musil, 1992), active thinking processes,
civic outcomes, and participation in community action programs (Gurin, 1999).
For institutions with a diversity requirement, there is currently no research on
how these courses are understood by the growing number of international students in
our colleges and universities. Second, the U.S. college environment is comprised of
students from many different race and ethnicities, gender and religious backgrounds that
may be new for international students. Third, there is no research on if diversity
courses contribute to international students building peer relationships with diverse
students. Finally, does the acculturation level of international students affect their
ability to build peer relationships? How can diversity courses be used to support the
individual student learning for international students around diversity issues and support
their intergroup peer relationships?

Purpose of the Study
This study examined how diversity courses contributed to international students
intergroup peer relationships? Second, this study explored how peer relationships vary
by international students‟ level of acculturation. With 60% of international students
coming from Asian countries and China representing the second largest population of
students coming to the U.S., the focus of this study was on international students from
China and Hong Kong (IIE, 2009). Furthermore, this study sought to address the
absence of literature on international student experiences beyond their transitional
issues in a new college environment. In the college environment, a central part of
5

learning involves the interactions with peers in and outside of the classroom. As
international students discover the diverse student populations on campuses, how does
the learning around broad diversity issues in diversity courses help them engage and
interact with their peers? What are the benefits of these relationships on the college
experiences of international students?
In examining intergroup peer relationships, the focus of these interactions was
between international students and domestic students of diverse backgrounds.
Diversity from the context of historical issues in the U.S. can present new concepts and
differences to international students. These concepts may be around racial conflicts
between groups, issues of oppressed cultural or ethnic groups and the many religious
backgrounds found in the U.S. For international students who enter the U.S. from a
majority culture and then become a minority, diversity courses further present new
reflections on race and status for the U.S. society (Lee & Rice, 2007). Central to these
courses is the exposure to differences which can shift values and beliefs and reduce
prejudice among students (Laird, Engberg & Hurtado, 2005; Chang, 1999). Many
international students reflect on the difficulty of racial discrimination in the U.S. that
they had not experienced in their home country (Lee & Rice, 2007). In their home
country, international students‟ personal experiences were more about discrimination
based on social class issues than race (Lee & Rice, 2007). The examination of how the
structure, content and support in diversity courses can encourage interactions for
students was critical to this study.
6

International student acculturation may further affect how peer relationships
develop for international and domestic students. These interactions with peers can be
shaped by international students‟ level of ethnic identity and how much of the host
culture they have adopted (Wadsworth, Hecht & Jung, 2008). According to Berry
(2003) and Ward and Kennedy (1994), a student‟s cross-cultural adaptation depends on
their degree of identification with their host and home cultures. As individuals become
acculturated to a new culture, their identity begins to encompass the new culture (Berry,
2003). International student adjustment is also increased through a stronger tie with the
host culture and away from their own community (Fugita & O‟Brien, 1985). It was
important to examine how intergroup peer relationships vary depending on the
acculturation level of students. Their level of acculturation may reflect on the extent to
which students were able to build relationships with peers.
Research Questions
The research questions for this study included:
How do student perceptions of diversity courses contribute to international
students intergroup peer relationships?
How do student perceptions of intergroup peer relationships vary by
international students‟ level of acculturation?

Importance of the Study
This study will contribute to the body of knowledge on international students in
the U.S. Specifically, how international students experience diversity on our campuses
7

and how this is supported by required diversity courses can provide a greater
understanding of this student population and potential new insights as our campuses
continue to diversify. As peer relationships are critical in the success of students, how
can diversity courses help support international students‟ intergroup relationships? This
study provided insights on the structure of diversity courses that can enhance the
knowledge and understanding of international students about U.S. diversity issues. With
the growth in internationals students, their academic and social success will remain
important. Many institutions are enrolling more international students not only for the
global perspective they bring to campus, but for the financial benefits their tuition
dollars bring to the institution. According to the Open Doors report (2009),
international students contributed over 17.8 billion dollars to the U.S. economy in the
2008-2009 academic year, which included tuition and living expenses. Finally, the
study allowed for further understanding and comparison of key student outcomes of
diversity courses for international students.
This study consisted of a mixed-method approach to inform how international
students experience diversity courses. Individual interviews were conducted with
international students from China and Hong Kong who were currently in or had taken a
diversity course at Western University. Second, students were administered an
acculturation scale to assess how their peer intergroup relationships varied by their level
of acculturation.

8

Limitations and Delimitations

Aspects beyond the control of the researcher included the international student
population and the specific diversity requirements of Western University. International
students come from many countries around the world, and despite being considered as a
student group population in U.S. higher education, international students are an
extremely diverse group. This diversity is represented by many countries and national
origins, cultures, religions, socio-economic status and the values and beliefs inherent in
the society from which they originate (IIE, 2009). While the research endeavored to
include the perspectives of a diverse group of international students from China and
Hong Kong, limitations still exist in how generalizable the results are given the student
population. Secondly, the courses that meet the diversity requirements for Western
University are specific to its campus and do not exist in the same context on other
college campuses. The requirements were further unique to Western University in how
the diversity and social issues courses are categorized using a Diversity Typology (Cole
& Sundt, 2008) developed for a research project on the impact of diversity courses.
The typology categorizes the courses in how they meet the diversity requirements at
Western University and places courses into four different levels. The categories are
introductory, basic, intermediate, and advanced (Cole & Sundt, 2008). In using the
Diversity Typology, results are limited given the level of course taken by students and
whether the course emphasis was on race/ethnicity, gender, religion or other aspects of
diversity.
9

As this study occurred at a private, selective university in a large urban city, the
specific campus environment will limit generalization to other campus populations.
Western University hosts almost 6,600 international students, of which 1,781 are
undergraduates representing 10.6% of the student population during the 2009-2010
academic year (University Profile, 2009). The student diversity of the campus will
further limit replication as the domestic undergraduate student population consists of
23.5% Asian/Pacific Islander; 5.5% Black/African-American; 13.4% Hispanic; 0.9%
Native American/American Indian; 44.3% White; and 1.8% Unknown/Other, who come
from all over the U.S. (University Profile, 2009).

Definitions of Terms
International Students: F1 Visa Students who attend a college or University in the
U.S.
Domestic Students: Students born or who live in the U.S.; Attended High
School in the U.S.
Diversity Courses: Courses with an emphasis on historical issues of
oppressed groups or contemporary issues of difference in
the U.S. with specific focus on race/ethnicity, gender or
religion.
Diversity Typology: Categorization of diversity and social issues courses into a
four level system of how the specific course meets the
campus‟ diversity requirements.
Intergroup Relationships: Focus on relationships that develop between international
and domestic students around race/ethnicity, gender or
religion.

10

Race: Social construct of identity based on the race in which
you identify. U.S. based classifications of White,
American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Black or
African-American, Hispanic or Latino, Native Hawaiian
or Other Pacific Islander (Office of Management and
Budget, 2009)
Ethnicity: Identity established from different racial, national or
cultural groups with ties to community customs, language
or beliefs.

Organization of the Study
Chapter two is a literature review of diversity courses and their associated
student outcomes, multicultural education, international students and their experiences
with higher education in the U.S., and intergroup peer relationships. For the diversity
curriculum and classroom, Morey‟s (1988) framework for systemic change with
multiculturalism, Kitano‟s (1997) and Bank‟s (1993) frameworks for curriculum change
and Bennett‟s (2001) framework for how the diversity classroom can impact students
are presented. In reviewing the literature, various models impacting international
students and intergroup peer relationships are also explored. These include Berry‟s
(1980) acculturation strategies, Carroll‟s (1963) Model of School Learning,
noncognitive variables presented by Boyer and Sedlacek (1988), Allport‟s (1954)
intergroup contact hypothesis, Pettigrew‟s (1998) reformulation of Allport‟s (1954)
contact hypothesis, and Weidman‟s (1989) model of socialization. Chapter three
reviews the methodology used to conduct this study. Qualitative measures included
individual interviews with students from China and Hong Kong to assess their learning
11

in the diversity courses and how the courses contributed to students building intergroup
peer relationships. This also included the administration of the Gu, Han and Hu (2006)
Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students (ASAIS). Chapter four reports the
findings on the research questions, discussion on the meaning of the findings and the
contributions to higher education. Chapter five summarizes the findings, addresses
implications of the study, the limitations present, and discussion on future
recommendations for international students around diversity courses and building
intergroup peer relationships.

12

Chapter 2
Review of the Literature

As students in colleges and universities continue to diversify to reflect society,
many institutions have created various programs and initiatives to increase the
engagement of students with social diversity (Laird et al., 2005). The knowledge and
skills students need to succeed in society around diversity issues are currently taking
different forms on the college campus. Most visible in supporting these knowledge and
skills are the new diversity initiatives designed by campuses to increase student
awareness about differences. These differences include the need to interact with others
from different backgrounds and learn about diverse people and perspectives (Laird et
al., 2005). Diversity initiatives, such as increasing the representation of racial/ethnic
groups and engagement with diversity in the classroom are growing in the recent
decades (Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pedersen & Allen, 1999; Chang, 2002). This recent
growth is evident in various focal points, issues and activities that are related to higher
education‟s attempts to overcome the racial divide in the U.S. (Hurtado et al., 1999;
Chang, 2002). The greatest influence in addressing societal issues and diversity by
higher education occurs when the campus environment is different from the students‟
home community background, and when the environment is diverse enough to
encourage intellectual experimentation (Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, Gurin, 2002). The
diversity initiatives that serve to enrich our society and support the development of
college students are therefore, heavily influenced by higher education.
13

This literature review focused on the addition of diversity courses into the
college curriculum for students and the intended outcomes. I examined the effects of
these courses on students by exploring the literature and using the diversity course
requirements at Western University. Secondly, I explored who our international
students are by providing a portrayal of the acculturation and transition issues they fa ce,
and their academic and social experiences with higher education in the U.S. Finally, I
examined theories and studies that support intergroup peer relationships. Through these
three lenses I was able to understand: 1) How student perceptions of diversity courses
contributed to the building of intergroup peer relationships between international
students from China and Hong Kong and domestic students from diverse backgrounds
and; 2) How student perceptions of intergroup peer relationships vary by their
acculturation level.

Models of Diversity Courses and the Curriculum
One of the most influential places where students are engaged around diversity
issues is in the college classroom (Laird et al., 2005). The first change to include
diversity in the curriculum began with multicultural education, which was designed to
better prepare teachers for a diverse student population and to reduce barriers to
achievement for their students (Morey, 2000; Banks, 1995a). The change in the
curriculum to include diversity has a central mission of helping students be effective in
a pluralistic democratic society (Morey, 2000). Morey‟s (1988) framework for
systemic change with multiculturalism at the college level includes a key component of
14

infusing the curriculum with essential content and instructional strategies. In addition,
there are various frameworks that currently exist that examine the content and processes
of curriculum change and to what level or extent it is needed (Sleeter & Grant, 1998;
Kitano, 1997). Most notably, curriculum changes suggested by Kitano (1997) were
based on three levels of changes described as being exclusive, inclusive, or transformed.
An exclusive course focuses on traditional or mainstream perspectives in the discipline
while an inclusive course explores traditional views, yet also adds alternative
perspectives to the materials (Kitano, 1997; Morey, 2000). A transformed course
attempts to reconceptualize the content of the field through new knowledge or
scholarship, thus challenging traditional views (Kitano, 1997; Morey, 2000).
Banks (1993) describes four approaches to content changes in the curriculum,
including the contributions approach that reflects the review of basic cultural change
elements. Second, the additive approach reflects content that is added to the curriculum
without changing the structural foundation (Banks, 1993). Third, the transformative
approach reflects a change in the curriculum structure to include perspectives of diverse
ethnic or cultural groups (Banks, 1993). Finally, the action approach looks to assist
students in decisions about social and civic problems and the actions that may be
needed to solve those (Banks, 1993). Humphreys (1997) and Gaff (1991) also reflect
on two views of how courses appear in the curriculum, including being a required part
of the curriculum or through a non-required course that has diversity infused within the
actual course. Through these models, the foundation for changes in the curriculum and
the impact on students around diversity was established.
15

With the established foundation of multicultural education, diversity issues
found their vision further infused into the curriculum of colleges and universities. In
recognizing that many aspects of diversity are missing in the traditional academic
curriculum, there has been an increased expansion of the curriculum to include diversity
course requirements (LaBelle & Ward, 1996). Laird et al. (2005) have defined
diversity courses as “courses that have content and methods of instruction that are
inclusive of the diversity found in society” (p. 450). A key argument for this
requirement is based on the values of a liberal education (Humphreys, 1997). The
value of a liberal education advocates for students being able to communicate and
contribute to the broader diverse society (Humphreys, 1997). These courses also have
as an essential goal that students will gain knowledge about diverse groups to improve
their critical thinking and cross-cultural competency skills (Banks, 2001).
The diversity requirement expanded and found a place in the general education
curriculum at many institutions. With the general education curriculum, the diversity
requirement can be found in targeted or designated courses which specifically address
race and ethnicity or in a wide variety of courses that address diversity-related issues
(Chang, 2002). Diversity courses are often found in individual departments such as
ethnic studies or women‟s studies (Engberg, 2004). According to Humphreys (2000),
62% of colleges and universities currently have or are in the process of developing a
diversity requirement for students.

16

Western University Diversity Requirements
For the purposes of this study and literature review, a large, private university on
the west coast referred to from this point on as Western University provided the setting
and framework for diversity course requirements and their intended outcomes. The
campus has a student population of 35,000 of which 16,751 are undergraduate students
(University Profile, 2009). As noted in the campus‟ catalogue (2009), the purpose of
diversity courses is stated as:
Students will gain exposure to analytical frameworks within which these
issues are to be understood and addressed, including social, political,
cultural, ethical and public policy analyses. It is the university's goal to
prepare students through the study of human differences for responsible
citizenship in an increasingly pluralistic and diverse society. (p. 60)

The expected outcomes of diversity courses at Western University as further noted in
their catalogue (2009) support that:
The diversity requirement is designed to provide undergraduate students
with the background knowledge and analytical skills to enable them to
understand and respect differences between groups of people and to
understand the potential resources and/or conflicts arising from human
differences on the contemporary American and international scene. (p.
60)

At Western University, every undergraduate student is required to take a
minimum of one diversity course before they graduate. In addition to the required
diversity course, undergraduate students are also required to take one course in social
issues. Social issues courses may share similar content with diversity courses, as well
as being cross-listed to meet both the diversity and social issues requirement. From the
17

campus‟ Diversity Committee Guidelines for Designation as a Diversity Course
Requirement (2008), the following are the specific criteria:
1. Diversity Course Requirement must examine two or more dimensions of human
diversity and must consider these dimensions in terms of their social and/or cultural
consequences.
2. As a rule, at least one third of the course should be addressed to these issues, and this
should be proportionately reflected in the assigned readings, lectures, and topics for
papers, quizzes, tests, or other graded formal course requirements.
3. Each course should give students the opportunity for personal reflection on the
formation of their own attitudes toward other groups and the effect of those attitudes
on the institutions (e.g., cultural, professional, political).
4. All syllabi are expected to show how the topics addressed related to issues facing
students in a contemporary context.
5. Course encourages comparative and analytical thinking about issues of diversity.
Cole and Sundt (2008) developed a typology model to highlight some of the
differences found across diversity courses based on the criteria that was used by
Western University to designate courses to fulfill the requirements. In using the
criteria, a 4-point likert scale was used to create a rubric for the various types of
diversity courses. A review of course syllabi, guided by the criteria, was used to place
courses within the typology. Figure 1 represents the typology model.

18

Figure 1
Diversity Typology

Advanced
(Mean range=
.95-1.0)

Intermediate
(Mean range=
.74-.94)

Basic (Mean
range= .52-.73)

Introductory
(Mean range=
.25-.51)

Typology of Diversity Courses

All Diversity
Courses Avg. Mean
.73 Std .22
Std. = .22
Example Course: (ARCH 440) Women’s
spaces in history
Example Course: (SWMS 301) Intro.
Feminist Theory

course:
(SWMS 301) Intro. Feminist Theory
Example Course: (SOCI 360) Social Inequity:
Class, Status, & Power
Example Course: (SOCI
342) Race Relations
Introductory Diversity Courses, on average, meets Campus Diversity requirements.
Basic Diversity Courses, on average, marginally exceed Campus Diversity requirements
Intermediate Diversity Courses, on average, exceed Ca mpus Diversity expectations
Advanced Diversity Courses, on average, far exceed Campus Diversity expectations
Note: Scores are derived from a 4 point likert-scale on each of the 5 criteria the used to
designate a div ersity course as an approv ed option to fulfill the div ersity course
requirement.

19

Diversity Courses and Student Outcomes
So why are diversity courses important for students in colleges and universities?
Most of the research has been based in multicultural education and teacher education
programs in support of teachers who work with diverse student populations.
(Hodgkinson, 1991; Zeichner & Hoeft, 1996). The research in this area, however, is
limited and results are inconclusive or mixed as to student outcomes (Artiles & Trent,
1997; Grant & Secada, 1990). In contrast, research on curricular-based diversity
initiatives, which are broadly applied to undergraduate education, are consistently
shown to have positive effects for students in such areas as openness to cultural
awareness, interest in racial understanding and reducing prejudice (Astin, 1993;
Hurtado, 1996; Chang, 1999). Diversity courses are considered a supportive
environment to challenge student values and attitudes (Laird et al., 2005). Further
changes in student attitudes and beliefs can be seen when diversity courses are
combined with cultural workshops and discussions on race, which effects the academic
and personal development of students regardless of their racial background (Astin,
1993; Villalpando, 1994).
The impact of diversity courses is also linked to various learning outcomes for
students that can further impact society. Most notably when exploring ethnic studies
and women‟s studies courses, students develop complex and socio-historical thinking
(Gurin, 1999), sociopolitical views and new ways of thinking about human differences
(Henderson-King & Stewart, 1999; Musil, 1992), as well as active thinking processes,
civic outcomes, and participation in community action programs (Gurin, 1999). Gurin‟s
20

(1999) study also found that White students in particular, who were exposed to a higher
level of diverse ideas, increased in their active thinking process. However, Gurin‟s
(1999) study was not regarding a diversity course requirement, but was related to
attending cultural workshops or students enrolled in ethnic studies courses. A further
study by Henderson-King and Kaleta (2000), which compared students enrolled in a
required race and ethnicity course and those not enrolled, found that for those not
enrolled their views toward Latina(o)s, African-Americans and men became
significantly less favorable compared to those enrolled whose views did not change
significantly. Chang‟s (2002) study on the impact of diversity course requirements on
students‟ racial views and attitudes differs from the findings of the Henderson-King and
Kaleta (2000) study regarding intergroup tolerance. Chang (2002) found that students
completing a diversity requirement, where the course content varied regarding racial
and ethnic groups, had more favorable views toward African Americans upon
completion, thereby reducing racial prejudice. The study further supported that
learning about one specific difference, such as gender or class, might also transfer to a
students‟ way of thinking about other differences and reduce prejudice in multiple areas
(Chang, 2002). In contrast, Hogan and Mallott (2005) in their study of reducing racial
prejudice found that the completion of a racial diversity course did not affect student
feelings of resentment toward Blacks.
While positive effects are encouraging in supporting diversity courses, studies
differ and there are limitations that need further study. Limitations have been noted
regarding the lack of comparison groups in studies, the absence of gender and ethnic
21

diversity among participants, and the lack of control identifying students with
predispositions toward the outcome goals of the courses (Laird et al., 2005). Further
studies indicate concerns with individual student characteristics, issues with
convenience samples, the small number of students in a study, differences among racial
groups and little detail on the specific classroom environments (Chang, 2002;
Hathaway, 1999; Hasslen, 1993; Engberg, 2004). There were no studies found on
international students in diversity courses which are of interest to this study. The
importance of diversity courses and their associated outcomes is part of the impact of
the diversity classroom and environment which is next explored.

Impact of the Diversity Classroom
In Genres of Research in Multicultural Education, Bennett (2001) presents an
essential framework on how the diversity classroom can impact students. The
organizational framework allows for a way to define types of diversity classrooms and
how courses can differ. The four principles that are based on multicultural education
include: 1) the theory of cultural pluralism, which advocates that each ethnic group
retains its own heritage; 2) ideals of social justice and ending various forms of prejudice
and discrimination, thereby eliminating structural inequities for diverse groups; 3)
affirming culture in teaching and learning, thus validating an individuals‟ values and
beliefs; and 4) promoting educational equity and excellence to increase the academic
learning of all children, thereby providing equal opportunities for all students (Bennett,
2001). As diversity courses in college work similar to multicultural education, this
22

framework will allow for additional analysis of what to expect as a result of student
experiences in diversity courses.
In creating the twelve genres, Bennett (2001) categorized each genre based on
similar emphasis in content and purpose that studies reviewed, and that differed from
other genres. The genres are further identified in one of four clusters, which are
categories of the studies that represent the broad field of multicultural education. With
Bennett‟s (2001) framework, it is important to note that the fields of ethnic studies,
social studies, gender studies, bilingual education and special education are excluded.
While these fields are compatible with concepts of multicultural education, Bennett
(2001) noted these fields were beyond the scope of her research due to the extensive
theory and research done individually in these areas.
The following are a description of the four clusters.
Cluster one, curriculum reform, focuses on transforming the traditional
curriculum that is based on a Eurocentric view. Two key themes of this area are that
“knowledge is contested and constructed” and that the Eurocentric curriculum in a
diverse society such as the U.S. is a “tool for cultural hegemony” (Bennett, 2001, p.
179). This cluster includes three genres (Bennett, 2001). Genre one, historical inquiry
focuses on events, persons or societal developments in history that are looked at from
different perspectives to create an inclusive curriculum. Genre two, detecting bias in
texts and in instructional materials looks at bias found in curriculum and text materials,
often around ethnic or gender stereotypes. Genre three, curriculum theory, includes
23

concepts and principles of multicultural education, as well as curriculum goals and
models.
Cluster two, equity pedagogy, supports equal educational opportunities for
students, especially those from minority groups and low socio-economic backgrounds.
Central to this goal are teacher expectations for student learning, disciplinary issues of
students, relationships between schools and the community, and classroom climates
(Bennett, 2001). This cluster includes genre four, school and classroom climate, which
refers to classroom structures and practices and the attitudes that develop between
administrators and teachers with their students. Positive interactions can contribute to
higher student achievement and positive intergroup relations between teachers and
students (Bennett, 2001). Genre five, student achievement, focuses on teaching that is
culturally relevant for students and how a students‟ culture is central to their learning
(Bennett, 2001). As students develop cultural competence they have greater academic
success and self-esteem (Bennett, 2001). Lastly, genre six, cultural styles in teaching
and learning, focuses on helping teachers understand how ethnicity and various learning
styles are relevant and vary in ethnic groups.
Cluster three, multicultural competence, emphasizes the reduction of racial and
cultural prejudice and individuals developing competencies in a multicultural society.
Foundations of multicultural competence focus on individuals being open and learning
about various cultural groups that are different from their own. This cluster also
includes three genres (Bennett, 2001). Genre seven, ethnic identity explores an
individuals‟ sense of connection to their cultural or ethnic group, often exhibited in
24

stages of development of their identity, and how ethnic identity can have implications
for teaching and learning in a diverse classroom. Genre eight, prejudice reduction,
reflects on how structures and teaching practices can impact interpersonal relationships
and includes all types of prejudice, not just race and culture. Lastly, genre nine, ethnic
group culture, examines the changing of ones‟ belief systems and learning about culture
to increase an individuals‟ intercultural competence.
Cluster four, societal equity, looks at issues of equitable access, participation
and achievement in the broader context of society and assumes that change is possible
through basic democratic values (Bennett, 2001). This cluster includes the last three
genres (Bennett, 2001). Genre ten, demographics, explores the population trends and
statistics of gender, ethnic groups and socioeconomic status regarding students‟
educational and socioeconomic attainment. Genre eleven, culture and race in popular
culture, examines content issues and stereotypes of groups included in motion pictures
or television. Lastly, genre twelve, social action, focuses on bringing about change for
inequities in all aspects of school, community, and society.
The following Table 1 depicts Bennett‟s (2001) organizational framework on
how the diversity classroom can impact students.

25

Table 1
Genres of research in multicultural education.
Cluster One: Cluster Two: Cluster Three: Cluster Four:
Curriculum Reform Equity Pedagogy Multicultural Societal Equity
Competence
Genre 1 – Historical Genre 4 – School Genre 7 – Ethnic Genre 10
Inquiry and classroom identity Demographics
climate development
Genre 2 - Detecting Genre 5 - Student Genre 8 – Prejudice Genre 11 – Culture
bias in texts and Achievement Reduction and race in popular
instructional culture
materials
Genre 3 – Genre 6 – Cultural Genre 9 – Ethnic Genre 12 - Social
Curriculum Theory styles in teaching group culture Action

All of the genres are relevant in terms of framing student experiences in the
diversity classroom, and will vary depending on the level or specific content of a
course. Of particular interest to this study, which relates to intergroup peer
relationships that can form in diversity courses, are genre four, school and social
climate; genre six, cultural styles in teaching and learning; genre seven, ethnic identity;
genre eight, prejudice reduction; and genre nine, ethnic group culture. For international
students, learning and adjusting to the campus and classroom climate, as well as styles
that vary for teachers and students in the classroom are aspects considered in exploring
the impact of diversity courses on international students. According to Bennett (2001) a
student‟s comfort with intergroup contact is influenced by their sense of ethnic identity,
which for international students can represent many countries or cultural backgrounds.
Thus, understanding a student‟s identity in this study allowed greater insight into how
26

they interact in the classroom and if the interactions led to prejudice reduction.
Prejudice reduction is also a valuable framework as it is one of the key outcomes
associated with student experiences in diversity courses (Chang, 2002). Finally, this
study also looked for changes in student beliefs that may be a result of intergroup peer
relationships. The following section focuses on gender in the classroom since the
majority of participants in this study were female.

Gender in the Classroom
The impact of gender in the classroom and how females and males experience
the classroom environment can provide further support for this study. Men and
women are known to have different college experiences and thus face different
outcomes when pursuing higher education (Jacobs, 1996). These outcomes include
students‟ ethical standards (Whitley, Nelson & Jones, 1999), academic engagement (Hu
& Kuh, 2002), motivation for academic endeavors (Tett, 2002) and the kinds of peer
groups they develop (Kuh, Hu & Vesper, 2000). However, while gender differences do
exist, there is no significant difference in students‟ academic achievement (Mickelson,
1989). According to Chee, Pino and Smith (2005), women‟s achievement is largely
dependent on social relationships which helps define their identity and their attitudes
about learning. In comparison, men value academic achievement due to their identity
being defined by achievement (Chee et al., 2005).
The educational experiences in the classroom can further differ greatly for males
and females (Wilkinson & Marrett, 1985; Hall & Sandler, 1989). Hall and Sandler
27

(1989) suggest that sex inequities exist in the college classroom and refer to student
experiences in the classroom as the “classroom climate”. The phrase “chilly classroom
climate” is further used to describe classroom experiences that negatively affect all
students (Hall & Sandler, 1989). However, the existence of sex inequities, which
includes aspects such as the frequency and quality of interactions between students and
teachers, as well as sex discrimination, are heavily debated in the literature (Brady &
Eisler, 1999). Several authors agree that sex inequities exist at the college level
(Harvey & Hergert, 1986; Foxley, 1988; Chiosso & Tizard, 1990). In support of Hall
and Sandler‟s (1989) work on classroom climate, Sandler, Silverberg and Hall (1996) in
their study found 30 ways in which professors often treated female students differently
in the classroom. Other studies contradict that a chilly classroom exists for female
students and that students reported no differences in faculty behavior toward males and
females (Boersma, Gay, Jones, Morrison & Remick, 1981; Heller, Puff & Mills, 1985).
Drew and Work (1998) also found that no significant differences existed for male and
female students‟ perceptions of experiences with faculty and that there was no evidence
female students felt a chilly classroom climate. Finally, Constantinople, Cornelius and
Gray (1988) reflected that results are thin and inconsistent and Williams (1990) argued
that sex inequities do not exist. Thus, Brady and Eisler (1999) have called for more
systematic research on the classroom environment and the measures of overt classroom
behaviors and student perceptions which the classroom entails. Crawford and Macleod
(1990) also state that so little is known about gender differences in the classroom and
28

that there is a need to “gather evidence systematically rather than rely of anecdotes” (p.
103).
The classroom environment consists on numerous factors that can contribute to
the roles and differences that may exist for male and female students and their success.
These factors relate to how students perceive the interactions in the classroom with
professors and their peers. With regard to faculty-student interactions, factors such as
the sex of the professor (Constantinople et al., 1988; Crawford & MacLeod, 1990;
Canada & Pringle, 1995), student perceptions of their professors (Freeman, 1994;
Perrine, 1998), professors sensitivity to gender issues (Wood & Lenze, 1991; Hall &
Sandler, 1982), student assertiveness (Wood & Lenze, 1991), racial background of
students (Yepez, 1994), size of the class (Constantinople et al., 1988; Canada & Pringle,
1995) the ratio of males to females in the classroom (Canada & Pringle, 1995), and the
subject matter being taught should be considered (Freeman, 1994; Constantinople et al.,
1988).
In the classroom, faculty-student interactions are important for student success
(Astin, 1993; Auster & MacRone, 1994; Tinto, 1997). With faculty-student interactions
regarding gender, male students have been found to interact more with their professors
than female students (Krupnick, 1985; Constantinople et al., 1988). But according to
Sax, Bryant and Harper (2005), females have more contact and positive interactions
with their professors than males. Drew and Work (1998) also found in their study that
female students interacted more with faculty than male students. At the same time,
29

other researchers have shown no difference regarding gender and faculty-student
interactions in the classroom (Kuh & Hu, 2001).
Faculty-student interactions and the size of the classroom can further inform this
study. According to Brady and Eisler (1999) small classrooms were rated more
interactive than medium and large classrooms in their study regarding faculty-student
interactions. In contrast, larger classrooms generally allow students greater anonymity,
the ability to sit at the back of the classroom and often the opportunity to withdraw from
the majority of what is occurring in the classroom (Weaver & Qi, 2005). In addition,
the perception of the classroom climate was also more positive in small classes, along
with the most personalized interactions for male and female students occurring in small
classes led by female professors (Crawford & MacLeod, 1990). Canada and Pringle
(1995) further found that the gender of the professor had an impact on the class
interactions when the size of the class was also considered.
Participation in the classroom is also an area where little agreement exists as to
the differences between males and females. According to Corneilius, Gray and
Constantinople (1990), Fritschner (2000) and Howard, James and Taylor (2002), gender
has been found to lower student participation in the classroom. Studies indicate that
female students perceived themselves in the classroom to be less involved than their
male peers (Hall & Sandler, 1982; Crawford & MacLeod, 1990; Brady & Eisler, 1999).
Additionally, Fassinger (1995) and Tannen (1990) found that males more frequently
than females participate in class discussions. However, Drew and Work (1998) found
that females contribute more frequently than males in class. Finally, other studies
30

suggest that a students‟ gender has little effect on their class participation (Howard &
Henney, 1998; Fritschner, 2000).
While the impact of the classroom on gender can relate to various factors such
as students‟ academic interests, class size, faculty-student interactions and class
participation, inconsistencies exist as to the extent gender has, if at all on student
experiences in the classroom. Student experiences can further relate to the overall
classroom climate they experience, the type of institutions they attend as well as the
gender of their professors. These various factors may offer insights for this study on
how male and female students may differ in their experiences with diversity courses.

International Students
International students are defined as individuals who temporarily reside in a
country other than their country of citizenship to participate in an international
education exchange as students (Paige, 1990). According to the Open Doors report
(2009) published by the Institute of International Education, the number of international
students in the U.S. for the 2008-2009 academic year was a record high of 671,616, up
8% from the previous year. These numbers reflect that the U.S. remained the premiere
destination for international students. The top countries that students originated from
are India, China, South Korea, Canada and Japan (IIE, 2009). These five countries also
comprised 50% of all students studying in the U.S. (IIE, 2009). In the 2008-2009
academic year, there were 269,874 undergraduate and 283,329 graduate students
respectively (IIE, 2009). The largest number of international students can be found in
31

California, New York and Texas (IIE, 2009). According to the Open Doors report
(2009), international students contributed over 17.8 billion dollars to the U.S. economy
in the 2008-2009 academic year, which included tuition and living expenses. Thus,
international students bring a major cultural experience for our domestic students and
campus community and a financial benefit to the U.S. Furthermore, they are a relevant
and important source of diversity on the college campus and can increase domestic
students‟ cultural sensitivity and skills in working with individuals from different
backgrounds (Zhao et al., 2005; Carnevale, 1999).
With diversity courses and their impact on students, much of the research has
been conducted on White students and students of racial and ethnic groups under-
represented in the U.S. (Gurin, 1999; Henderson-King & Kaleta, 2000; Chang, 2002;
Engberg, 2004, Hogan & Mallott, 2005). For institutions with a diversity requirement,
there is currently no research on how these courses are understood by or impact the
growing number of international students in our colleges and universities. Thus, the
questions raised were: How do international students transition to studying in the U.S.?
What issues around diversity do they bring and contribute to learning and the classroom
experience? What theories guide the development and support of international
students? These questions were critical areas that needed further exploration and
analysis in how international students experience diversity on college campuses in the
U.S.

32

International Students’ Transitions and Adjustments
As reflected in the introduction of chapter one, most of the current literature on
international students deals with transitional issues in adapting to a new environment
(Poyrazil & Grahame, 2007). Being that students are unfamiliar with American
customs, norms, and values, they can experience difficulties when interacting with
Americans, both personally and academically (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998). Additional
concerns with mental health issues, academic and financial difficulties, racial/ethnic
discrimination, loss of social support, depression, homesickness, alienation and feelings
of loneliness also impact their academic, psychological health and cross-cultural
experiences (Leong & Chou, 1994; Mori, 2000). A major adjustment is also with the
English language and being able to communicate effectively with others (Al-Sharideh
& Goe, 1998; Pederson, 1991; Poyrazil & Grahame, 2007). This communication
difficulty often leads to additional stress and isolation for international students
(Pedersen, 1991; Furnham & Alibhai, 1985; Poyrazil & Grahame, 2007). With these
transitional issues, it is important to also consider the level of acculturation for
international students.

International Student Acculturation
According to Berry, Poortinga, Segall and Dasen (1992), acculturation deals
with individual as well as community changes that occur when two cultures come into
contact. The level of student acculturation can play a role in how international students
transition and adjust to the college experience (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987,
33

Wadsworth et al., 2008). Furthermore, a students‟ level of acculturation may impact
how students interact in the classroom, thus informing this study around the learning
and intergroup relationships that occur in diversity courses (Wadsworth et al., 2008).
Most of the literature on acculturation is based on Berry‟s (1980) acculturation
framework. According to Berry (1980) and as reframed by Bourhis, Moise, Perreault
and Senecal (1997), the four acculturation strategies include assimilation, separation,
marginalization, and integration. Assimilation involves letting go of ones‟ cultural
heritage in order to adopt the beliefs and behaviors of a new culture (Tadmor & Tetlock,
2006). Separation occurs when individuals maintain their own culture without
intergroup relations. Marginalization explores not accepting both the old and the new
culture. Integration or biculturalism involves an individual maintaining their cultural
heritage and being able to take on a new culture. This suggests that a students‟ identity
in two cultures can exist independent of each other, and that students have the ability to
allow the context of situations to dictate their identity (Hong, Morris, Chiu & Benet-
Martinez, 2002).
Studies relevant to international student acculturation are based primarily on
their transitional issues to a new environment and psychological challenges (Ryan &
Twibell, 2000). Further, studies suggest that a students‟ cross-cultural adaptation
depends on their degree of identification with their host and home cultures (Berry,
2003; Ward & Kennedy, 1994; Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999). According to Cemalcilar
and Falbo (2008), international students experience a change in their identification after
34

the transition from their home country to a U.S. university, as well as a reduction in
their psychological well-being.
For the four acculturation strategies presented by Berry (1990), studies on
international students show that neither integration or biculturalism nor marginalization
have been identified for those that live in the U.S. for a short duration (Chataway &
Berry, 1989; Sodowsky & Plake, 1992). This short duration reflects the few years that
international students are in the U.S. for their academic studies. International students
generally perceive significant levels of prejudice, which lends to being closer to their
nationality group or other cultural minority groups, and thus will struggle with issues of
acculturation (Frey & Roysircar, 2004). According to a study at a Midwestern
university by Frey and Roysircar (2004), international students who have been in the
U.S. for a short time indicated lower levels of acculturation than White students. The
international population of the Frey and Roysircar (2004) study was comprised of
students from South Asian, South East Asian and South American countries. In
previous studies, Asian and Latino international students also reported lower
acculturation for those who had been in the U.S. less than 5 years (Sodowsky & Lai,
1997; Sodowsky, Lai & Plake, 1991).
Acculturation for international students can be influenced by their level of
communication and the ability to deal with cultural and language barriers with
American students (Wadsworth et al., 2008). According to Wadsworth et al., (2008)
international students who are more proficient in English, who are able to build
comfortable relationships with Americans, and who are familiar with American popular
35

culture are more confident and competent in communicating with Americans. Zhao et
al. (2005) found that senior international students, who are often more acculturated to
American culture, were more effective in communication experiences than first-year
international students. In such cases, the acculturation process is closely related to a
students‟ identity and identity gaps (Wadsworth et al., 2008). According to Berry
(2003), as an individual becomes acculturated to a new culture, their identity begins to
encompass the new culture. This identification manifests itself with the culture of
origin and the host culture. Highly acculturated international students more accurately
express themselves and show higher confidence with Americans, thereby reducing
issues with their self-image (Wadsworth et al., 2008).
The level of acculturation for international students depends on their contact
with domestic students at universities (Frey & Roysircar, 2004; Wadsworth et al.,
2008). Positive contact between international students and host nationals is critical to
their adjustment to a new culture (Church, 1982). Most of the literature on intergroup
relationships is based on the contact hypothesis. According to Amir (1969), if
international students, as the out-group, allow the in-group to get to know their views
and beliefs, in-group members are better able to appreciate and understand their way of
life. This reflects the host country value that international students who study in the
U.S. are perceived as the out-group and domestic students as the in-group. Church
(1982) further suggests that international students often have to deal with conflicts
between maintaining cultural ties to their community and behaving in a way consistent
with expectations of the host country. The ability for students to adopt host country
36

values and at what level will depend on an international students‟ level of identity
(Pointkowsi, Florack, Hoelker & Obdrazalek, 2000). This level of identity can also
predict a students‟ willingness to have contact with other ethnic group members and
host country members (Pointkowsi et al., 2000).
International student identity is also related to their sociocultural adjustment and
supports how the four acculturation strategies, which are assimilation, separation,
marginalization and integration, can affect their adjustment (Li & Gasser, 2005).
Various studies have looked at the effects of acculturation on cross-cultural adjustment
(Ward & Kennedy, 1994; Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999). According to Fugita and
O‟Brien (1985), a strong association with the host culture and disassociation with their
own ethnic community supports international student adjustment. Eshel and Rosenthal-
Sokolov (2000) in their study on Russian students found that positive sociocultural
adjustment meant that students had to let go of their ethnic culture and adopt the
identity of the new culture and expectations. Ward and Rana-Deuba (1999) also found
that the more international students identify with the host culture, they will exhibit less
social difficulties, are able to function in social settings, and have a greater
understanding of local languages. The Ward and Rana-Deuba (1999) study was
conducted on foreign students in Nepal. Through these studies, the research shows that
strong ethnic identity for international students is negatively related to their
sociocultural adjustment and cross-cultural contact with students. Thus, a strong ethnic
identity by international students may play a role in the impact of diversity courses on
them and the ability to build intergroup relationships in which this study focused.
37

Academic and Social Integration
International students and the relationships they develop with advisors and
professors, adjustments to the teaching styles and curriculum differences, and class and
teacher expectations can present challenges (Day & Hajj, 1986; Poyrazil & Grahame,
2007). Specifically, curricular and teaching concerns can reflect study techniques, test-
taking, classroom instruction, and classroom discussions (Day & Hajj, 1986; White,
Brown & Suddick, 1983). Data on academic involvement shows that international
students are less involved in class than domestic students, but more involved regarding
hours of study time (Grayson, 2008). The interaction with faculty members is also
shown to increase academic achievement among minority and international students
(Anaya & Cole, 2001). In addition, increasing the sensitivity of faculty members to
cultural differences and to encourage the inclusion of a students‟ culture in lectures can
support their academic adjustment (Rai, 2002). In direct support of international
students and faculty, it has been found that understanding racism can predict persistence
(Boyer & Sedlacek, 1988). According to Boyer and Sedlacek (1988), racism and the
ability to recognize it can also be seen in low expectations from faculty for minority
students.
International students are often more likely to lack social support than domestic
students (Grayson, 2008). They often face challenges making new friends, losing social
support and difficulties developing new social support systems (Poyrazil & Grahame,
2007). Such a loss of social support has been found to impact academic achievement as
well as psychological experiences such as depression (Boyer & Sedlacek, 1988; Hayes
38

& Lin, 1994; Pedersen, 1991). Friendship networks and a strong support system help
international students adjust more quickly (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998; Boyer &
Sedlacek, 1988). According to Furnham and Alibhai (1985), international students also
prefer friends who are from their own country or region of the world. Additionally,
strong ethnic communities and ties with people of the same cultural background
influence the self-esteem of international students (Al Sharideh & Goe, 1998). Once
students start building relationships with domestic students and faculty, however, and
engage in co-curricular activities, there is a reduction in stress which leads to more
positive experiences and achievement of their educational goals (Poyrazil & Grahame,
2007; Mallinckrodt & Leong, 1992; Toyokawa & Toyokawa, 2002; Prieto, 1995).
Through faculty and peer support, international students can become more engaged in
the college experience and find greater success in the classroom.

Learning Models
For international students and their integration into colleges and universities, a
theoretical foundation in assessing their student development in academic and social
experiences is essential. Specifically, how their academic learning experiences, in
addition to the content of material experienced in the classroom should be considered.
Carroll‟s (1963) Model of School Learning, presents five basic variables that account
for variations in school achievement of international students. The model, with its‟
original roots in foreign language learners, that includes international students, shows
that persons with a low aptitude generally take longer to achieve a given criterion of
39

learning that those with a higher aptitude (Carroll, 1989). The first variable, aptitude,
reflects the amount of time a student needs to learn a task. The second variable,
opportunity, focuses on the amount of time allowed for learning. The third variable,
perseverance, examines the amount of time a student is willing to spend to learn a task.
Other variables that relate to achievement include consideration for the quality of
instruction and a students‟ ability to understand the materials presented. The model
stresses the high quality of instruction that is needed and the importance of learners
being told what they will learn; learners being put in contact with the appropriate
learning materials; and that learning must be planned out and ordered (Carroll, 1989).
Linking this model of learning with how new information is presented for international
students in diversity courses can support their learning about race/ethnicity and other
differences from the context of diversity in the U.S.
Learning styles for international students mainly focus on cognitive
development, which examines information processing for students (Niles, 1995). The
few studies on international students that explore learning through instruction and
environment focus on Asian international students in other countries. With 60 % of
students studying in the U.S. coming from Asian countries (IIE, 2009), understanding
their learning styles can provide valuable insights relevant to study in the U.S. Asian
students are perceived to be rote learners, use memorization, have surface approaches to
learning, and to rely heavily on textbooks (Ballard and Clanchy, 1991; Kaputin, 1988).
In contrast, in a study of Chinese students in Hong Kong, Kember and Gow (1991)
found no support for these students adopting rote or surface learning. In Australia,
40

studies on Hong Kong (Niles, 1995) and Singaporean students (Volet & Renshaw,
1996) found that learning approaches for Asian students were not different from local
Australian students. Further studies by Kember and Gow (1991) and Reid (1989) argue
that learning is more a function of teaching and the learning environment, than student
characteristics.
A model that further relates to the success of nontraditional students and
international students in higher education is the noncognitive variables presented by
Boyer and Sedlacek (1988). The noncognitive variables include positive self-concept,
realistic self-appraisal, ability to understand and deal with racism, preference for long-
range goals, the availability of a strong support person, successful leadership
experience, demonstrated community service, and knowledge acquired in a field (Boyer
& Sedlacek, 1988). These variables impact the extent to which international students
become a part of the campus community and find the support mechanisms they need to
be successful. As previously discussed, the social networks, relationships with faculty
and advisors, and adjustment issues that reflect learning about racial issues in the U.S.
can support the transitions of international students and their learning (Boyer &
Sedlacek, 1988; Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998; Anaya & Cole, 2001; Rai, 2002). Students
that do well with racism understand the role of the system, how it impacts their life and
how it treats them as a minority person whether it is intentional or not (Sedlacek, 1987).

41

Diversity Knowledge and Understanding
For international students, this study explored how the learning in diversity
courses contributed to the development of peer intergroup relationships. As our
institutions continue to recruit international students, their knowledge and exposure to
American students around diversity can support their transition. For international
students who enter the U.S. from a majority culture and then become a minority,
diversity courses can present new reflections on race and status for the U.S. society (Lee
& Rice, 2007). In reflecting on the cultural discrimination of international students, Lee
and Rice (2007) also found that students commented on feelings of inferiority based on
media images in the U.S., direct insults related to their home country or culture, and the
disrespect and hostility often directed at different U.S. racial groups within the
university. Many international students reflect on the difficulty of racial discrimination,
which they had not experienced in their home country (Lee & Rice, 2007). In their
home country, the personal experiences of international students dealt more with
discrimination based on social class issues (Lee & Rice, 2007). International students
also shared how they were often questioned by others regarding their race and ethnicity
based on media portrayal (Lee & Rice, 2007). This study explored these experiences
shared by international students as they try to find their place in the context of
American society around race.
How can diversity courses provide an environment for international students to
explore stereotypes of diverse groups of people and ideas? According to Spencer-
Rodgers (2001), international students are also subject to stereotyping. International
42

students can be viewed as competitors who displace American college students in the
context of educational and financial resources, such as admissions to academic
programs, fellowships, teaching assistants and employment after graduation (Paige,
1990). Spencer-Rodgers‟ (2001) study on stereotype beliefs of internationals found that
American students held moderately favorable views toward international students on
their cultural beliefs and attitudes, while also having negative views of international
students as being “maladjusted, unsociable and naïve/confused” (p. 654). These
stereotypes can contribute to difficulties with intercultural contacts between
international and domestic students (Spencer-Rodgers, 2001). Further limitations exist
in the literature on stereotyping as it looks at single characteristics such as race or
nationality (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1981). For international students, the ability to
stereotype them on a single characteristic such as race is difficult as students
acknowledge several characteristics (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1981). The perspectives of
international students included in diversity courses could benefit American students,
and potentially support the adjustment and understanding of international students on
the college campus.

Institutional Role in Transitions
With international students, the role that the institution plays in their transitions
and success is also relevant. The lack of focus on inadequacies within the host
community, such as the academic environment and social support systems reduces the
effectiveness of institutions to retain these students (Pedersen, 1991; Schram & Lauver,
43

1988). The assumption also exists that international students are responsible for their
own persistence, transition issues and the ability to integrate into the host society, rather
than institutions responding to their unique needs (Bevis, 2002). The institutional role
and support for international students in and outside of the classroom is critical to the
success of this student population.

Intergroup Peer Relationships and College Students
How can diversity courses contribute to intergroup peer relationships for
international students? This section focuses on psychological and sociological theories
that support intergroup peer relationships. Second, a theoretical framework is presented
that examines student outcomes around diversity that can support intergroup p eer
relationships. Finally, a review of empirical studies regarding intergroup peer
relationships is presented.

Theories
The impact of the peer group on the development of college students is one of
the major influences of student change (Feldman & Newcomb, 1969; Pascarella &
Terenzini, 1991). The work of Feldman and Newcomb (1969) serves as a foundation
for peer group research that examines structured organizations such as residential
environments or formal group affiliations. Feldman and Newcomb (1969) synthesized
findings of studies on the impact of college on student development from the mid-
1920‟s to 1967. Key findings of this research indicated that student experiences with
44

majors are important and that attitudes held by students when leaving college tend to
persist (Feldman & Newcomb, 1969). In addition, while the role of faculty is
influential, faculty are not responsible for campus-wide impact (Feldman & Newcomb,
1969). However, the impact of faculty is enhanced when faculty and student peers
compliment and reinforce each other (Feldman & Newcomb, 1969). The focus during
the period of the mid 1960‟s was also the view of peers in the institutional context as
one large group (Antonio, 2004; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). This institutiona l
context is framed within higher education and specifically the college impact literature.
Aspects of intergroup relationships are further rooted in social psychology and
explore the behavior between social groups. This growing interest relates to the
psychological transformations of individuals who are a part of a social group, and
increased awareness of societal consequences on intergroup behavior (Mummendey &
Wenzel, 1999). Intergroup relationships also deal with aspects such as social
discrimination, prejudice, and hostility between groups, which can be seen as important
problems and challenges in today‟s society (Mummendey & Wenzel, 1999).
Mummendey and Wenzel (1999) further noted that these issues are even more
important today in a society with the high mobility of individuals, economic
globalization, diverse cultures and ethnic groups. These changes in society with diverse
groups have led to increased interactions among various groups (Mummendey &
Wenzel, 1999).
In aligning peers with intergroup contact and its‟ effects to reduce prejudice,
Allport‟s (1954) contact hypothesis has been one of the most influential. Allport‟s
45

(1954) intergroup contact hypothesis supports that positive effects of intergroup contact
occur under four key assumptions, which are equal status interactions, common goals,
intergroup cooperation and the support of authorities. The importance of equal status
can be viewed by the status of the group coming into the situation as well as the status
of the group in the situation (Cohen & Lotan, 1995; Riordan & Ruggiero, 1980; Brewer
& Kramer, 1985). For common goals, prejudice reduction requires an active goal-
orientated effort during the intergroup contact (Pettigrew, 1998). Intergroup
cooperation reflects that for groups to achieve common goals there is a certain level of
interdependence that needs to exist without competition (Bettencourt et al., 1992).
Finally, intergroup contact is supported when someone in authority sanctions the
interaction and it is viewed as the established norm (Pettigrew, 1998). A key initiative
provided by colleges and universities in the role of institutional authority and support is
curricular activities such as diversity courses (Gurin et al., 2002). Essential elements
also include academic support and faculty encouragement of student discussions as
ways to support more interactions across groups (Saenz, Hgai & Hurtado, 2006).
Allport‟s (1954) contact hypothesis was reformulated by Pettigrew (1998) to
include a fifth element of friendship potential. This was designed to reflect how the four
processes interact and how closer long-term relationships, as opposed to initial
acquaintances, provide more constructive contact (Pettigrew, 1998). Pettigrew (1998)
further states that it takes time to develop cross-group friendships and to reduce
prejudice. The fifth element suggested for Allport‟s (1954) model is that individuals
must have the opportunity to become friends. Pettigrew‟s (1998) Reformulated Contact
46

Theory includes three stages that are the participants‟ experiences and characteristics,
the larger societal setting of the situation, and three stages of time. The three stages of
time include initial contact, established contact, and unified group contact that are
integral to the development of relationships (Pettigrew, 1998). According to Pettigrew
(1998), the stages of time also support a greater reduction in prejudice as an individual
increases their level of contact.
Weidman‟s (1989) model of socialization in college further describes the peer
effects on groups. The model reveals three key influences on student change in college
that focus on the role of peer and reference groups in effecting student outcomes.
According to Milem (1992), reference groups are those groups that a student chooses to
associate with whether they are a part of the group or not. The three influences include
a student‟s background characteristics, the academic and social context of an institution,
and the impact of parental and non-college reference groups. Weidman‟s (1989) model
further supports that the interpersonal relationship is critical in terms of the intensity of
the relationship, the frequency of the interaction, and the long-term impact of college,
which results from the informal social interactions with students and faculty. An
important part of socialization also includes a students‟ openness to change, which
includes new and different perspectives, and their openness to the influence of others
(Lacy, 1978).
With diversity initiatives, Allport‟s (1954) contact hypothesis is a key element
used to support the importance of peers in effecting positive student outcomes. Gurin et
al. (2002) present a framework that can support intergroup relationships and diversity.
47

The theoretical framework is rooted in theories of cognitive development and social
psychology that explores how students in higher education are exposed to racial and
ethnic diversity (Gurin et al., 2002). First, students experience structural diversity,
which represents the numerical representation of diverse groups found in the student
body (Gurin et al., 2002; Hurtado et al., 1999). While diverse student groups on
campus are important, they must be supported by informal interactional diversity that
involves the frequency and quality of interactions between groups (Gurin et al., 2002).
Informal interactional diversity is supported by Allport‟s (1954) contact hypothesis in
which meaningful intergroup interactions are important to reduce racial prejudice.
Gurin et al. (2002) contend that while these interactions can occur in many contexts, the
majority occur outside of the classroom. Lastly, classroom diversity includes the
learning about diverse groups and the interaction in the classroom with diverse peers
(Gurin et al., 2002). This theoretical framework supports the impact of peer interactions
and how they can affect learning around diversity that informed this study.

Empirical Studies
While Allport (1954) is credited with the formal contact theory, major studies
were conducted before the 1950‟s. Zeligs and Hendrickson (1933) explored the
relationship between different factors toward 39 different racial groups which supported
that social tolerance was increased by being acquainted with different races. Smith
(1943) studied White students at Columbia University, who attended interracial
weekend retreats with Black leaders in Harlem. This study showed there were
48

significant improvements in White student attitudes toward Blacks from attending the
weekend retreat. This study also had a control group who showed no signs of change
and who did not have interracial contact. Similar studies have been done with
American soldiers during the time of World War II. While units during World War II
were segregated, Singer (1948) found that White soldiers during combat situations, who
were integrated with Blacks, had more positive racial attitudes than units without
interracial contact. Deutsch and Collins (1950), in studying a housing project, also
found that White residents in integrated housing had more positive interracial contact
than individuals in segregated housing units, thus exhibiting more positive racial
attitudes and less racial stereotyping. From the foundation of studies such as these,
Allport (1954) was able to develop his contact hypothesis.
Today, intergroup contact is still considered one of psychology‟s most effective
strategies, when the noted prerequisite conditions exist (Allport, 1954), for improving
intergroup relations (Dovidio, Gaertner & Kawakami, 2003). Studies conducted with
different minority groups such as homosexuals and people with psychiatric disorders
indicate positive results for reducing bias (Herek & Capitanio, 1996; Kolodzeij &
Johnson, 1996). In their meta-analytic review on the contact hypothesis consisting of
203 studies, Pettigrew and Tropp (2000) found significant evidence that intergroup
contact effectively decreased intergroup biases. Even with this evidence, questions still
remain about the contact situation, what aspects of the contact, and what processes
effect the contact on attitudes to successfully reduce bias (Dovidio et al., 2003).
Pettigrew and Tropp (2000) also found that intergroup contact effects were greater for
49

Whites than African-Americans or other minority groups that often hold disadvantaged
positions in U.S. society.
In their study, Tropp and Bianchi (2006) found that the extent to which diversity
is valued by individuals and the out-group involved in the intergroup contact plays a
critical role in predicting group members‟ interest in intergroup contact. This study
also showed that Black and White individuals in the study differed in how they
perceived diversity to be valued, with Blacks being less likely to perceive Whites as
valuing diversity (Tropp & Bianchi, 2006). Further studies examine how exposure to
diverse groups through the curriculum can change intergroup attitudes. Lopez (2004)
found that for White students, group contact and curriculum were important. Lopez‟s
(2004) study showed that White students who attended classes focused on issues of race
or ethnicity had a heightened awareness of inequities in society and were more
favorable on policies dealing with educational equity issues than other students.
Guimond, Begin and Palmer (1989) further found support for social science curriculum
impacting intergroup attitudes around class inequality. Finally, a meta-analysis of
studies, over a 60 year span reviewing the relationship between education and prejudice,
showed significant effects of more education being associated with less prejudice
(Lopez & Mullen, 2002).
How do peer intergroup relationships bring about change in students? Four
interrelated processes have been suggested that materialize through contact and support
attitude change, which are learning about the out-group, changing behavior, generating
affective ties, and in-group reprisal (Pettigrew, 1998). New information learned about
50

the out-group corrects negative views and can improve attitudes (Pettigrew, 1998).
Changing behavior further serves to impact ones‟ attitude about a group (Pettigrew,
1998). These changes are also benefited by repeated contact, which can improve ones‟
comfort level in interactions (Jackman & Crane, 1986; Pettigrew, 1998). Effective ties,
positive emotions, empathy, and the reduction of anxiety in initial contacts between
groups are also critical in intergroup contact (Pettigrew, 1998; Islam & Hewstone, 1993;
Stephan & Stephan, 1985). In-group reprisal supports, that as the in-group sees that
their norms and customs are not the only way to view the world, their perspective of the
out-group changes (Pettigrew, 1998). Wilder and Thompson (1980) found that less in-
group contact also led to less bias toward the out-group in supporting relationships. As
peers navigate the interaction between groups, the change that occurs supports the
reduction of prejudice and increases the potential for friendship (Pettigrew, 1998).
Lastly, Antonio‟s (2001) study on diversity and the influence of friendship groups
found that diversity‟s impact and the development of interracial friendships occur in a
close interpersonal environment. When students develop interracial friendships, they
are also more likely to interact outside of their immediate circle of friends and socialize
with other races (Antonio, 2001).

Conclusion
The purpose of this review was to present and understand the diversity course
requirements that are increasing in the curriculum of colleges and universities. These
courses, which are currently found in 62% of institutions (Humphreys, 2000), serve to
51

educate students about differences, which will allow for greater contributions to our
diverse society. From roots in multicultural education, to exploring the specific
diversity requirements of Western University, and the specific typology designed to
categorize its‟ courses, a foundation was laid to explore how critical these courses are to
educating students in a diverse society. How did diversity courses support the
knowledge and understanding of U.S. diversity issues for international students?
Limited research exists regarding international students and the outcomes around
studying diversity that this study examined. I further explored models of learning and
noncognitive variables that serve to help campuses understand the experiences of
international students. As the U.S. continues to diversify and prepare citizens for a
global society, much can be learned from the interactions with international students
around diversity in the classroom to benefit our domestic students and American
society.
In understanding diversity, the role of intergroup peer relationships was also
critical. As our institutions continue to diversify the student population in terms of race
and ethnicity, gender, and religion, the opportunity for peers to interact in a supportive
environment are essential. Allport‟s (1954), Pettigrew‟s (1998) and Weidman‟s (1989)
theories on intergroup relationships and socialization provided the essential grounding
to study student peer interactions. Through these literature foundations, I explored the
impact and outcomes of diversity courses on international students and how these
courses contributed to international students intergroup peer relationships.
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Looking forward, chapter three provided the methodology used to conduct this
study. A mixed methods design was used consisting of both quantitative and qualitative
approaches. Specifically, I included a review of quantitative and qualitative research
paradigms, phenomenology and heuristics strategies of inquiry, selection of site and
participants, research design, data collection and data analysis.

53

Chapter 3
Methodology

The experiences that international students have in diversity courses and how
these contributed to the development of intergroup peer relationships guided the
methodology for this study. Chapter one presented why this study was important
regarding international students and the role diversity courses can play in supporting
their knowledge and understanding around U.S. diversity issues and contributing to
their intergroup peer relationships. Chapter two provided an understanding of the types
of diversity courses, the associated outcomes for students of these courses, and who the
international students are that come to study in the U.S. Chapter two also focused on
how international students learn and transition to a new country and the importance of
peer intergroup relationships. Chapter three includes a review of quantitative and
qualitative research paradigms, phenomenology and heuristics strategies of inquiry,
selection of site and participants, instrumentation, data collection and data analysis used
for this study. The research questions that guided this study included:
How do student perceptions of diversity courses contribute to international
students intergroup peer relationships?
How do student perceptions of intergroup peer relationships vary by
international students‟ level of acculturation?

54

Research Design

For this study, a mixed methods design was used consisting of both quantitative
and qualitative approaches. According to Suter (2006), mixed methodologies can yield
greater understanding of a problem and increase the learning process in a way that a
single method cannot. Quantitative research provides the opportunity to gather and
analyze large data sets, and to compare statistically the different variables being studied.
The process of quantitative research can further test a hypothesis with numerical values,
allows the researcher to be distant and thus guard against bias in the results (Suter,
2006). The results can also be generalized to the larger population of what is being
studied from the findings of the smaller sample used (Suter, 2006).
In using qualitative research, a “complex phenomena through verbal
descriptions rather than testing a hypothesis with numerical values” is accomplished
(Suter, 2006, p. 41). Through the use of narratives in describing various observations or
interactions, a richer understanding can be discovered. The results in qualitative
research are not looking to be generalized beyond the sample but to allow for a more
complex discovery of the outcomes to be presented. There are three kinds of qualitative
data which includes interviews, observations and document analysis that generally
come through fieldwork by the researcher (Patton, 2002). The quality of the data
further depends on the “methodological skills, sensitivity, and integrity of the
researcher” (Patton, 2002, p. 5).
In studying international students and their experiences, a qualitative approach
allowed for a more in-depth understanding and analysis regarding the complex subject
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of diversity. The diversity courses taken as a part of a diversity requirement are broad
in the scope of topic, depth of the materials, impact of faculty knowledge, where
individual students are in their development as it relates to diversity, a students‟ sense
of racial/ethnic identity and the level of interactions of peers in the classroom (Diversity
Committee Guidelines for Designation as a Diversity Course Requirement, 2008). In
addition, international students as a group represent numerous countries of origin,
different ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds, socio-economic status, and
different experiences around gender issues that may lend to unique and personal
understandings with diversity (IIE, 2009). As noted by Patton (2002), qualitative
methods allow for depth and detail of what is being studied that increases the level of
understanding, while quantitative methods use standardized measures which facilitate
“a comparison and statistical aggregation of the data” (p. 14). Finally, quantitative
research was most useful in being able to assess the acculturation level of international
students interviewed by using the Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students
(ASAIS) designed by Gu et al. (2006).

Strategy of Inquiry
This study looked at how student perceptions of diversity courses contributed to
international students from China and Hong Kong building intergroup peer
relationships. The study further examined how intergroup peer relationships vary by
the students‟ level of acculturation. For diversity courses, the complexity of the
learning that occurs, which focuses on race/ethnicity, gender and religious backgrounds
56

of students, needed a more in-depth analysis of how students are impacted.
Phenomenology, a type of qualitative inquiry allows for a closer “understanding of the
nature or meaning of our everyday experiences” (Van Manen, 1990, p. 9). As various
definitions have been used to describe phenomenographic approaches, the primary
focus is how these experiences are transformed “into consciousness, both individually
and as shared meaning” (Patton, 2002, p. 104). According to Patton (2002),
phenomenology allows for describing individual experiences in “how they perceive it,
describe it, feel about it, judge it, remember it, make sense of it, and talk about it with
others” (p. 104). Phenomenology allowed for the analysis of patterns among
international student experiences as well as individual nuances that provided new
insights on how diversity courses contributed to students building intergroup peer
relationships.
Heuristics, a form of phenomenological inquiry, further guided this study by
considering the personal experiences of the researcher. Heuristics explores the “nature
and meaning of experience” with a focus on the relationship of the researchers and
concludes with the “creative synthesis” of the researchers‟ insights (Douglas &
Moustakas, 1985, p.43). As the researcher, my work experiences and background
knowledge of international students provided insights in discovering the meaning of the
learning and peer relationships of international students in diversity courses. The
research project team further allowed for greater discussions of what we observed
regarding the diversity experiences of students from our educational experiences and
our diverse racial, cultural, gender and religious backgrounds. In using interviews to
57

understand how diversity courses contributed to international students, this qualitative
inquiry method allowed for a closer study of their experiences. The strategies of
heuristics further allowed for understanding how diversity courses contributed to
international students intergroup peer relationships in the classroom environment.

Site Selection
A large, private university on the west coast, Western University, served as the
site for this study. Western University is located in a major city known for its vast
racial and ethnic diversity and centered in an urban, downtown environment. The
campus has a student population of 35,000, of which 16,751 are undergraduate students.
Western University is also host to the largest international student population,
numbering 7,482 students on a college campus in the U.S. (IIE, 2009). Additionally,
the campus has a diverse domestic student population consisting of 23.5% Asian/Pacific
Islander; 5.5% Black/African-American; 13.4% Hispanic; 0.9% Native
American/American Indian; 44.3% White; and 1.8% Unknown/Other, who come from
all over the U.S. (University Profile, 2009). The rich campus student diversity, the
number of international students, and the location of the campus in a large, urban
environment provided a great opportunity to study the impact of diversity courses on
international students and how they build intergroup peer relationships with other
diverse domestic student populations.
Western University was also chosen for this study due to the campus‟ diversity
requirement for all students. Every undergraduate student is required to take at least
58

one diversity course before they graduate as well as being required to take one course in
social issues. According to the campus catalogue (2009), social issues courses may
share similar content with diversity courses, as well as being cross-listed to meet both
the diversity and social issues requirement. As further noted in the campus‟ catalogue
(2009), the purpose of the diversity courses is stated as:
Students will gain exposure to analytical frameworks within
which these issues are to be understood and addressed, including
social, political, cultural, ethical and public policy analyses. It is
the university's goal to prepare students through the study of
human differences for responsible citizenship in an increasingly
pluralistic and diverse society. (p. 60)

From the campus‟ Diversity Committee Guidelines for Designation as a
Diversity Course Requirement, the following are the specific criteria:
1. Diversity Course Requirement must examine two or more dimensions of human
diversity and must consider these dimensions in terms of their social and/or cultural
consequences.
2. As a rule, at least one third of the course should be addressed to these issues, and this
should be proportionately reflected in the assigned readings, lectures, and topics for
papers, quizzes, tests, or other graded formal course requirements.
3. Each course should give students the opportunity for personal reflection on the
formation of their own attitudes toward other groups and the effect of those attitudes
on the institutions (e.g., cultural, professional, political)
4. All syllabi are expected to show how the topics addressed related to issues facing
students in a contemporary context.
5. Course encourages comparative and analytical thinking about issues of diversity.
For the diversity requirements, the development of a typology to classify
diversity courses at Western University allowed for a closer analysis and depth of the
content of the courses. (See Figure 1) Cole and Sundt (2008) developed a typology
59

model to highlight some of the differences found across courses based on the
requirements. In reviewing each diversity course syllabus for content, the typology
assigned each course to one of the following categories: 1.) introductory, which meets
the institutions requirements 2.) basic, which marginally exceed the institutions
requirements 3.) intermediate, which exceed the institutions expectation and 4.)
advanced, which far exceed the institutions expectations (Cole & Sundt, 2008). The
typology along with the diversity requirements provided an opportunity for a narrowed
focus of study on the impact of diversity courses at Western University.
For this study, it is important to note that the diversity requirement and typology
used to classify the level of the course is designated only for Western University.
According to Humphreys (2000), 62% of colleges and universities currently have or are
in the process of developing a diversity requirement for students. These colleges and
universities will offer many classifications and approaches to how they define diversity
requirements, which academic courses fit these requirements, and the intended student
outcomes.

Sample and Population
Students selected for the study were international students with F-1 Visa status
from China and Hong Kong. Students also were currently taking or had taken a
required diversity course at Western University. Twelve international students
completed individual interviews for this study. The individual interviews allowed for a
more detailed exploration regarding the content of the diversity courses, their
60

understanding of U.S. diversity issues and how the courses contributed to students peer
intergroup relationships. The outreach to international students was done through
campus e-mails, newsletters, student organizations and postings.
For a closer examination of how diversity courses contributed to international
students peer relationships, a purposeful sampling was used. Purposeful sampling
allows for a smaller number of “information rich cases”, and yields greater insights and
in-depth discovery from students in qualitative research (Patton, 2002, p. 230). As
noted in the 2009 University Profile on international students at Western University, the
top 10 countries represented and their percentage of the population are listed in Table 2.

61

Table 2

Top 10 International Countries

Country Percentage

1. India 24.6 %

2. China 21.7%

3. South Korea 11.2%

4. Taiwan 7.9%

5. Canada 4.4%

6. Hong Kong 3.1%

7. Japan 2.1%

8. Indonesia 2.0%

9. Iran 1.9%

10. United Kingdom 1.6%

These percentages are reflective of the undergraduate and graduate international student
population.

Instrumentation
For the purposes of this study, data was collected from two points. Qualitative
measures included individual student interviews. See Appendix A for the interview
protocol. Students were also asked to complete a brief student profile on their
background demographics at the start of the interviews. (Appendix B) Individual
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interviews are a major part of data collection, as they allow us to gain an individuals‟
perspective, thoughts and feelings that cannot be gained through observations (Patton,
2002). According to Patton (2002), there are three approaches to interviews that will
guide ones‟ approach, as well as what types of questions are most appropriate. The
approaches include informal conversational interviews, that allows for natural flow of
questions or issues; the general interview guide approach, which provides some general
topic areas to be discussed and allows the interviewer to have more of a conversation
and follow-up as needed; and standardized open-end interviews, which presents set
questions in order to take each interviewee through the same process and allows for less
flexibility in the interview (Patton, 2002). I used a standardized open-ended interview
approach to gather student background experiences with diversity, how the diversity
courses enhanced their knowledge and understanding of diversity in the U.S. and how
the courses contributed to their peer relationships. The qualitative measures served to
study the following question: How do student perceptions of diversity courses
contribute to international students intergroup peer relationships?
Quantitative data was collected by administering the Acculturation Scale for
Asian International Students (ASAIS). (Appendix C) The ASAIS was designed by Gu
et al. (2006) as part of an unpublished dissertation. The ASAIS consisted of 49
questions, of which 33 of the questions were used in the final analysis. The ASAIS uses
the minimum score of 1 for strongly disagree to a maximum score of 7 for strongly
agree for each question and was used primarily on students from India, the People‟s
Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan, South Korea and Japan in its‟ development. The
63

ASAIS is based on Asian students‟ acculturation status using Berry‟s (1980)
acculturation framework with the subscales described as integration, assimilation,
separation and marginalization. The ASAIS was found to have a Confirmatory Factor
Index of .96 which is excellent for the four subscales of integration, assimilation,
separation and marginalization. In addition, the Cronbach Alpha on the ASAIS in the
.82 -.89 range for the subscales was very good, as well as the Discriminant validity.
The scale took about 10 minutes to complete and was administered on paper after
students completed their individual profile. Finally, the questions from the ASAIS
were used to answer the second research question of this study which was: How do
intergroup peer relationships vary by international students‟ level of acculturation?
Through the interviews and ASAIS administration, a more complete picture emerged on
international students in how they experienced diversity issues in the U.S., how the
diversity courses contributed to their intergroup peer relationships and how their
acculturation level impacted their peer relationships.

Data Collection
Recruitment for student participants began during the third week of classes
during the Fall 2009 semester. The original intent of the study was to recruit students
from Mainland China and India. Due to difficulties recruiting students from India, such
as most of the students interested in participating being graduate students or they had
not taken a required diversity course, the focus was changed to recruit students from
Mainland China and Hong Kong. For the initial outreach, I sent recruitment e-mails
64

(Appendix D) to student organizations focused on Chinese international students. This
included the Chinese Student Association and the Chinese Student and Scholars
Association. I also sent the recruitment e-mail to the International Student Assembly
(ISA) and attended one of their meetings to discuss the study. The ISA serves as the
governing council for all fifteen international student organizations at Western
University. Second, e-mails were sent to international students from China and Hong
Kong that lived in Residential Life inviting them to participate in the study. Third, a
recruitment announcement was placed in the International Students Office electronic
newsletter (Appendix E) and sent in two separate weekly newsletters. Fourth, a
recruitment e-mail was sent to international students from China and Hong Kong by the
director of the campus service learning program, and coordinators in the advising
centers for the Schools of Engineering and Communications. Finally, flyers were posted
on bulletin boards in the residence halls, academic buildings and the student union.
(Appendix F) Each student was offered a $10.00 gift card incentive for their
participation and also entered into a raffle with all diversity project students for three
larger incentive prizes.
Through the recruitment strategies, I interviewed twelve students that consisted
of eleven females and one male. Therefore this study focused mainly on the
experiences of female students from China and Hong Kong. The individual interviews
were scheduled with participants from the ninth to twelfth week of the semester. This
allowed for students that were currently taking a diversity course time for some
maturity with the material and classroom environment. Interviews were held in a
65

private conference room on the campus and were tape recorded. Before beginning the
interview process, I introduced myself and shared my background in international
education and why I was conducting the study. During this time, I also allowed
students to read over and sign the consent form (Appendix G) and answered any
questions they had. The consent form explained the details of the study, student rights
as participants in the study, issues of confidentiality and any associated risks of
participating in the study to students. Next, students completed the student profile sheet
(Appendix B), followed by the acculturation scale (ASAIS) (Appendix C), and finally I
conducted the individual interview. The individual interview consisted of 14 open-
ended questions (Appendix A) followed by final comments from students at the end of
the interview. This entire process took from 45-60 minutes for each participant.
For the individual interview, an interview guide with specific questions to be
explored and pertinent follow-up items was developed. According to Patton (2002), an
interview guide is done to ensure the “same basic lines of inquiry” are pursued with
each participant (p. 343). Before beginning each interview, students were asked to
choose a pseudonym in order to protect their privacy and identity. In addition to tape
recording each interview, I took detailed notes of student responses. This allowed me to
not only make notes of student responses, but to also record their nonverbal responses
and tones in how some of the questions were answered. After each interview, I
immediately typed up my interview notes which allowed me to recognize common
themes that were emerging as the interviews progressed. All of the collected data from
the interview process, including the recorded interviews and student profile sheets were
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maintained by the diversity project coordinator for the larger research project in a
secure environment. I maintained and stored in a secure place the student consent
forms and their completed ASAIS from their interviews.
In the data collection process, I did not have any conflicts of interest with
student participants involved in any aspect of the data collection. Again, all participants
were provided with a consent form, which reviewed the research project, and was
approved by the campus‟ review board for human subjects in research. All steps of data
collection maintained the highest ethical standards to protect the identity of participants
and materials. Once data collection was completed, I turned to the critical stage of data
analysis to complete this study.

Data Analysis
According to Patton (2002), qualitative analysis will allow the researcher to
transform the data into findings. Qualitative methods will also provide an abundant
amount of information that will need to be organized in a way that makes sense. The
qualitative data analysis tool, Atlas.ti was used for coding and storing part of the data.
Atlas.ti is a computer program designed to assist researchers in analyzing large amounts
of unstructured data. This tool allowed for analysis of data from the individual
interviews. Part of the data analysis I also did by hand using note cards from the
transcripts of each interview. This allowed for closer analysis of certain questions
answered by students in order to compare with the audio tapes. This analysis was
needed in order to closer analyze student responses due to their English language skills.
67

This very detailed hand coding process along with the Atlas.ti program allowed for a
more accurate understanding of student responses.
In using a phenomenological study, Moustakas (1994) developed a four step
process for data analysis which includes epoche, phenomenological reduction,
imaginative variation, and synthesis of texture and structure. According to Patton,
(2002), epoche enables the researcher to become aware of personal bias and to eliminate
involvement with the materials to reduce preconceptions. This enables the researcher to
be more open and to avoid assumptions that may affect the meaning of what is
analyzed. Phenomenological reductions during analysis allows the researcher to
“bracket out” the world, to dissect the phenomenon, and to “identity the data in pure
form” (Patton, 2002, p. 485). Once the data is bracketed, this allows for further
examination of the materials and allows it to be organized into meaningful themes
(Patton, 2002). When “invariant themes” are identified, imaginative variation is done
on each theme (Patton, 2002, p. 486). Imaginative variation allows the researcher to
see items from differing views. In the final step, structural description looks at the
experiences of the entire group, and this synthesis allows the researcher to look for a
deeper meaning of the individuals (Moustakas, 1994). According to Moustakas (1994),
this final step requires the integration of the composite textual and structural
descriptions as well as providing a synthesis of the meanings and experiences of the
individuals.
The interviews provided the foundation for the qualitative inquiry. In using
Moustakas‟ (1994) fours steps to data analysis, I was able to review the transcripts
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following this protocol for understanding the experiences of these international students
in their diversity courses. As the researcher, I also needed to set aside my personal
experiences with the international student population to be open to the experiences
shared by students in this study. By bracketing and identifying data in its pure form, I
was able to focus on the meaning of the statements from students without making
judgments and assumptions based on my experiences. During the coding process,
student statements were taken verbatim from transcripts to create essential themes.
Themes from the international students were then taken through a delimitation process
where “irrelevant, repetitive, or overlapping data” was eliminated (Patton, 2002, p.
486). From these themes, categories emerged from student participants to be able to
describe the actual impact of the diversity courses on international students‟ knowledge
and understanding of diversity in the U.S., what they experienced in the classroom
environment and how they were able to develop intergroup peer relationships.
The diversity typology by Cole and Sundt (2008) provided a point of analysis
that also informed this study. The course syllabi were evaluated by an individual rater
in assigning the courses to the appropriate level of the typology. The typology further
allowed for the grouping of students by the level of course taken and offered additional
insights on the impact of the diversity course on them. These impacts and outcomes
studied also allowed the ability to ascertain which courses held the greatest benefits in
the study for the students.
The Acculturation Scale of Asian International Students (ASAIS) provided the
foundation for the quantitative inquiry. The 49 instrument scale was administered on
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paper for students at the start of the interview process. The responses to the questions
for each of the 12 students were then tabulated to present the scores for the entire group.
SPSS was used in order to compute the mean, standard deviation and Cronbach Alpha
for each of the four subscales of the ASAIS for the group scores. The mean represented
the average score on each the subscales for the group and the standard deviation
reflected the spread of the data set in relationship to the mean score. The Cronbach
Alpha represented the reliability and consistency among the questions for each subscale
on the ASAIS. A Cronbach Alpha score above .7 is generally considered acceptable
(Cortina, 1993). These subscale scores are presented for each of the acculturation
levels, which included integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization. The
minimum and maximum scores for the group of students on each of the subscales are
also presented in the results.
Chapter three was designed to explore the methodology of this study. The
methodology included a review of the research questions, the research design used, the
sample and populations chosen, instrumentation used, and how the data was collected
and analyzed. Each of these processes was critical in maintaining the most ethical
process for students in the study and the collection of their personal experiences with
diversity courses. After conducting the research, chapter four reports on the findings
and insights or meaning gained from the students. Finally, chapter five discusses the
implications of the study, limitations that were found as well as areas for future
research.

70

Chapter 4
International Student Experiences with Diversity Courses

Introduction

The purpose of the study was to understand how diversity courses impact
international students with a focus on international students from China and Hong
Kong. Second, how student perceptions of diversity courses contributed to international
students intergroup peer relationship? And finally, how intergroup peer relationships
varied by international students‟ level of acculturation?
Throughout the Fall 2009 semester, I conducted personal interviews with 12
students enrolled in a diversity course at Western University. During these interviews, I
examined how each of these students came to choose their selected course, their
knowledge about U.S. diversity issues prior to the course, diversity topics covered,
assignments in the course and the interactions they had with their peers. Depending on
the course taken, students differed in how each viewed and processed diversity issues in
the U.S. and the influences of being at Western University, which is located in a major
urban city.
This chapter reports on the major findings from my interviews. These findings
represent a number of themes that emerged during the interviews and were analyzed
based on the main research questions. The chapter is further organized into four
sections. The first section introduces students‟ background characteristics, selected
majors and why they chose to take their diversity course. I also explored how the
students defined diversity and how they were exposed to issues of U.S. diversity prior to
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coming to the U.S. The second section examined each of the diversity courses taken by
students and the major content focus of each course. The diversity courses were further
explored for how the courses added to the students understanding of diversity issues in
the U.S. The third section examined the peer intergroup relationships in the courses
and aspects that contributed to or limited these interactions and the subsequent
development of friendships. The final section reviewed how the students‟ intergroup
peer relationships varied by their acculturation level using the Acculturation Scale for
Asian International Students (ASAIS). The ASAIS was designed by Gu et al. (2006) as
part of an unpublished dissertation. The ASAIS consisted of 49 questions, of which 33
of the questions were used in the final analysis.
The major themes that emerged in this study to be discussed in further detail
include:
Student Backgrounds
Country of origin, academic year, majors, years in the U.S., and
parental education levels
Reasons for choosing to take the diversity course
How students defined diversity
Prior knowledge and influence on U.S. diversity issues
Diversity Courses
Review of courses taken
Topics explored in diversity courses
How courses added to understanding of diversity
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Intergroup Peer Relationships
Classroom environment and size
Discussion sections
Student learning through classroom engagements
Changing attitudes
Developing friendships
Student Acculturation
Review of the ASAIS Scale
Student results on the ASAIS Scale
Acculturation effects on student intergroup relationships
Table 3 further represents how the themes are described and contains brief quotes of
student experiences that will be detailed further in chapter four.

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Table 3

Themes, Descriptions and Student Quotes

Theme Description Quotes
Defining Diversity Diversity is about raising “A group of people have
Common Understanding consciousness about the current common understanding
Differences between People and Cultures pressing issues affecting of each other that is from
Individual‟s Values and Practices relationships among groups in different backgrounds.
Different Living Styles and Countries society. Not just race, not just
ethnicity, but from
different parts of the
world. It‟s from different
classes. Basically, just
anyone, they just have a
common understanding
and tolerance for each
other.”
Prior U.S. Diversity Knowledge How students gained their “What I knew…of the
Influence of the Media: TV, Movies, knowledge about U.S. Diversity ethnicity of people in
Newspapers and websites Issues (Race/Ethnicity, Gender, the U.S. would be from
Sexual Orientation, Class, etc.) movies, because that
prior to arriving in the U.S. was my sole connection
to the states not being
here…and TV shows
also.”

“First of all, we get
everything from
TV…and I was not
aware of the
amount of Latino people
here…I knew it was a
mixture of Black and
White people…also
people not afraid to call
themselves gay…I guess
that‟s a part of diversity..
Black, gay, straight.”
Diversity Course Understanding “Background knowledge and “We talk about different
How various topics in courses analytical skills to enable them classes…working class
contributed to their understanding to understand and respect and people in poverty…
Significant knowledge about diversity differences between groups of and some people will
provided by the courses students took people…on the contemporary never get out of poverty.
Courses on Family, Inequality/Class, American and international America is shaped as a
Gender, Race/Ethnicity, Mental Health scene.” society where it‟s
suppose to be classless
…that‟s why it‟s really
surprising when we
realize American society
is segregated by class.”
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Table 3: Continued

Theme Description Quotes
Intergroup Peer Relationships: Aspects of the classroom that “People just sit on a seat,
Classroom Related effected student interactions. look at power point
Class Environment and Size The impact of large classrooms, slides and take notes.”
Discussion Sections smaller discussion sections and
Student Learning through activities students engaged in It‟s a huge class…in a
Classroom Engagement during class. Activities included lecture hall…there is
presentations, debates, discussion not many chances for
on films/readings and projects to talk to people.”
with diverse peers.
“I interact with my peers
more in discussion.. It‟s
a smaller group…ask
questions…it‟s really
open…our TA is a part
of the group, it‟s free
and engaging.”

“I presented on genetic
transformed babies. So
you can change the
genes…for the ideal
baby…the stereotype of
the ideal…tall, s mart…
then everyone would
look the same, and there
would be no diversity.”
Intergroup Peer Relationships: Aspects of the classroom that “With women I am ok
Intra/Interpersonal Related effected student interactions. but with Black guys I
Changing Attitudes How interactions with diverse feel scared…but the guy
Developing Friendships peers led to changed attitudes from my discussion is
and supported students very nice and before
developing friendships with discussion I don‟t talk to
Asian and domestic students. Black people… the idea
and stereotype and now I
like Black people…he
just changed by mind
about Blacks.”

“General friendships,
but not really
close…you recognize
people…ask how they
are doing…maybe a
little on their personal
life."

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Section I: Introduction of Student Participants

Of the 12 students who participated in this study, eight are from Hong Kong and
four are from Mainland China. Two of the students are freshman, two sophomores,
three juniors and five seniors. Eleven of the student participants are female and one is
male. Of these 12 students, seven began their college education at Western University
and five were transfer students who arrived during their junior year. The majority of
these students had been in the U.S. for two or more years with two students having only
been in the U.S. for three months at the time of the interviews. The majors represented
included six business majors, one economics major, three psychology majors, one
chemical engineering major and one classics/history major. The levels of parental
education represented by their mothers included one with less than a high school
education, three high school graduates, four bachelor‟s degrees and four master‟s
degrees. The levels of parental education represented by their fathers included one
with less than a high school education, two high school graduates, five bachelor‟s
degrees and four master‟s degrees. To protect their identity, the students were given the
following pseudonyms. They include Brittany, Gabrielle, Hocc, Julia, Corina, KP, Eva,
Coco Li, Charlotte, Kiko, Lisa and Cindy. Hocc is the one male student. Table 4
represents key aspects of the students‟ backgrounds.

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Table 4
Student Background Characteristics
Name Gender Country Major Year Years
U.S.
Brittany Female Hong Kong Psychology & Senior 3
Communications
Gabrielle Female Hong Kong Psychology Sophomore 2
Hocc Male Hong Kong Chemical Junior 2 ½
Engineering

Julia Female China Business Freshman 3 mo
Corina Female Hong Kong International Senior 3
Relations &
Global Business
KP Female Hong Kong Accounting Senior 4
Eva Female Hong Kong Classics/History Junior 2 ½
Coco Li Female China Economics Sophomore 1
Charlotte Female Hong Kong Psychology Senior 4
Kiko Female China Accounting Freshman 3 mo
Lisa Female China Business Senior 3
Cindy Female Hong Kong Business Junior 2

Source: International Student Profiles

Choosing a Diversity Course
In choosing to take the required diversity course at Western University, the
students indicated various reasons. Four of the students chose the course based on it
meeting a degree requirement; three students chose based on the course topic being of
interest; and two students chose based on the course fitting their class schedule. Three
students chose multiple reasons for selecting the course. Two students chose their
course for two reasons. Of these two, the first student chose due to the topic being of
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interest and fitting their class schedule. The second student chose due to the course
being a degree requirement and fitting their class schedule. The final student based
their choice on three reasons that were the topic being of interest, being a degree
requirement and fitting their class schedule. Overall, the majority of the students chose
based on the course being a degree requirement, being a topic of interest and fitting
their class schedule. Some also shared that they never really knew the course was a
diversity course specifically.

Defining Diversity
Understanding how the students defined diversity served as a critical foundation
for learning about their experiences with diversity courses. How students defined
diversity presented some similar themes. Several of the students reflected that diversity
is about a common understanding and understanding the differences between people,
cultures and backgrounds. For most of the students, diversity focused on issues of race,
ethnicity and class differences. Other students reflected that diversity also included an
individual‟s values and practices. Charlotte, a senior psychology major from Hong
Kong, defined diversity as when:
A group of people have common understanding of each other that is from
different backgrounds. Not just race, not just ethnicity, but from different parts
of the world. It‟s from different classes. Basically, just anyone; they just have a
common understanding and tolerance for each other.

Gabrielle, a sophomore psychology major from Hong Kong, spoke of diversity as:
An interesting phenomenon and it has always been there…use it to open our
eyes and notice it…it‟s like stereotyping or prejudice, something like that
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because I think the way that we perceive the world is very interesting. We have
influence from our parents, our own culture, religion…so what we read, watch
on TV, they all effect how we see the world.

For Hocc, a junior chemical engineering major from Hong Kong, “Diversity means
maybe a group of people from different cultural backgrounds, different living styles,
and they are from different countries…and they could still work together, live together
and collaborate with each other.” Some other students further defined diversity as being
reflective of their own experiences. For Kiko, a freshman accounting major who was
born in China, and grew up in New Zealand:
Diversity is not only like in your blood, you know, even though that‟s how
people view it. Like no matter what country I‟m from, I‟m going to be called an
Asian, but really, I could be from anywhere in the world, like I could be from
Africa. But because of what I look like, I will be an Asian. But I see diversity
as what you‟ve been through, like your experiences.

In defining diversity, students were able to talk about the differences between
people such as race, ethnicity and class, yet also more globally of diversity in terms of
different lifestyles and countries. There was a broader understanding of diversity also
exhibited by students that had been in the U.S. for a longer period of time. Finally, the
number of diversity courses further contributed to a students‟ ability to define diversity
in various contexts, which was exhibited from Charlotte, who had taken three diversity
courses.

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Prior Knowledge and Influence on U.S. Diversity Issues

As international students, how participants experienced the diversity of the U.S.
and its diverse group of people prior to their arrival in the U.S. emerged as a critical
theme. The prior knowledge was reflective of how they perceived the racial and ethnic
groups in the U.S. and where the exposure to these groups was learned. The major
influence on students came through the media, which included television, newspapers,
websites and movies. Brittany, a senior psychology major from Hong Kong, shared
that:
What I knew of the people and ethnicity of the people in the United States
would be from movies, because I guess that would be my sole connection to the
states by not being there. And, I guess TV shows also.

When asked about an example of what was portrayed through movies and TV, Brittany
further shared:
It would be like Americans, I don‟t know, eating hamburgers, or it just seems
like more free and liberal place and it‟s more democratic, as opposed to where I
am from, where it‟s not. It‟s just run by the leadership. And also, I feel like
they – I guess, Americans emphasize like money and wealth and things like that.
And, I think, it‟s less so in Asian countries. Like we don‟t have TV shows that
are like that.

For Hocc, online tools also provided most of this knowledge about the U.S. He stated
that:
There are some websites that I could go…just definitely. You Tube is one of the
main tools that I could explore around the world. And I could see different
people uploading different videos from different countries. So I could see
maybe the MTV‟s of different singers in the U.S. I could see the different styles
from those in Asian. Yeah, so basically I learned the American values in those
videos and websites.

Hocc further shared what he knew about racial groups in the U.S. and stated that:
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Before I came here maybe I would know maybe Native American or African
American. Maybe these are the main two that I knew before I came here. I
learned that usually from my friends „cause when I – for example when we had
dinner or when we had just a relaxing night at friends‟ apartment we would talk
about – maybe they watched a TV show and say, “Oh, why that‟s a black guy or
white guy or there are so many different people in the American TV show.”
Then we would start discussing, “Oh, that‟s because of the American
background and culture and diversity.”
With the media, students spoke of how different ethnic groups were often
stereotyped. For Eva, a junior classics/history major from Hong Kong, she also learned
about diverse racial and ethnic groups from newspapers, TV, news reports and the
movies. She stated:
Stereotypes were portrayed on TV…that‟s what you will observe…like Latino
would be portrayed as like maids, servants and they clean the house, things like
that. And Black people are associated as gangsters…Yeah, the stereotypical
thing. Oh, and then Chinese, in Chinatown, they are gangsters too.
For Gabrielle, her knowledge also came from the media and was further influenced by
her friends and family. She stated:
I think before I came over here, the way that I see America is mostly from TV
and like the news or movies or something like that. And I have – my best
friend‟s here – I mean, „cause my parents, they both came over here to study
college when they were young. So they have friends here, but we don‟t really
talk. First of all, I think this will happen to everybody – I think almost
everybody. I see America as black or white, but the truth is it‟s not always that
way, and it‟s never been that way, I think. And there are so many more
minorities than you think, and I think about the integration of all these different
cultures, and I can see some people like myself, like somebody from Hong Kong
and maybe that‟s traditional, and I‟ll see some other Hong Kong people or
Chinese people really open to the American culture and be flexible. I don‟t
know. It‟s like learning how to communicate with different people.
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Students further reflected on some of the diverse groups of people in the U.S.
that they had no awareness of from exposure through media forums. For Kiko, she was
able to reflect on diversity as represented by sexual orientation. She stated:
Well, first of all, we get everything from TV, so we have MTV. We see a lot of
African-American rappers and jazz. Because I‟m a jazz minor, I know that‟s
where jazz is coming from. And I was not aware of the amount of Latino people
here, so basically, like I knew it was a mixture of black and white people. And
also, the equality thing is really big in America, people are not afraid of calling
themselves things like gay. I guess that‟s a part of diversity, yeah, black, gay
and straight.
Finally, for Charlotte the U.S. presented racial divisions that were not apparent to her
prior to coming to the U.S. She shared:
I actually never really thought of it as really racially segregated as much as I
thought it would be. Coming from Hong Kong, it is like 95 percent Asian–
Chinese population. So, it's just...it was more like either you have white
classmates…I went to an international school, so you had white classmates, or
Chinese classmates. There were a couple of Indian classmates, but they speak
Cantonese. So, you're growing up with them, and it's just like, "Oh, cool."
There isn't that much of like, "Oh, we don't want to hang out with you because
you're white," or, "We're Asian. We just speak Cantonese. We're not gonna like
include you." Until I came here and just realized how apparent this racial
division is, and how it's becoming a problem.
Student experiences prior to their arrival in the U.S. were heavily influenced by
the media. The media included TV, newspapers, movies and the internet. The
participants reflected on gaining an understanding of American values such as
democracy, money, food, dress and other cultural norms through these media outlets.
The view of America as a country of “Blacks and Whites” was also what students
understood most as to the extent of the racial and ethnic composition of the U.S. After
students arrived in the U.S., they had a greater understanding of U.S. racial diversity,
which included awareness of Native American and Latino populations. Students were
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also able to see other issues of diversity, such as sexual orientation being important in
the U.S.
The view of the U.S. as racially segregated was also shared by participants. The
different racial groups and the perceived segregation was a major contrast to the
environment in which these international students grew up. Being from China and
Hong Kong, the students grew up in a majority Chinese society with the exception of
some students who shared that they had international students in their high schools.
Other aspects of diversity new to students also included issues of equality around race
and sexual orientation issues. While these were student experiences prior to their
arrival, the majority of the participants discussed having a broader understanding of the
diversity of the U.S. after now being in the U.S. for a few years.

Section II – Diversity Courses

As noted in chapter two, students at Western University have a choice of more
than 90 courses that meet the diversity requirement fulfillment for their general
education component. The diversity course typology by Cole and Sundt (2008)
categorizes diversity courses based on how they meet the diversity requirement at
Western University. The typology provides a greater depth and breadth of the level of
the material presented in each diversity course. The four categories of diversity courses
include introductory, basic, intermediate and advanced. Based on the typology, the
eight courses taken by these 12 students are outlined in Table 5.

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Table 5
Student Diversity Courses
Course Typology Level Typology Mean Students
Represented
Sociology 169GM, Intermediate .75* 6
Changing Family
Forms
Sociology 360 M, Advanced .95 2
Social Inequality:
Class, Status, and
Power
Classics 320GM, Basic .65 1
Diversity and the
Classical Western
Tradition
Sociology 150GM, Basic .55 1
Social Problems
Sociology 305M, Advanced 1 1
Sociology of
Childhood
Psychology 462M, Basic .60 1
Minority Mental
Health
Geography 100 GM, Basic .65 1
Los Angeles and the
American Dream
Gender Studies 210 Basic .65 1
GM, Social Issues
in Gender

Source: International Student Profiles and Diversity Typology
* Note: Scores are derived from a 4 point likert scale on each of the five criteria used
by Western University to designate a diversity course as an approved option to fulfill
the diversity course requirement. Refer to Figure 1.

It should be noted that eleven of the students each took only one of the required
diversity courses. One student, Charlotte, during the interview was currently enrolled in
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two diversity courses and had taken another diversity course the previous Spring
semester for a total of three courses. The three courses she represented included
Sociology 360M, Psychology 462M and Sociology 305M. Charlotte‟s additional
courses were due to her major in psychology.

Diversity Course Topics and Understanding

This section reviews from the students‟ perspective the specific topics covered
in the eight courses represented in this study. The examination of the course content
allowed for a closer analysis of the contribution the course made to understanding
diversity issues in the U.S. and if this contributed to developing intergroup peer
relationships. The specific courses presented in the sections below are: Changing
Family Forms, Social Inequality: Class, Status and Power, Los Angeles and the
American Dream, Diversity and the Classical Western Tradition, Social Problems,
Social Issues in Gender, Sociology of Childhood, and Minority Mental Health.

Changing Family Forms
The course, Changing Family Forms, was taken by six of the students. This
represented four students from Hong Kong and two from China, as well as five female
students and one male student. The course focuses on such topics as family structure
and relationships, marriage, divorce, single families and family values in American
society.
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Many of these students discussed the major contrast between American families
they were learning about in the course and the family structure of their families in China
and the Chinese society. One of these major differences students spoke of was how
high the divorce rate was in the U.S. For KP a senior accounting major from Hong
Kong, she emphasized how the course focused on divorce.
We talk about divorce. You know, how to maintain a good relationship among
your family members, and so it‟s really – it surprised me because the divorce
rate here is really high. And like I‟m from Hong Kong, and you know, if you
get a divorce it‟s a huge thing. You‟re not supposed to get a divorce even if you
don‟t like your partner. And so, it just surprised me. And also like I learned
that, you know, it‟s possible to have a divorce. It‟s not like impossible, because
in the Chinese culture it‟s like no, no, no. If my dad and my mom were to get a
divorce, my grandmom and my granddad would be like, “Oh my goodness, what
are you guys doing.”

Family relationships were also a major focus of the course. These relationships
were explored between husbands, wives and their children. Various forms of families
and the relationships that exist were additional topics presented. This included
discussing single parents, cohabitation between individuals, and same sex partnerships
and families. The family structure in various societies and cultures and different family
values were also discussed. A major theme that emerged was the differences found in
families based on their societies being individual or collective in nature. Many of the
students spoke about the family structure. Hocc stated:
I really don‟t know there is an increasing number of single families in U.S., and
I don‟t know how different the family values in U.S. compare to the Chinese
ones. So I‟m just learning new things when I was taking that course. One of the
main idea is I would say American families are more independent, like the
family members. They sometimes – maybe they will see each other at dinner in
the sitting room, and they may separate during work days or weekends. But
comparing to the Chinese family values we always see each other every day,
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maybe because of the size of the apartment. We don‟t have a big house. We
don‟t have a two floors apartment. We usually have a small unit, so we kind of
bond together and maybe develop a better family relationship. Through that
course I learned more about the American culture would affect their thinking
and their attitude in the families.

Brittany also shared similar thoughts on family values and different styles based on the
culture.
I guess, it's different, because in the U.S., it's more of the individualistic culture,
where people grow up and, usually, it's just all about themselves and they go and
find the jobs and they support themselves. As opposed to – I guess, I feel Asian
countries are more together and like family is so important. And you're
supposed to respect your elders. And you're supposed to take care of them when
they grow old and things like that. So, I guess, that's just really different from
here. And, I guess – I think, the divorce rate in Asia is a lot like less than
America, I would say.
Finally for Julia, a freshman business major from China, she spoke of how the course
introduced to her what families were like in the past, now in contemporary times and
how they also differed by culture.
Like cultures that are more individualistic, like they intend to view marriage as
like a private thing. They value intimacy and love, but culture is at a more
collective as they see public things. They think marriage should consist of not
just husband and wife or children because their function is to raise the next
generation of society. I guess like why people from different countries, for
example, like specifically people in more traditional Asian countries may have
less interaction between family members because – or especially parents and
children because they are – children are supposed to obey authority. In like
more individualistic western countries, families are more open, interact more,
and they have more family time for entertainment and all that.
Changing Family Forms provided students the opportunity to learn about the
diversity of families in the U.S. As this course was taken by six of the participants,
their experiences represented an important part of this study. The course included such
diverse topics as marriage, divorce, single families, same sex partnerships and the
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values associated with American families. Students further reflected on learning how
class and race in America, as well how government and public policy also affected
American families. Finally, the students exhibited the depth of their learning through
the reflections they made on the differences between American and Chinese families.

Social Inequality: Class, Status and Power
This diversity course was taken by two students from Hong Kong, both female.
The course focuses primarily on class issues in America, as well as race and public
policy. Aspects of poverty, the role of government, and social status are also topics
explored. For both students, the concept of class and its various levels in the U.S.
provided new information. For Charlotte, this course represented the third diversity
course she had taken at Western University.
In that class, I mean, we talk about different class. We spend a couple of weeks
on talking about the working class and people in poverty. We spent a couple
classes on people in the middle class. And a couple classes in people like
extremely, wealthy people, people who are in the upper class. And how they're
perceived and the different lifestyles they have and how people can maintain and
in the high power, high wealth status. And some people just will never get out
of the cycle of poverty. And how the middle class keeps shrinking. And,
basically, everyone is freaking out about the middle class shrinking. And how,
basically, America is shaped as a society where it's supposed to be classless and
no one talks about class. So, that's why it's really surprising when we realize
when American society is really segregated into classes.
Gabrielle further discussed the role of class and it being a system in America. She saw
class being a key foundation of American society that impacts other areas. She stated,
“This class phenomenon actually influenced the whole- not just the class structure but
the economic, political and cultural structure of America.” She described the class
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system as “Massive” and “It makes me wonder if there‟s actually anything we can do
about it, make it better, especially for the poor…like nothing is fair and sometimes
people are just lucky.”
The emphasis on the “American Dream” and the middle class was also central to
this course. Charlotte shared how for many, the “American Dream” is never realized.
She stated that for some:
The harder you work, and if you work hard to gain social status and move out of
poverty into the middle class, and if you work really, really hard, then you can
move to upper class. But the truth is there are people working three jobs and
they're still stuck in that cycle of poverty. So, it's not really about that. And,
also, there's also a lot of like people thinking, people that are living in poverty
are just like eating up the resources of the country and people are just like lazy
and they don't want to work. But that's all not true, because you can work really
hard and still can't get outta the system, because of the area that you are in,
because of the color of your skin, because of many, many factors. It's not just
like you didn't work hard enough, you're just lazy.
She further shared how she learned about the impact of the minimum wage that the U.S.
provides and how “The wage that this country is providing is actually like not sufficient
enough for people to raise their families and stuff like that.”
The role of status and power in American society also offered students new
perspectives. Charlotte shared how people often admire people at the top thinking,
“They worked their way up there…we should aspire to be them.” However, she noted
that what people do not realize is that:
They may have their money like for a long time, like maybe it's like snowball
effect. Like since their ancestor made money, it's just like the Johnson &
Johnson Company, the heir to that company they don't even know what's going
on in the company. They just sit there and inherit all the money because his last
name is Johnson. So, that's something pretty interesting.
Charlotte further reflected on how power can impact status and class sharing:
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That sometimes people are in power, they tend to ignore those are in lower class,
'cause they – due to various political reasons. They require people in the lower
class to be in the lower class, so that they can work and perform things that
people in the middle class won't do. So, in a way, they are trying to push to
have the class segregation, because, otherwise, no one's gonna work at
McDonald's and no one's gonna drive cheaper cars.
Finally, in learning about status and power, Gabrielle shared the following example she
gathered from readings in the course she had done regarding rich people and how they
get their students into Ivy League schools. She stated that even though their children
may not be strong academically, parents can influence their college admission, often by
donating to the university.
So the interesting thing is I think its Harvard or Duke – I forgot which school,
but one of them, they form something like a country club or something. So once
you join it, all the parents inside that club is going to make sure that your kid can
get into that school. So the whole thing, the whole idea is that after you join that
group, then you have to donate money for that school and you have to make sure
other kids from that club can get into the same school. So it sounds like secret
society or something that only these people, the rich people, can get in. Yeah. I
never thought about it. I never thought of something like that, but I know that
sometimes rich people, they just – after they finish studying, they donate like
hundreds of thousands of money to the school, and you have the name of that
building – all the names, right? But I didn‟t know they had like such an
organized system. It was really, just that I was like, wow.

Through this course, students were able to understand many of the issues
regarding class in America and the segregation that can exist based on an individuals‟
economic situation. Students were able to discuss specific examples about status and
power, such as how those with money have access to better educational opportunities,
which showed their understanding of the course topics. Their ability to reflect on how
the American society benefits from individuals who are in the lower class further
exhibited their understanding of America‟s complex class system.
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Los Angeles and the American Dream
This course focuses on the geography of the city of Los Angeles, the resources
of the city and the racial and class compositions of several neighborhoods in the city.
Kiko stated that the course helped her learn that Los Angeles was more than just the
area of Hollywood and what is portrayed in the movies. She also spoke of learning
about the different neighborhoods and how the racial composition related to many of
the stereotypes of the communities. In discussing the geography of the city, Kiko
shared:
Like if you go down near South Central, there‟s Inglewood, where African-
Americans live. And, you know, people would see it as like a more dangerous
place, but I personally don‟t think it should be held; if you go like to the upper,
like the northwest, you‟ll see like Chinatown, there‟s a Filipino town
somewhere, and then beach is all white people, white, rich people. Because
before I came here, like I didn‟t know there‟s a lot of like Spanish background
of the city, except for the name, Los Angeles, so that was really cool, and the
fact that there is still Indian Americans here. We just don‟t see them. Yeah,
because mostly how you see Los Angeles is Hollywood, you know.
The focus on the “American Dream” and how individuals of different racial and
ethnic backgrounds experience Los Angeles was a central theme to this course as well.
Kiko reflected on learning about some of the racial history of the city and offered
insights on equality and hope for how it might change in the future. She stated:
Well, because I‟m doing a diversity course, you know, it‟s about American
dream, one of the, like, pursuits of American dream is equality, but it hasn‟t
been accomplished, and it‟s not going to be in a matter of 10 or 20 years,
because, I don‟t know. People are afraid of what they don‟t know, and, you
know, a lot of Asians are afraid of black people. It‟s not because of their looks.
It‟s just because they don‟t know. Because they don‟t know, they just believe
whatever it is in the media, and the media image is like that. They just take it.
And, you know, you would say that like the conflict between black and white
have been like settled, but even in like a metropolitan city like this, it‟s not like
we love each other, you know. There are still riots. There‟s Watts Riot, there‟s
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the Rodney King uprising, and something‟s going to happen sooner or later.
Yeah. Well, hopefully it will change.
Kiko‟s ability to discuss how individuals can fear what they do not know, especially
with regard to different racial and ethnic groups exhibited the depth of her learning from
the course. She was further able to relate how the media feeds into this fear when
people believe the images media portrays to them.

Diversity and the Classical Western Tradition
This course focuses on the different structures of society, mainly in Europe.
Greek and Roman culture in terms of the classics is also explored, as well as key
concepts such as democracy, modernity, and feudalist societies. For Eva, she expressed
that the course helped give her a general idea of how Western culture progressed. In
terms of her understanding in the course, Eva stated:
I would just say this is actually a pretty good course. That in the sense, that it is
really inspiring. So, then, it actually – I mean, it mentions something that you
would have heard of, but you wouldn't have think of in such details. So, that it
provides me another viewpoint or say, I would say, more comprehensive
understanding of everything. Like a bit of everything.
She further discussed how the course talked about democracy in America and how
“state and religion is like separate” in the U.S. Finally, the course explored the different
social structures and economic factors of countries in Europe.

Social Problems
The course, Social Problems, looks at several aspects of diversity. This includes
gay issues, feminism and gender issues, class and ethnicity. For Coco Li, a sophomore
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economics major from China, she shared how the course “Gave me like a good
understanding about like how America is like made of different ethnicities and different
sexual orientation, different social class and like different gender.” Some of the other
topics that Coco Li spoke of from the course included learning about the welfare system
of the U.S., environmental issues, Title IX, and Asian‟s being the “Model Minority”.
She further shared:
I just feel like that class is like really important to me. And I kind of feel like I,
like after learning that class I‟m kind of like ahead of the game. And like it
really give me like a really good overview of American dream and like the –
what‟s that? The core value of democracy.
The issue of gays in the U.S. also offered Coco Li a new opportunity to expand upon
her understanding of a diversity issue from the course. She stated:
And, well gay issues is really interesting. It‟s kind of neat to me. Well, it‟s kind
of new to me, cause like there are actually – okay, so not of people‟s expectation
is actually a lot of gay people in China right now. But then after I took this class
I was like yeah, there are people. Just like they choose different sexual
orientation and like they should have their rights to be like a human being. And
they should like have all the rights. Like voting and being government officials.
It‟s a shame. Cause I know gay before. But I just don‟t get to know like they
need to fight for their rights and they have the same like human rights.

Social Issues in Gender
Social Issues in Gender is a course that focuses on sociology theory, gender and
issues such as the working class and the history in America. The course further
discusses the family structure in the U.S., and the role of women, men and children in
the family. For Cindy, a junior business major from Hong Kong, she spoke of learning
about the traditional role of men being the breadwinners and women staying home to
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take care of the home and the children. A new concept she spoke of was feminism and
the feminist movement in the U.S. In reflecting on her own country and feminism, she
stated “It doesn‟t really happen in my own culture because women do not really have a
strong status in my own culture, in our own country. I mean I learned about it‟s just a
difference from my own country.”
The working class in the U.S. and racial differences were also central themes of
this course. Cindy shared that:
It‟s also about the races, I guess. The working class: usually the white people in
the United States have privilege, yes. And then in my own country, we‟re just
all Asian. So, white people is not really special in my country – it‟s not special,
but we don‟t really have the idea of the privilege about white people. But here,
it‟s just white people always have the privilege.
Finally, racial differences were also presented in how families raise their children and
how children are treated differently based on their gender.

Sociology of Childhood
The Sociology of Childhood course explores the history of childhood and how
childhood is constructed. This includes the role that children play in society and
exploring how race impacts childhood experiences. For Charlotte, she spoke of how
“Back in history there was actually no such thing as childhood, and how it's just a
concept that politicians or people in power created to create this thing called childhood,
and fit kids in there.” She further spoke of learning how children are portrayed as
innocent in our society. Charlotte stated that it is interesting how we think about
children and race.
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They're all innocent and we tolerate childhood as something that is blonde–
haired, blue–eyed, and as not doing anything, like a little infant boy. And that
creates a lot of problems because more than half the population is not white, and
they're not blonde–haired and blue–eyed. So, are they not innocent?
Charlotte also spoke of never thinking of childhood the way it was explained in this
course. “I always thought that kids are kids; there's always a childhood. It got me
thinking that a lot of things – it's like we put a meaning to it. We just throw in whatever
works for us during that time.” Charlotte was able to reflect on how childhood is
portrayed and whose meaning is used to establish it. She also further questioned where
children who are not white fit into our society‟s view of innocence and childhood and
the problems it may create.

Minority Mental Health
The Minority Mental Health course covers different mental illnesses like
schizophrenia and bipolar, and the courses of treatment that work for such illnesses.
The course further discusses how the different races are affected by mental illness and
how the mental illness is perceived in different racial and ethnic communities.
Charlotte shared how for Native Americans, they deal with mental illness as a group
and they “Have a healing power for it…sometimes they don't even consider it as mental
illness. Sometimes, you have a gift.” For other racial groups, Charlotte shared that
“For Asian Americans, it's more like hush–hush. “Don't talk about it”… I guess for
European Americans, it's more like they're more willing to receive professional help if
there is anything that comes up.” She further shared how the information covered in
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the course was “Not that much of a sudden insight but that it did provide a greater depth
into the subject of mental health, and how different races deal and cope with it
differently.”
In concluding, I have shared how these students from China and Hong Kong
experienced their diversity courses given the specific focus on each course. The
courses represented several different academic departments and all met the diversity
requirement at Western University. Some of the commonalities of the courses learned
from student experiences included understanding issues that relate to race, ethnicity,
gender, sexual orientation, viewing stereotypes of different groups historically and in
our current society, understanding American values such as democracy, and the social
and class structure of the U.S. Across these common course themes, students were able
to share how the new knowledge they learned contributed to their understand ing of U.S.
diversity issues.
Students provided some final thoughts about their experiences that further speak
to the contributions of the diversity courses. For his course, Changing Family Forms,
Hocc shared:
I think family values in the United States are really different from the Asian
family values because of their own culture background. Yeah, for example, one
of the things that illustrate it well is in Chinese we kind of sit in a round table
during dinner, and in America we use a rectangle table for our dinners. So one
of the reasons that Chinese want to have dinner in a round table is that we can
look at each other at equal distance and more closely so that we could have a –
we have a strong family – we could develop a strong family relationship. And
that is what Chinese concerns a lot about, but for Americans I would say they –
the children are more independent, and they do not rely a lot from their parents.
And maybe when they grow up they will have – they do not have a very strong
relation with their parents because they may have to work outside or they have
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to move to another city because of their work. So that‟s why they could not
meet with their parents very often.
Coco Li shared that her course, Social Problems was “Like a really good course…and it
was pretty interesting…I like the professor a lot…he shares his personal experiences.”
KP spoke of how she recommended her course, Changing Family Forms to a lot of her
friends.
I think it‟s easy. I think it‟s easier than other GE (general education) classes.
And then second, you actually get to learn a lot of new things from the
professor‟s perspective. It‟s not just from the Chinese point of view. We, you
know, do certain things, but you actually get to learn a lot of new concepts.
For her course Social Issues in Gender, Cindy shared that:
I do think the course helped me to just think from others‟ points of view, and
just become more acceptable for all the things, all the differences between
genders, races. It‟s just based on the different cultures being more acceptable
for all things.
Brittany shared that her course, Changing Family Forms, was a good class that she
enjoyed. She also felt that “It did help me learn more about family structures and how
that's evolved, but it was more pertaining to the U.S., so…I mean, it just opened my
eyes about the U.S., so, it was interesting.” Lisa was able to reflect on her course,
Social Problems, and how what she learned might benefit her Chinese society. She
described that:
It‟s a really good course and before I looked at the course description and did
not really understand the course but I took the course and I learned a lot about
me and families and different types and China sometimes should learn
something from American like families and adoption and the kind of culture
thing… I still think we might change that… and after I took this course if I was
a person in China I would publish some paper or something and let people know
there are other ways to lead or something.

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And finally, Gabrielle shared the following about her course, Social Inequality: Class,
Status and Power.
I just enjoy taking it. It doesn‟t – when I‟m taking this class, I don‟t feel like
I‟m really like going to school… It‟s learning, but it‟s like in a different way.
It‟s more than just knowledge. It could be like – or more than just common
sense. I don‟t know how to explain that. It‟s like expanding your horizon and
something just wow!

Section III - Intergroup Peer Relationships
Various aspects of the diversity courses taken by the students revealed key
themes as to their ability to develop intergroup peer relationships. I was interested in
knowing if the knowledge learned in diversity courses would help international students
peer relationships, in particular those with different racial/ethnic students. This section
represents three of the major themes that emerged for students‟ intergroup peer
relationships and at what level these relationships developed. They included the
classroom environment and size, discussion sections with teaching assistants and
student learning through classroom engagements. Two additional themes emerged when
examining their peer relationships. These included the changing attitudes of students
and their ability to develop friendships with students in the course.

Classroom Environment and Size
Since diversity courses at Western University are part of the general education
core requirement, I wanted to understand how students experienced the classroom
environment including the size of the course. For peer interactions, the majority of the
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students stated that the classroom environment and number of students in the course
hindered the ability to connect with their peers. Hocc stated that the class was in a large
lecture hall, “So people just sit on a seat and look at Power point slides and take notes.”
For Gabrielle, she stated that she never interacted with peers in the classroom. She
shared that, “Because it‟s a GE class, it‟s not a major requirement. Everyone just shows
up - packs ten minutes before class ends.” For her class, she also commented that even
though it was only 40 people, there was really not enough time for people to speak a lot
or interact in class.
For some students, the perception of what should occur in the classroom
environment impacted if they interacted with peers. For Julia, she spoke about thinking
that “Intellectual classes are mostly for listening to the presentation by the
professor…there‟s not that much interaction.” Brittany also shared that since the class
is a lecture, “We just had to sit and listen.” Cindy, a junior, business major from Hong
Kong, also commented that due to the lecture format there was not really any
interaction in the class. Coco Li further stated that because “It‟s like a huge class…like
in the lecture hall. So there is not that many chances for you to talk to people that
much.”
The role of the professor was also seen as key in the classroom environment.
For Charlotte, she stressed there was no peer interaction in the course and that the
emphasis was on interacting with her professor. She stated that, “She (the professor)
asks questions and we all answer them and answer her. It was more about classroom
participation for points.” Charlotte also shared that one of her courses was in a large
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lecture hall which limited peer interactions in the class. Finally, while her other two
courses were only about 30 students each, they were mainly lecture based with not
much student interaction.

Discussion Sections

While the classroom environment did not lead to increased interactions with
peers, the discussion sections aligned with the diversity courses made a strong
contribution to peer interactions. All of the students in the diversity courses had a
smaller discussion section that ranged from 15 to 30 students. The students spoke of
greater interactions in the discussion sections, the ability to really get to know their
peers and the teaching assistant and increased learning and dialogue regarding the
course topics. Julia shared the following about her peer interactions.
I interact with my peers more in discussion classes because there's a smaller
group, and if you want to ask them a question or answer their questions. Well,
it's really open because even the – even our teacher assistant feels like she's part
of a group, and we're all in the conversation. You don't have to raise your hand.
You just say what you want to say, and people respond to that immediately. So,
it's really free and engaging.
Lisa, a senior business major from China shared how in the discussion sections “We
talk to each other…our ideas, and the TA is a graduate student so she is like a peer not
much older than us…it‟s really fun.” Brittany also shared how the discussion sections
were “Good…we talked and had to cooperate on projects.”
Students further spoke of the diversity of their peers in their discussion sections.
Cindy spoke of how she met another student from Hong Kong and connected with her
in the discussion group. She shared that “I do think because she‟s from Hong Kong we
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just became friends because there is not a lot of Asians in my course.” She also shared
that she connected with another student that is Black in the discussion section from
sharing an assignment together. Kiko shared about the diversity of the students in her
group and how students felt pride in where they were from since her co urse was titled,
Los Angeles and the American Dream. She stated that:
So we‟ll be in groups and we‟ll be talking about stuff like our assignments, and
you can see the diversity in our discussion group as well. Like a lot of them are
Asian ethnicity, but they were born around here. Well, the ones (students) that
are not from L.A. really don‟t know that much about it. But any ones that are
from L.A., depending on what area they are from, they have a different – they
have a really strong belief in that particular area. Like there‟s people from Santa
Ana, and they would be very proud of being from there. But then, I don‟t know.
It feels like they only lived in that neighborhood all their life, like they don‟t
know anything about the whole L.A. They only know that little bit.
While the majority of students spoke of the positive peer interactions in their
discussion sections, two students presented a different perspective worth noting. KP
spoke of enjoying the discussion groups “Because everyone shared their experiences
and everyone was comfortable sharing…I really like the atmosphere”. However, she
spoke about the role of the teaching assistant at times not encouraging interaction
between students in the group. KP shared that “We just answer the questions that the
TA asks us,” and how the students were facing the board and just raising their hands to
respond to the questions from the TA. She shared that it might have been better to sit in
circle “So we can talk to each other instead of facing the board and just raise our hands
and just talk to a TA.” Finally, Gabrielle shared how she really does not interact much.
She shared that, “I listen to what they say and sometimes I give some comment, but
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mainly that‟s it…nothing much”. In commenting on her not speaking much, she
further shared that:
I guess it‟s because I don‟t really…I don‟t get used to talking in class that much,
first of all, and the second thing is that I don‟t want to offend anybody, even
though I think they‟re cool with that. I just don‟t want to give myself a chance
to say something wrong, so I try to go to…make the point and make it short and
that‟s it.

Student Learning through Classroom Engagements

The assignments students completed in the diversity courses contributed to the
interactions with their peers. The assignments that contributed to these interactions
consisted of group presentations, debates by groups of students, group activities, and
discussions on films or readings that supported the topics in the course. Other
assignments students spoke of included papers, midterm and final exams.
The majority of the courses required some form of group work. Charlotte spoke
of group activities that occurred once or twice a month that enabled her to interact with
her peers. She stated how the professor in her Sociology of Childhood course,
Brings in kids story books and stuff like that, and she distributes a couple in the
class, and we talk about the stories of the book, the morals and what it means.
What does it mean to be a kid?

Cindy also shared how she was involved in a group project that involved interviewing a
classmate that was different from her cultural and country background. She stated:
I picked a girl that did an assignment before… She‟s a black woman, and then
she‟s a freshman. And then she‟s really from United States. She was born here.
Her father is here. I forget where her mother comes from, but her mother does
not come from L.A. The whole family is in the United States, and she was
raised in L.A. So, we really have different cultures, different first language. We
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talk about we were raised in different ways, like treated differently by our
parents. She goes to church with her parents, but my mother just didn‟t push me
into any religion. Yeah, we just talked about the differences.

Several of the students had to do group presentations for their courses. The
presentations often evolved around readings in the course or the main topics. Charlotte,
in the course Social Inequality: Class, Status and Power, shared how students did group
presentations on topics related to the class. These topics consisted of poverty, the
middle class and the wealthy. Hocc also shared how his course, Changing Family
Forms involved group presentations on several books. He stated that:
So the one that I presented is about genetic transformed babies…that you could
change the genes before the baby is born, so that you would have ideal babies.
And that it relates us to families because it will deteriorate the sex
discrimination because maybe many families want to get a boy or girl because
of something. Then there will be an increasing number of a specific gender in
society. And also they would stereotype some kinds of personality that is called
ideal, for example, tall and well built and smart and know many languages. And
if everyone is – everyone wants their babies to look like that then everyone will
be the same, and there will be no diversity.
Cindy further shared how in her course, Social Issues in Gender, group presentations
included reviewing the popular film Boyz in the Hood, which provided the opportunity
to interact with her peers.
We watched the film in class, and then for a group presentation, I briefly talked
about the director and his background. He‟s the youngest Oscar nominee. Yeah,
I just mean I took the part for the director, but the other part we talked about was
the history of West L.A., and then something like women in the film, what their
role in the film. Mainly talk about black people in that film, the violence
between the men. The women - usually they just seen as a mother role. They
take care of the children at home, but one of the women, she leaves her family
and then works outside. We did talk about that woman is an outsider of that
culture because most women in the film usually stayed at home, and they take
care of the children instead of working outside. So, that‟s an outsider in the
film.
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The debates in several of the courses presented another opportunity for students
to interact with their peers. For Julia, in her course, Changing Family Forms, she
shared how they had several debates. These debates included topics such as same-sex
marriage, tax systems and healthcare in the U.S. Julia shared that for her debate, she
had regular meetings with her partner.
Well, our debate on same–sex marriage, like we had to learn about the views of
people that are for same–sex marriage. Like they think people should have their
choice of who they marry, but also have to learn the other side where people –
like people are against same–sex marriage and think that would destroy the
institution of marriage, where fathers and mothers are raising children.

CoCo Li shared that debates in her class, Social Problems also occurred. She stated
that, “We had a debate, which is about racial profiling in airport in the discussion
session. It was really interesting. Cause we have to like search for sources and then
like do the debate.” Finally, Corina, a senior international relations and business major
from Hong Kong, also shared how her class was given specific topics and student
groups were put together to debate. Corina stated how “We analyzed how McCain and
Obama…their ideas to improve the American families…and how the healthcare
improves the poor family and the Americans.”

Changing Attitudes
The student experiences in their diversity courses contributed to their increased
knowledge around diversity issues and for the majority of students changed their
attitudes around the topics being studied. This included issues around race and
ethnicity, class, gender, religion, gay and lesbian issues and other key values of the
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American society discussed in courses. Lisa talked extensively about her experiences
with Blacks prior to the course and how her interactions with a Black student in her
discussion section changed her attitude. Lisa stated that:
He is very nice and he changed my ideas to black people… with women I am
okay but with black guys I feel scared and I don‟t know why and he is so nice…
he is talking… and some Americans like white people or Asians and they say
black people are rude and every day I have to walk half an hour for bus to
school and there are some black people that dress in a black way and they scare
me every day and I really was scared by black people at (Western University)
and back home I pass a black people and he is like ah and really scaring me…
but the guy from my discussion is very nice and before the discussion I don‟t
talk to black people and the idea and stereotype and now I was like black people
are really nice. One of my roommates is lady and her boyfriend is a black guy
and he is a nice guy, very, very nice. He just changed my mind about the black
guys actually.
The fear that Lisa shared and being scared of Blacks reflects the stereotypes individuals
can learn from others, as well as the general lack of knowledge about a group of people.
In understanding her perspective, I further asked Lisa what she meant by Black people
that dress in the “Black Way”. She shared:
I mean they wear a black style like they like putting their pants down and they
wear really big fat clothes and I understand that people have their own cultures
and the black people like the hip hop and they speak in that way, but the pants I
really can‟t understand now I mean I don‟t think it looks good, they might think
it‟s cool, but I don‟t think it cool. I know American girls like that or else they
would not do that.
The “Black Way” Lisa defined further reflects on the influences of popular culture, such
as clothing and music, and how students learn about the diversity of people in the U.S.
As a transfer student who started her college years in Northern California, KP
shared that “When I went to college I didn‟t get to meet a lot of people from different
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countries, and so I met a lot of people from Hong Kong and that‟s it.” Now that she is
at Western University, she stated that:
When I came here, I actually met a lot of different people from different
countries, so it really helps to, you know, know more about their culture. I
would say a lot of my friends are actually gay or lesbian, and so, you know, I am
open. It‟s not right or wrong. And so I think if I had not taken Sociology 169
(Changing Family Forms) I would be like no you‟re not my friend. But, now
I‟m okay.
KP further expanded on her thoughts around diversity and different cultures stating that
“Because my culture (Hong Kong) is really conservative… and I think other Asian
cultures and people from European countries are more open….they want to try different
and new things, and people here…I think it‟s a good mix.” Coco Li shared similar
thoughts on her learning about different cultural groups and discrimination which
changed her attitudes. She spoke of a girl in her class from the Middle East who talked
about being racially profiled in the airports. She learned that “People have a stereotype
for each racial group…and they like more or less suffer from it”. She further stated
that:
I was thinking like Asian Americans they‟re kind of weak and that they are the
group of people who like suffer from like discrimination more. Or like people
always think like black people suffer more because like they think they are like
dangerous or something…and those white people that definitely think they
don‟t‟ discriminate anyone. It‟s kind of funny like how white people think they
are like – cause they never really care, I guess. Cause they are like privileged.
So they never think about the stuff of discrimination.
For her class, Social Problems, Coco Li further shared how white peers did not seem to
connect with the topics being discussed, especially working class issues. This may
support her thoughts that Whites feel they do not discriminate or that Whites may no t
care about discrimination due to their privilege.
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For some students, the changing attitudes around religion were important as well
given that the students were not religious. Julia stated that “Where I come from, not
many people were affiliated with any religions. But here, we learn about religions.
Like a change in my mind would be it's actually common. It's not unusual.” She
further shared how most of the people in her class are international students, “So,
everyone is learning about diversity, and they are all from different places. So, it's
interesting to learn about that. They have different opinions.” Corina also spoke of her
change in attitudes about religions from the course. She shared that “I would say I‟m
open to make friends from different religions. Yeah, because usually, I want to make
Hong Kong friends, but now I‟m open to different cultures, different religions.”
Changing attitudes in regards to gender were also shared by students regarding
the role of men and sex discrimination. Hocc stated that his course helped him confirm
that:
Sex discrimination is a global issue no matter if you are in Hong Kong, China,
or the United States. It‟s still an issue, and there were different reasons that led
to discrimination in different countries, but they still have it.

Cindy shared how she has learned to accept more from the class how men can be more
aggressive and why. She studied at an all-girls high school and did not interact with
boys much prior to college. She stated that:
Sometimes I just feel like the boys are just so aggressive, dominant, and they
really just want to control or maybe just be responsible for all things. But right
now, I think that it‟s just much more acceptable for me to think it‟s just not their
personality, but somehow because society forces them because it‟s more
acceptable for gender differences.
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She attributed the course for her changed perspective on how society influences the
behavior of boys and the roles that are acceptable for them.
Students reflected on changing attitudes that further came from presentations
and discussions by various students sharing their experiences in class. Charlotte stated
that “Watching their presentations made me like understand their point of view.” In her
class, Social Inequality: Class, Status and Power, many of the issues evolved around
the middle class. Charlotte stated that students shared how:
They are on student loans and they didn‟t come from a really rich background.
And how they're like will have a lot of trouble paying back the loans, especially
in this like economic times. And a lot of them also talked about like how people
are dropping out…cause they can't afford tuition.
She also shared how some students during a discussion on the wealthy talked about
Western University recruiting international students because they could afford to pay.
During that discussion, she countered by sharing with the class that, “They (Western
University) didn‟t just accept anyone…it‟s the same as people who got good grades,
they just got in. It‟s just…they (international students) added diversity, because we‟re
international students.” Finally, Gabrielle shared how she learned that “Going to a
private college does not mean that you are really rich.” She further stated that:
I kind of feel bad for the people like in the middle class because, first of all, like
they are not qualified for the financial aid and they‟re not rich enough to just
write a check and say, “Oh, this is tuition,” you know. So the kids in between,
they probably have to work hard by themselves and work at the same time. And
I figure that – I feel a lot of people, at least in my class, are actually in that
category. They have to work or they used to work as in summer or something
like that, not just for fun.
While the majority of students spoke of changing attitudes regarding diversity
from their courses, two students offered different opinions. Kiko reflected that her
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attitudes had not changed stating that, “I never really had a strong attitude against any
groups.” Hocc also shared that his attitudes had not changed. He shared that:
There wasn‟t a lot of, I would say that interaction… (interaction) would not
affect lots in my values in American culture or diversity „cause people were just
presenting what I have read in the books and just asked questions that are
already covered in class, so we are basically learning the same thing on the same
page. So that‟s why – and we don‟t usually share personal experience, so that‟s
why we cannot really learn about some new things from other students.
From his experience, Hocc reflected that what he learned in the class was from the
course materials and not from interacting with peers. Since students did not share
personal experiences, he felt this limited what students could learn from each other that
may have changed their views.
The diversity courses provided several opportunities to support the changing
views of students. Through interactions with peers and by having the opportunity to
meet people from different cultures, students shared how their views of racial/ethnic
groups changed. Students were also more open to and spoke of making friends with
individuals that are gay or lesbian. Peer interactions also helped students understand
and change their stereotypes of different racial/ethnic groups. Students further spoke of
changing attitudes around religion, as well as gender roles that exist in U.S. society.
Finally, students spoke of the importance of the individual experiences other students
shared in the course, specifically around class issues, with changing their attitudes.

Developing Friendships
In the diversity courses, the ability to develop friendships from interactions with
peers occurred for most of the students. With these friendships, many were
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characterized as friendly, but not close. The friendships that did develop were also
more likely to occur with other Asian students and often with Asian international
students. Some of the students that made friends also shared that they took their classes
with people who were already their friends.
Eva spoke of her interactions as “General friendships, but not the really close
ones.” She further described:
you recognize people, you know their name…and when you meet, you can like
chat it up…like just asking how people are doing…and perhaps a little more
about their personal life…I would say I made one, two friends in that class. But,
yeah, you talk to those people about school and like, maybe, what you do during
the weekends.
Kiko also spoke of the friendships she made as “Being okay…we‟re like
acquaintances…we‟re not like close friends…I went into the course not knowing
anyone, but now I know some of the people.” Lisa spoke of having a good friend in
the class that was also an international student who was able to also give her great
information on international student visa issues. She described their friendship as:
Kind of close…she is older than me and she always told me great information or
if I had questions I would call her and we would talk about class work and with
her I could talk more about my daily life and talk about everything…sometimes
we have lunch together and we are still in contact now…we are really good
friends.
Friendships were more likely to develop in the discussion sections than in the
lectures of the courses. Julia shared that her friendships were from “Interactions with
peers in my group…like my partner from debate…so she became one of my friends.”
She shared how they would interact before and after class, but that it was hard to see
each other much due to their different course schedules. Corina also shared that one of
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her closest friends was from the discussion section not the lecture. She stated that she
felt:
Every class in the U.S. is not very close friendship because it‟s like we see each
other in the class. But other than that, we don‟t often go out or have dinner.
There‟s some exceptions; just one or two friends. But most of them are, “Hi,”
and, “Bye,” friends. It‟s different from high school.
Some of the students that made friends also shared that they took their classes
with people who were already their friends or other international students. Cindy
described how she was able to develop friendships with her friends from Hong Kong.
She stated how they talked after class and how “They invited me to watch football with
them…we watch TV sometimes, talk about personal stuff, and sometimes we talk about
the courses…we help each other through the course.” Charlotte also shared how the
friends she made were friends she already knew who were from Hong Kong. Finally,
Hocc shared how he took his course with a group of students from Hong Kong that he
met the Summer prior during student orientation.
I made friends with my presentation group and then for my friends that we took
together (the course) we kind of developed better relations. I would say for the
friendship developed throughout the presentations and discussion, they are kind
of temporary because we do not really meet with each other after course...the
other ones, we still have a fun time with each other cause we knew each other
very well before taking that course.

Section IV – Student Acculturation
The acculturation level of the group of students in this study may help to
understand their experiences in diversity courses and the ability to build intergroup peer
relationships. The 12 students were administered the 49-item Acculturation Scale for
Asian International Students (ASAIS) before their individual interview. As with the
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authors of the ASAIS, items with a pattern coefficient lower than .35 and square of the
residual larger than the pattern of coefficient were eliminated. This section reports the
resulting scale of the 33-items on the ASAIS. The ASAIS score is based on each
question having a minimum score of 1 for strongly disagree and a maximum score of 7
for strongly agree. This scale is also based on Asian students‟ acculturation status using
Berry‟s (1980) acculturation framework with subscales described as integration,
assimilation, separation and marginalization. Descriptive analyses were calculated for
the 33-item ASAIS. The mean, standard deviation, Cronbach Alpha and range of scores
for the group of 12 students are reported in Table 6.
Table 6
Descriptive Statistics on the ASAIS (N = 12)
Subscale M SD Cronbach Minimum Maximum
Alpha Score Score
Separation 33.08 9.37 .89 12 42
(8 Items)
Integration 28.42 2.71 .51 25 33
(5 Items)
Assimilation 27.67 11.91 .94 13 45
(8 Items)
Marginalization 19.17 6.31 .79 12 29
(12 Items)

Historically, China is known to be a more conservative environment than Hong
Kong. Thus, it was also important to see if there were differences that existed between
the groups. Table 7 represents the separate results of the four students from China on
the ASAIS.

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Table 7
Descriptive Statistics on the ASAIS for China Students (N = 4)
Subscale M SD Minimum Maximum
Assimilation 35.75 12.84 17 45
(8 Items)
Integration 29.75 2.99 26 31
(5 Items)
Separation 25.5 11.09 12 36
(8 Items)
Marginalization 22.25 5.85 15 29
(12 Items)

The questions on the ASAIS are clustered together based on the subscales of
acculturation that are integration, assimilation, separation and marginalization. Table 8
lists the 33-item ASAIS with the mean and standard deviation of the group for each
question.

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Table 8

33 Item ASAIS

Factor 1 – Integration M SD
1. I am good at writing in both my own language and English 5.0 1.13
2. I communicate effectively in both my own language and English 5.92 .67
3. I am good at listening comprehension, for both my own language 5.75 .75
and English
4. I am able to make good friends with persons from my own and 5.58 1.31
American culture
5. I have been academically successful in the U.S. and my own country 6.17 .58

Factor 2 – Assimilation
6. I hang around more with Americans than with people from my 3.83 1.90
own country
7. I find myself thinking more like an American 3.75 1.96
8. I prefer American values more than Asian values 3.42 1.73
9. I see myself as being more able to succeed in American society 4.33 1.76
10. I want to become American in the way I think, talk, and act 2.75 1.86
11. I want to be treated as an American 2.75 1.76
12. I see myself being helped and supported more by American 2.92 1.38
people than by those from my own country
13. I am happier now that I am in the U.S. 3.92 1.73

Factor 3 – Separation
14. I prefer to be friends of people from my own country when I am in the U.S. 3.41 1.31
15. I feel Asian values are far more acceptable than American values (e.g., one 4.75 1.14
should be humble instead of boasting)
16. I am a very traditional Asian person despite living in the U.S. 4.17 1.53
17. I prefer Asian-style living environments 4.25 1.48
18. I pursue support from my family or people from my country rather than rely 4.83 1.11
on American peers
19. I prefer a roommate from my own country or any other Asian international 4.0 2.30
student if I need to have one
20. I would raise my children in traditional Asian ways if I were a parent 4.17 1.80
21. I wish I was living in my own country 3.50 1.51

Factor 4 – Marginalization
22. I feel that I do not belong to either Asian or American cultures 2.33 1.44
23. I do not identify myself as either an Asian or an American 2.0 1.65
24. I dislike making friends with both Asians and Americans 1.33 .49
25. I dislike both Asian and American academic/school systems 1.75 1.36
26. I don‟t endorse either Asian or American values 1.5 .90
27. I am lost in both Asian and American cultures 1.58 .79
28. I am not understood by people from my own country or the U.S. 1.5 .67
29. I am not supported by either Asians or Americans 1.17 .39
30. I see nothing good for me happening in either Asian or American societies 1.33 .49
31. I feel like I am rejected by both Asian international students and Americans 1.25 .45
32. I do not ask Americans or people from my own country for help 1.42 .67
33. I often feel like an outsider 2.0 1.04
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For the ASAIS, I looked at the level of acculturation for the group of students for
each of the subscales. Second, reflections were made based on the mean scores of each
subscale on the ASAIS as to how the student experiences informed their ability to build
intergroup peer relationships. Third, the Cronbach Alpha was noted in terms of the
reliability for each of the subscales. Finally, reflections are made on the subscale
differences of the four China students when separated from the entire group. This
section reviews each of the subscales of the ASAIS.

Separation
The highest mean for the group was reflected in the separation subscale of
acculturation on the ASAIS. Separation occurs when individuals maintain their own
culture without intergroup relations. The mean score on separation, which is based on 8
questions, was 33.08. The Cronbach Alpha was .89 indicating a high level of
reliability. The minimum student score for separation was 12 and the maximum score
was 42. With this group of students, some of the experiences they shared during their
interviews would support this finding. In the diversity courses, many of the students
shared that the friends they made were other Asian students and often Asian
international students. They also spoke of the importance of the support that they
received from other Asian students as opposed to seeking support from American
students. Many also reflected on being a traditional Chinese individual, thus
maintaining and being proud of their heritage.

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Integration
The second highest mean score on the acculturation level of the ASAIS was
represented by integration. Integration involves an individual being able to maintain
their cultural heritage while also taking on aspects of the new culture. The mean score
on integration, which is based on 5 questions, was 28.42. The Cronbach Alpha was .51,
indicating a low level of reliability. With this result of the Cronbach Alpha, caution is
urged in interpreting the findings for integration. The minimum student score for
integration was 25 and the maximum score was 33. In looking at the student
experiences, the majority of the students held strong values for their Chinese heritage.
They were also able to incorporate the new culture in ways such as making American
friends in discussion sections and communicating effectively in their native language
and English.

Assimilation
The next score, which was closely scored after integration, was assimilation on
the acculturation level of the ASAIS. Assimilation involves letting go of ones‟ cultural
heritage in order to adopt the beliefs and behaviors of the new culture (Tadmor &
Tetlock, 2006). The mean score on assimilation, which is based on 8 questions, was
27.67. The Cronbach Alpha was .94 indicating a high level of reliability. The
minimum student score for assimilation was 13 and the maximum score was 45. In
comparing this subscale on the ASAIS to integration, the maximum score for
assimilation was much higher at 45 compared to 33. This lower score for the group was
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evident from the experiences shared by the majority of the students. The students did
not think like Americans, nor hang around more Americans than individuals from their
own country, nor prefer American values more than their Asian values. This score
further supported the limited peer interactions that occurred as well as students having
few close friendships in the diversity courses with students that were American.

Marginalization
The lowest score on the acculturation level of the ASAIS was marginalization.
Marginalization explores not accepting or belonging both in the old and new culture for
the students. The mean score on marginalization, which is based on 12 questions, was
19.17. The Cronbach Alpha was .79 indicating a high level of reliability. The minimum
student score for separation was 12 and the maximum score was 29. For these
students, there was strong non-acceptance for the values of being marginalized. There
was no ambivalence to not being a part of either Asian or American culture. The
students were able to interact with peers, reflect on positives of both Chinese and
American societies, and felt they did belong to the Asian culture.
In using the ASAIS, I was able to show how the acculturation of the group of
students was reflective of their experiences in the diversity courses. The acculturation
level was evident with the groups highest sub-scales being separation and integration.
Given that the Cronbach Alpha for the integration subscale was .51 and only consisted
of five questions, caution is urged in weighing this finding. With the majority of their
friends being Asian, this reflected the separation stage where students maintained their
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culture without intergroup relations. Secondly, integration showed how students were
able to keep their cultural heritage while adopting some of the new culture. Through
interactions in their courses, students were able to make some domestic friends and
were able to communicate effectively in their native language and English. Finally, the
lowest sub-scale for the group was marginalization which reflected individuals not
belonging to either their own or the new culture. The low score supported that students
felt they had a strong connection to their Chinese heritage.
The four students from China were separated out for a better understanding of
student responses during the interviews. Generally, students from China are more
conservative and do not respond as openly as these students did during their interview.
In looking at the results of the subscales for students from China, the highest score was
for assimilation, followed by integration, separation and marginalization. The mean
score on assimilation was 35.75 with a minimum score of 17 and maximum score of 45.
The mean score of integration was 29.75 with a minimum score of 26 and maximum
score of 31. As opposed to the total group, which has the highest subscales of
separation and integration, the students from China were highly assimilated to
American values and culture. These students preferred to hang around with American
friends, feel they are more likely to succeed in American society, preferred American
values over Asian values, think more like an American and are happier now that they
are in the U.S.
In conclusion, students were able to share a strong value for their Asian culture
and openness for what they were learning about American society. This openness was
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communicated in the knowledge and perspectives they shared around key issues of
diversity in the U.S. It was further evident that the groups‟ level of acculturation did
contribute to their ability to build intergroup peer relationships. While these students
did build peer relationships, they were often with other Asian students. For interactions
with other diverse students, students did develop friendships and learn from their peers;
however, the friendships were not very close.
The findings presented in this chapter reflected the experiences of 12 students
from China and Hong Kong with diversity courses at Western University. This study
found that diversity courses did contribute to the knowledge and understanding of these
international students about U.S. diversity issues. The courses also contributed to
students building relationships with their peers. The peer interactions were supported
by classroom-related experiences that occurred in discussion sections and through
projects, debates and presentations done in the course. One negative aspect of students‟
classroom experience was the environment created by faculty and the size of the class.
The diversity courses further contributed to the changing attitudes of students and the
development of some friendships with their peers. Finally, through the administration
of the ASAIS, the acculturation level of the group supported the type of experiences I
learned from students regarding their diversity course and the peer interactions that
occurred.
In the next chapter, I discuss the implications of these results and make
recommendations for how Western University might support Asian international
students in diversity courses and how to improve their peer interactions. I will further
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discuss the limitations of this study and conclude with a discussion on future research
areas that may be explored regarding the experiences of international students in
diversity courses.

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Chapter 5
Discussion

Introduction

The purpose of this study was to examine how diversity courses contributed to
international students intergroup peer relationships. For international students, the study
also focused on how intergroup peer relationships vary by students‟ level of
acculturation. Finally, for the purposes of this study, the focus was on international
students from China and Hong Kong. Currently, the majority of the literature on
international students focuses on transitional issues they experience adapting to a new
college environment. Thus, the study was further undertaken to contribute to the
literature on the experiences of international students. With diversity courses and their
associated outcomes, there were also no studies on the experiences of international
students in these courses. To this end, the research questions were: 1. How do student
perceptions of diversity courses contribute to international students intergroup peer
relationships? 2. Within these diversity courses, how do student perceptions of
intergroup peer relationships vary by international students‟ level of acculturation?
In this chapter, I begin by discussing the key findings from this study. In
examining these findings, I reviewed aspects of the literature presented on diversity
courses, international students and intergroup peer relationships that supported the
findings as well as when the findings were not reflective of the current literature.
Second, I discussed the implications for theory, research and practice for the literature
on diversity courses, the experiences of international students and how Western
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University can improve student experiences in diversity courses. Finally, I examined
the limitations of this study and conclude with future directions for research regarding
diversity courses, international students and the ability of these courses to support peer
intergroup relationships at Western University and beyond.

Review of Findings
In this section I discuss the key findings of the study which were:
For students in this study, the prior knowledge they had about U.S.
diversity issues influenced their experiences in diversity courses.
Where and how students gained their diversity knowledge was also
an important finding.
While students took a total of 8 different diversity courses at Western
University, the courses did enhance their understanding of diversity.
This understanding of diversity was inclusive of race and ethnicity,
gender, sexual orientation and religion.
There were three key findings regarding intergroup peer relationships
that were classroom related. These included the classroom
environment and size that had a negative impact on students in
diversity courses. Second, the peer interactions that came from
having discussion sections and the learning through classroom
engagements that students were required to fulfill both supported
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positive interactions. These interactions further supported their
interactions with peers from different racial/ethnic backgrounds.
There were key findings for intergroup peer relationships that dealt
with students‟ intra/interpersonal development. For the majority of
the students, the diversity courses and interaction with other diverse
students did contribute to a change in their attitudes regarding
different racial/ethnic groups, gender issues, sexual orientation and
religion. The diversity courses also supported the development of
friendships with other peers. However, many of these friendships
were with other Asian students and particularly, Asian international
students.
Finally, in using the Acculturation Scale for Asian International
Students (ASAIS) to gage the acculturation level of the students in
this study, their acculturation level supported the level of peer
interactions they were able to develop in the courses.

Prior knowledge and influence of U.S. diversity issues
As presented in chapter four, the knowledge about the groups of diverse people
and other U.S. diversity issues came from various media outlets. This included TV,
movies, newspapers and websites. When examining student experiences, Brittany
shared how her sole connection to the U.S. was what she saw in the movies and on TV.
The influence of on-line tools was also evident. Hocc shared how he learned from
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watching You Tube videos as well as videos presented on MTV. He also shared how
the only racial groups he knew about prior to coming to the U.S. were Native American
and African-American. Gabrielle commented that she saw America as only Black‟s and
White‟s before coming to the U.S. Students also shared that the images portrayed of
Americans in the media were of being very free, open and democratic which differed
from their Chinese society. Finally, Charlotte discussed how she did not realize how
racially segregated the U.S. was and how this racial division created problems.
While it was expected that popular media can be an influence for students from
this generation (Cheung, 2001), I did not expect the impact to be as critical for these
students and their learning in the diversity courses. In research on Hong Kong students,
Cheung (2001) noted that popular culture had the power to influence people, especially
youth, who learn many of the values of society through the media. It was further
important to understand how knowledge was acquired by these students. According to
Cheung (1998) there are two types of knowledge, which include subject knowledge and
encountered knowledge. Subject knowledge comes from what students learn in the
classroom and encountered knowledge reflects what students learn through interactions
in the world (Cheung, 1998). When introducing new materials, Cheung (2001)
encourages teachers to use both subject and encountered knowledge as students will
make greater sense of their learning and be more willing to learn. For learning about
diversity in the U.S., students might be encouraged to read about the U.S. and the
diversity of its people while in high school. This might include world history or cultural
diversity around the world. Several of the students from Honk Kong also mentioned
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attending high schools that were more diverse and attending with different international
students. Also given that these students were from China and Hong Kong, I did not
expect to learn of the access to multiple media outlets in their country. I expected this
media exposure more in students from Hong Kong, but it was evident for all the
students.
There are no studies that focus on diversity knowledge of international students
prior to coming to the U.S. For institutions with a diversity requirement, there is
currently no research on how these courses are understood by or impact the knowledge
and understanding around U.S. diversity issues for the growing number of international
students in our colleges and universities. According to Zhao et al. (2005), relatively
little is known about the college experiences of international students. Most of the
current literature on international student experiences deals with transitional issues as
they adapt to a new living and learning environment (Poyrazil & Grahame, 2007). So
there is no literature on the experiences of international students with diversity courses.

Diversity courses added to understanding of diversity
The diversity courses taken by students all contributed to their understanding of
U.S. diversity issues. The courses discussed included: 1) Changing Family Forms,
taken by six students, 2) Social Inequality: Class, Status and Power, taken by two
students, 3) Los Angeles and the American Dream, 4) Diversity and the Classical
Western Tradition, 5) Social Problems, 6) Social Issues in Gender, 7) Sociology of
Childhood and 8) Minority Mental Health. It was expected that these courses would
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make a significant contribution to the students about diversity issues in the U.S. The
courses presented various topics, such as the histories of each racial and ethnic group of
people in the U.S., as well as issues of gender, sexual orientation and religion. From
student experiences shared, the diversity courses increased their understanding of
diversity and also contributed to understanding the many nuances about diversity issues
that come from learning and interacting with students around the topics presented.
Many of the courses provided significant depth into topics that allowed students
a greater understanding as well. These topics included issues about family structure,
marriage, single families, children, class issues, equality, gender diversity, feminism,
religion, sexual orientation, mental health issues of different racial groups, and overall
philosophies on American society. These various topics often had overarching themes
of exploring different racial and ethnic groups of people when discussing the topics. In
reflecting on students comments from chapter four in support of increased
understanding around diversity from their courses, Charlotte commented on the
difficulty of those in poverty to rise to the middle class even when they work very hard
“because of the area that you are in, because of the color of your skin, because of many,
many factors.” She was enrolled in the course Social Inequality: Class, Status and
Power. In sharing her more complex understanding about gay issues and sexual
orientation, Coco Li shared from her course, Social Problems, new concepts she
experienced. She learned that gay issues are about human rights and shared that all
individuals should have basic human rights without having to fight for them. And
finally, Eva shared that her course, Diversity and the Classical Western Tradition was
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“inspiring” and provided her with “another viewpoint” of diversity as well as a “more
comprehensive understanding of everything.”
The expected outcomes of diversity courses at Western University as noted in
their catalogue (2009) support that:
The diversity requirement is designed to provide undergraduate students
with the background knowledge and analytical skills to enable them to
understand and respect differences between groups of people and to
understand the potential resources and/or conflicts arising from human
differences on the contemporary American and international scene. (p.
60)

There are numerous studies that support the outcomes of diversity courses. The
research on curricular-based diversity initiatives, which is broadly applied to
undergraduate education, has consistently shown that diversity courses have positive
effects for students in such areas as openness to cultural awareness, interest in racial
understanding and reducing prejudice (Astin, 1993; Hurtado, 1996; Chang, 1999). In
addition, when exploring ethnic studies and women‟s studies courses, students develop
complex and socio-historical thinking (Gurin, 1999), sociopolitical views, and new
ways of thinking about human differences (Henderson-King & Stewart, 1999; Musil,
1992). Chang (2002) also found that students completing a diversity requirement,
where the course content varied regarding racial and ethnic groups, had more favorable
views toward African Americans upon completion, thereby reducing racial prejudice.
The study further supported that learning about one specific difference, such as gender
or class, might also transfer to a students‟ way of thinking about other differences and
reduce prejudice in multiple areas (Chang, 2002). However, there are no current studies
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that report on the outcomes of diversity courses for international students and none for
students specifically from China and Hong Kong.
For these students, I expected that the diversity courses would add to their
understanding of diversity. For the majority of the students, they had been in the
country from two to four years. Only two students in the study were freshman, and thus
had been in the country for about three months. During the interviews, a much greater
insight about understanding diversity issues in the U.S. was evident in students who had
been in the U.S. for a longer period of time. In addition, all of the students seemed to
be heavily engaged in the courses and enjoyed learning about new concepts. Several of
the students were further able to compare and contrast the topics they were studying as
to the views of American society and those of Chinese society. Finally, students were
able to articulate and provide concrete examples of the major differences in the cultural
values of the U.S. and China.

Intergroup Peer Relationships – Classroom Related
Classroom environment and size
With intergroup peer relationships, I had hoped to find that the classroom
environment would support student learning about such a critical and delicate topic as
diversity. That was not the case. Many of the students spoke of the lack of connection
to peers in their classrooms and how the environment did not encourage peer
interactions. The classes were held in large lecture halls and courses were often on
average about 100 plus students. Coco Li stated how “it‟s a huge class in the lecture
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hall…so there are not that many chances for you to talk to people.” Even for students
that had classes with only 40 students, peer interaction was lacking. For example,
Gabrielle commented that there was not really enough time for people to speak a lot or
interact in class even in her smaller classroom. Finally, there was also no small group
work or discussions of the topics in their lectures to encourage peer interactions.
The role of the professor was commented on by several students as to why the
classroom environment did not support intergroup peer relationships. Students shared
how the professors in their courses often used power point in their teaching method and
that classes were all lecture-based. Specifically, Hocc shared that students just showed
up to “sit on a seat and look at power point slides and take notes.” For Julia, she shared
that she felt it was an “intellectual class” and her role was to listen to the professor.
And finally, Charlotte shared that there was no peer interaction in her course as the
emphasis was on interacting with her professor. Thus, the role of the faculty was
critical in the experiences of the students in the classroom.
Studies looking at the classroom environment support the importance of how
classes are structured and the role of faculty on student learning. In Genres of Research
in Multicultural Education, Bennett‟s (2001) genre four, school and classroom climate
emphasizes the importance of classroom structures and practices and what occurs
between faculty and students. Bennett (2001) also found that positive interactions can
contribute to higher student achievement and positive intergroup relations between
teachers and students. Additional studies show that challenges exist for international
students in developing relationships with professors, adjusting to teaching styles and
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curriculum differences ((Day & Hajj, 1986; Poyrazil & Grahame, 2007). Specifically,
curricular and teaching concerns can reflect study techniques, test-taking, classroom
instruction, and classroom discussions (Day & Hajj, 1986; White et al., 1983). Anaya
and Cole (2001) also support that the interaction with faculty members is also shown to
increase academic achievement among minority and international students. Thus, the
role of faculty and the methods of instruction are important in establishing a supportive
classroom environment.
The student experiences in the diversity classroom did not support some
findings in other studies. As noted by Barratt and Huba (1994) and Charles and
Stewart (1991), international students can face challenges adjusting to a new
environment, which can impact their academic success. Al-Sharideh and Goe (1998)
further found that international students that are unfamiliar with American customs,
norms and values, can experience difficulties when interacting personally and
academically with Americans. These international students did not speak of any
specific challenges adjusting to the classroom environment or interacting with
American peers on a personal and academic level. They understood the classroom
environment presented to them and adjusted accordingly.

Discussion Sections
The discussion sections that were linked to students‟ actual diversity courses
made a positive contribution to their ability to build intergroup peer relationships. The
discussion sections, while related to the classroom experience, offered a distinct and
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separate environment from the lectures provided by faculty. These groups, which
ranged from 15 to 30 students allowed for greater interactions between peers and with
their teaching assistants. Students shared that the sections were more open, they could
talk and engage each other through questions and comments, and it was more
comfortable than the lecture class. Students also commented that the relationship with
teaching assistants was positive and that the TA‟s were involved with the discussions.
The discussion sections further allowed students to connect with other diverse peers
which enhanced their learning around diversity. These connections were often due to
having to cooperate on projects in the discussion sections. Cindy shared how she
connected with another student in her section because she was from Hong Kong and
there were not a lot of Asians in the course. She further spoke of connecting with
another peer who was Black from sharing an assignment together.
Studies related to the classroom environment also apply to the discussion
sections. Bennett‟s (2001) genre four, school and classroom climate emphasizes the
importance of classroom structures and practices and what occurs between faculty and
students. Bennett (2001) also found that positive interactions can contribute to higher
student achievement and positive intergroup relations between teachers and students.
Regarding contact with teaching assistants, Feldman and Newcomb (1969) also found
that the role of faculty is enhanced when faculty and student peers compliment and
reinforce each other.
With intergroup peer relationships, the discussion sections also represented the
most contact for students. Allport‟s (1954) intergroup contact hypothesis supports that
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positive effects of intergroup contact occur under four key assumptions, which are equal
status interactions, common goals, intergroup cooperation and the support of
authorities. The relationships developed in the discussion sections and reported by
students reflect the cooperation within the group and the support of their TA‟s. Further,
a key initiative provided by colleges and universities in the role of institutional authority
and support is curricular activities such as diversity courses (Gurin et al., 2002).
Finally, essential elements also include academic support and faculty encouragement of
student discussions as ways to support more interactions across groups (Saenz et al.,
2006). The ability of the TA‟s in this study to create an environment that encouraged
student discussions supported their peer interactions.
The smaller discussion sections provided a more intimate environment for
students to interact which I did expect to find in this study. The groups allowed
students a chance to discuss in an informal setting the topics presented in the course. In
smaller groups, students were able to share their experiences and learn from their peers.
I did not expect the strong relationship students spoke of with the teaching assistants to
develop. This relationship further supports the key role faculty and those in authority in
the classroom can have on students.

Student Learning through Classroom Engagements
The assignments that students completed for their diversity courses contributed
to their ability to build intergroup peer relationships. The students shared that through
group presentations, debates with groups of students, group activities and discussions
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on films or readings, they had greater interactions with their peers. The increased
interaction supported them learning more about the materials and about the different
peers in their class. Through the assignments, students shared how they had to research
topics together with their peers for debates and presentations which allowed them to
spend more time together outside of class. In her debate on same-sex marriage, Julia
shared how she learned about the views on both sides such as those believing they
should have a choice to marry and the other side feeling that the institution of marriage
was being destroyed. Other assignments included papers as well as exams. Students
further shared how the assignments helped them interact with peers from different
racial/ethnic, cultural and class backgrounds. Cindy shared how she had to do an
interview for an assignment with someone different than her and what she learned from
choosing a classmate that was Black. She was able to talk about their different cultures,
languages, countries of origin, religions and family structures that she might not have
experienced in another class.
There were no specific studies of diversity courses that explored the assignments
students completed in the courses. There were also no studies that examined how
student interactions were changed or influenced by the assignments students completed
for the course. However, the assignments do reflect on two of the key assumptions of
Allports (1954) intergroup contact hypothesis. Allport‟s (1954) intergroup contact
hypothesis supports that positive effects of intergroup contact occur under four key
assumptions, which are equal status interactions, common goals, intergroup cooperation
and the support of authorities. The assignments provided the students common goals in
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accomplishing their tasks and allowed students to cooperate with one another on the
assignments, various projects and debates for the course.
How class assignments contributed to the students‟ learning about diversity was
not expected to be as evident. Students shared such specific examples of experiential
learning from group projects, presentations and debates that helped these international
students discover new insights on diversity. This further revealed how important the
interactions with peers were to their learning about U.S. diversity issues. For these
international students, the positive peer interactions occurred in the discussion sections.
Finally, all of the students shared how the assignments in the courses helped them better
understand the topics being presented to them in the course.
For diversity courses, the ability to support peer intergroup relationships for
these students from China and Hong Kong manifested in three key areas related to
student experiences in the classroom. These included the classroom environment and
size, discussion sections and student learning through classroom engagements. Each of
these areas contributed to whether students would be able to build relationships with
their peers. It is also critical to note the importance of the role of faculty and those in
authority in the classroom and their impact upon the students. For diversity courses,
each of the three areas also showed the significance of peers in the classroom to their
learning process.

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Intergroup Peer Relationships - Intra/Interpersonal Related
Changing Attitudes
The student experiences in their diversity courses contributed to their changing
attitudes around the topics discussed and supported the development of relationships
with their peers. These topics were reflective of race and ethnicity, class, gender,
religion, gay and lesbian issues and other key values of American society. In coming to
the U.S., the students shared how meeting different people from different countries
helped them learn more about other cultures. The courses further helped students
realize and understand many of the stereotypes they held about different diverse groups
in the U.S. KP specifically spoke of how she is more open to gays and lesbians and
having them as friends now. She credited her course, Changing Family Forms, with
helping her be more open and accepting to gays and lesbians as friends. Students
further credited the courses with helping them see different perspectives and opinions,
which helped them learn about differences and be more open to others. These changes
in attitudes were often due to student presentations, discussion groups, and from
students sharing their experiences in the course.
Several students spoke of the exposure to different racial/ethnic students and
different cultures in changing their attitudes about their prior beliefs and experiences.
Lisa shared how having a Black student in her discussion class helped change her ideas
about Black people. She described how prior to this interaction in the course, she was
scared of Black guys and did not like talking with them. From the interactions with a
Black student in her class, she realized many of the stereotypes she held about Blacks
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due to their dress or way of talk. She now feels that Black guys are nice and is more
comfortable around them. Corina also shared how she normally only wanted to make
Hong Kong friends, but the course and the interactions with her peers helped her to be
more open to different cultures. The courses also helped students understand other
concepts such as sex discrimination, issues around poverty and the middle class.
There are numerous studies on diversity courses that reflect the changing
attitudes and values of students around diverse issues. Diversity courses are
consistently shown to have positive effects for students in such areas as openness to
cultural awareness, interest in racial understanding and reducing prejudice (Astin, 1993;
Hurtado, 1996; Chang, 1999). Diversity courses are also considered a supportive
environment to challenge student values and attitudes (Laird et al., 2005). Further
changes in student attitudes and beliefs can be seen when diversity courses are
combined with cultural workshops and discussions on race, which effects the academic
and personal development of students regardless of their racial background (Astin,
1993; Villalpando, 1994). In their study, Henderon-King and Stewart (1999) and Musil
(1992) found that students develop greater sociopolitical views and new ways of
thinking about human differences from diversity courses. Finally, Chang (2002) found
that students completing a diversity requirement, where the course content varied
regarding racial and ethnic groups, had more favorable views toward African-
Americans upon completion, thereby reducing racial prejudice and changing attitudes.
The study further supported that learning about one specific difference, such as gender
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or class, might also transfer to a students‟ way of thinking about other differences and
reduce prejudice in multiple areas (Chang, 2002).
Studies dealing with intergroup peer relationships and changing attitudes further
support the student experiences in this study. Allport‟s (1954) intergroup contact
hypothesis supports that positive effects of intergroup contact occur under four key
assumptions, which are equal status interactions, common goals, intergroup cooperation
and the support of authorities. Each of these four assumptions played a role in students
being able to change their attitudes on ideas or stereotypes they held about diverse
groups prior to the course. Students spoke of the cooperation that was needed for
projects, the interaction and learning from individual peers, as well as the support of the
teaching assistants in their smaller discussion sections. In addition, in their meta-
analytic review on the contact hypothesis consisting of 203 studies, Pettigrew and
Tropp (2000) found significant evidence that intergroup contact effectively decreased
intergroup biases. Even with this evidence, questions still remain about the contact
situation, what aspects of the contact, and what processes effect the contact on attitudes
to successfully reduce bias (Dovidio et al., 2003). Finally, there are studies that look at
changing attitudes on different racial groups of students, but none of these involved
international students.
Further studies examine how exposure to diverse groups through the curriculum
can change intergroup attitudes. Lopez (2004) found that for White students, group
contact and curriculum were important. Lopez‟s (2004) study showed that White
students who attended classes focused on issues of race or ethnicity had a heightened
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awareness of inequities in society and were more favorable on policies dealing with
educational equity issues than other students. Guimond et al. (1989) further found
support for social science curriculum impacting intergroup attitudes around class
inequality. Finally, a meta-analysis of studies, over a 60 year span reviewing the
relationship between education and prejudice, showed significant effects of more
education being associated with less prejudice (Lopez & Mullen, 2002). In reviewing
these studies, however, the populations were based on U.S. diversity groups and did not
involve international students or their experiences with diversity curriculum.
With the focus of this study being on international students, I expected to find
that student attitudes around diversity would be positively changed. The courses
presented new knowledge for these students, which supported their attitude shifts
around diversity. Diversity in the U.S. generally focuses on different racial and ethnic
backgrounds, cultures, religions, gender, and sexual orientation which were all
discussed in courses taken by the students. This diversity was expanded upon in the
courses to also include issues of family structures, poverty and economic concerns,
issues of the middle and upper class, mental health issues, geography of cities and the
experiences of children. This broad scope of topics presented new information to these
international students from China and Hong Kong, thus giving them the opportunity to
learn new concepts and to interact with diverse peers to further support their learning.

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Developing Friendships
The development of friendships in the diversity courses did occur for some of
the students, but would not be described as close friendships. Several students
described the friendships as temporary, more like acquaintances or where you recognize
students and may chat occasionally with them. The friendships that did develop were
contributed to doing presentations, debates or other group work together. For other
students, friendships grew from taking the course with friends they already knew. With
these friendships, it is also important to note that they were more likely to occur with
other Asian students and most often they were with other Asian international students.
For the couple of students that made close friends, they were with other students from
Hong Kong or students that provided guidance and support to them on issues outside
the classroom, such as international student immigration issues.
For peer relationships, Allport‟s (1954) contact hypothesis was reformulated by
Pettigrew (1998) to include a fifth element of friendship potential which can provide
support for friendships that developed in diversity courses. Friendship potential was
designed to reflect how the four processes interact and how closer long-term
relationships, as opposed to initial acquaintances, provide more constructive contact
(Pettigrew, 1998). Pettigrew (1998) further states that it takes time to develop cross-
group friendships and to reduce prejudice. The fifth element suggested for Allport‟s
(1954) model is that individuals must have the opportunity to become friends.
Pettigrew‟s (1998) Reformulated Contact Theory includes three stages that are the
participants‟ experiences and characteristics, the larger societal setting of the situation,
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and three stages of time. The three stages of time include initial contact, established
contact, and unified group contact that are integral to the development of relationships
(Pettigrew, 1998). According to Pettigrew (1998), the stages of time also support a
greater reduction in prejudice as an individual increases their level of contact. This
literature would support most of the students not being able to develop close or
meaningful friendships. The students in these courses did not have the stages of time,
established contact or unified group contact, needed to support and develop friendships.
Studies have further shown that friendship networks and a strong support system
help international students adjust more quickly (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998; Boyer &
Sedlacek, 1988). According to Furnham and Alibhai (1985), international students also
prefer friends who are from their own country or region of the world. Additionally,
strong ethnic communities and ties with people of the same cultural background
influence the self-esteem of international students (Al Sharideh & Goe, 1998). These
studies would support that the international students in this study developed more and
closer friends with other Asian students and particularly other Asian international
students. Lastly, Antonio‟s (2001) study on diversity and the influence of friendship
groups found that diversity‟s impact and the development of interracial friendships
occurs in a close interpersonal environment. For a few students, they were able to build
friendships with other diverse students. However, this study would suggest that the
diversity courses did not provide a close interpersonal environment to support the
development of more interracial friendships for these international students.
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In diversity courses, I expected that students would be able to develop some
friendships with peers in the classroom. However, I thought these friendships might
have been more meaningful and deeper due to the materials and the topics that are
normally discussed in diversity courses. In addition, having a classroom of diverse
peers such as those that exist at Western University, I had hoped to see more interaction
across racial and ethnic groups. I had also hoped this interaction across racial and
ethnic groups would support the overall learning and development of international
students in the courses.

ASAIS
The Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students (ASAIS) was used to
determine if a students‟ level of acculturation contributed to their ability to develop
intergroup peer relationships. The ASAIS was designed by Gu et al. (2006) and is
based on Asian students‟ acculturation status using Berry‟s (1980) acculturation
framework with the subscales described as integration, assimilation, separation and
marginalization. The 33 item instrument, which uses the minimum score of 1 for
strongly disagree to a maximum score of 7 for strongly agree was used primarily on
students from India, the People‟s Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan, South Korea and
Japan in its‟ development. The ASAIS was found to have a Confirmatory Factor Index
of .96 which is excellent for the four subscales of integration, assimilation, separation
and marginalization. In addition, the Cronbach Alpha in the .82 -.89 range was very
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good as well as the Discriminant validity. Finally, in this study, the ASAIS was used to
assess and inform the acculturation level of the group, not each individual student.
In reviewing the findings, the highest mean for the group (33.08) on the ASAIS
was for separation, which occurs when individuals maintain their own culture without
intergroup relationships. The interviews supported this finding in that students spoke of
making friends that were Asian and often other Asian international students. The
students were also very proud of their Chinese heritage and values. The second highest
mean score was for integration (28.42), where individuals are able to maintain their
cultural heritage as well as take on aspects of the new culture. Given the lower
Cronbach Alpha of .51 and this subscale only having 5 questions, caution is urged in
interpreting this finding. However, students spoke again of their strong Chinese
heritage, but were able to incorporate aspects of the new culture. They shared how they
made friends with other American students in their discussion sections and most felt
they could communicate effectively in their native language and English. In addition,
being college students, their English skills must be at a higher proficiency level to
attend a university.
Assimilation and marginalization represented the final two mean scores of the
subscales. The third highest mean score was for assimilation (27.67), in which
individuals let go of their own culture to adopt the beliefs of the new culture. This
lower score showed this group of students did not value the American culture more than
their own or hang out with more Americans than Asians. Their peer interactions with
mostly Asian and Asian international students further supported how they have not
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assimilated to American values. Finally, the lowest mean score was for marginalization
(19.17) that reflects when individuals do not accept or belong to either the new or old
culture. This score reflected strong disagreement on being marginalized as students
showed no ambivalence as to being a part of the Asian or American culture. They were
able to reflect on positives of both societies, interact with diverse peers and felt they did
belong to the Asian culture. Overall, the ASAIS was a strong predictor of the students‟
acculturation level and confirmed student experiences shared during the interviews.
In separating the four students from China from the entire group, the ASAIS
results varied slightly with the highest mean score for the subscales being assimilation
(35.75), followed by integration (29.75), separation (25.5) and marginalization (22.25).
The students from China valued American culture, preferred to have American friends
and noted being happier now in the U.S. than Asia. These results reflected that the
student‟s were highly assimilated to U.S. society and values. This further supported the
openness shown in how students responded in the individual interviews on their
experiences with diverse groups of people. The integration score also supported that
these students were comfortable communicating in English, making friends in the U.S.
and felt they were successful in their academic environment.
Most of the literature on acculturation is based on Berry‟s (1980) acculturation
framework. According to Berry (1980) and as reframed by Bourhis et al. (1997), the
four acculturation strategies include assimilation, separation, marginalization, and
integration. Acculturation studies for international students most often focus on their
ability to transition and adjust to the college experience in which their acculturation
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level plays a role (Berry et al., 1987; Wadsworth et al., 2008). Wadsworth et al. (2008)
also found that a students‟ level of acculturation may impact how students interact in
the classroom. This group of students top acculturation strategy was separation, which
supports the students maintaining mostly their own culture without intergroup relations
in this study.
For the four acculturation strategies presented by Berry (1990), studies on
international students show that neither integration or biculturalism nor marginalization
have been indentified for those that live in the U.S. for a short duration (Chataway &
Berry, 1989; Sodowsky & Plake, 1992). This short duration reflects the few years that
international students are in the U.S. for their academic studies. Part of the results of
this study would not be supported by the experiences of these students from China and
Hong Kong. Specifically, the second highest acculturation strategy represented by this
group of students was integration. The students in this current study had all been in the
U.S. a short period of time, ranging from 3 months to 4 years.
According to a study at a Midwestern university by Frey and Roysircar (2004),
international students who have been in the U.S. for a short time indicated lower levels
of acculturation than White students. The international population of the Frey and
Roysircar (2004) study was comprised of students from South Asian, South East Asian
and South American countries. Frey and Roysircar (2004) also found that
international students struggle with issues of acculturation, which lends to them being
closer to their nationality group or other cultural minority groups. This was evident
here as the students who were interviewed developed peer relationships and friends with
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more Asian students and specifically Asian international students in their diversity
courses. Finally, in previous studies, Asian and Latino international students also
reported lower acculturation for those who had been in the U.S. less than 5 years
(Sodowsky & Lai, 1997; Sodowsky et al., 1991). The outcomes of these studies are
supported by the acculturation levels of the students I interviewed.
Several studies exploring international students‟ identity level and their ability to
develop cross-cultural relationships reflect on the impact of their acculturation. The
ability of students to adopt host country values and at what level will depend on an
international students‟ level of identity (Pointkowsi et al., 2000). This level of identity
can also predict a students‟ willingness to have contact with other ethnic group
members and host country members (Pointkowsi et al., 2000). Second, studies by
Fugita and O‟Brien (1985), Ward and Kennedy (1994), and Eshel and Rosenthal-
Sokolov (2000) found that positive sociocultural adjustment and cross-cultural contact
with students was likely to occur when students adopt the host culture and let go of their
own. The strong identity with Chinese culture and values of the students interviewed
for this study support the acculturation stage of separation that is most prevalent for
them. The separation stage of acculturation is further reflected in the students‟
maintaining the most interaction in their diversity courses with other Asian peers.

Implications of the Study
The integration and success of international students is important for a global
society and the diversity they bring to our college campuses. The more knowledge
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students have about diversity issues, prior to coming to study in the U.S., can enhance
their integration to a new college environment. Given the rising number of international
students coming to the U.S., institutions might focus on some introductory courses or
even include diversity education in orientation programs for new international students.
China has the second largest student population, currently after India, studying in the
U.S. Thus, the experiences of students from China will continue to grow in importance.
The first implication for Western University is to develop a system to help
support international students in choosing a diversity course. The diversity courses are
currently in one of several categories that are a part of the general education core
requirements for the institution. Students shared that they did not know the course they
were taking was classified as a diversity course. Many of the students also spoke of
having no idea what was going to be covered in the course they selected or why they
were required to take the course. As these courses present new information on U.S.
diversity issues that international students are not familiar with, a better way of
assessing which courses might be of most benefit to them is suggested. This
assessment could take place in students‟ advising sessions to make sure they understand
the diversity requirement, the intended outcomes of the courses and assist them in
picking a course that might support their learning on a topic of interest about the
diversity in the U.S.
Second, changes to the classroom environment could possibly enhance the peer
interactions of international students in their diversity courses. Western University
should consider having smaller class sizes for diversity courses to give students a better
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opportunity to connect with peers and the topics in the course. Specifically, placing
international students into smaller diversity courses with domestic students will better
support their learning and the opportunity to interact with peers. All of the students
spoke positively of the courses and the contributions they made to understanding
diversity through the topics presented in their courses. We learned from this study that
students were better able to connect with peers in their smaller discussion sections.
This opportunity to interact with peers in a smaller environment, which allows for a
more in-depth discussion on the topics, can support their overall learning and support
stronger relationships with their peers. In addition, the exposure and interaction with
different racial and ethnic peers will further support international students. According
to Gurin et al. (2002), the exposure to diversity must be supported by informal
interactional diversity between groups of students that can occur inside and outside of
the classroom. The informal interaction further involves the frequency and quality of
the interactions between the groups (Gurin et al., 2002). Finally, the peer interactions
will further support how the classroom climate in diversity courses can enhance the
learning of international students.
Third, the teaching styles of faculty in delivering the materials should be
reviewed. From this study, I have learned that lectures by faculty did not allow peers
to interact or students to discuss topics in the class. For international students, a more
hands-on delivery of topics by faculty and time for group discussions around the topics
would support interaction with peers in the classroom. According to Anaya and Cole
(2001), the interaction with faculty members can increase the academic achievement
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among international students. Western University should consider designing a training
program for all faculty that teach diversity courses. This training could address the best
pedagogy for teaching diversity courses in line with the stated requirements and
outcomes the campus has designed for the courses. Understanding how diversity
courses can have a larger societal impact on students and the critical role faculty p lay in
shaping the classroom environment can support student learning about diversity.
Fourth, the class assignments served as a critical support for international
students in diversity courses and enhanced their learning. The assignments gave
students the opportunity to engage with and learn from their peers around the topics
presented in the courses. Through the assignments, international students were also
able to develop a deeper understanding of the materials and compare the similarities and
differences to their Chinese society. More assignments such as group presentations,
debates, team projects, and the use of popular media, such as TV and movies, should be
incorporated into the courses. The use of popular culture, such as the media in the
classroom, has been found to influence the learning of students (Cheung, 2001). This
study further supports that these types of group assignments contributed to student
understanding of diversity issues and increased their peer interactions.
Fifth, for international students, the ability to interact with peers and establish
friendships with domestic students remains a challenge. According to Poyrazil and
Grahame (2007), international students often face challenges making friends and have
difficulties developing new social support systems. From this study, I have learned that
these international students from China and Hong Kong also seek out other Asian
148

students or Asian international students for guidance, support and to build relationships
with first. This supports the research that international students prefer friends who are
from their own country or region of the world (Furnham & Alibhai, 1985). Being in
diversity courses seemed to have no impact on these international students‟ natural
tendency to connect with other Asian students. Students further experience difficulties
interacting with Americans due to communication difficulties and are also impacted by
their level of acculturation (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998; Wadsworth et al., 2008). Thus,
peer interactions for international students remain a concern for these students in the
college environment.
Finally, regarding research, more studies on the experiences of international
students on the college campus need to be conducted. There are currently no studies
with diversity courses that focus on how they are experienced by international students.
Other aspects, such as academic, social and cultural interactions could also be
researched to increase the volume of literature on international student experiences.
This might include leadership skills, engagement with clubs and organizations, or areas
such as service-learning. The broader scope of experiences studied on international
students will further enhance their success on our college campuses. The additional
research can also provide a better understanding for practitioners who advise and
support international students.

149

Limitations of the Study
There were several limitations to this study that should be addressed. First,
international students represent many diverse regions of the world and are a very
heterogeneous population. This diversity is represented by many countries and national
origins, cultures, religions, socio-economic status and the values and beliefs inherent in
the society from which they originate (IIE, 2009). This study sought to contribute to the
literature on the experiences of international students specifically from China and Hong
Kong with diversity courses. This study does not argue that the experiences of these
students represent all international students or even the majority of experiences of
international students from China and Hong Kong.
Second, the student population interviewed provided unique characteristics that
will not generalize to other populations. The sample size was only 12 students, which
included 11 females and one male student. I was not able to discern if gender might
have played a role in student experiences and the ability to develop peer relationships
given there was only one male student in the study. Therefore, this study was mainly
about the experiences of female international students from China and Hong Kong wit h
diversity courses. The students were also from major cities in China or Hong Kong and
from educated families. Thus, the student backgrounds and the opportunities they had
due to their education and financial access should also be considered.
Third, Western University is a private, selective university of 35,000 students in
a large urban city. Thus, the specific campus environment will limit generalization to
other campus populations and different regions of the U.S. Western University also
150

hosts almost 6,600 international students, of which 1,781 are undergraduates
representing 10.6% of the student population during the 2009-2010 academic year
(University Profile, 2009). As this campus represents the largest population of
international students in the U.S., very few campuses will have such a large and diverse
international student population. On this campus, students from China represented the
second largest population of international students and students from Hong Kong
represented the sixth largest population. The student diversity of the campus will
further limit replication as the domestic undergraduate student population consists of
23.5% Asian/Pacific Islander; 5.5% Black/African-American; 13.4% Hispanic; 0.9%
Native American/American Indian; 44.3% White; and 1.8% Unknown/Other, who come
from all over the U.S. (University Profile, 2009).
Fourth, with diversity courses as a focus of this study, the specific requirements
of Western University for courses that fulfill their general education requirement are
unique to this campus and will not exist in the same context on other college campuses.
This campus has over 90 courses that fulfill their diversity requirements and the courses
span a wide array of academic departments. These include departments such as
American Studies, Anthropology, Communications, English, Geography, History,
Music, Political Science, Religion, Sociology and Theatre. For this study, the diversity
courses were also categorized using a Diversity Typology developed by Cole and Sundt
(2008) for a research project on the impact of diversity courses for Western University.
As explained in Chapter two, the diversity typology was used to place the campus‟
diversity courses into four categories which were introductory, basic, intermediate and
151

advanced based on how the course met the diversity requirement guidelines for the
campus. The students in this study also only represented eight diversity courses, which
is a small fraction of the diversity courses offered at Western University.
Fifth, the Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students (ASAIS) by Gu et
al. (2006) is a new instrument from an unpublished dissertation and was administered to
a very small sample size of 12 students in this study. However, the scale did have a
Confirmatory Factor Index of .96, a Cronbach Alpha in the .82 - .86 range and a good
Discriminant validity. The instrument was only used to inform the overall study as to
the acculturation level of the group not to validate the ASAIS. The AS AIS had
participants primarily from India, the People‟s Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan, South
Korea, and Japan in its‟ usage. In addition, the sample size (259) on the ASAIS was
from a Midwestern land-grant university. And finally, as with the ASAIS
administration in this study, the ASAIS was only provided to participants in English.
As English was not the students‟ native language, language barriers might have
influenced the results in this study.
Finally, the authority level and racial background of the researcher may be seen
as a limitation. While I do work with international students and know many of their
experiences on the college campus, I am an American. Before each interview started, I
shared some of my work and travel experiences with students in Asian countries such as
China, Vietnam, Thailand, India and Japan, as well as the fact that I currently worked
with international students at another university. This allowed me to build a rapport
with students, establish a comfort level with them and allowed them to ask me any
152

questions before we started the interviews. Second, I represented an authority figure in
the interview environment, and students out of respect, could have answered differently
in deference to the authority I held. Third, as an African- American female, many of
the questions around race and ethnicity could be viewed as sensitive and there may have
been times that students may not have been as honest about their experiences with
Blacks. I did receive several great examples of student experiences with Blacks, both
positive and negative, during the interviews. In addition, students spoke often of seeing
the U.S. in terms of Black and White issues. Finally, I had one student, Lisa who
shared some negative experiences with Blacks that had since become more positive
from her peer interactions with other Black students on campus and in her diversity
course. After our interview, she was concerned to make sure she had not offended me
with her comments. I assured her that she had not and that I really appreciated her
honesty and openness in sharing her experiences with me. This may be reflective of
the cultural norm of many Chinese in not wanting to offend anyone, which may have
impacted this study due to my racial background. While this example was shared with
me, other students may not have shared any concerns they may have had in discussing
their experiences around race with an African-American researcher.

Future Research
This study was undertaken to contribute to the literature on the experiences of
international students beyond the many transitional issues they face when studying in
the U.S. With the growing number of international students studying in the U.S.,
153

especially from Asian countries, they bring a valuable diversity to the campus
community. In this study, I learned how diversity courses contributed to the ability to
develop peer intergroup relationships for 12 students from China and Hong Kong. I
subsequently was able to learn more about how they defined diversity, gained their
knowledge about U.S. diversity prior to coming to the U.S. and how their specific
diversity courses added to their understanding of diversity. In understanding these
experiences, I further sought to see how the relationships they built varied by their level
of acculturation. From these aspects, the following offers areas of research that need to
be explored.
First, additional research is needed on Asian international students and the many
outcomes associated with diversity courses. This study only looked at the specific
outcome of peer relationships for 12 students from China and Hong Kong.
Understanding how diversity courses contribute to international students‟ prejudice
reduction, democratic and civic values, critical thinking skills and other associated
outcomes of diversity courses would contribute to the literature on diversity courses.
This would further allow a greater comparison or critique of studies that focused on
diversity course outcomes for domestic students in the U.S. Further research might
also expand to study students from other regions of the world, such as students from
Europe or Latin American countries. As campuses continue to add or expand diversity
courses, continued research on their impact is needed to address campus and societal
benefits.
154

Second, how campuses choose which courses meet diversity requirements
should further be researched. This study presented one campus‟ requirements and a
diversity typology used to classify the level and scope of the material covered in the
diversity courses. As seen from students interviewed, courses ranged from the very
basic to the advanced level using the diversity typology. How does Western
University‟s diversity requirement differ with other campus diversity req uirements? As
research on diversity courses grows, how do researchers compare courses from such a
wide array of academic departments to assess student learning and outcomes of the
courses. This research will allow for the development of more specific outcomes for
students depending on the content material of the diversity course.
Third, in looking at intergroup peer relationships, this study presented some
classroom-related findings regarding the role of faculty that need further research. The
classroom environment established by faculty and its‟ impact on students should be
examined for ways to support and increase peer interactions. For diversity courses, how
can faculty create a more engaging learning environment in lectures around the topics
and materials presented? Does faculty view teaching diversity courses different than
other courses in how they engage students with the topics and each other? For
international students and potentially other domestic students learning new concepts in
diversity courses, how can faculty create an environment and teaching method that
better supports student interactions with each other? In this study, the size of the
classroom lecture was seen as a negative impact in building relationships with peers.
This indicates that further review of the classroom environment should also look at
155

what the optimum size of diversity courses should be to support student learning.
Gaining a better understanding of how course size impacts peer interaction for diversity
courses can assist Western University and other campuses.
Fourth, repeating this study with more participants and at other types of
institutions is suggested. Having more participants would allow for a stronger analysis
and comparison among participants of the findings that emerge. Other institutions
would also allow for differences that may be found in public institutions, institutions in
suburban or rural environments and institutions that have a different racial/ethnic
composition in their student population. With the themes that emerged in this study,
seeing what results emerge in various types of environments can further contribute to
the literature on the experiences of international students. In addition, understanding
what themes may emerge given a greater male population in the study may also provide
new information.
Finally, use of the Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students (ASAIS)
should be further researched on a larger population of students. Understanding
acculturation issues for international students and how acculturation affects their
academic, social and cultural interactions can better support international students. In
this study, the acculturation level was able to support the types of peer interactions
students developed in their diversity courses. The use of the scale and how it applies to
students from other Asian countries can also provide new information to support
international students. With Asian countries providing the largest number of
156

international students to the U.S., understanding the experiences of these students is
essential (IIE, 2009).

Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to examine how diversity courses contributed to
international students from China and Hong Kong, and specifically the ability for these
students to build intergroup peer relationships. The international students‟ peer
relationships focused on their ability to interact with domestic students from different
racial/ethnic backgrounds. The students‟ level of acculturation also served to inform this
study on their ability to develop relationships with their peers.
This study provided insight on international students not found in previous
studies. Essential themes emerged regarding how students defined diversity, the
knowledge they had about U.S. diversity issues prior to arriving in the U.S., and how
the topics they experienced in eight different diversity courses contributed to their
understanding about diversity. With diversity courses, the ability to build intergroup
peer relationships emerged in themes related to the classroom environment and
students‟ intra/interpersonal skills. For the classroom, these included the affects of the
classroom environment and size, the discussion sections and student learning through
classroom engagements. With student interactions, findings presented were related to
the changing attitudes of students and the type of friendships they were able to develop
in the course. Finally, the use of the Acculturation Scale for Asian International
157

Students (ASAIS) provided a greater understanding of the students‟ acculturation level
and informed their ability to build relationships with their peers.
As the growth of the international student population continues, colleges and
universities will need a greater understanding of student experiences and how to support
their academic, social and cultural success. They bring a wealth of diverse experiences
to our campuses and the interactions they have with domestic students can enhance the
learning about diversity in a global society. This study further contributed new
knowledge on the outcomes of diversity courses on international students which had not
occurred in prior research. The positive effects of diversity courses on international
students‟ learning and understanding of diverse issues support the continued need of
these courses for this student population.

158

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173

Appendix A

Student Interview Protocol
1. How would you describe your ethnic or cultural background?

2. How would you describe your religious background?

3. How do you define diversity?

What do you think is the purpose of a diversity course?

4. Before coming to the United States, what knowledge did you have about
different ethnic or cultural groups of people in the U.S.?

5. Have you experienced any challenges with diverse people or issues during your
time in the U.S.?

6. Can you provide an example of what sources of support you used to help you
with any diversity issues you experienced?

7. What main topics were presented in your course? If any of these topics were
new, how did they enhance your knowled ge around U.S. diversity issues

Can you provide an example of how the topics have shaped your understanding
of diversity?

8. How has the course added to your understanding of diversity? Can you provide
an example?

9. What is your interaction with the professor teaching your course?

Did the instructor encourage your involvement with topics discussed? Can you
provide an example?
What types of assignments have you done/are you doing for your course?
Follow-Up: Do you think the assignments provide you with a better
understanding of the topics discussed in class?
174

10. Has the knowledge you learned about diversity in the course helped you interact
with students of different racial/ethnic, religious or gender groups? Can you
provide an example?

11. How often do you interact with peers in the classroom? How would you
describe these interactions?

12. Does the class environment encourage peer interactions? Can you provide an
example?

13. Has the interaction with peers changed your attitudes about students from
different racial/ethnic, religious or gender backgrounds? Can you provide an
example?

14. Have you been able to develop friendships in the course? Can you describe these
friendships?

175

Appendix B

Sonja G. Daniels
Assessing the Impact of Diversity Courses Research Project
International Student Profile

Please read each question carefully and answer it to the best of your knowledge.

1. Name (First & Last)
_____________________________

2. 10-digit USC ID
_____________________________

3. Why did you enroll in the course?

____Topic is of interest to me
____Degree requirement (e.g. Major, Minor)
____Course fit my schedule
____Course was recommended by Counselor/Academic Advisor

4. Gender

____Female
____Male

5. Class Standing

____Freshmen
____Sophomore
____Junior
____Senior

6. Major
_____________________________

7. How long have you studied in the United States?
_____________________________

8. What country were you born in?
_____________________________

176

9. In what city and country did you attend high school?
_____________________________

10. What is your native/first language(s)?
_____________________________

_____________________________

11. What other languages do you speak?
____________________________

12. What is the highest level of education completed by your mother?

____Less than high school
____High School graduate
____Associate‟s Degree
____Bachelor‟s Degree
____Master‟s Degree
____Professional/Ph.D.
____Do not know

13. What is the highest level of education completed by your father?

____Less than high school
____High School graduate
____Associate‟s Degree
____Bachelor‟s Degree
____Master‟s Degree
____Professional/Ph.D.
____Do not know

14. Please CIRCLE the course (s) in which you are CURRENTLY Enrolled, and
CHECK all courses that you have COMPLETED.

AHIS-250m Modernity and Difference: Critical Approaches to Modern Art
AHIS-304m Italian Renaissance Art: Old Masters and Old Mistresses
AHIS-363m Race, Gender, and Sexuality in Contemporary Art
AHIS-364m Myths, Arts, Realities: Visual Culture in California, 1849 to the Pres.
AHIS-365m African American Art
AHIS-475m Blackness in American Visual Culture
AMST-101m Race and Class in Los Angeles
AMST135gm Peoples and Cultures of the Americas
177

AMST-200m Introduction to American Studies and Ethnicity
AMST-202m Interethnic Diversity in the West
AMST-206m The Politics and Culture of the 1960s
AMST-220m The Making of Asian America
AMST-250 The African Diaspora
AMST252gm Black Social Movements in the U.S.
AMST-274m Exploring Ethnicity Through Film
AMST-285g African American Popular Culture
AMST-330m Jazz and the Political Imagination
AMST-332m Post-civil Rights Black America
AMST342gm Law and Identities
AMST-357m Latino Social Movements
AMST-373m History of the Mexican American
AMST-377m Legacies of Viet Nam
AMST-378m Introduction to Asian American History
AMST-395m African American Humor and Culture
AMST-448m Chicano and Latino Literature
AMST-449m Asian American Literature
AMST-466m The Psychology of African Americans
ANTH240gm Collective Identity and Political Violence: Representing 9/11
ANTH316gm North American Indians in American Public Life
ANTH328gm Culture Change and the Mexican People
ANTH-371m Cross-Cultural Research on Urban Gangs
ARCH-440m Literature and the Urban Experience
ARCH-442m Women's Spaces in History: "Hussies," & "Harems"
BUCO-333m Communication in the Working World -- Managing Diversity
CLAS-320gm Diversity and the Classical Western Tradition
COLT374gm Women Writers in Europe and America
COLT-445m Eurocentrism
COMM324m Intercultural Communication
COMM383m Sports, Communication and Culture
COMM395m Gender, Media and Communication
COMM458m Race and Ethnicity in Entertainment and the Arts
COMM465m Gender in Media Industries and Products
CTCS-192m Race, Class, and Gender in American Film
EALC 335m Literature of Korean People
EASC-160gm China and the World
EDCO102xm Human Diversity: People, Power and Politics
EDCO-324m Asian American Psychology
ENGL-444m Native American Literature
ENGL-445m The Literatures of America: Cross-Cultural Perspectives
ENGL-447m African-American Narrative
ENGL-474m Literature, Nationality and Otherness
178

ENGL-476m Images of women in Contemporary Culture
ENGL-478m Sexual/Textual Diversity
FBE-428m Principles of Employment Law
FREN-370m Equality and Difference Around the Enlightenment
GEOG100gm Los Angeles and the American Dream
GEOG215gm Ethnicity and Place
GEOG-340m Latino L.A.
GEOG 350m Race and Environmentalism
GERO-380m Diversity in Aging
GERO-435m Women and Aging: Psychological, Social and Policy Implications
HIST-102gm Medieval People: Early Europe and Its Neighbors, 400-1500
HIST-200gm The American Experience
HIST-245gm Gender and Sexualities in American History
HP-400m Culture, Lifestyle, and Health
HP-420m Gender and Minority Health Issues
JOUR-466m People of Color and the News Media
JOUR-468m The American Press and Issues of Sexual Diversity
MDA-166gm Poverty and Welfare in America
MDA-167gm Marginal Groups in America
MOR-385m Business in a Diverse Society
MUJZ100xm Jazz: A History of America's Music
MUJZ-419m The Jazz Experience: Myths and Culture
MUSC-400m The Broadway Musical: Reflection of American Diversity Issues
MUSC-420m Hip-hop Music and Culture
MUSC-430m Music and the Holocaust
MUSC-450m The Music of Black Americans
PHIL-137gm Social Ethics for Earthlings and Others
POSC-333m Stigma and Society: Physical Disability in America
POSC-424m Political Participation and American Diversity
POSC-441m Cultural Diversity and the Law
POSC-442m The Politics of Human Differences: Diversity and Discrimination
PPD-100m Los Angeles, Enduring the Pueblo
PPD-250m Third World Cities
PPD-260m Planning, Diversity and Space
PPD-300m Design and Quality
PPD-302m Urban Sleuths: Exploring People and Places in Cities
PPD-352am Los Angeles Mini Semester
PPD-372m Public Service in an Urban Setting
PPD-485m U.S. Immigration Policy
PSYC-462m Minority Mental Health
REL-145m Religion in Los Angeles
REL-336m Re-viewing Religion in Asian America
SOCI-142gm Diversity and Racial Conflict
179

SOCI-150gm Social Problems
SOCI-169gm Changing Family Forms
SOCI-200m Introduction to Sociology
SOCI-250gm Grassroots Participation in Global Perspective
SOCI-305m Sociology of Childhood
SOCI-342m Race Relations
SOCI-355m Immigrants in the United States
SOCI-356m Mexican Immigrants in a Diverse Society
SOCI-360m Social Inequality: Class, Status, and Power
SOCI-366m Chicana and Latina Experiences
SOCI-375m Asian Americans: Ethnic Identity
SOCI-376m Contemporary Issues in Asian American Communities
SOCI-432m Racial and Ethnic Relations in a Global Society
SOCI-435m Women in Society
SOCI-437m Sexuality and Society
SOWK200xm Institutional Inequality in American Political and Social Policy
SPAN-413m Social and Geographic Varieties of Spanish
SWMS210gm Social Issues in Gender
SWMS-301m Introduction to Feminist Theory and the Women's and Men's Move.
SWMS-364m Racial and Ethnic Women in America
SWMS-384m Overcoming Prejudice
SWMS-385m Men and Masculinity
SWMS-455m Gender and Sport
THTR-393m Cultural Identities in Performance
THTR-395m Drama as Human Relations
THTR-476m African American Theatre
THTR-488m Theatre in the Community

180

Appendix C

Sonja G. Daniels
Assessing the Impact of Diversity Courses Research Project
Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students
I. Below are 49 statements, with which you may agree or disagree. Use the scale 1 to 7 to
indicate your response to each statement and place the number on the line after that item -The
Acculturative Scale for Asian International Students (ASAIS; Gu, Han, & Hu, 2006)

1 - - - - - - - - - 2 - - - - - - - - -3 - - - - - - - - - 4 - - - - - - - - - 5 - - - - - - - - -6 - - - - - - - - -7
Strongly Strongly
Disagree Agree
1. I am good at writing in both my own language and English
2. I communicate effectively in both my own language and English
3. I am good at listening comprehension, for both my own language and English
4. I am able to retain my own cultural heritage and participate fully in American culture
5. I am able to make good friends with persons from my own and American culture
6. I accept values from my own and American culture
7. I love both my own and American cultures
8. I am open to both Asian and American religious beliefs
9. I have been academically successful in the U.S. and my own country
10. I feel comfortable with both Asian and American styles of housing
11. I can contribute in either Asian or American society
12. I prefer to speak English rather than my own language
13. I prefer writing in English rather than in my own language
14. I hang around more with Americans than with people from my own country
15. I find myself thinking more like an American
16. I am more successful in the U.S. education system
17. I prefer American values more than Asian values
18. I see myself as being more able to succeed in American society
19. I want to become American in the way I think, talk, and act
20. I want to be treated as an American
21. I see myself being helped and supported more by American people than by those from
my own country
22. I am happier now that I am in the U.S.
23. I prefer to use my English name rather than my Asian name
24. I prefer to speak my own language despite being in the U.S.
25. I prefer to read materials written in my own language rather than in English whenever I
have a choice
26. I prefer to write in my own language in the U.S., whenever I have a choice
27. I prefer to be friends of people from my own country when I am in the U.S.
181

28. I feel Asian values are far more acceptable than American values (e.g., one should be
humble instead of boasting)
29. I am a very traditional Asian person despite living in the U.S.
30. I feel I am more comfortable with the educational system in my own country
31. I feel I have more chances to obtain academic or career success in an Asian society
32. I prefer Asian-style living environments
33. I pursue support from my family or people from my country rather than rely on
American peers
34. I should not question my professor or my advisor because he or she is the authority
figure
35. I prefer a roommate from my own country or any other Asian international student if I
need to have one
36. I would raise my children in traditional Asian ways if I were a parent
37. I wish I was living in my own country
38. I feel that I do not belong to either Asian or American cultures
39. I do not identify myself as either an Asian or an American
40. I dislike making friends with both Asians and Americans
41. I dislike both Asian and American academic/school systems
42. I don‟t endorse either Asian or American values
43. I am lost in both Asian and American cultures
44. I am not understood by people from my own country or the U.S.
45. I am not supported by either Asians or Americans
46. I see nothing good for me happening in either Asian or American societies
47. I feel like I am rejected by both Asian international students and Americans
48. I do not ask Americans or people from my own country for help
49. I often feel like an outsider

182

Appendix D
Greetings -
I invite you to participate in the following research project on International students and
their experiences with required diversity courses at USC detailed in the attached
document and below. The interviews will be conducted on campus and scheduled at
your availability during the weeks of October 5
th
and 12
th
. Only one hour
approximately of your time. Your participation will support my doctoral dissertation
and enhance the field of education on the experiences of International Students. Please
let me know if you would be interested and feel free to share this information with other
students/friends from China or India.
Sonja G. Daniels
USC Rossier School of Education - Doctoral Candidate
(XXX) XXX-XXXX – XXXXX@usc.edu

Assessing the Impact of Diversity Courses
As an international student at USC, you are invited to contribute to USC‟s WASC
Accreditation by participating in the “Assessing the Impact of Diversity Courses”
project, funded by the Teagle Foundation and in conjunction with the Rossier School of
Education.
To learn more about USC’s WASC Accreditation visit the Office of the Provost:
http://www.usc.edu/admin/provostoffice/wasc/.
My name is Sonja Daniels and I am a doctoral candidate in the Higher Education
Leadership Program working with this project. My research emphasis is on “How
diversity courses contribute to international students intergroup peer relationships”. I
will further focus on students from China and India to participate in this study.
What is the Diversity Project?
As a USC student, there are general education (GE) courses you need to take in order to
graduate. The Diversity Project is designed to evaluate whether your higher order
thinking skills are influenced by the courses you take.

183

Why Participate?
 Your participation will assist USC in its WASC accreditation.
 Contribute to new research on international students around diversity issues and
peer relationships.

 YOU CAN WIN an iPod 4GB nano! By participating you will be entered in a
raffle to win an iPod nano. Two additional 25.00 Starbucks gift cards will also
be raffled. The winners will be notified via email.

To Participate
You will be asked to complete a short student profile (e.g. class standing, major, gender
etc.), the Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students (ASAIS) and participate
in an individual student interview. The interview, for example, will consist of questions
regarding what topics you covered in your diversity course, relationships you have built
with peers in the course and peer interactions outside of the course. Confidentiality will
be maintained for all data collected. This entire process will take approximately 1 hour.

If you would like to participate or have questions, please email Sonja G. Daniels at
XXXXX@usc.edu or call (XXX) XXX-XXXX.

Identification of Investigators

If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact the
project faculty coordinators:

Darnell Cole, Ph.D.
Associate Professor
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall, 703B
XXX-XXX-XXXX
XXXXX@usc.edu

Melora Sundt, Ph.D
Associate Dean for Academic Programs
and Professor of Clinical Education
Waite Phillips Hall, 503D
XXX-XXX-XXXX
XXXXX@usc.edu
Thank You!!!

184

Appendix E

Undergraduate Students from China, Hong Kong and India: Invited to Participate in
Study
Students needed for interviews for a research study on International students and their
experiences with required diversity courses at USC. The study is being conducted by
Sonja Daniels, a doctoral candidate in the Higher Education Leadership Program in the
USC Rossier School of Education. The interviews will be conducted on campus and
scheduled at your availability during the month of October and November. Only one
hour approximately of your time. Your participation will support my doctoral
dissertation and enhance the field of education on the experiences of International
students.
Student incentives: Every student interviewed will received a $10.00 gift card to the
USC Bookstore or Starbucks. YOU CAN ALSO WIN an iPod 4GB nano! By
participating, you will be entered in a raffle to win an iPod nano, (2) 25.00 Starbucks
gift cards, (2)15.00 iTunes gift cards, or a 25.00 USC Bookstore gift card. The winners
will be notified via email.
Participation: You will be asked to complete a short student profile (e.g. class standing,
major, gender etc.), the Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students (ASAIS)
and participate in an individual student interview. The interview, for example, will
consist of questions regarding what topics you covered in your diversity course, what
knowledge and understanding around diversity occurred, relationships you built with
peers in the course and peer interactions outside of the course. Confidentiality will be
maintained for all data collected.
If you would like to participate or have questions, please email Sonja Daniels at
XXXXX@usc.edu or call (XXX) XXX-XXXX.
More information can also be found at http://www.diversitycourses.org/

185

Appendix F
Assessing the Impact of Diversity Courses
Research Study
As an international student at USC, you are invited to contribute to USC‟s WASC
Accreditation by participating in the “Assessing the Impact of Diversity Courses”
project, funded by the Teagle Foundation and in conjunction with the Rossier School of
Education.
To learn more about USC’s WASC Accreditation visit the Office of the Provost:
http://www.usc.edu/admin/provostoffice/wasc/.
My name is Sonja Daniels and I am a doctoral candidate in the Higher Education
Leadership Program working with this project. My research emphasis is on “How
diversity courses contribute to international students intergroup peer relationships”. I
will further focus on students from China and India to participate in this study.
Interviews will be held during the month of October.
What is the Diversity Project?
As a USC student, there are general education (GE) courses you need to take in order to
graduate. The Diversity Project is designed to evaluate whether your higher order
thinking skills are influenced by the courses you take.
Why Participate?
 Your participation will assist USC in its WASC accreditation.
 Contribute to new research on international students around diversity issues and
peer relationships.

 YOU CAN WIN an iPod 4GB nano! By participating you will be entered in a
raffle to win an iPod nano. Additional raffle items include (2) 25.00 Starbucks
gift cards, (2) iTunes cards, and a 25.00 bookstore gift card. The winners will be
notified via email.

To Participate
You will be asked to complete a short student profile (e.g. class standing, major, gender
etc.), the Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students (ASAIS) and participate
in an individual student interview. The interview, for example, will consist of questions
regarding what topics you covered in your diversity course, relationships you have built
with peers in the course and peer interactions outside of the course. Confidentiality will
be maintained for all data collected. This entire process will take approximately 1 hour.

186

If you would like to participate or have questions, please email Sonja G. Daniels at
XXXXX@usc.edu or call (XXX) XXX-XXXX.

187

Appendix G

Informed Consent
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

Dear Student:

Welcome! My name is Sonja G. Daniels. I am a doctoral candidate at USC in the
Higher Education Leadership Program in the Rossier School of Education. Under the
leadership of Dr. Darnell Cole and Dr. Melora Sundt, I am working with the “Assessing
the Impact of Diversity Courses” project, funded by the Teagle Foundation and in
conjunction with the Rossier School of Education.
As a part this project, my specific area of interest is on “How diversity courses
contribute to international students intergroup peer relationships”. I will further focus
on students from Mainland China and India to participate in this study.
Purpose of the study
We are asking you to take part in this research study because we are trying to learn
more about the impact of diversity and social issues courses on the higher order
thinking skills of undergraduate students. In particular, we are interested in your
learning and undergraduate experience as a result of taking a diversity or social issues
course.

Participation
You are invited to participate in three aspects for this study. A short student profile will
be completed to gather student background information. You will also be asked to
complete a survey, which is the Acculturation Scale for Asian International Students
(ASAIS). The profile and survey should take about 20 minutes to complete.
Following the survey, an individual interview will be conducted. The interview, for
example, will consist of questions regarding what topics you covered in your diversity
course, relationships you have built with peers in the course and peer interactions
outside of the course. The individual interview should take about 45 minutes.
Confidentiality will be maintained for all data collected. You were selected as a
possible participant in this study because you are an undergraduate student. You must
be at least18 years of age to participate. Your participation is voluntary.

Procedures
You will be asked to:

1. Participate in an individual interview which will last approximately 45
minutes. The interview will be conducted on-campus in a secure location.
188

2. Before beginning the interview, you will be asked to complete a student profile (e.g.
class standing, major, gender etc.) and the Acculturation Scale for Asian International
Students.
3. During the interview you will be asked several open-ended questions and allow for
you to offer information not asked by questions guiding this study.
4. I will ask for permission to audiotape the interview for later transcription and
accuracy of the information obtained during the interview. Of course, your participation
is still desired whether or not you agree to be audio taped.
5. As I will be discussing the findings only in the aggregate, I will not be using your
name nor writing about you in a way that would be personally identifiable.
6. Once I have summarized the findings you will have an opportunity to provide any
follow-up feedback you feel is needed for clarification.

Potential Risks and Discomforts
There are no anticipated risks to your participation; you may experience some
discomfort at the interview or you may be inconvenienced from taking time out of your
day to complete the interview.

Potential Benefits to Subjects
You may not directly benefit from your participation in this research study.

Payment/Compensation for Participation
Students will be entered into a raffle for prizes.
Potential Conflicts of Interest
There are not conflicts of interest for the researchers involved in this study.

Confidentiality
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified
with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission or as
required by law. The information collected about you will be coded using a fake name
(pseudonym) or initials and numbers, for example abc-123, etc. The information which
has your identifiable information will be kept separately from the rest of your data.
Only members of the research team will have access to the data associated with this
study. When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no
information will be included that would reveal your identity. Audio-tape recordings of
you will only be used for educational purposes; your identity will be protected or
disguised. When the findings have been summarized, you will have an opportunity to
provide any feedback needed for clarification or enhance accuracy.

Participation and Withdrawal
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study,
you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may also refuse
to answer any questions you don‟t want to answer and still remain in the study. The
189

investigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise which warrant
doing so.

Rights of Research Subjects
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have any questions about your rights as a
study subject or you would like to speak with someone independent of the research
team to obtain answers to questions about the research, or in the event the research staff
can not be reached, please contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost
for Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room 224a, Los
Angeles, CA 90089-1146, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu

Identification of Investigators
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact the
project faculty coordinators:

Darnell Cole, Ph.D.
Associate Professor
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall, 703B
XXX-XXX-XXXX
XXXXX@usc.edu
Melora Sundt. Ph.D
Associate Dean for Academic Programs
and Professor of Clinical Education
Waite Phillips Hall, 503D
XXX-XXX-XXXX
XXXXX@usc.edu
I understand the requirements of this project and my role as a participant. I understand
that my participation in the student profile, ASAIS survey and interview are completely
voluntary and I have the right to withdraw at any time.
___________________________________
Name
___________________________________
Signature
___________________________________
Date

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Daniels, Sonja Gail (author)

Core Title The effect of diversity courses on international students from China and Hong Kong: a focus on intergroup peer relationships

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 07/01/2010

Defense Date 04/15/2010

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag acculturation,China and Hong Kong students,diversity,diversity courses,intergroup peer relationships,international students,OAI-PMH Harvest

Place Name administrative areas: Hong Kong (geographic subject), China (countries), USA (countries)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Cole, Darnell (committee chair), Sundt, Melora A. (committee member), Tobey, Patricia (committee member)

Creator Email sonja.daniels@csun.edu,sonjadatsea@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m3167

Unique identifier UC1168533

Identifier etd-Daniels-3790 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-359508 (legacy record id),usctheses-m3167 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Daniels-3790.pdf

Dmrecord 359508

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Daniels, Sonja Gail

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu