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Home literacy practices of the immigrant Korean families in the United States of America

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Home literacy practices of the immigrant Korean families in the United States of America

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HOME LITERACY PRACTICES OF THE IMMIGRANT KOREAN FAMILIES
IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

by

Jihyun Park

____________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2008

Copyright 2008 Jihyun Park
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank God, my friends and faculty members, and my family
for supporting me throughout the time I spent in the Ed.D. program. Without their
empathy, guidance, and words of encouragement this dissertation and the completion
of my Ed.D. would not have been possible. I began this study graced with God’s
purpose and plan to be an educator. His words of encouragement made all the
difference during difficult times. Not only did God stand by me in my decision to
enter the Ed.D program but He is always there for me, no matter what the challenge.
I would also like to thank the faculty that helped to make this all possible. I
wish to express my deepest appreciation to Dr. Gisele Ragusa for your guidance and
support throughout the doctoral program. You believed in me when others did not,
and for that I am eternally grateful. You have not only been a true mentor but a good
friend as well. Thank you for your patience and helping to develop my confidence as
well as my skills. I would also like to offer special thanks to Dr. Black Eskey and Dr.
Ruth Ahn for your tireless efforts and patience. Your guidance and encouragement
were invaluable in the completion of my dissertation. You have been a wonderful
mentor and a good friend. I would also like to thank Dr. David Yaden for your
contributions throughout the doctoral program. I greatly appreciate your support
throughout the program and your thoughtful comments on the early versions of my
dissertation.
My deepest gratitude is saved for my family. I thank my parents for having
faith in my potential and supporting my goals. I hope to always make you proud. I
iii
owe special thanks to my husband, Juyoung Lee. Thank you for being next to me and
helping me achieve my goal. You have also stood beside me and encouraged me
through difficult times. You trusted in me when others did not and helped me to
understand that anything is possible if I stand by God and you. Now it is my turn to
carry the load and help you accomplish your dream.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii
LIST OF TABLES vi
LIST OF FIGURES viii
ABSTRACT ix
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1
Nature and Statement of the Problem 1
The Purpose of the Study 4
Theoretical Framework 5
Significance of the Study 9
Assumptions of the Study 9
Definition of Terms 10
Delimitation of the Study 12
Limitation of the Study 12

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 13
Introduction 13
Trends and Limitations of Research Related to Family Literacy 13
Programs
Misconceptions Faced by Low-income and Language Minority 16
Immigrant Parents
Barriers Faced by Low-income and Language Minority Immigrant 18
Parents
Literacy Practices of Immigrant Families in the United States 20
Literacy Practices of Korean Immigrant Families in the United States 22
The Influence of Confucianism on Korean Education 25
The Role of Korean Parenting Culture in the Literacy Development 29
of Korean Children
Parent-Child Interactions during Book Reading 33
Conclusion 36

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 37
Introduction 37
Methodological Nature of the Study 37
Rationale for the Study’s Design 38
Study Participants 39
The Role of the Researcher 40
Data Sources and Data Collection Procedures 42
v
Data Collection Procedures 47
Data Analysis 49

CHAPTER FOUR: OUTCOMES 52
The Research Experience 52
Case Study # 1: Focal Child: Dongin 55
Case Study # 2: Focal Child: Gaeun 72
Case Study # 3: Focal Child: Siyoon 90
Case Study # 4: Focal Child: Sarah 106
Case Study # 5: Focal Child: Chaeyoung 120

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION 141
Description of Cross Patterns in Case Studies 141
Cross-Case Similarities in Home Literacy Environments 142
Cross-Case Similarities in Home Reading Practices 145
The Common Influence from the Case Study Families' Shared 151
Confucian Tradition on Parent-Child Reading Interaction
Comparisons across Case Studies in Home Reading Practices 162
Comparisons across Case Studies for Parental Attitude toward 163
Cultural and Linguistic Conflicts
Summary of Results 165
Recommendations for Family Literacy Researchers 168
Recommendations for Family Literacy Programs 169
Recommendations for Korean Immigrant Families 171
Conclusion 173

REFERENCES 175
APPENDIX A: CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH: PARENTS 190
APPENDIX B: PARENT INTERVIEW PROTOCOL 194
APPENDIX C: OBSERVATION GUIDE FOR HOME VISITS 195
APPENDIX D: HOME OBSERVATION FOR MEASUREMENT OF THE 196
ENVIRONMENT (HOME) INVENTORY

APPENDIX E: ADULT/CHILD INTERACTIVE READING INVENTORY 199
(ACIRI)
vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: International Assessment on Learning Skills 30
Table 2: Data-gathering Procedures 48
Table 3: Major Category, Data Sources, and Factors 50
Table 4: Major Themes and Sub-themes 51
Table 5: Dongin Kim’s Family Characteristics 56
Table 6: Kim Family’s Result of EC HOME 57
Table 7: Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Kim Family 64
Table 8: Kim Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text 65
Table 9: Kim Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting 67
Comprehension

Table 10: Kim Family’s Using Literacy Strategies 70
Table 11: Gaeun Chung’s Family Characteristics 73
Table 12: Chung Family’s Result of EC HOME 75
Table 13: Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Chung Family 82
Table 14: Chung Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text 84
Table 15: Chung Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting 85
Comprehension

Table 16: Chung Family’s Using Literacy Strategies 88
Table 17: Characteristics of Siyoon Lee’s Family Characteristic 91
Table 18: Lee Family’s Result of EC HOME 93
Table 19: Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Lee Family 99
Table 20: Lee Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text 100
vii
Table 21: Lee Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting 101
Comprehension

Table 22: Lee Family’s Using Literacy Strategies 103
Table 23: Sarah Chang’s Family Characteristics 106
Table 24: Chang Family’s Result of EC HOME 108
Table 25: Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Chang Family 114
Table 26: Chang Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text 115
Table 27: Chang Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting 116
Comprehension

Table 28: Chang Family’s Using Literacy Strategies 118
Table 29: Chaeyoung Hong’s Family Characteristics 121
Table 30: Hong Family’s Result of EC HOME 123
Table 31: Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Hong Family 132
Table 32: Hong Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text 133
Table 33: Hong Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting 135
Comprehension

Table 34: Hong Family’s Using Literacy Strategies 137
Table 35: All Five Families’ Results of EC HOME 143
Table 36: All Five Families’ Mean and Standard Deviation relating Using 158
Literacy Strategies
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Socio-Cultural Model of Literacy 8
Figure 2: Observed Confucian Principles in Literacy Practice and in 153
Mother-child Interactions

Figure 3: Factors that Affect Korean Immigrant Families’ Home Literacy 167
Environments and their Literacy Practices
ix
ABSTRACT
This descriptive study documents the home literacy experience of Korean
immigrant families. By exploring the impact immigration has upon individuals in a
new culture, this study investigates the home literacy environment and practices of
five Korean immigrant families in a suburban city in Los Angeles County,
California. This study adopts a socio-cultural constructivist perspective to explain
home literacy practices and parent-child interactions of Korean immigrant families.
A mixed research method approach, as well as cross-case analysis methods, provided
a detailed and comprehensive description of the daily struggles in literacy
experiences for these five families. The results of this study revealed the nature of
home literacy practices of Korean immigrants to be complex and multi-faceted; 1)
there are strong connections between the child’s literacy learning and the family’s
cultural values regarding knowledge and literacy; and 2) immigrant families have
experienced challenges arising from cultural and linguistic differences between their
home country and their new country. In addition, results suggest that family literacy
research should be sensitive to cultural differences in childrearing practices and
should recognize already existing literacy traditions and practices. It should also
investigate and reconcile these differences, rather than providing literacy methods
that simply resemble the current education system of this country.

1
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Nature and Statement of the Problem
Two decades ago there was a widespread notion that poor, minority, and
immigrant children were deficient in early literacy skills and that their families did
not value or support literacy development when compared to middle class,
mainstream families (Auerbach, 1989). However, over several decades, research
refuted that notion and demonstrated that the families are “different, not deficient”.
Researchers have recognized that the degree of “literacy” in children’s home culture
and parental involvement are crucial to preparing the immigrant children for literacy
(Auerbach, 1989; Heath, 1983; Li, 2001; Ogbu, 1982; Snow, 1983; Taylor, 1983;
Waggner, 1994). They have also agreed that there are ways in which all parents
make literacy contributions and the benefits of these contributions can be realized
when parents engage in literacy experiences that have meaningful application in their
lives (Heath, 1983; Taylor and Strikland; 1989).
In order to help the children of language minority immigrants enter school
ready to learn and also encourage the parents to help the children read, family
literacy interventions funded by federal and state legislation have been developed
and expanded in the United States of America. Through both quantitative and
qualitative studies, researchers have provided evidence that family literacy programs
increase the developmental and educational gains for both the child and parent.
However, many of the current program designs are inclined to adopt a "deficit"
2
perspective which emphasizes transmitting literacy skills from the school to the
family versus the perspective of building on the strength of parents’ knowledge and
experience (Paratore & Harrison, 1995).
Recently, family literacy programs such as Even Start and Parent As
Teachers (PAT) emphasize delivering early literacy supports and activities by
respecting minority families’ cultural and literacy traditions. However, researchers
and practitioners in the field of family literacy research and programs have paid little
attention to the immigrant families’ existing literacy tradition, values and practices in
their daily lives in the context of their cultural background. In addition, they have
overlooked the fact that not all ethnic groups in the United States value literacy
equally; while some ethnic minority groups put a high value on early literacy
development, other groups may be less concerned with literacy development and
may focus on other areas of development for their children. With these conditions,
little is known about the literacy practices, values, and traditions of immigrant
groups as practiced within the home in the field of family literacy research and
programs. Therefore, the field still lacks adequate understanding of the literacy
tradition, values, and practices of families outside the American mainstream (Yaden
and Paratore, 2003).
Currently, there are very few comprehensive studies relating to existing
literacy tradition, environment and practices of immigrant families who have varying
family backgrounds, cultural and educational beliefs, and literacy values (Dickinson,
1994; Gibson & Ogbu, 1991; Li 2000, p.6). The existing studies reveal that tensions
3
arise from the differences between the home literacy practices of immigrant families
and literacy practices experienced in schools. Research discovered that across
cultures, a family’s way of learning literacy is a complex structure and is highly
dependent upon on the cultures to which it belongs, the languages it speaks, and its
social economic circumstances. While few researchers (Guerra, 1998; Valdes, 1996;
Gibson, 1988) have addressed the family literacy practices of immigrant households,
most of the studies have been conducted in the quantitative paradigm. Thus, there is
a little research that delivers detailed narrative accounts of the immigrant parents'
struggle to help their children’s literacy development. In this reason, research in the
field of family literacy are limited to provide various factors that hinder early literacy
development and cultural integration into American society, as well as the dilemmas
and struggles families face with respect to literacy practices at home. It is, therefore,
apparent that there is a need for clear descriptions of immigrant families’ home
literacy practices at the both qualitative and quantitative level.
In addition, research of Latino immigrant families’ literacy practice has been
widely documented and studied but few studies take into account children’s home
literacy practices of East Asian immigrant families. As a result, researchers
sometimes proceed as if the literacy practices of one immigrant ethnic group in an
ethnic enclave are interchangeable with the literacy practices of members of the
same ethnic group in an ethnically integrated area. The literacy data obtained from
an ethnic enclave are assumed to be same as the literacy data obtained from an
ethnically integrated area (Scrcella and Chin, 1993). Therefore, researchers must
4
identify differences of home literacy practices of an ethnic group by considering its
historical, economic, political, and sociocultural context to devise appropriate
communication strategies for teaching and counseling different immigrant families.
This dissertation study attempts to address these gaps in family literacy
research by conducting a case study of Korean immigrants, one of the largest racial
minorities in California, which focuses on the home literacy environments and the
practices of Korean immigrant families before the parents participate in formal
literacy related intervention.
The Purpose of the Study
This study addresses concerns that the immigrant Korean families may have
as well as trying to understand the conflicts between their home literacy practices
and American school based literacy practices. By exploring the impact immigration
has upon lives in a new culture, this study investigates the home literacy
environment and practices of five Korean immigrant families in a suburban city in
Los Angeles County, United States of America. In addition to exploring their home
literacy environment and literacy practices, this study also attempts to examine
parent-child interactions during shared book reading within their socio-cultural
contexts. The following research questions guided this study:
1. What is the nature of the home literacy environments of the Korean
immigrant families?
2. What experience do the Korean immigrant parents provide in their home to
help their children’s reading development?
5
3. What challenges do the families face when they read English children’s
books?
4. What is the nature of the Korean parent and child interaction during book
reading activities?
Theoretical Framework
This study adopts a socio-cultural constructivist theoretical perspective to
explain home literacy practices and parent-child interactions of Korean immigrant
families. The perspective is informed by the work of theorists that believe all
learning is an active, interpersonal, and social process. This theoretical framework
guides me to examine the children and parents' literacy practices within their home
settings.
Socio-cultural Context of Knowledge
The socio-cultural context of knowledge framework is informed by
Vygotskian constructs. Vygotsky emphasizes that learning is a socially and culturally
mediated process. Vygotsky believes that the transformation of basic processes into
higher psychological functions occurs within the child's social interaction. Vygotsky
(1978) described “the Zone of Proximal Development” as a range of social
interaction between an adult and a child in which, with some degree of assistance
from an adult, the child can perform. Vygotsky describes ZPD as "the distance
between the actual development level as determined by independent problem solving
and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving under
adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers" (Vygotsky, 1978). In
6
other words, a child can perform tasks under adult guidance or with peer
collaboration that could not be achieved alone.
Vygotskian research suggests that a great deal of collaborative learning
involves the transfer of executive control from an adult to the child (Brown,
Bransford, Ferrara, & Campion, 1983). Transfer of responsibility includes the adult’s
decreasing role in regulating and managing task performance, giving the child
increasing opportunities to put value and meaning behind interactions and tasks that
he can make his own (Hausfather, 1996). Viewed from the social-constructivist
perspective (Vygotsky, 1978), learning is internalized through interpersonal
interaction: children learn concepts and ideas in collaborative settings in which the
collective knowledge of participants develops through sharing and dialogue rather
than simply through transmission from parent to child (Auerbach, 1995; Neuman,
2000; Vygotsky, 1978).
The collaborative learning style and social interaction between an adult and a
child may be universally suggested and accepted, but it is important to notice that
there are important variations in arrangements for and communication with children
across different cultures (Kim, 1998). Considering culture in relation to children's
development, cultural development may allow children mastery not only of “the
items of cultural experience, but the habits and forms of cultural behavior, the
cultural methods of reasoning (Vygotsky, 1934/1962, p.415). From the viewpoints,
the ZPD must be viewed as a more general mechanism where culture and cognition
create each other (Cole, 1985). Therefore, “it is in this sensitive zone that variations
7
in social interactions may be expected to yield adaptations of individuals to their
specific cultural surroundings” (Kim, 1998).
The Socio-cultural Perspective and Literacy Learning
When viewed from the socio-cultural perspective, literacy learning moves
beyond a narrow skill-and-process view of reading and writing as literacy involves
an interaction between participants in a set of social practices (Auerbach, 1993,
Neuman, 2000). Rather, it covers a broad range of ideas for literacy practices and
activities, carried out for varying purposes, occurring in a range of social interactions
and cultural contexts (Barratt-Pugh, 2002; Hamer 2005).
From the socio-cultural perspective, Hamer (2005) well defined literacy
learning; “the set of necessary literacy skills, in addition to knowing words or being
able to read letters, includes broader understandings of the literacy-related
experiences and practices in which children may directly or indirectly take part. It
also incorporates attitudes towards literacy (such as discovering literacy as
purposeful, relevant and amusing). In addition literacy is viewed as a means to
express and share ideas, thoughts and feelings,” (p.3). Thus, a socio-cultural model
of literacy views literacy learning as a cultural activity embedded in social practice.
Before children attend a formal educational setting, their literacy learning in early
childhood occurs through their involvement in literacy activities and practices that
occur within their home or community environment. Within the home setting,
children have numerous opportunities to observe real world activities that are
important in the community (Rogoff, 1990). Their literacy activities and practices
8
reflect the tradition, value, and culture of the settings the children are raised in. Thus,
there can be variations in children’s literacy practice, experience, and parent-child
interaction according to families’ home language use, literacy tradition, and values
from culture. Therefore, to understand children’s literacy learning in particular racial
groups, the first step should be to investigate the nature of home literacy
environments, literacy practices, and parents-child interactions within their cultural
contexts. Figure 1 summarizes my understanding of Socio-cultural model of literacy
based on Rogoff’s a socio-cultural model of literacy (1990).
Figure 1

Socio-Cultural Model of Literacy

Literacy learning/ Story book Reading = Cultural activity
Literacy traditions Home language use
Values from culture
Social Practice
Within their home or community environment
Variations in children’s literacy practice, experience, and parent-child interaction
9
This socio-cultural model of literacy guides the purpose of this dissertation study and
helps in understanding immigrant Korean families’ literacy tradition and culture.
Significance of the Study
The significance of this research is in addressing current gaps in the field of
early literacy research and informs American educators about the daily-life struggles
of low-income Korean immigrant families’ literacy experiences. First, the results of
this study will provide understanding of home literacy environments and literacy
practice of the Korean families. Subsequently, the study's results will contribute to
the family literacy research field, which lacks an adequate understanding of the
literacy traditions, values, and practices of families outside the American
mainstream.
In addition, the research results from this dissertation may offer practitioners
of family literacy programs a familiar perspective on and understanding of their
participants’ literacy traditions and values. Such knowledge provides practitioners
with tools to move beyond merely reporting their goals and focuses, onto integrating
the participants’ existing knowledge and resources into the design, implementation,
and evaluation stages of the program.
Assumptions of the Study
This study operates under assumptions based on theories and a strong body of
literature that suggests: a) home environments are positive predictors of the
development of children’s literacy, including frequency of parents reading to
children before school entry, and high parental expectations of children’s learning
10
(Heath, 1983; Li, 2001; Ogbu, 1982; Taylor, 1983; Waggner, 1994); b) immigrant
families have their own literacy tradition and practice it with their children
(Dickinson, 1994; Gibson & Ogbu, 1991; Li 2000, p.6); c) language minority
parents' participation in their children’s literacy development may be hindered by
their limited proficiency in English or lack of familiarity with American culture
(Mulhern, Rodriguez-Brown, Shanahan, 1994); d) Despite these obstacles, these
families are concerned and are willing to help the development of the child's literacy,
but are unsure how to foster it. (Delgado-Gaitan 1990; Epstein 1990; Goldenberg
1993; Goldenberg and Gallimore 1991); e) Economic well-being is generally closely
related to the degree of parent involvement in child literacy development, yet it is
unrelated to the value parents place on education (Lareau 1990).
Definition of Terms
The family literacy field functions from several, albeit similar, meanings.
Therefore it is essential that key terms used throughout the report be defined to guide
the reader through the remaining chapters
Family literacy: The term family literacy is used in several ways: (1) to
describe a set of means parents and children use for literacy at home and their
community, (2) to describe a set of interventions related to literacy development of
young children, and (3) to refer to a set of programs designed to enhance the literacy
skills of more than one family member (Britto & Brooks-Gunn, 2001; Handel, 1999;
Morrow, 1993; Wasik et al., 2000).
11
Literacy readiness: The term literacy readiness is used in several ways: (1) to
describe skills, attitudes, and awareness that begin to develop very early in life,
developed through meaningful interactions in one’s environment, that show different
developmental paths and timing among children (Teale 1995). (2) to refer to a set of
prerequisite skills (e.g., recognition of alphabet letters or auditory discrimination
skills) whose accomplishment would lead to development of conventional literacy.
(Herb, 2001)
Home Literacy Environment: The term home literacy environment refers to
“artifacts, examples of literacy and literacy related events and interactions” (Ragusa,
2002)
Acculturation: The term is defined as “ the process of adopting the cultural
traits or social patterns of another group” (Hazuda, Stern, Haffner, 1988)
Confucianism: The term is defined as a cultural, ethical and philosophical
system originally developed from the teachings of the early Chinese sage Confucius.
It is a complex system of ethical, social, political, philosophical, and religious
thought which has had tremendous influence on the culture, education and history of
East Asian countries including Korea. Confucianism is based on authoritarian
principles, and social stability is based on unequal relationships between people
(Kim, 2000; Martinsons, 1996)
Authoritative parents: The term authoritative parents refer to parents use less
disciplining practices, but encourage independence by reasoning with them. They
12
also set high standard for behavior (Steinberg, Mounts, Lamborn , & Dornbusch,
1989)
Authoritarian parent: The term authoritarian parents refer to parents try to
control their children’s behavior and stress obedience to authority with them.
(Steinberg, et al. 1989)
Delimitation of the Study
This study is delimited in that it includes a sampling of families in a large
urban county, which may strengthen its generalizability for similar groups with
similar socio-demographic variability. The samples from the population under
investigation came from low-income Korean immigrant families in the Los Angeles
County. Thus, this study allows for generalization and reliability to families in the
area who exhibit similar characteristics in terms of ethnicity, socio-economic status,
cultural value and home literacy experiences.
Limitation of the Study
The study is limited in its generalizability because it focuses only on Korean
immigrant low-income families in an urban portion of Los Angeles Country. The
nature of samples selection being participants in Even Start program is another
limitation. Thus, it can only be generalized to families with similar life experience,
similar immigration period, similar ethnic makeup, similar education and socio-
economic background and similar home literacy experiences. It is also limited in
generalizability as it can only be applied to studies in a short period.
13
CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction
This literature review is presented in the following manner. The first major
section presents a brief summary of trends and limitations of research related to
family literacy programs based on several research reviews (Yaden & Paratore,
2003; Paratore 2004; Gadsden, 2000). To uncover a holistic view of interventions for
early literacy developments, the second section of this study includes misconceptions
and barriers that immigrant parents, who are most often targeted for family literacy
interventions, confront. The third section explains literacy practices of immigrant
families including Korean families in the United States who are the subject of this
dissertational study. The fourth section of the review focuses on children’s education
in Korea and the influence of Confucianism which has been deeply embedded in the
Korean society. The fifth section analyzes Korean children’s early literacy
development and the role of Korean culture, society, and parents in the literacy
development of their children. The final section focuses on studies related to home
literacy environment and the effects of shared book reading, which are focus of this
dissertation study.
Trends and Limitations of Research Related to Family Literacy Programs
When viewing literacy as a socio-cultural phenomenon, it is important to
explore home languages, parent-child interaction and the role of the family
environment in early literacy development. Early literacy researchers and policy
14
makers have long considered parent- related factors, such as parental education and
home literacy practice, as correlated with children’s literacy development (Paratore,
2003). They recognized the importance and necessity of family literacy interventions
to help children of immigrant families who have limited English proficiency, low
income, or low education levels (Potts & Paull, 1995).
To help children of the immigrant families enter school ready to learn, federal
and state legislation has provided funds for family literacy interventions. These
family literacy interventions have proliferated in schools and communities across the
United States. Researchers state that family literacy interventions can empower and
guide the parents in helping children enhance their literacy development, in addition
to their social, cognitive and emotional development, all of which foster school
success. Through both quantitative and qualitative studies, researchers have provided
evidence that family literacy programs increase the developmental and educational
gains for both the child and parent.
However, there are primary limitations that those who do research in family
literacy intervention programs encounter. These include: (a) conflicting premises that
have undergirded certain family literacy programs; (b) the lack of researchers’
understanding of families’ existing knowledge and literacy tradition( Yaden and
Paratore, 2003); (c) the lack of appropriate research methodologies to investigate the
effectiveness of family engagement programs (Purcell-Gates, 2000).
First, currently there are two conflicting premises in research related to
family literacy interventions: (a) one that perceives the family’s lack of school-like
15
literacy as a barrier to learning, and (b) another believe that there are no deficiencies
among the families but only that there are differences between extant home literacy
practices and American school-based literacy practices, but that can be a bridge to
new learning for their children (Paratore, 2003; Gadsden, 2000). Recently, Gadsden
reviewed family and intergenerational literacy research and discussed the dilemma
that family literacy researchers face. In the review, he suggests that it is more
effective for educators and researchers to adopt a reciprocal approach, predicated on
understanding that educators need to help parents understand and learn school-based
literacy, as well as integrating parents’ existing knowledge and resources into school
curricula (Paratore, 2003).
Second, family literacy research overall “lacks adequate understanding of the
literate traditions, values, and practice of families outside of the America” (Paratore
& Yaden, 2003, p. 540). A report entitled, ‘The Importance of Family Engagement’
(Children Now, 2004) notes that early intervention research has neglected the
diversity of language minority populations. According to the report, research which
studies family literacy outside American mainstream often “group[s] non-Americans
with a common label, such as Asian Americans or Latinos, in ways that minimize
geographic and cultural diversity within the groups” (p.8). This report states that
family literacy research should provide more evident differences between cultural
groups, such as language, gender roles, family structures and social economic status
so that literacy intervention programs can be tailored to produce better results.
16
Third, the extant studies in the field of family literacy lack appropriate
research methodology (Purcell-Gates, 2000). Yaden & Paratore distinguish the
limitation of research methodologies as research in the field primarily investigate the
effectiveness of family engagement programs on school-based measures of literacy
without understanding the social, cultural and political nature of literacy. These
researchers believe these simplified approaches that evaluate the effects of particular
treatments under controlled conditions will likely fail to understand and recognize
the diverse ways in which families use, embed, extend, and learn from literacy in
their daily lives.
Misconceptions Faced by Low-income and Language Minority Immigrant Parents
Immigration has driven the U.S. population growth. Although immigration
fuels America’s vitality and productivity, it also creates literacy challenges. One in
five U.S. children is from an immigrant background. Many of these children begin
school without the ability to read (Kogut, 2004). While there are many reasons for
low academic achievement among minority children, research has provided evidence
that there is a link between parent involvement and academic achievement (Ascher,
1988; Baker & Soden, 1998; Chavkin, 1993; Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995). Many of
these studies have described that minority parents' lack of interest, limited literacy
practice, and inadequate support were the most frequently cited educational
problems. Yaden and Paratore (2003) claim that these assumptions are often
erroneous and significantly influence many early intervention programs and hinder
the process of conducting thoughtful informative research.
17
As a case in point, Yaden and LaFaurie (2004) studied the views of forty
eight Latino parents regarding their hopes for their 5 year old children’s educational
future by analyzing the parents’ messages on their children’s class graduation
booklets in which each child and his/her parents were given a page upon which to
write. By providing detailed examples of the parents’ messages and by quoting them,
the researchers highlighted the hope and concern Latino parents have for their
children’s education and their willingness to make sacrifices that further ensure their
children’s educational success. Although the study had a limited sample size, the
results provide evidence that the assumption of minority parents as having a “lack of
interest in their children’s education” is mistaken (Yaden & Paratore, 2003). In
conclusion, they emphasized that federal preschool programs and teachers should
understand the importance of family involvement and suggested that teachers should
solicit the parents’ views on designing and delivering family literacy programs.
Fletcher-Hol, Geiger & Vinthanage (2004) surveyed the parental behaviors
and attitudes about reading of 100 low-income, minority parents; specifically fifty
African American parents and fifty Hispanic parents with four year old children
enrolled in the Head Start Program. Although there was a wide range of positive
parental attitude towards the use of questions and modeling good reading practices
between the African American parents and Hispanic parents, the results of the survey
revealed that both groups of the minority parents placed the highest value on their
children’s reading and believed that the parents’ role in reading to children is an
important duty. Though the sample size of the research was limited, this study is an
18
excellent example that reveals mistakenness of these assumptions about low income
parents’ “absence of literacy practices” and “lack of interest in their children’s
education” (Yaden & Paratore, 2003).
Overall, by delivering the voice of the low income and language minority
immigrant parents, these studies revealed that the values, beliefs, and literacy
practices of the immigrants minorities are different but not absent from the values of
mainstream American schools. Furthermore, they find it invalid to assume that
general low-income and language minority immigrant parents have a lack of interest
in supporting their children’s literacy development and a lack of ability to support
their children’s literacy development.
Barriers Faced by Low-income and Language Minority Immigrant Parents
In contrast to several negative assumptions about low income and language
minority immigrant parents in family literacy research and interventions, there are
barriers that prevent the parents’ involvement in children’s literacy development.
Researchers (Kelty, 1997; Paratore, Melzi & Krol-Sinclair, 1999) uncovered
different types of barriers which hinder minority parents’ involvement in their
children’s learning. Although the report, ‘The Importance of Family Engagement’
(Children Now, 2004) does not clarify barriers for particular ethnicities, it
summarizes different types of barriers that can apply to all minority immigrant
parents. According to the report, there are three different barrier groups regarding
family involvement. These includes a) logistics barriers; b) family attitudes barriers;
c) program or institution-based barriers.
19
First, logistical barriers are related to limits on time, economic insecurity, job
security, child care needs, and lack of materials or information translated into the
appropriate languages.
Second, the family attitudes barriers can be divided into three parts. The first
part derives from their low personal self-esteem about their roles. Since many
minority parents may not be familiar with the expectations of programs and teachers
and how their actions can impact their child’s cognitive development and school
readiness, they may feel uncertain about their role. The second families’ attitudinal
barrier comes from their own negative experiences with educational systems or
discrimination by American public systems and programs. Third, families may feel
hesitant about their own capabilities and feel that they lack the language skills to
interact with teachers or carry out home involvement activities such as reading to
their children.
Lastly, the report explains the program or institution-based barriers according
to five different categories: 1) lack of ability to communicate in families’ languages,
2) use of jargon and technical language that create separation between the
educational program and the family, 3) lack of consideration of families’ schedules
when planning activities 4) lack of personnel dedicated to parent engagement 5) lack
of positive attitude towards the role of linguistically and culturally diverse families in
the minority children’s development.
In conclusion, the report states, “despite the many challenges facing families,
national survey data indicate that participating in their children’s education is a high
20
priority among families, regardless of their education or socio-economic statues”
(p.6). These barriers should be considered carefully by early intervention programs.
The programs’ staffs and educators should find effective ways to minimize these
barriers through ongoing communication with the parents.
Literacy Practices of Immigrant Families in the United States
Learning literacy is more than simply learning comprehension and writing.
Immigrant families may know phonics, memorize vocabulary words, and understand
basic English, but understanding American culture, especially literary, is still a
challenge for many. For immigrant families from non-English backgrounds,
acquiring English literacy demands more than mere linguistic skills – it demands
participation in and knowledge of that country’s shared experiences, culture, and
history. Whether the medium is children’s books or newspapers, writers have the
luxurious assumption of this cultural knowledge, while many immigrant families do
not.
Currently, because there is no consensus as to what is this collective body of
cultural knowledge, communicating this information to immigrant families is
difficult, and family literacy research and intervention programs should seek to
identify this. While family literacy research and programs have acknowledged the
effect of historical, economic, political, and socio-cultural influences, they have
neglected the diversity of languages in minority populations. Family literacy
research has failed to account for and to integrate the unique literacy practices of
these different ethnic groups into the various cultural contexts (Yaden and Paratore,
21
2003). This limitation explains a lack of understanding of the socio-cultural nature
of literacy and its relation to the native languages of immigrant families. For
instance, research of Latino family literacy practices has been widely documented
but few studies also account for the home literacy practices of East Asian immigrant
children. Consequently, researchers assume that the literacy practices of one specific
immigrant ethnic group in an ethnic enclave are interchangeable with those of
another ethnic group in an ethically integrated area. Therefore, through assessing
historical, economic, political, and socio-cultural contexts, researchers must identify
the diversity of home literacy practices of various ethnic groups and design
appropriate communicative strategies to instruct and counsel Asian immigrant
families.
As an immigrant and early literacy researcher, Li (2004) researched the
literacy practices of Chinese immigrants. While observing the literacy practices and
beliefs of Chinese immigrant families living in Canada, she found the nature of their
practices to be complex and multifaceted. Family heritage, literacy experiences in
China, and cultural values of these families’ lives were embedded into their literacy
practices. The influence from traditional Confucianism and modern Chinese culture
and the opposite influence of mainstream Canadian educational culture contribute to
widen the divergence between home and school literacy practices for immigrant
children. The findings also show that a family’s physical environment and economic
status have relatively little impact on a child’s development. Rather, the parents’
education background and social environments, including parent-child interactions,
22
shared family activities, and parental support for learning, play a greater role in home
literacy practices. Furthermore, family choices regarding access and usage of
various media influenced their literacy. The growing disparity between home and
school literacy practices often hindered literacy development, as well as cultural
integration into Canadian society. The study also suggests that immigrant parents
should provide a variety of learning opportunities for their children and be involved
in all aspects of learning, particularly through learning English and school literacy
practices. Also, teachers should actively connect children’s literacy experiences in
the classroom with those outside. Any policy implemented in the curriculum should
link English with the immigrant child’s native language. Creating a detailed
representation of these four families and narrative profiles of their literacy
experiences may help literacy researchers to consider the benefits of integrating
actual immigrant family experiences, improving immigrant livelihood. Developing
school, community, and family connections will help to promote equal opportunities
in education for all.
Literacy Practices of Korean Immigrant Families in the United States
In recent decades, Asians and Pacific Islanders (API) have immigrated to the
United States in large numbers. 28 subgroups in the Asian American Pacific
Islander (AAPI) ethnic population accounted for 12.5 million persons in 2002, or
4.4% of the non-institutionalized U.S. population (Reeves & Bennett, 2003), and the
population continues to grow rapidly, especially in Southern California. The
Korean-American population is the fifth largest ethnic group in this diverse AAPI
23
population (Shon L, 2004). Despite the increasing numbers of Korean immigrants,
research on their literacy traditions, values, and practices in the United States is
largely lacking. In the most extensive study related to immigrant family literacy
practices, Huhr and Kim (1984) report that Korean Americans from Chicago and Los
Angeles have no desire to discard their language and culture, all while maintaining a
positive orientation towards American culture. Korean parents demand that their
children learn English and succeed in American schools. Huhr and Kim revealed
that Korean-American parents usually learn English only for functional purposes,
(e.g., to get a better job, to be able to negotiate with government bureaucracy), while
retaining Korean for nearly all or all social purposes. In a recent study by the KSCI-
TV research bureau, eighty-four percent of Korean respondents over the age of 18
reported that their “main language in daily life is Korean” (Korea Times, 1992). In a
two-party study of the Korean and English literacy patterns found in two different
communities, Scrella and Chin (1993) found that adult Korean immigrants maintain
their Korean literacy practices but are at risk of never acquiring English language
skills like those of native speakers.
While Korean immigrant parents retain their native language for most of their
daily lives, there is still a strong desire that their children learn English fluently and
adapt to America. However, young children of immigrants do not easily accomplish
this goal. Asian-American college students from the University of California at
Berkeley (Leanne, 1999) reported that the most frequent experience of American-
born children of immigrants is that they knew little or no English when they first
24
enrolled in school in the United States. Even until the age of five, many Korean-
American children spoke entirely in Korean. Once they enrolled in preschool or
kindergarten, many of them experienced a “language shock” because of the rarity of
bilingual education programs, especially for Korean Americans. Furthermore,
schools were inadequately prepared for students who needed to learn English. Many
students reported that they began to learn English from their classmates or television,
and they avoided speaking their primary language as much as possible.
The report also revealed that families play a significant role in language
acquisition. While some families either cannot or choose not to speak English at
home, other families play an active role for their children to learn English. In homes
where parents speak little or no English, the entire family has little choice but to
speak in their heritage language. For students from this background, parental
insistence on retaining native language and values became a source of
intergenerational conflict. One Korean-American student’s description of this
conflict is as follows:
Between my parents and siblings and myself, there has been constant
tension—a pressure that is always existent, though perhaps not visibly or
audibly—for my younger sister, younger brother, and me to use Korean
among ourselves and with our parents at least when we are in the house. Yet,
we neglect it and use the more comfortable English (p.3).

The other group of students whose parents did achieve some proficiency in
English reported that their parents encouraged them to use English at home. Some
students recounted that they often spoke in a combination of their primary language
and English with their parents. According to one student’s expression, this
25
combination of Korean and English is often called “Konglish” or “Korenglish,” a
portmanteau of the two words. In addition, other students reported that this mixed
language became the main language used at home. Many students with older
siblings wrote that they learned to speak and read English from their siblings who
had learned it through school. The detailed findings of this report expressed a strong
sense of the experiences of the children of immigrants – of their families, their
literary-educational circumstances, and the cultural tensions that arose between those
at home with those at school.
Overall, these studies revealed the great difficulty many Korean immigrant
families face when helping their children learn English literacy and integrate into
American culture. However, they were also limited in providing detailed narrative
accounts of the immigrant parents’ struggle to help their children in developing their
literacy. Furthermore, it failed to identify the various factors that hinder early
literacy development and cultural integration, as well as their resulting dilemmas. In
order to better understand the literacy values, traditions, and conflicts of Korean
immigrant families, the first step to take ought to be exploring children’s education,
early childhood practices in the home, and Korean education within its own socio-
cultural context. In the next section, I will further discuss these factors.
The Influence of Confucianism on Korean Education
Confucianism is deeply embedded in Korean thought and culture (Chung,
1994; Kim, 1998; Yi, 1993). An ethical and philosophical system originating from
the teachings of the Chinese sage Confucius, Confucianism has impacted Korean
26
pre-modern society even more profoundly than China itself (Kim, 2002). Deeply
instilled in the conscious of Korean culture throughout Korean history, this dominant
cultural form has reinforced its legacy into the Korean educational system (Chung,
1994; Yi, 1993). Kwon (2002) describes three main principles of Confucianism that
specifically affect the early Korean educational system: hierarchical relationships,
an emphasis on the collective, and the priority of academic achievement.
Hierarchical Relationships
Based on unequal and complementary relationships, Korean society teaches
that all human relationships are based on loyalty, filial piety, and obedience. From
an early age, children are taught to these respect these hierarchical relationships to
their parents and transfer them to other social institutions in which disciplined
subordination and acceptance of authority are cultivated (Kim, 2003). Thus,
children’s obedience and respect for their parents, teachers, and elders has long been
deemed a foundational virtue in Korean society. Kim notes that this submission to
authority and respect for elders has led to an educational tradition in which parents
and teachers exercise strong leadership and control. Families and schools share a
common focus on precisely articulated thought and on organized learning skills.
While examining the impact of Confucian ideals on children, Kim argues that this
style of childrearing leads to passive and compliant behavior among children. For
instance, children readily accept information from their elders, rarely express their
own opinions, and rarely ask questions, in the classroom or at home (Kim, 2002). In
this educational atmosphere, children are refrained from critical and creative thought,
27
both at home and in the classroom (Kim, 2003; Martinsons & Martinsons, 1996).
However, this traditional practice of childrearing is no longer prevalent due Western
influence, but they do exist in some cultural contexts (Kwon, 2002).
Emphasis on the Collective
This collectivist principle is clearly visible when individuals are encouraged
to restrain any emotional expression in order to maintain group harmony and
discouraged against immodest and showy behavior. For instance, parents discourage
excessive or conspicuous talking, especially for males, because an outspoken male is
frowned upon (Kim, 2002). Furthermore, Kim asserts that Korean parents will
dissuade their children from creative thought discouraging explorative activities and
imaginative fantasy, resulting in the suppression of emotional expression and the
minimization of verbal interactions. Kim (2002) and Cummins (1994) insist that this
type of rigid and defensive social system discourages children from independence,
creativity, and imagination. On the other hand, in American society, children are
encouraged to express their own thought and freely discuss their own ideas with
others, at home or in the classroom.
Priority on Academic Achievement
According to Kim (2002), the philosophy of Confucian-based education is
based upon the idea of “providing education for all people without discrimination.”
This originates from Confucius’ vision of an enlightened government ruled by highly
educated intellectuals. Following this teaching, in the third century, China devised
the civil service examination system to bring men of intelligence and capability into
28
administrative positions, regardless of their social status. This has positively
impacted Chinese-influenced societies through strongly motivating peoples to
acquire learning and ethics. An essential Confucian virtue, education is of greater
value than technical competence or professional expertise. Korean society later
adopted the civil service examination in the tenth century. A particularly prevailing
practice during the Yi dynasty (1392-1910), literate persons well versed in Chinese
classics would pass this examination and were conferred high administrative
positions with great power and economic reward. Therefore, the great cultural
emphasis on formal education as the primary avenue for social mobility firmly
established education as a cardinal virtue in Korean society.
Under this Confucian influence, Korean parents have great enthusiasm in
assisting their children’s education from early childhood. Ardent to invest all of
their time, money, and energy into their children’s education, Korean parents are
known for their “education ethic,” which receives special attention even from early
childhood (Henderson, Marx, & Kim, 1999; Kim 2002). Evaluating their own
success on the basis of their child’s academic accomplishment, parents prepare their
preschool children to submit to authority and to work diligently (Kim, 1994).
Korean mothers are especially and intensely involved in their children’s learning
reading and writing from an early age, as those skills are considered readiness skills
that children should possess before enrolling in elementary school (Lee, Park and
Kim, 2000; Min 1998). This focus on children’s academic achievement is the prime
distinctive feature of child socialization in the Korean immigrant community (Min,
29
1998). Researchers (Min, 1998) observe the fervent effort among Korean immigrant
parents to help their children achieve academically, even if family circumstances are
at a social disadvantage. Compared to variable support among Americans, family
support for academic achievement is unconditional and ubiquitous among Korean
immigrants (Wollam, 1992).
In summary, Confucian thought has profoundly impacted the Korean
educational system, especially for young children. This philosophy that has exalted
enthusiasm for education, harmonious parent-child relationships, and high literacy
rates has created a culture of relational hierarchies, emotional restraint even among
youths, and submissive classrooms that never question authority. While Western
influence has alleviated these cultural conventions, they still continue to exist in
some cultural contexts, as they are deeply embedded in the historical traditions of
Korean literacy education (Kwon, 2002). In the next section, I will discuss early
literacy education and the influence of Confucianism on Korean child literacy in
further detail.
The Role of Korean Parenting Culture in the Literary Development of Korean
Children
Republic of Korea (ROK) is a country with very high literacy rates by
international standards. Since the literacy rate is so high, illiteracy problems
(reading/writing difficulties) do not draw great social concern in Korea. According
to the “Literacy and Non-Formal Education Sector” of the United Nations
Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Institute for Statistics
30
(2002), 98% of the Korean population aged 15 years and older can read and write
Korean. In addition, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), an international
standardized assessment jointly developed by the participating 31 countries and
administered to 15 year-old students (Lemke, M., et al. 2004), reported very high
literacy rates among Korean high school students. As the following table shows,
Korean students ranked second overall in reading.

Table 1
International Assessment on Learning Skills
Rank Reading
1 Finland
2 Korea
3 Canada
Source: OECD & BBC News, 2004

The UNESCO report described factors that may have contributed to Korea’s
high literacy rate. First of all, as a scientific phonetic language composed of 14
consonants and 10 vowels, the Korean language and its alphabet are relatively easy
to learn. Furthermore, Korean culture highly stresses the importance of literacy
development, as every person is expected to read and write (Kim, 2000).
Consequently, illiteracy is viewed as an individual problem, like a learning
31
disability, rather than a social problem. Lee, Park and Kim (2000), who studied
“Literacy Education in Korea,” revealed that Korean children begin learning to read
and write at home from a very early age. They cited that most Korean children begin
to learn literacy at the age of five. Chung and Koo (2001) reported that 93% of
Korean children between the age of 4 and 6 read books with their parents or
grandparents, and that 7% of them receive reading assistance from older siblings.
Even if they face strained financial problems, Korean people will still seek to
educate their children, believing the rewards of education are far greater than that of
any other investment in their children.
Lastly, Korea’s high literacy rates reflect high parental involvement in their
children’s education. This phenomenon is viewed as natural in Korean society, and
consequential literacy perspectives were introduced to Korea in the late 1980s (Lee,
Park & Kim, 2000), though little research has been conducted on early literacy
development in Korean children, as well as Korean parental involvement in their
children’s education (Chung & Koo, 2001; Lee, 2000; Lee, Park & Kim, 2000). In
his analysis of parental involvement in their children’s education (2000), Lee finds
that Korean parents strongly believe they have a major responsibility to help their
preschool children become competent readers and writers, even if few parents are
familiar with the various elaborate theories of reading strategies. He concludes that
parental commitment to developing children literacy has been a major factor in
Korea’s low illiteracy rates.
32
Owing to strong parent-child relationships, parents are readily willing to
sacrifice any of their resources to advance their children’s education, regardless of
their socio-economic status (EFA, Country Reports; Republic of Korea, 2000). Lee
(2002) presented evidence of Korean parents assisting their children in early literacy
development, regardless of their SES:
“Korean parents spend a significant amount of their income on their
children's education. The Seoul Statistical Yearbook (2001) cited that Korean
families with an average monthly income of $1384 to $2153 spent 20% of
their income on their children's educational activities such as tuition, teaching
materials, school textbooks, reference books, extracurricular, and
supplemental educational materials, while Korean families with an average
income of $3692 spent 18 %. Korean parents' significant expenditures for
education is also documented by the number of preschool children who
engage in various types of special education activities prior to kindergarten.
According to the Statistical Yearbook of Seoul Education (2001), 86 % of
kindergarten children in Seoul had attended two educational institutions,
which are owned by private educators, where considerable emphasis is placed
on reading and writing” (p. 2)

While studying differences in learning environments and literacy resources
between middle-income and low-income Korean families in Seoul, So and Kim
(2000) found that, at an average of 160 children’s books at home, virtually no
difference exists between the two economic classes. They also revealed that 63% of
low-income families and 67% of middle-income families engage in parent-child
reading either everyday or almost everyday. This research reiterates that Korean
parents realize the importance of early reading activities, independent of social-
economic status. However, this study is limited to sampling to a very specific
population. Although these results should not be applied to the greater population of
33
Korea, they do demonstrate the strong commitment of Korean parents to early
literacy development.
If these studies revealed that the primary concern in early childhood is
literacy education and that this principle prevails in Korean society, then how do
parental roles change when families become immigrants and minorities of another
culture? The question posed leads to the examination of two topics: (1) the nature
of home literacy environments and practices of Korean immigrant families in
America, and (2) parent-child book reading interactions within their socio-cultural
contexts. As the main focus of this dissertational study, in the following section, I
will discuss studies related to parent-child interaction during book reading.
Parent-Child Interactions during Book Reading
Social constructivist theory states that children learn literacy from interacting
and communicating with the people around them. Many researchers who study
family literacy and emergent literacy suggest that literacy development involves
interaction between the parent and child in a set of social practices that vary
according to context, content, and purpose, rather than simple transmission from the
parents to the child (Auerbach, 1993; Neuman, 2000). Storybook reading activities
provide opportunities for adults and their children to co-construct information in a
social setting and negotiate through meaning together. According to Vygotsky
(1979) and neo-Vygotskian developmental perspectives (Tudge, 1990), the nature of
these interactions provide great opportunities for parents and their children to
become active agents in promoting their own developmental processes. Through
34
book reading, parents tend to use instructional strategies more frequently than they
would in other situations (Hoff-Ginsberg, 1991; Jones & Adamson, 1987), and
parents are able to judge the child's current level of knowledge and provide certain
amounts of scaffolding to their child. Researchers suggest that these instructive
behaviors and interactive styles impact the children's language development
(Pellegrini, Brody, & Sigel, 1985; Cornell, Senechal, & Broda, 1988; Elley, 1989).
In addition, the child can internalize these co-constructed, parent-supported strategies
to advance their capabilities for language development, independent thinking, and
problem solving (DeBruin-Parecki, 2006; Neuman, 1996; Teale, 1981).
Although some (Scarborough and Dobrich, 1994) have recently questioned
the strength of the explanatory power of parent-child book reading, other researchers
(Dickinson,1994; Goldfield & Snow, 1984; Heath, 1982; Snow, 1983; Snow &
Ninio, 1986; Teale, 1984) have emphasized that access to books and shared book
reading experiences are important in a child's early literacy development, as well as
further performance in school literacy activities. Moreover, correlational and
descriptive studies continue to reveal the relationships with the measured outcomes
of emergent literacy skills and reading achievement.
The research above, which was conducted in a western cultural setting,
suggested that book reading is most effective when parents demand that the child
participate actively and verbally while reading aloud and while parents provide
social scaffolding during shared book reading within the children's zone of proximal
development (Whitehurst et al., 1998; Bus, 2001). However, as a number of the
35
socio-cultural perspective research indicated, it is also necessary to consider that
there can be variations in parent-child interactions patterns and tendencies, during
shared book reading, among different cultural groups. Surprisingly, few studies have
examined parent-child reading interaction from the perspective of different cultural
background. Researchers claim that because of cultural differences in educational
beliefs and values, parents respond to and support their children in different ways,
affecting the literacy learning potential of the children in the home (Sonnenschin et
al, 1996). Some families may show less interest and involvement in their children's
learning and shared reading with them, and as a result, their children may have less
experience overall in reading books before they enter school. However, there may be
other relevant cross-cultural differences as well.
In addition, how parents mediate books is influenced by their own personal
reading experiences. If parents have no experience with recreational reading, then
activities like storybook reading may not be deeply instilled as a family practice and
the parents would not know how to engage their children in such reading sessions
(Bus & Sulzby, 1996). In simply didactic aspects of reading, how parents
empathized with their children's interests, knowledge, motives, and concepts varied
as much as the respective cultures themselves. As parents were more helpful and
supportive, the conversation accompanying the reading went beyond the text and
included discussion of relevant background information and even the children's
experiences that related to the story. Conversely, as parents were less helpful and
supportive, sessions generally resulted in cognitively undemanding conversations
36
that simply tested on basic names and paraphrased summaries. However, it is
important not to generalize based on mere present differences of cultural groups.
Therefore, it is necessary to carefully examine how parents from different cultural
background guide their child during shared reading and what types of the shared
reading activities the families practice.
Conclusion
Over several decades, the family literacy arena has expanded in the United
States of America. After reviewing the literature, it reveals that there exist several
unresolved issues and further questions which need to be examined when relating to
immigrant families' home literacy practices and parent-child interactions within their
socio-cultural contexts and literacy tradition. The field of family literacy still lacks
adequate understanding of the literacy tradition, values and practices of immigrant
families. In addition, there is little research that delivers detailed narrative accounts
of the immigrant parents' struggles to help their children's literacy development.
Therefore, it is apparent that researchers must identify differences of home literacy
practices of ethnic groups, by considering socio-cultural contexts and literacy
traditions, in order to devise appropriate communication strategies for helping and
counseling different immigrant families. This research will help provide information
about more appropriate policies for improving home literacy practices immigrant
families' and for helping family literacy programs respond specifically to unique
cultural backgrounds and needs of families to better support home-based literacy
practices.
37
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Introduction
This chapter describes the methodology employed during the research phase
of this dissertation. The methodology allowed for a better understanding of the
home literacy environment and its practices among low-income Korean immigrant
families in the United States. This chapter includes descriptions of the following
components of the research project: (1) methodological nature of the study, (2)
rationale for the study’s design, (3) its participants, (4) the role of the researcher, (5)
data sources and data collection procedures, and (6) analytic techniques.
Methodological Nature of the Study
This research employed a mixed research method approach to explore the
nature of home literacy education of low-income Korean immigrant families in the
United States. I was interested in describing the nature of home literacy
environments, book reading practices, and parent-child literacy interactions for each
Korean immigrant family observed in this case study. Mixed methods are used in
order to create a comprehensive case study data set for all five families who
participated in this investigation. This would enable me to triangulate data within
each case study, and thereby allow cross-case study analytical comparisons to
document similarities and differences in home literacy environments, literacy
practices, and parent-child interactions across cases.
38
Four research questions will guide this study:
1. What is the nature of the home literacy environments of the Korean
immigrant families?
2. What experience do the Korean immigrant parents provide in their home
to help their children’s reading development?
3. What challenges do the families face when they read English children’s
books?
4. What is the nature of the Korean parent and child interaction during book
reading activities?
Rationale for the Study’s Design
I chose a case study approach according to which methodology would most
appropriate investigate the three aforementioned questions. Researchers have
suggested that “case study is not a methodological choice but a choice of what is to
be studied” (Hartley, 2004; Yin, 2003a, pp.14-15), that is, a case study as a research
strategy comprises multi-disciplinary methods, including both qualitative and
quantitative (Yin, 2003a). Through this research strategy, I try to provide a multi-
dimensional perspective that may be used to create a shared view of early literacy
education of low-income Korean immigrant families in America. Comprised of
both qualitative and quantitative methods, this study explores home literacy
environments, book reading practices, and parent-child literacy interactions prior to
any parental participation in Family Literacy Courses of the Even Start Program, like
parenting classes and home visits.
39
The purpose of employing this mixed method approach is to explore,
describe, and understand the nature of home literacy education of Korean
immigrants. I tend to answer the research questions stated previously in response to
key experts in the field of family literacy (Paratore, 2001; Purcell-Gates, 1999;
Yaden & Paratore, 2002). Furthermore, the combination of qualitative and
quantitative methods seems most appropriate to gain deeper insight and a more
comprehensive view of this research purpose (Yaden & Paratore, 2002). In fact,
triangulation through integrating different data and qualitative and quantitative
analyses raises confidence in my results, and results in synthesizing and integrating
various theories (Jick, 1979 pp.608-609).
Study Participants
The families that participated in this dissertational study all reside in an urban
city area of Los Angeles County. Participants were considered for this study if they
met for the following criteria: (a) Are first generation of Korean immigrants to the
United States ; (b) Have children aged three to four years; (c) Korean is the primary
spoken language at home; (d) Qualified to register for Even Start Family Literacy
program in Los Angeles County; (e) Enrolled in the Even Start program; (f) The
mother attends ESL intermediate courses while her child attends preschool; (g) The
family would attend the Home Visit Program and Parenting Class of the Event Start
program in a month. In this study, I observed five such cases. Eligibility for
participation in the Even Start Family Literacy program confirms the low socio-
economic status of the families, as set forth by federal government standards.
40
Recruitment Procedures: I contacted the mothers of each of the five focal
children before they began their Home Visiting and Parenting class in the Even Start
Program. This was done in order to understanding the nature of home literacy
environments and their practices among Korean immigrant families, before being
introduced to American literacy education and other related interventions as
discussed in the first chapter. To become familiar with these families, I participated
in translation assistance for the Even Start Preschool Program to help new Korean
children adjust to their preschool setting. I also attended Even Start orientations,
where I worked as a translator, helping Korean mothers understand the class
curriculum and provide further information regarding the program. Becoming
familiar with the mothers and their children was vital, as their comfort level with me
later helped establish an honest and relaxed environment in which I could conduct
the home observations and interviews.
The Role of the Researcher
Some researchers (Agar, 1980; Li, 2001) have suggested that to understand
another culture, the research must first understand him/herself. As “the researcher’s
background is the initial framework against which similarities and differences in the
studied group are assessed,” they suggested that a researcher should be concerned
with his or her own personal and cultural background. In the field of early literacy
research, home culture and children’s home-based learning have long been
recognized as the greatest influence on early literacy development (Chall, 1983;
Heath, 1983; Teale, 1986; Snow, 1983; Teale and Sulzby, 1986). Therefore, to
41
investigate family literacy education of other cultures, researchers must develop their
view about the culture and literary background of the target family and consequently
understand within that socio-cultural context.
As a researcher in the field, I believe my cross-cultural background gave me
a unique position for this study. I am a female Korean in my early thirties, born and
educated in late 20
th
century Korea, of a Confucian society, now pursuing an Ed.D
degree in the Rossier School of Education at the University of Southern California. I
first came to the United States seven years ago as an international student. I can
speak fluent Korean with my family and friends at home, while I can also
communicate in English in English classrooms with classmates, professors, and
friends from other cultures. My experiences have shaped my view of reality, of
literacy, and its use as a socio-cultural construct. Similar to Li (2000), who studied
Chinese immigrant family home literacy education in Canada, I also believe that the
outcome of an individual’s literacy education and its applications are molded by the
social context in which he or she interacts and can only be fully understood in that
proper social context (Langer, 1987; Li, 2002). Researchers have asserted that the
social context of culture or even subculture is the framework of information through
which people view actions, understand behaviors, and interpret the world (Spradley
& McCurdy, 1990). Therefore, I have looked at the literacy experiences of five
immigrant families within the framework of a social construct, and accordingly
observed the interactions between family members at home within that socio-cultural
context. My ability to speak Korean and my cultural background as a Korean in the
42
United States has provided me with a point of contact between the families
participating in this study and myself. This common ground has allowed me the
privilege to come into their homes and learn about their lives, beliefs, and thoughts.
Additionally, my experiences in both Korea and the United States have influenced
how I view literacy in these families, as well as how I have interpreted those
experiences.
Data Sources and Data Collection Procedures
The current study employed both qualitative and quantitative methods to
create a complete case study data set for all five families who served as the sample.
For qualitative data, the study gathered direct responses from the parents. More
specifically, the participants were asked to share their home literacy practices and
reading resources. They were also asked to describe their literacy traditions—their
own literacy experiences in their home country and any challenges they may have
faced while reading children’s books in English to their children. Data was collected
through individual interviews, observation, and documented analysis. Qualitative
Information has been drawn from the following sources:
Parent Interviews during Home Visits
The data-gathering process was initiated through in-depth interviews with
each individual. These interviews were usually 60 minutes to 90 minutes in length
and conducted informally, including a semi-structured interview with open-ended
questions. The interviews took place in November and December 2005, which was
before enrollment in the Even Start Home Visits and Parenting Class. Conducted in
43
Korean, parents could clearly articulate their perspectives and opinions, rather than
being distracted with accurately expressing themselves in English. These interviews
provided me with large amounts of information regarding the home literacy
environment, literacy practices, and parent-child interactions during shared book
reading prior to the Even Start program. Please view Appendix A for the Interview
Protocol for Korean immigrant mothers.
Enrollment Form
Program coordinators use an enrollment form to record information about
each family at the time of enrollment. This form includes basic demographic
information such as size of family, marital status, age, ethnicity, primary language,
source of income, and literacy activities with children. The form also recorded the
parents’ interests in other Even Start services and other previous experiences related
to child development or childcare from the Even Start Family Literacy Program or
other agencies. This form provided the background context for this dissertational
study.
Observations
I visited each family’s home and observed their home literacy environments
and parent-child book reading activities. The purpose of these observations was to
document the nature of Korean immigrant home literacy environments with their
book reading activities. Please view Appendix C for Observation Guide for Home
Visits.
44
Quantitative Data
For quantitative data, I used the Early Childhood Home Observation and
Measurement of the Environment (EC HOME) Inventory (Caldwell and Bradley,
1984) to observe and understand their home literacy conditions and practices.
Furthermore, to measure the interactive literacy practices between a parent and a
child at home, data from the Adult-Child Interactive Reading Inventory (ACIRI), a
systematic observational tool for assessing joint parent-child reading behaviors, was
also used (DeBruin-Parecki, 2006). Quantitative Information has been drawn from
the following sources:
Revision of Early Childhood Home Observation and Measurement of the
Environment Inventory (EC HOME)
To investigate the nature of Korean immigrant parents’ home literacy
environments and literacy-promoting activities prior to enrolling in the Home Visits
and Parenting Class of the Even Start Program, I used a revised version of the EC
HOME Inventory, which was developed from the original EC HOME Inventory
created by Caldwell and Bradley (1984). The original instrument was intended to
gather data on parenting attitudes related to their daily routines with children. I
selected this inventory because it is commonly used measure for assessing parental
behaviors with their children, aged three to six years, and shows the extent to which
parents provide an environment that fosters positive child development (Wagner,
Spiker, Gerlach-Downie, & Hernandez, 2000).
45
To quantify the family’s literacy environment, I focused on a subscale score
composed of the 16 items in the EC HOME, which is primarily related to reading
and other language activities in the home setting (Molfese, Modglin, and Mofese,
2003). These items document behaviors such as how frequently parents read to their
children, the amount of literary artifacts available in the home, parental experience,
and home literacy practices (Chaney, 1994; Dickinson & DeTemple, 1998; Frijters,
Barron, & Brunello, 2000). This information is particularly relevant as it documents
the descriptions of what the home literacy environments were like. The items in this
category are attached as an appendix. Please view Appendix D for Reading and
Language Composite Items in EC HOME.
Adult-Child Interactive Reading Inventory (ACIRI): To measure the
interactive literacy practices between parent and child at home, this study focuses
specifically on Korean parent-child shared book reading activities. There are
several reasons for this: (a) Shared book reading is a primary literacy activity among
families; (b) Shared book reading is the most commonly practiced and strongly
supported in developing literacy (Gunn, Simmons & Kameenui, 1995); (c) Shared
book reading allows simultaneous evaluation and assessment of the reading
behaviors of both parents and their children. For this purpose this study used data
from the Adult-Child Interactive Reading Inventory (ACIRI) (DeBruin-Parecki,
2006), which is a systematic observational tool for evaluating joint-reading behaviors
for both adults and children. ACIRI evaluates twelve literacy behaviors arranged in
two columns, for adult and child behaviors, respectively, while dividing into three
46
categories: (1) enhancing attention to text, (2) promoting interactive reading and
supporting comprehension, and (3) using literacy strategies. The items on ACIRI are
based on research and theory in the field of joint-storybook reading (DeBruin-
Parecki, 2006). The purpose of the first category is to assess attachment, book-
handling skills, motivation, and interest of both the parent and the child. The
purpose of the second category is to measure the quality of questions posed and the
level of comprehension between the parent and child. The purpose of the third
category is to determine the degree of identification and comprehension that occurs
during shared book reading. In particular, this category involves prediction,
retelling, and elaboration between both parties. In order to gather quantitative results
to assess these three categories, each category has four distinct behaviors that I
looked for during my observation of each case study. The information related to
each behavior under each category is in APPENDIX E of this dissertation.
Depending on the frequency with which these behaviors are observed, they are rated
from 0 to 3; 0 = no evidence, 1 = infrequently (one time), 2 = some of the time (two
to three times), and 3 = most of the time (four times or more). Essentially, this data
was judged using a rubric-like procedure.
While observing shared book readings in the participants’ homes, I assessed
them using ACIRI in December during my second home visit. To decrease
discomfort for the parents during my study, I videotaped parent-child shared book
reading rather than at that immediate place of action. The procedure for using the
ACIRI is as follows:
47
1. The researcher provided age appropriate books to the mother and child.
2. The mother and child chose two books that they liked.
3. The mother and child read together while being observed by the researcher.
4. After leaving the home, I viewed the videotape and numerically scored the
appropriate columns, while also documenting other findings recorded as part
of the data set.
I provided the parents the same books used by DeBruin-Parecki during her study on
the efficacy of ACIRI. Parecki calculated that the “materials reliability” (referring to
two books by the same author read by the same dyad) with frequency counts of
raters’ scores on individual ACIRI items of the same dyad over two episodes reading
matched books (p.15). Each book was matched for difficulty and vocabulary level.
This inventory provided a rich view of the parent-child narrative development (Stahl
& Yaden, 2004) and enabled me to systematically document interactive adult-child
reading behaviors. Please view Appendix H for ACIRI.
Data Collection Procedures
Data Collection occurred between October and December 2005. In the table
that follows, I described data-gathering procedures with an associated timeline.
48

Table 2
Data-gathering Procedures
Month& Day Action
November:
Even Start
Orientation
a. Attend the orientation.
b. Recruit subjects (Korean families).
c. Receive subjects’ signature on the informed consent form.
d. Make an appointment related to individual interview.
e. Collect an enrollment form to record information about each
family at the time of orientation.
December:
Interview and
observation
(All procedures
will take an
hour)
a. Conduct interview with each Korean parent at the family’s
home using Parent Interview Protocol - to be audio recorded and
transcribed (see the attachment).
b. Observe and interview the parents using Early Childhood
HOME (Home Observation and Measurement of the
Environment) Record Form (see the attachment) – the researcher
will focus on the reading and language composite item numbers
in EC HOME (7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 27, 28, 29, 34, 37,
41, and 48) will be used (see the attachment).
c. Observe Parent-Child book reading using the ACIRI (Adult-
Child Interactive Reading Inventory). The procedure for using
the ACIRI in this dissertation study is as follows:
1. The researcher will provide an age appropriates book to
the mother and child.
2. The mother and child will read together while being
observed by the researcher and the shared reading activity
will be videotaped.
3. After leaving the home, the researcher will watch the
videotape and numerically score in appropriate columns and
written comments or other findings will also be recorded on
the data collection protocol.

49
Data Analysis
In keeping with the research questions and the categories of the two
inventories used in this study, I used a grounded theory approach to examine
emerging themes and engaged in a preliminary qualitative analysis of the data. This
approach and analysis strategy helped me determine what type of coding schema
could be used to describe the information shared by the families during the home
visits. While qualitative data is used prominently throughout this study, quantitative
data and its analysis contribute a fuller picture of the overall experience of family
home literacy education. To answer the main questions of this study, quantitative
data was presented primarily as descriptive statistics, through arithmetic mean,
standard deviation, and percentages of the EC HOME and ACIRI inventories. This
was added to the qualitative case study data as a means of completing the literacy
“picture” for each case. Employed to analyze each family’s case, these particular
themes were selected because they focus on my main research questions.
Furthermore, while reviewing the literature on family literacy, the literature
highlighted the importance of home literacy environments, its practices, and parent-
child interaction during reading as a link to early literacy development (Teale, 1986;
Bus, 2001).
50
Table 3
Major Category, Data Sources, and Factors
Major category / Theme Data Sources Factors
Home literacy environment EC. HOME inventory
Observation notes
Parental interviews
How frequently the parents read to
their children

The amount of literacy artifacts that
were available in the homes

The literacy experience of the parents
as well as literacy practice with the
children at the home
Home reading practice &
Experience
Parental interviews How the parents assisted their
children’s reading
Challenges Parental interviews Barriers that prevent from reading
practices at home

Cultural conflicts families face when
they read English children’s book
together.
The nature of the parent-child
interaction during shared book
Reading
1) Enhancing attention to text
2) Promoting interactive
reading and supporting
comprehension
3) Using literacy strategies
ACIRI inventory
Observation notes

Parental interviews
Video-analysis
Observed attachment, book-handling
skills, motivation and interest during
reading sessions of both the parent and
the child

Interactive behaviors related to
questioning & comprehension

Literacy strategies such as
identification of visual cues,
prediction, retelling and elaboration

In completing the analysis of each case study in this dissertational study, I
examined themes with cross-case analytic techniques to formulate study results
through finding patterned occurrences across the five cases, in relation to home
literacy education of these families. The following analysis steps are based on
51
Eisenhardt’s (1989) three tactics of cross-case analysis: (1) select categories and look
for similarities and differences among the families, (2) select pairs of cases and list
the similarities and differences between each pair, and (3) divide the data by data
source to exploit “unique insights possible from different types of data collection”
(pp.540-541). The following themes were obtained in the cross-case study analysis:

Table 4
Major Themes and Sub-themes
Major theme Sub-themes
Cross-case similarities in home literacy
environment & reading practices.
Reading resources at home.
Library usage.
Reading for academic purposes instead
of Recreational.
Cross-case similarities in challenges
encountered by Korean immigrant
parents to book reading.
Limited English proficiency.
Limited understanding of the U.S
cultures.
Difficulty in trying to convey the
cultural differences.
Difficulty in establishing clear criteria
for choosing appropriate English books
for their children.
The common influence from the case
study families’ shared Confucian
tradition on parent-child reading
interaction.
Hierarchical relationships.
High value on educational influence.
Family supports.
Ethics.
Comparisons across case studies in term of reading practices.
Comparisons across case studies for parental attitudes toward cultural and
linguistic conflicts.
52
CHAPTER FOUR
OUTCOMES
The chapter opens with a discussion about review of the purpose, the
participants of the study, and the methodology are presented. Following, the
outcomes of the each case study are presented through four key aspects; 1) the nature
of the families’ home literacy environments; 2) Home reading experience; 3)
Challenge and cultural conflicts families face when they read English children’s
books together at home 4) Parent-child interaction during shared book reading.
The Research Experience
Review of the Purpose and the Participants
The primary purpose of this dissertational study is to examine the nature of
the home literacy environment, practices of Korean immigrant families, and parent-
child book reading interactions within their socio-cultural contexts. I spent three
months gathering and organizing data from the Even Start program and five Korean
immigrant families. During this period, I implemented the research procedures
documented in chapter 3 of this dissertation.
This study investigates the home literacy environment of five Korean
immigrant families, who have participated in the Even Start Program in a suburban
city of Los Angeles County, by exploring the impact immigration has upon the
family literacy. Accompanying their home literacy environment and practices, this
study also explores parent-child interactions during book reading activities.
53
Review of the Methodology
The overall format of this dissertational study is first to provide a detailed
description of each of the five case studies and convey common themes and
differences, followed by thematic cross-case analysis. The description of case studies
were formulated using both qualitative and quantitative research result. Initial data
for this study was collected from observations at the homes of five participating
families (each family is described as a case). Scripts and field notes of the
observations along with notes from enrollment forms are combined with additional
data derived from The Early Childhood - Home Observation for Measurement of the
Environment (EC HOME) and Adult/Child Interactive Reading Inventory (ACIRI)
and transcripts from interviews with the mothers of each household (Appendix E).
Data Analysis and Result Procedures: Five separate case reports are
prepared, each offering rich descriptions of the nature of the home literacy
environment, practices, and parent/child interactions during book reading.
Furthermore, pseudonyms are used throughout the dissertation to ensure the
anonymity of the participants. I also chose Korean pseudonyms to reflect the families
actual ethnicity while anticipating that choosing Western or non-Korean names could
lead to confusion. The purpose of the data summary table provided at the beginning
of each case study is to present socio-demographic information regarding each
family within its individual context. The second section of each case study contains
facts regarding the nature of the families’ home literacy environments obtained from
the EC HOME inventory, in addition to home investigations and parent
54
questionnaires. These facts include how frequently the parents read to their children,
the amount of literacy artifacts that were available in the homes and the literacy
experience of the parents as well as literacy practice with the children at the home
(Chaney, 1994; Dickinson & DeTemple, 1998; Frijters, Barron, & Brunello, 2000).
The third section includes descriptive data obtained from in-depth family
interviews. This section also contains a report of how the parents assisted in their
children’s reading habits and description of the difficulties and cultural conflicts
families face when they read English children’s books together at home.
The final section represents a video analysis of the adult-child interactive
reading activities using the data from the Adult-Child Interactive Reading Inventory
(ACIRI) (DeBruin-Parecki, 2006), which is a systematic observational tool for
assessing the joint reading behaviors of both adults and children. The purpose of
using the inventory and its structures were detailed in the previous chapter.
Descriptive statistics related to the twelve parent-child literacy behaviors in the three
categories of ACIRI are presented in each case study write up as well. These
categories are: (a) enhancing attention to text, (b) promoting interactive
reading/supporting comprehension, and (c) using literacy strategies that were
observed during the book reading time. The information related to each behavior
under each category is in Appendix E of this dissertation. In addition, anecdotal
observational notes are included in this section coupled with each of the three
categories of the inventory.
55
After each of the five families was written up for each case, they were
categorized by similarities and differences to form a single cross-case analysis. The
data was analyzed, using the constant comparative method of data analysis, to
identify themes between the cases (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Merriam, 1998; Patton,
1990, 2002). These themes were then compared across the cases to arrive at common
classifications and discussed in relation to key research findings, which were
previously conducted in the field of family literacy research.

Case Study # 1: Focal Child: Dongin
Data Sources
Information collected for Dongin Kim’s family case study came from several
diverse data sources. These sources include transcripts from interviews with
Dongin’s mother, observational notes obtained during two visits, as well as HOME
and ACIRI inventories. The following data summary table represents descriptive
socio-demographic information obtained in the parent interview and enrollment
forms of the Even Start Program. This information is included as pertinent to this
dissertation as it provides background information about the immigrant family’s life
in America.
56
Table 5
Dongin Kim’s Family Characteristics
Categories Family Characteristics
Child age 4 ½ years
Child’s National Origin US Born
Gender of the child Male
Current child care arrangement Even Start Program
Age of Sibling 2 years
Language(s) spoken at home Korean
Mother’s Current Occupation Homemaker
Father’s Current Occupation Convenience store clerk
Parental Education Level Two-year College
Years in America 5 year

Dongin’s parents immigrated to the United States from Korea five years ago.
They have two children, Dongin and Heana. Dongin has participated in the Even
Start program at the suburban city district for one year. His parents each have two-
year college degrees which were attained in Korea. They speak very little English
and primarily use the Korean language at home. The father works at a small
convenience store and the mother is currently unemployed but has been attending a
lower level intermediate ESL (English as a Second Language) course in an adult
school for one year at the participating district.
Home Literacy Environments of the Korean Immigrant Families
The data relating to home literacy environments was compiled during two 2-
hour home visits. The EC HOME inventory and parent interview protocols were the
57
primary tools in collecting observational notes pertaining to the family’s literacy
environment. They are available for reference in the Appendix of this dissertation.
To examine the literacy environment of the family quantitatively, I focused on a
subscale score composed of the 16 items of EC HOME, which is primarily related to
reading and language activities in the home setting. I entered a plus (+) for each item
if the behavior was observed or a minus (-) if it was not.

Table 6
Kim Family’s Result of EC HOME
Items
1.Child has at least 10 children's books +
2. At least 10 books are visible in the apartment or home +
3. Family buys and reads a daily newspaper -
4. Family subscribes to at least one magazine -
5. Child has toys that help teach the names of animals +
6. Child is encouraged to learn the alphabet +
7. Parent teaches child simple verbal manners (please, thank you, I am sorry) +
8. Parent encourages child to talk and takes the time to listen +
9. Child is given a choice for breakfast or lunch +
10. Parent converses with child at least twice during visit +
11. Parent answers child's questions or requests verbally +
12. Parent usually responds verbally to child's speech +
13. Child is encouraged to learn patterned speech +
14. Child is encouraged to learn to read a few words +
15. Child can hit parent without harsh reprisal +
16. Child eats at least one meal on most days with mother and father +

58
The result of the inventory was that 14 items out of 16 were observed or
reported, which rates Dongin’s family as having a strong literacy environment.
However, two items were not reported: ‘Family buys and reads a daily newspaper’
and ‘Family subscribes to at least one magazine’. The key to these items is to
evaluate whether the family practices positive reading habits in their daily life. To
get a qualitative understanding of the family environment, I interviewed the mother
with questions related to the literacy environment based on the interview guidelines.
First, when I asked the mother why those items were absent in their home, Dongin’s
mother responded:
I’ve never subscribed or bought a daily newspaper since I came to America. I
do not want to spend money to buy a newspaper or to subscribe to a
magazine because I have difficulty in comprehending the English newspaper
and also I do not have enough money to subscribe to them, even if they were
written in Korean… In fact, I do not read or buy English books or newspaper
for my own pleasure. I only read and buy English children’s books in order to
read them to my child. I think I spend about $30 a month in buying books for
my child, but I do not buy any books for myself. I know that it is very
important that children see their parents reading and writing, but I can’t
practice them, books and newspapers in America are expensive. I want to buy
more children’s books if I have any extra money.

Illustrated by the quote above, the mother appeared to understand the importance of
parents’ reading and parental modeling of reading. However, she did not practice
them at home because of the difficulty in comprehending English books and the
family’s strained financial status. Furthermore, the mother spends a certain amount
of money buying books for her child but she does not buy any for herself, nor does
she read books for pleasure. This description of the mother supports Min’s findings
59
(1998) that Korean immigrant parents readily sacrifice their own desires for their
children’s education.
Overall, the result of EC HOME illustrates that the literacy environment of
Dongin’s family was relatively strong but the two areas related to modeling and
positive book reading habits were not practiced in the home because of the language
barrier and low Socio-Economic Status (SES). Reading was a burdensome task for
the mother but she recognized that it had to be done in order to help her child
develop proper literacy skills.
Reading Practice at Home and Challenges
Reading Practice and Barriers
When interviewed about the family’s literacy practice at home, the mother
reported that they take 30 minutes everyday reading together. The family did not
allocate a customary time to read storybooks together but it was a routine activity in
the family’s daily life. Furthermore, when asked about her perspective on shared
book reading, Ms. Kim responded by stating that she wanted to help her son expand
his vocabulary through it. Also, she used the reading to improve her own vocabulary
and writing skills.
The mother regularly purchases children’s books but refrains from going to
the library. She seemed to be uncomfortable with borrowing from the library because
of her inability to speak English well. Furthermore, she stated that selecting the
appropriate book for her child was a challenge for her. She said:
60
Because my child gets easily bored with books containing too many words, I
read books with more pictures such as Disney characters that he likes. ……..
Actually, I don’t know which book is good for my child. Thus, I prefer the
award-winning authors’ books, similar to Eric Carle’s, because those are
widely accepted and recommended as good books from other Korean
mothers.

With regard to selecting an appropriate book for her child, Ms. Kim added that her
main concern was not the appropriate age level or the different genre. Instead, she
focused on the illustrations and main characters that appealed to her child. In
addition, the mother tended to trust the award winning authors’ books because of
their popularity. Ms. Kim continued by expressing her feelings when reading a book
to her child:
Actually, I am uncomfortable when I read an English book with my child.
My bad pronunciation discourages me from reading English books with my
child. Sometimes, I doubt whether my child understands the content of a
book if I read it only in English. I worry about it….. That’s why I explain it
in Korean again.

She seemed uncomfortable with her pronunciation and believed that it may hinder
her child’s comprehension. Besides selecting the right book and concerns about her
pronunciation, she faced other barriers when she read to her child:
I often cannot fully understand the content of an English children’s book. …I
make up the story based on the pictures. Also, if I see some words that I do
not know, I look up the words in the electronic dictionary. Whenever I do so,
my child doesn’t seem to concentrate. This makes me frustrated. If I were in
Korea and read books in Korean, I might not face such difficulties…

As illustrated earlier, Dongin’s mother also stated that she felt she would have a
greater responsibility in assisting her child become a competent reader if she and her
family still lived in Korea. Although Ms. Kim does believe that parents should feel
61
responsibility for teaching their children literacy, she is unconfident and frustrated
with the obstacles and problems that arise in trying to teach her son. Her lack of
confidence in regard to the role of the parent in a child’s literacy learning was due to
her limited language ability and competency in the new country. Her statements
demonstrate how changes in environmental factors can affect the immigrant family’s
home literacy practices and the role of parents in child’s literacy learning.
Cultural Differences & Conflicts
The Kim family also experienced cultural differences and conflicts when they
read together. Mrs. Kim explained that she often noticed these cultural differences
related to the content between Korean and English storybooks because she reads
both types to her child on a regular basis. The mother commented that the features of
Korean books tend, because of the influence of Confucian philosophy, to emphasize
the promotion of virtue and reproach of vice, encouraging good and punishing evil:
I think a lot of Korean children’s books, especially fairy tales, deal with ideas
of promotion of virtue and reproach of vice. Most of the characters in books
are formatted and depicted as either as good or evil in closed structures.
When recalling books that I read in my childhood, I had most of my books
based on these themes. When characters of the storybooks do not act in good
faith, a monster appears and punishes them. On the other hand, the monster
would reward them if they do well. Many books teach the basics of good and
bad. Even books of the life of a great man focus on those kind of concepts.

She criticized this concept as possibly hindering children’s opportunities to view the
world directly and independently. Furthermore, she believes that English children’s
books reflect more real life situations. Some American fairy tales that include similar
62
concepts explain the meaning of justice rather than discriminate good behavior from
bad behavior:
While American books focus on events happening during Christmas or
attempt to explain the origin of Christmas, many Korean books have more
content in teaching the concept of morals related to Christmas. I don’t like
books that only focus on what is wrong or right. So, I prefer to read more
English books to him rather than Korean books.

The mother added that her child also seemed to experience cultural conflicts when
reading American books. She illustrated Dongin’s experience by quoting her child:
While we read an English book together, my child abruptly said “Mom, it is
strange. There are no kids who have a yellow face and black hair like me.
They have white face and yellow hair.” I did not notice that the kids in the
book were all white-skinned before my child pointed it out. I attempted to
explain it to him by showing a Korean book, “See this Korean book.
Koreans have yellow faces. Right? And all kids in the book have yellow
faces and black hair, right? Many people in America have white or pale skin.
Thus, the book includes pictures of many white children….” He said, “Mom!
We are in America, right? But there are no white kids in my school.” At that
time, I could not explain any further. I could not…

Since the child attends the Even Start preschool program which provides for low-
income or immigrant families in the suburban city district, the majority of children
attending the suburban city preschool are of Hispanic, Korean and Japanese descent;
there are no or very few Caucasian students attending the school.
Mrs. Kim did not explicitly point out the biased American culture or lack of
diversity reflected in the content of some American children’s books. However, the
mother and the child seemed to notice the gap between the real cultural diversity that
the child may be familiar with from his daily life and the representations of culture
that were found in the content of the children’s books. According to Yokota (1993),
63
children’s books in which children see similarities to their own lives and experiences
offer the young reader the opportunity to identify and even bond with the book’s
characters. However, immigrant children like Dongin rarely share in this
opportunity because the topics and characters of American children’s books are not
familiar to them; furthermore, some of the content in the books are culturally biased.
The Nature of the Korean Parent and Child Interaction
during Shared Book Reading
To understand the nature of the parent-child literacy interaction, I observed
Dongin and his mother’s book reading activities. For observational purposes, I gave
the family a selection of four books all written by the same author that matched for
difficulty and vocabulary level and then asked them to choose two books that they
wanted to read. I videotaped two interactive readings sessions in their home and after
the videotaping was complete, I left the Kim household and scored their two reading
activities using the Adult/Child Interactive Reading Inventory (ACIRI) inventory and
analyzed them based on ‘A Guide to Using ACIRI’ (DeBruin-Parecki, 2006). The
ACIRI evaluated twelve literacy behaviors arranged in two columns (adult and child
behaviors) and divided them into three categories: a) enhancing attention to text b)
promoting interactive reading and supporting comprehension, and c) using literacy
strategies. Four behaviors are listed under each category and are rated 0 to 3; 0 = no
evidence, 1= infrequently (1 time), 2 = some of the time (2-3 times) and 3 = most of
the time (4 or more times). In the following section is a presentation of the overall
result of the ACIRI related to three categories. Also, each category is explained
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under the subtitle of each category in detail. The following contains information
from data collected through the ACIRI inventory and observation note.

Table 7
Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Kim Family
Mother Child Items
Mean Percent Mean Percent
Enhancing Attention to text 2.25 75 % 1.5 50 %
Promoting Interactive
Reading and Supporting
Comprehension
2.25 75 % 2.25 75 %
Using Literacy Strategies 0.5 17 % 0.75 25 %
Total 1.7 57 % 1.5 50 %

According to Table 7 above, the total adult mean score of the Adult/Child
Interactive Reading Inventory (M =1.7; 57 %) is higher than the child’s mean score
in reading behaviors (M=1.; 50%). As represented in the Table, the data shows that
the second category, ‘Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting
Comprehension’ holds the highest mean score (adult: M = 2.25; 75% and child:
M=2.25; 75%) in reading behaviors for both the adult and the child while the mean
score of ‘Using Literacy Strategies’ is the lowest mean score (adult: M =0.5 =17%
and child: M = 0.75; 25%). In addition, the adult mean score of ‘Enhancing Attention
to Text’ (M=2.25; 75%) is also as high as ‘Promoting Interactive Reading” but the
child’s mean score is lower than the highest scoring category(M=1.5; 50%).
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In sum, the results of ACIRI parent-child behaviors revealed that the family
often utilizes the first two categories of the inventory such as ‘Enhancing attention to
text’ and ‘Promoting interactive reading and supporting comprehension’ rather than
‘Using literary strategies.’ Therefore, it is the evident that ‘Using literacy strategies’
is the category most essential to address for the Kim family. In the following section,
each category of parent-child reading behaviors is explained based on video analysis
and observation notes.
Enhancing Attention to Text. The purpose of the first category is to observe
attachment, book-handling skills, motivation and interest during reading sessions of
both the parent and the child. Table 8 represents the result of the first category,
‘Enhancing Attention to Text’ for both the mother and the child that I observed
through video-analysis.

Table 8
Kim Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult attempts to promote and maintain
physical proximity.
3 1. Child seeks and maintains
physical proximity.
2
2. Adult sustains interest and attention
through use of child adjusted language,
positive affect, and reinforcement.
3 2. Child pays attention and
sustains interest.
1
3. Adult gives child opportunity to hold book
and turn pages.
0 3. Child holds book and turns
pages on his/her own when asked.
1
4. Adult shares book with child (i.e., displays
sense of audience in book handling when
reading).
3 4. Child initiates or responds to
book sharing which takes his/her
presence into account.
2

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As this table shows, three of the adult behaviors in the first category,
‘Enhancing attention to text’ occurred often during book reading. Before reading a
book, the mother invited the child to sit next to her, close enough to see the book.
While reading, she attempted to keep the child interested by reading in different
voices that were representative of the storybook’s characters. However, one of the
behaviors, ‘Gives the child an opportunity to hold the book and turn pages,’ did not
occur during the mother-child reading interaction. Although the mother did not give
the child a chance to turn the pages, the child often attempted to grab the book and
turn the pages himself. Whenever he grabbed the book, the mother moved her son’s
hand onto her lap and prevented him from holding onto it. Two child behaviors,
‘Maintains physical proximity’ and ‘Child initiates book sharing that takes his
presence into account’ occurred several times but the child also often seemed to get
easily distracted.
During the reading session, the mother read the book in English while
translating it into Korean, sentence by sentence. Once the mother translated the book
into Korean, the child requested the mother read the book in English only. The
mother responded to her child in the following dialogue:
Dialogue 1 (Mother -Dongin)
M: Can you understand if I read it only in English?
C: But my preschool teacher read a book only in English.
M: When your teacher read the book in English, do you understand
everything?
C: No but...
M: You may not understand it all, right? That’s why I am reading the book in
both languages. Do you understand what I mean?
C: Ok… but my teacher always reads it in English.
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Because the child was used to being read books in English at the preschool, he
wanted his mother to read the book in English. However, the mother assumed that
her child did not fully understand the content of the storybook without first checking
his comprehension of the sentences and content of the story. Rather than allowing
her son to be actively involved and share his input, the mother tried to control the
reading atmosphere and was not open to her son’s ideas. Overall,in relation to the
first category, ‘Enhancing Attention to Text’, the mother seemed primarily to attempt
to shape and control the behavior and attitudes of her child.
Promoting interactive reading and supporting comprehension. The second
category, ‘Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension’ consists
of four parent-child book reading interactive behaviors related to questioning and
comprehension. The following table shows the results of the mother and the child’s
behavior related to the second category:

Table 9
Kim Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult poses and solicits questions
about the book’s content.
2 1. Child responds to questions about the
book.
2
2. Adult points to pictures and words to
assist the child in identification and
understanding.
3 2. Child responds to adult cues or
identifies pictures and words on his or
her own.
3
3. Adult relates the book’s content and
the child’s responses to personal
experiences.
2 3. Child attempts to relate the book’s
content to personal experiences.
2
4. Adult pauses to answer questions
that the child poses.
2 4. Child poses questions about the story
and related topics.
2
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While reading, the mother mainly explained the book’s content to her child
by pointing at pictures and words to assist the child in understanding it in Korean. At
times, she solicited many questions and related the book’s content to the child’s
experiences but did not ask him if he had any questions during the reading session.
The result of the inventory related to the second category was positive, yielding the
highest mean score among other three. This number, however, can be misleading
because although the number of the second category interactions was high, the
quality of the interactions was not meaningful because the parent would usually not
ask questions that needed much thought. The following dialogue represents the
typical interaction patterns during book reading for the Kim family:
Dialogue 2
M: See this picture, the bear came to this room. Wow, look at this room.
There are many beds, right? The bear may be in the furniture section of the
department store.
C: Mom, does the policeman treat the bear well?
M: Yes. Listen well. Ok? (continues reading…)
C: Mom! See here. Is this the place where the bear lives here?
M: Uh? Oh, Yes. (Continues reading while holding her child’s hand…..)

As we can see in the above dialogue, the child seemed to want to add more content
to the book by asking if the bear lived in the department store. However, when the
child attempted to pose questions by pointing at different pictures, the mother often
did not make much effort to answer her child’s questions and did not put much
thought into what he was asking. Instead, the mother answered somewhat
automatically, “yes”, that the bear lived in the department store and continued to read
69
the book. She might have assumed that the child’s questions were irrelevant to the
content or topic of the story.
Overall, I observed that the interaction between the mother and child was not
a give-and-take, in which there were open ended questions which would foster
creativity and thought in the child. Instead, the mother would ask yes-no questions,
which had obvious answers, and would ask questions rhetorically to keep the child
involved and help him comprehend. However, she tended to spoon feed all the
questions and answers to her child even though the child often attempted to use his
creativity to add more.
Using Literacy Strategies. The third category, ‘Using Literacy Strategies’
consists of four parent-child book reading interactive behaviors related to
identification and comprehension: identification of visual cues, prediction, retelling,
and elaboration. As Table 3 describes, this category is the weakest area for both the
mother (M = 0.5; 16%) and child (M = 0.75; 25%). The following table shows the
result of the mother and the child related to the category:
70
Table 10
Kim Family’s Using Literacy Strategies
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult identifies visual cues related
to story reading (picture, repetitive
words).
1 1. Child responds to the adult and/or
identifies visual cues related to the story
him or herself.
1
2. Adult solicits predictions. 1 2. Child is able to guess what will happen
next based on picture cues.
1
3. Adult asks the child to recall
information from the story.
0 3. Child is able to guess what will happen
next based on picture cues.
0
4. Adult elaborate on the child’s
ideas.
0 4. Child spontaneously offers ideas about
the story.
1

Although the mother identified visual cues and repetitive words for the child
to help him understand the story while reading with him, she used them infrequently.
The child responded to his mother’s cues by simply nodding without elaborating on
his mother’s comments. Furthermore, the mother never asked Dongin to predict or to
use his imagination and did not stop reading the book in order to recall content from
the story and revisit previous pages. Only once did the child volunteer his ideas
about the pictures and add more information. However, Ms. Kim did not elaborate
on her child’s ideas because his comments were unrelated to the main topic of the
storybook. At the end of the story, the mother attempted to give a lesson related to
the topic of being nice to others by summarizing the story.
Dialogue 3
M: Now that we have finished the story, have you noticed that the main
character Lisa treated Corduroy very nicely even though Corduroy was a toy?
You have many toy friends in your room like Power Rangers and many
stuffed animals. You have to be nice to them. Ok?
C: But mom, there are some bad friends too. Can I fight them?
71
M: What are you talking about? Even though they are bad, you have to treat
them well. Ok? Make sure that you’re nice to everybody.
C: Ok.

As illustrated in dialogue 3, when the child attempted to suggest ideas beyond the
main topic, the mother chose not to answer his question. Instead, she emphasized an
uncompromising answer rather than attempting to explain why he should act a
certain way.
Throughout the reading session, the mother administered the book reading
activity and seemed to expect passive and compliant behavior from her child..
Accordingly, the child accepted the information from the mother readily, and rarely
expressed his own opinions or questions during the reading session. Kim argued that
this style of child rearing is often observed in parent-child conversations in Korea
(2002). Furthermore, the researcher warned that this type of parental rearing could
lead to passive and compliant behavior in children and could hinder a child’s
creativity and critical thinking skills.
Summary of Kim Family’s Case
The family household displays a strong literacy environment which is
exemplified by the practices of frequent book reading at home. The mother
expressed strong motivation to read English books and initiated book reading
activities at home in order to help her child improve his English vocabulary as well
as her own English skills. She also regularly bought children’s books in spite of the
family’s tight financial status. However, the mother expressed hesitation in reading
English books with her children, mainly due to her limited language skills.
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Both the mother and child experienced cultural conflicts when they read an
English book in comparison with different content and illustrations from Korean
books. The mother preferred to read American books in English texts rather than
Korean ones since she believes that the Confucian philosophy reflected in Korean
books tend to hinder children’s opportunities to view the world directly and
independently. In regard to the nature of the parent-child literacy interaction, the
results of ACIRI parent-child behaviors revealed that the family often utilized the
first two categories of the inventory such as ‘Enhancing Attention to Text’ and
‘Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension’ but rarely practiced
‘Using Literary Strategies.’ Based on the results of the inventory developed by
western researchers’ emergent literacy perspectives, the third category is the family’s
weakest area. However, I found that several parent and child behaviors in the
inventory were not utilized because they are often discouraged in their cultural
contexts. For example, within their Confucian-influenced culture, the children are
given facts from the parents or teacher and therefore rarely express their own
opinions or questions at home.

Case Study # 2: Focal Child: Gaeun
Data Sources
Data for Gaeun Chung’s family was derived from a variety of different
sources that include reports from interviewing Gaeun’s mother, observation notes
73
recorded during two visits to the Chung household, as well as HOME and ACIRI
inventories.
The following data summary Table (Table 11) represents descriptive
information obtained from the parent interview and from enrollment forms for the
Even Start Program. (The collected data provides additional background information
about the life of this immigrant family.)

Table 11
Gaeun Chung’s Family Characteristics
Categories Family Characteristics
Child age 4 ½
Child’s National Origin South Korea
Gender of the child Female
Current child care arrangement Even Start Program
Age of Sibling 8
Language(s) spoken at home Korean
Mother’s Current Occupation Homemaker
Father’s Current Occupation Unemployed
Parental Education Level 4-year College
Years in America 1 year

It has been one year since the Chung family immigrated to the United States
from South Korea. The family consists of an unemployed father and mother as well
as two children: Gaeun, age four, and her eight year old brother, Minsu. The family
74
uses Korean at home all the time and Gaeun has participated in the Even Start
program in the suburban city district for approximately one year.
Gaeun’s parents each have four-year college degrees from Korea but have
struggled to succeed in America. When the family was still residing in Korea, the
mother was an elementary school teacher and the father was a businessman at a
large, well-known company. Though they came to United States to pursue a “better
life,” they have not yet been able to find jobs that meet their expectations. They
believe that factors such as language and cultural barriers have posed formidable
obstacles to their ability to find jobs and be successful in America.
Nature of the Home Literacy Environment
of the Korean Immigrant Family
The data for this case study were collected from observations during two
visits to the Chung family’s home, each of which lasted approximately 2 hours. The
EC HOME inventory and parent interview documents were the main tools in
collecting observational notes and are available in the Appendix of this dissertational
study. To access the literacy environment of the family quantitatively, I focused on a
subscale score composed of the 16 items of EC HOME, which is most related to
reading and language activities in the home setting. I entered a plus (+) for each item
if the behavior was apparent or reported a minus (-) if it was not. According to the
results, Gaeun’s family demonstrates having a strong literacy environment in that 15
items (93.7%) are observed or reported. However, ‘Family subscribes to at least one
magazine’, was not observed, just as it was in the previous case study, This item
75
implies evaluation of whether the family has positive reading habits in their daily
life.

Table 12
Chung Family’s Result of EC HOME
Items
1.Child has at least 10 children's books +
2. At least 10 books are visible in the apartment or home +
3. Family buys and reads a daily newspaper +
4. Family subscribes to at least one magazine -
5. Child has toys that help teach the names of animals +
6. Child is encouraged to learn the alphabet +
7. Parent teaches child simple verbal manners (please, thank you, I am sorry) +
8. Parent encourages child to talk and takes the time to listen +
9. Child is given a choice for breakfast or lunch +
10. Parent converses with child at least twice during visit +
11. Parent answers child's questions or requests verbally +
12. Parent usually responds verbally to child's speech +
13. Child is encouraged to learn patterned speech +
14. Child is encouraged to learn to read a few words +
15. Child can hit parent without harsh reprisal +
16. Child eats at least one meal on most days with mother and father +

I interviewed the mother with questions related to the literacy environment
based on the interview protocol. First, when I asked the mother why the family does
not subscribe to a magazine, Ms. Chung responded by stating that she enjoys reading
newspapers, but on the other hand, she believes that reading magazines is a waste of
76
time. Based on her quote, I found that the Reading Magazines item in EC HOME
was not necessarily appropriate for measuring this family’s literacy environment
because of the mother’s views on magazine reading and its value.
The family owns approximately 100 children’s English and Korean books.
The mother added that the family’s financial hardship is not a factor in her decision
to buy books for her child. Ms. Chung’s comment indicates that she, like many
Korean immigrant parents, is willing to sacrifice her own desires for the sake of her
children’s education.
In conclusion, the literacy environment of the Chung family is relatively
strong, although they face barriers such as limited language skills and low SES that
may prevent Gaeun’s parents from developing a strong literacy environment for
Gaeun.
Reading Practice at Home and Challenges
Reading Practice and Barriers
Much like the Kim family from the previous case study, storybook reading is
a routine activity in the Chungs’ daily lives. When I asked Ms. Chung to describe
what the family does to encourage their child’s English reading development, she
reported that they have 30 minutes of storybook reading every day before bedtime
and that they read at least three books a day. Ms. Chung also mentioned that she
reads books most of the time to her children, while her husband also reads books to
Gaeun and Minsu occasionally. The main reason why the mother reads English
storybooks with her children is because she wants to help them develop their English
77
language ability through shared book reading. The mother stated that she often points
out certain words in the English books and defines them in Korean for Gaeun,
hoping that her child will learn the words at a faster pace.
The family often checks out books from a library. But recently, because the
Gaeun had expressed a desire to have her own books and enjoys reading them on a
regular basis, the parents have bought the books for her rather than borrowing them
from the library. The mother complained that price of children’s book in America is
very expensive in comparison with book prices in Korea. Thus, she often buys books
at moving sales because she can buy them at cheap prices. When the mother was
asked whether she has a certain criteria for buying her children’s books, she confided
that she did not know what kinds of books in English were appropriate for her to
read to her child. When selecting a book for her child, Ms. Chung expressed that her
main concern was not the book’s content but its illustrations and its ability to appeal
to children. She expressed that Gaeun’s preschool teacher and other Korean mothers
recommended appropriate children’s books, such as books by Dr. Seuss. However,
she stated that she did not understand why those particular books are beneficial for
children:
I heard that some people like the books by Dr. Seuss. However, I don’t know
what his books try to transmit. I think there is no clear content. I don’t know
why people like to buy his books. In his book, there are many repeated
words. Sometimes, they seem to be meaningless. And I also find it difficult to
pronounce the repeated phonemes and sounds of his books when I read book
with my children.

78
This testimony suggests that the mother needs to understand the role of
phonological processing in the acquisition of reading in the alphabetic language. For
example, the book, “There’s a Wocket in My Pocket,” by Dr. Seuss, is full of
delightful nonsense rhymes with a wonderful potential for continuing silly sound
play beyond the text (Yopp, 1995). From Ms. Chung’s perspective, those rhymes are
meaningless because she does not understand that the rhymes have the potential to
encourage children to develop phonemic awareness. This can pose a barrier that may
prevent this mother from reading the books to her child because those repeated
phonemes are difficult for her to pronounce. According to Lance and Beverly,
parents should play a key role in teaching phonemic awareness skills to preschoolers
(2003). However, the mother explained that she might need to acquire these skills for
herself before she can teach them to her child. When I asked Gaeun’s mother to
describe how she reads a book to her child at home, she confirmed that she reads the
English sentence on a page first and then translates it to Korean, which is similar to
the practice of the other Korean mothers discussed in this dissertation’s case studies.
She also stated that she rarely raised questions regarding comprehension while
reading, but tried to answer the questions that her child asked instead.
When Gaeun seems to get distracted during the reading session, the mother
attempts to grab her attention by warning her to listen. In explanation, Gaeun’s
mother commented,
As you know, in Korean culture, Korean parents want their children to obey
them…Actually, I don’t read her books if she doesn’t pay attention….
Because she knows that I don’t like it when she loses focus and that I’ll stop
79
reading to her, she is afraid of hearing me say that I won’t continue. So, she
tries to focus more on the book when we read together.

As I explained in Chapter 2, Korean parents often seek control and emphasize
obedience when they teach their children (Kim, 2002). It was interesting to hear how
the mother recognized her own cultural tendency in her attempts to catch her
daughter’s attention. She recognized that her own background brought her to that
point of frustration that she would have to warn her child to listen or not be read to.
However, instead of just warning her child, the mother could have also attempted to
make the story more interesting and interactive to captivate her child’s attention,
rather than only telling her child to pay attention. Thus, in Gaeun’s mother’s case the
authoritarian parenting features are interwoven between her cultural traditions and
her views on literacy education, as it is with many other Korean parents (Kim, 2000).
The mother complained of difficulties when reading English books to her
child and illustrated several barriers she encountered in the process. First, the mother
pointed out that her limited English proficiency and the use of baby words in certain
children’s books often bothered her comprehension. The mother stated:
It is difficult to understand the content of the book because of my limited
English proficiency. Sometimes, I think that it is more difficult to figure out
the content of children’s books than the content of the adult books because
many children’s books include terms that we use in the infant period, for
instance, “peek-a-boo”. That kind of term is learned in the infancy period.
But because I did not spend my infant period here, those terms are new words
to me.

The mother added that she attempted to find those terms in a dictionary but often
failed to find the words because many dictionaries for English learners do not
80
include basic infant terms. She continued to point out that her limited background
knowledge of American culture creates another barrier that hinders her
comprehension:
Some English books that deal with stories about Native American life,
Mexican-American life, and diverse races in America are really difficult to
understand. Even if those books were written in Korean, I might not
understand the content because I am not familiar with their cultures. When I
read those books, I don’t know what I have to tell to my child. Thus, I often
tell her that I don’t know and am used to telling her, “let’s just see the
pictures”

In addition, the mother is distressed that her poor pronunciation will also affect her
child and cause future pronunciation problems, which makes her reluctant to read
English books with her child:
For definitions of words I do not know, it is not much of a problem because I
can just look them up in a dictionary before reading. But pronunciation can
be a bigger problem because the sound I want to make in my mind and what I
actually say are totally different sometimes. And I don’t know where it is
proper to pause when reading long sentences.

Overall, the Chung family believes that it is vital to read children’s books with their
child everyday and provide reading materials through various methods. However, the
family has difficulty in choosing appropriate books for the child. Furthermore, the
mother also faced difficulties due to her lack of exposure to infant words and
Contemporary European American culture. Difficulties due to cultural differences
and conflicts will be further explained in the next section.
Cultural Differences & Conflicts
The family experiences various cultural conflicts when they read English
books together. The mother explained that, while she does not mind learning
81
American culture through book reading with her children, she sometimes finds it
difficult to accept some behaviors that are quite different from the mannerisms in
Korean culture. The mother stated:
American kids seem to have a lack of respect for their parents and elders and
for authority. For example, they often interrupt elders’ conversations, talk
back to and argue with parents or teachers. When I read English storybooks
with my child, I often notice these behaviors reflected in the books.

From the perspective of this immigrant mother, behavior of American children is
viewed as disrespectful and a sign of ungratefulness to parents, which are
unacceptable behaviors in the Korean culture. As mentioned in chapter 2 of this
dissertation, in a Confucian-influenced society like Korea, all human relationships
are based on the concepts of loyalty and obedience. In traditional and even modern
Korean society, parents have taught their children to respect and obey their parents,
teachers and elders (Kwon, 2002). Since obedience and respect for the elders has
long been considered a virtue in Korean society, Gaeun’s mother hopes that her
children will not be influenced by American children’s behavior portrayed in the
books, which is quite different from what is acceptable in Korea. The mother
expressed her wish through an anecdote related to those manners:
I visited a Korean-American family’s house in Orange County a month ago.
The second generation Korean-American child just kept sitting at the
computer saying “Bye” when my family was leaving. I couldn’t understand
how a child can just wave his hand without manners when the elders were
leaving. In Korea, when the elders come and go, it is good manners to stand
and see the guest off politely. When we came back home, my husband and I
promised each other that we would not educate our children to behave
without manners. But sometimes, I find my children unconsciously following
the manners that they learn from books and television programs. Whenever I
find them doing it, I point it out to them. So, to keep manners my first child
82
bows to her teacher, as Korean manners dictate, when saying “Hi”.
Americans might find this kind of funny… When American manners are
really against those of Koreans and are considered rude to Koreans, I would
rather follow the Korean culture. I believe it is the way of keeping my
identity as a Korean living in America.

The mother believes she should teach her children Korean manners such as duties of
reverence and service to elders even though the children would continue to live here
in the United States. Gaeun’s mother, still being relatively new to America, has a
higher resistance to certain aspects of American culture, especially when they
conflict with her Korean culture. At times, these cultural conflicts also cause
difficulty for her when reading with her child, in addition to the other challenges
previously mentioned.
The Nature of the Korean Parent and Child Interaction
during Shared Book Reading
For this part of the study, I utilized the same procedures that were applied in
the previous cases. The following contains information from data collected through
the ACIRI inventory and observation notes.

Table 13
Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Chung Family
Mother Child Items
Mean Percent Mean Percent
Enhancing Attention to Text 2.5 83 % 2 66 %
Promoting Interactive Reading and
Supporting Comprehension
2.25 75 % 2.25 75 %
Using Literacy Strategies 0.5 17 % 0.75 25 %
Total 1.75 58.3 % 1.7 57 %
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As the results of Table 13 indicate, the total adult mean score of the
Adult/Child Interactive Reading Inventory (M =1.75; 58.3 %) is higher than the
child’s mean score in reading behaviors (M=1.67; 57%). The data shows that the first
category, ‘Enhancing Attention to text,’ holds the highest mean score (adult: M =
2.5; 83% ) in reading behaviors for Ms.Chung and her mean score of the category is
much higher than her child’s mean score (child: M=2; 66%). Promoting Interactive
Reading and Supporting Comprehension’ holds the highest mean score in reading
behaviors for Gaeun but Ms.Chung holds the same mean score on this category with
Gaeun. Similar to the data for the Kim family, the mean score of ‘Using Literacy
Strategies’ is also the lowest mean score (adult: M =0.5 =17% and child: M = 0.75;
25%) for the Chung family. In sum, the results of ACIRI parent-child behaviors
exhibited that the Chung family often utilizes the first two categories of the inventory
such as ‘Enhancing attention to text’ and ‘Promoting interactive reading and
supporting comprehension’ rather than ‘Using literary strategies.’ Thus, as the results
of ACRI in the previous case study indicate, it is also evident that ‘Using literacy
strategies’ is the category that needs most urgent attention for the Chung family. In
the following section, each category of parent-child reading behaviors is explained
based on video analysis and observation notes.
Enhancing attention to text. Table 14 exhibits the result of the first category
‘Enhancing Attention to Text’ for both Ms. Chung and Gaeun that I observed through
video-analysis:

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Table 14
Chung Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult attempts to promote and
maintain physical proximity.
3 1. Child seeks and maintains physical
proximity.
2
2. Adult sustains interest and attention
through use of child adjusted
language, positive affect, and
reinforcement.
3 2. Child pays attention and sustains
interest.
1
3. Adult gives child opportunity to
hold book and turn pages.
1 3. Child holds book and turns pages on
his/her own when asked.
1
4. Adult shares book with child (ie.,
displays sense of audience in book
handling when reading).
3 4. Child initiates or responds to book
sharing which takes his/her presence
into account.
2

Three adult behaviors in the first category, ‘Enhancing attention to text,’ occurred
most of the time during book reading. First, the mother invited Gaeun to sit closely
so that they both could see the book and interact. The mother started to read the book
in English from the first page and then translated the story in Korean to the child.
During reading, she tried to get her child’s attention by speaking in different voices
that are representative of the storybook’s characters. Gaeun seemed to enjoy her
mother’s reading in character voices and often imitated her mother’s voice.
However, the mother rarely gave the child an opportunity to hold the book and turn
pages during the mother-child reading interaction. Gaeun continued to sit closely to
her mother when the mother sustained physical proximity during the reading session.
While Gaeun listened to her mother’s reading calmly, her attention and interest were
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inconsistent. Furthermore, she did not attempt to hold the book or turn the pages but
rather passively listened to her mother’s reading.
Overall, the mother and the child are relatively strong in Enhancing Attention
to Text category, except for item 3 of sharing the book and having the child flip the
pages. As with the Kim family’s case, Gaeun and her mother’s low occurrence of
item 3 may signal that the mother wants to maintain control which led to Gaeun
rarely attempting to hold the book or turn the pages. Although Gaeun reacted
passively and was at times disinterested, the mother’s strong desire had positive
effects during the reading sessions.
Promoting interactive reading and supporting comprehension. Table 15
shows the results of the mother and the child in regard to the second category:

Table 15
Chung Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult poses and solicits questions
about the book’s content.
2 1. Child responds to questions about
the book.
3
2. Adult points to pictures and words
to assist the child in identification and
understanding.
3 2. Child responds to adult cues or
identifies pictures and words on his or
her own.
3
3. Adult relates the book’s content and
the child’s responses to personal
experiences.
2 3. Child attempts to relate the book’s
content to personal experiences.
2
4. Adult pauses to answer questions
that the child poses.
2 4. Child poses questions about the story
and related topics.
1

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Ms Chung’s mean score for the second category, ‘Promoting interactive reading and
supporting comprehension,’ (M = 2.25; 75%) is equivalent to the the child’s mean
score of the second category (M = 2.25; 75 %).
During reading, the mother often asked questions related to the content or
picture of the book. Mostly, the mother initiated questions and the child answered
her questions. The mother mainly asked Yes- No and Wh-questions (“Look, what’s
that?”, “Where is the bear”) but rarely asked open-ended questions such as “why” or
“how” questions which reflect or motivate a higher level of curiosity (Tizard et al,
1983). She often pointed at pictures to help the child understand. Also, the child
rarely initiated questions about the story and mainly listened to her mother’s reading
except for responding to the cues that the mother provided in regard to pictures. The
mother often paused to answer questions that the child raised. However, the mother’s
way of evaluating a statement the child made was quite interesting. For example,
when the child gave a correct answer, the mother explicitly gave positive feedback
(i.e., ‘You are right’, and “you are correct”). However, when the child’s answer was
incorrect, the mother explicitly pointed out the child’s wrong answer (i.e., ‘No, it is
wrong’) and gave the right answer without giving Gaeun a chance to correct herself
and without attempting to give questions to redirect the her wrong answers. The
mother rarely offered an explanation for why Gaeun’s answers were wrong, nor did
she try to identify how the child arrived at her wrong answer or idea. The following
are examples of the mother’s methods of giving feedback and the child’s responses.
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Dialogue 1 (Mother-Gaeun)
M: “Who is the person?
C : It is a policeman
Mother : No, it is not a policeman. It is a watchman. Ok?

Dialogue 2
M: Where is the watchman going ?
C: He is going upstairs.
M: No, he is going downstairs. Look at the picture carefully. Right?
C: Yes.

The child passively accepted her mother’s answer rather than spontaneously
explaining the reason why she answered “policeman” or offering her ideas to her
mother. The mother did not ask the child if she had any questions during the book
reading session. Occasionally, the mother put forth an effort to make the content of
the book relevant to the child’s life experiences.
Dialogue 3
Mother: See, the bear lost his button.
Child: Yes.
Mother: When you play, you must be careful not to lose a button.
Child: Ok.
Mother: If you notice your button is missing, try to search. And if you find it,
put it in your pocket
Child: I see.
The mother seemed to want to give a lesson rather than asking or sharing
their experience related to the story. In Korea, parents and teachers often emphasize
working on well-defined problems with clear results and getting good grades that can
be compared to others. Thus, children accept information from elders readily, and
rarely express their own opinions or questions in the classroom or at home, leading
to children’s passive and compliant behavior (Kim, 2002). This typical adult-
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centered learning atmosphere and Korean cultural manner was interwoven in
Ms.Chung and Gaeun’s shared book reading experiences.
Using Literacy Strategies. As Table 16 describes below, this category is the
weakest area for both the mother (M = 0.5; 16%) and child (M = 0.75; 25%):

Table 16
Chung Family’s Using Literacy Strategies
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult identifies visual cues related
to story reading (picture, repetitive
words).
1 1. Child responds to the adult and/or
identifies visual cues related to the
story him or herself.
1
2. Adult solicits predictions. 1 2. Child is able to guess what will
happen next based on picture cues.
1
3. Adult asks the child to recall
information from the story.
0 3. Child is able to guess what will
happen next based on picture cues.
0
4. Adult elaborates on the child’s
ideas.
0 4. Child spontaneously offers ideas
about the story.
1

Ms. Chung occasionally utilized cues by using the illustrations in the book as the
topic of discussion. However, the mother did not attempt to ask Gaeun to repeat or to
point to words when she read from the text. Although the child mostly responded to
her mother’s cues, this generally consisted of nodding without elaborating on her
mother’s comments. The following transcript is a typical interaction between Ms.
Chung and Gaeun during shared book reading:
Dialogue 4
M: Look. You see? There is a bear. He is going upstairs (pointing to the
picture in the book). You see him?
C: (nods)
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In addition, the mother rarely asked her child to predict or to use her imagination and
never stopped during book reading to recall information from the story or revisit
previous pages. And the child also rarely guessed what would happen next based on
the picture cues and during the majority of the reading time, she passively listened to
her mother’s reading. Furthermore, she never attempted to recall information from
the story. Overall, the result of this category indicated that the mother and child need
to facilitate use of these literacy strategies during book reading interaction.
Summary of Chung Family’s Case
The Chung family has a strong literacy environment and engage in much
reading practices at home. Both parents practice book reading activities at home to
help their children’s literacy development and attempt to provide a print-rich
environment for their children by modeling book reading and providing many
children’s books.
However, like the Kim family, the Chung family also faced similar
difficulties from English book reading such as culture conflict, language barriers, and
lack of background knowledge related to American culture and society. Through
observing their book reading activities, it emerged that the parent-child literacy
practices and interactions are grounded in the specific cultural value inherited from
their home country, Korea, and rooted in Confucian philosophy. The nature of the
shared book reading in the family is quite different from the shared reading activities
in American middle class families, where parents facilitate child’s reading, share and
listen, and give children a reasonable time to speak rather than speaking for them if
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an answer is not given promptly. However, because the Korean culture emphasizes
obedience and respect for adult authority, Gaeun’s mother mainly led book reading
even though the she shared the book with the child. She, like many similar parents, is
more likely to initiate one-way communication with her child than to engage the
child’s curiosity by talking with and reading to her. Thus, some adult and child
behaviors of ACIRI developed by American researchers such as ‘giving the child an
opportunity to hold book or turn pages,’ ‘adult elaborates on the child’s idea,’ and
‘child spontaneously offers ideas about the story’ were not often observed because
those behaviors are uncommon and even inappropriate in the parent’s culture and
literacy tradition.

Case Study # 3: Focal Child: Siyoon
Data Sources
The following data summarized in Table 17 presents the first set of findings
required to understand the socio-demographic background of Case Study #3. These
findings are presented as descriptive facts obtained through interviewing the parent
and from enrollment forms for Even Start Program.
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Table 17
Characteristics of Siyoon Lee’s Family Characteristic
Categories Family Characteristics
Child age 4
Child’s National Origin Korea Born
Gender of the child Female
Current child care arrangement Even Start Program
Age of Sibling 8
Language(s) spoken at home Korean
Mother’s Current Occupation Homemaker
Father’s Current Occupation Unemployed
Parental Education Level Mother:4-year College/Father:Master
Years in America 1 year

Approximately one year ago, the Lee family moved to the United States from
Korea. The Lee family is comprised of four members, the father, mother, and two
children. Four-year old Siyoon is the youngest member of the family; her elder
brother, Chihoon is thirteen years old. Siyoon has participated in the Even Start
program in the district for approximately six months. Her father and mother are both
well-educated; Siyoon’s father obtained a Master’s degree in Physics and her mother
holds a Bachelor’s degree in Education. Both of them received their degrees from
universities in Korea. While they were residing in Korea, the mother was a
homemaker and the father taught a course at a local college. However, both parents
are currently unemployed and the father is currently looking for steady work while
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the mother is attending a low intermediate level ESL course. Similar to families in
the previous cases, the Lee family also primarily uses the Korean language at home.
The main purpose of the Lee family’s immigration was for the sake of the children’s
education.
Nature of the Home Literacy Environment
of the Korean Immigrant Family
According to the result of the EC HOME inventory, 14 items (87.5%) were
observed and reported. This implies that Siyoon’s family has a strong literacy
environment. However, there were two items not reported in the family environment:
1. Family buys and reads a daily newspaper; 2. Family subscribes to at least one
magazine.
Similar to the prior case studies, I attempted to better understand the Lee’s
family’s literacy environment by interviewing the mother. Her responses were
analogous to the previous case studies. First of all, I asked the mother why her family
did not subscribe to the newspaper or magazines. Siyoon’s mother responded by
stating that the family is currently facing financial hardship and therefore tries to
save as much money as possible. In light of the family’s financial burdens, Ms. Lee
will often purchase books for Siyoung at Ross or TJ Max because they are sold at
half the price of other retail bookstores.
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Table 18
Lee Family’s Result of EC HOME
Items
1.Child has at least 10 children's books +
2. At least 10 books are visible in the apartment or home +
3. Family buys and reads a daily newspaper -
4. Family subscribes to at least one magazine -
5. Child has toys that help teach the names of animals +
6. Child is encouraged to learn the alphabet +
7. Parent teaches child simple verbal manners (please, thank you, I am sorry) +
8. Parent encourages child to talk and takes the time to listen +
9. Child is given a choice for breakfast or lunch +
10. Parent converses with child at least twice during visit +
11. Parent answers child's questions or requests verbally +
12. Parent usually responds verbally to child's speech +
13. Child is encouraged to learn patterned speech +
14. Child is encouraged to learn to read a few words +
15. Child can hit parent without harsh reprisal +
16. Child eats at least one meal on most days with mother and father +

Ms. Lee believed that her family has not yet fully adjusted to their new life in
America. She mentioned that she wanted to check out books from a library but felt
reluctant to because of her inability to speak English well and her unfamiliarity with
the library system in America; therefore, she prefers to purchase books for her child
rather than borrow them from the library. However Ms. Lee does not hesitate to buy
books for her children because of her strong belief in the importance of reading
regularly to children at young ages. She affirmed that her thirteen year old son
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performs well above his grade level because he read books frequently when he was
younger. When selecting books for her children Ms. Lee does not put much emphasis
on the age group the book is recommended for, because she believes it is based on
American literacy standards. Instead she chooses reading books based on what
Siyoon enjoys such as books with “Dora the Explorer” or “Strawberry Shortcake”
illustrations in them. The family owns approximately 200 children’s books in
English and Korean.
Despite having not fully adjusted to life outside Korea, both the Lee parents
seek to be exemplary role models for their children by regularly reading Korean
books at home. Although the family does not order daily newspapers or subscribe to
magazines, the family was able to create a good literacy environment and practices
through reading on-line newspaper and other books, buying many books, and reading
with their children.
In sum, the literacy environment of Siyoon’s family appears to be very
positive due to the Lee parents' creation of an environment that supports and
encourages regular book reading. This is achieved through the regular purchase of
children’s books and the children’s exposure the parents’ regular reading habits.
However, as noted earlier, the mother continues to refrain from using the public
library due to language barriers and her lack of experience in utilizing the American
library system. In addition, she does not have a specific set of criteria in choosing
books for her children; instead Ms. Lee purchases only those books that Siyoon
enjoys reading.
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Lee Family’s Reading Practice at Home and Challenges
Reading Practice and Barriers
Similar to the results of the previous case studies, storybook reading is a
routine activity in Siyoon’s family. When I asked Ms. Lee to describe what the
family does to encourage their child’s English reading development, she reported
that they have 15 to 20 minutes of storybook reading at least three times a week. She
mentioned that she does not read to Siyoon at a specific set time but rather reads
books when her daughter wants her to read. Ms. Lee however did add that she feels
the need to set a certain time for reading with her daughter and had previously
attempted to do so, but it did not seem to work out very well. According to Leanne’s
report, elder immigrant children are often assigned the task of reading children's
books written in English to their younger siblings because the immigrant parents
often have difficulties in speaking and understanding English. Based on this pattern,
I asked the mother whether Siyoon’s older brother Chihoon ever read books to
Siyoon. The mother responded that Chihoon rarely played or read books with Siyoon
because of the ten year age gap between them. However, she asserted that both she
and her husband regularly read books with Siyoon.
The mother stated that the primary reason that they read storybooks with their
children was for educational purposes rather than for pleasure or enjoyment. “I think
I emphasize educational information consciously when reading a book with my
daughter. I think that is a trait of Korean parents. I try to teach her something using
books rather than using them to grab the interest of my child.” The mother also
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described how she read books to her daughter, and explained the diffculties she faces
reading children's books written in English by contrasting them to children's books
written in Korean:
When reading her English books, I try to read only in English. Actually, it is
difficult to get the meanings of English children’s books, I just read books. …
I rarely ask comprehension questions.…But, sometimes, while reading, I find
what she needs to think or know, then I ask a question to her in Korean. I ask
her, “Is it right or wrong in this situation?” when I see the need of educational
and perceptive instruction. I prefer using books that deal with morals so I can
teach them to my child instead of just teaching morals without any
background. Many Korean books teach morals in this way.

In contrast to other Korean mothers’ book reading style in previous casese,
Siyoon’s mother read English books to her child only in English, but without fully
understanding the meaning of some of the words. As a result, she is unable to
provide her daughter with extra information and ask comprehension questions. On
the other hand, when Ms. Lee reads Korean books to her daughter she feels both
confident and able enough to give additional explanations to buffer the content of the
book, and thus give her child a better understanding of the lessons the book tries to
teach.
When reading Korean books, I understand the content and can give Siyoung
additional explanation and lessons that I want to tell her related to the
reading. For example, when I read a Korean book about a ghost grandmother
appearing to children who don’t brush their teeth, I could give her a certain
lesson such as, “See, if you did not brush your teeth well a ghost could come
to you and punish you, so you should brush your teeth well.” If I deliver
lessons like this through book reading she often follows them. I remember
that she brushed her teeth well that night and she has continued to brush her
teeth well up to now.

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Similar to the Chung family, Siyoon’s mother faces difficulty in
understanding the infant terminology used frequently in children's books written in
English and is often unable to locate these terms in the English dictionaries used by
second language learners. In addition, the mother noted that her poor pronunciation
and unfamiliarity with the American library system are key barriers that prevent and
inhibit her from reading English books with her child. However, the Lee family
practiced book-reading activities very frequently and encouraged their child.
Furthermore, the parents read books to Siyoon with a focus on teaching lessons and
providing moral foundation to her rather than encouraging the enjoyment of reading.
Cultural Differences and Conflicts
The Lee family experienced a number of cultural differences and conflicts
when they read English books together. The mother explained that she experienced
culture clash between European American and Korean culture because they are
relatively recent immigrants to the United States. Ms. Lee seemed to have a difficult
time dealing with some of the behaviors conveyed by the characters in English books
because behaviors that are naturally acceptable in the West would not be deemed
acceptable behavior in Korea. When such a cultural conflict exposed itself during
Siyoon and her mother's reading time, Ms. Lee admitted to changing some of the
content in books to create a behavior that would be acceptable in Korean culture.
The mother stated:
In reading, I see cultural differences. For example, in English books, I often
see that American children call adults by name, whether it be first name or
surname. For example, a man is called Mr. Smith or John by the child… but
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it is really rude to call an elder by their first name in Korea. I also observed in
the books American children who talk back to their parents. These kinds of
behaviors are not acceptable in Korean culture. Sometimes, I feel
embarrassed when I come across this kind of behavior in children’s books.
Therefore, I just take out that kind of information whenever I notice those
aspects during reading books (laugh).

As discussed in Chapter 2, because of the influence of the hierarchical relationships
and the family value system of Confucianism, from early childhood, Korean parents
educate their children based on obedience and respect for adult authority (Kwon,
2002). It was interesting to see how Siyoon’s mother evaluated the behavior and
attitudes of American children in accordance with her cultural standards. From the
viewpoint of an immigrant mother, American children’s behavior such as calling
one’s father by his first name and talking back to one's parents as illustrated in
certain children’s books is viewed as a sign of extreme disrespect. The mother does
not want her child to be influenced by the type of behavior depicted in the books she
reads to Siyoon and therefore felt compelled to omit or alter the behavior of certain
characters. Through the Lee family case, I realized that a family’s literacy practice
could be strongly influenced by its cultural values, in this case Confucian
philosophy, and can have a profound affect on the child’s literacy development.
The Nature of the Korean Parent and Child Interaction
during Shared Book Reading
To understand the nature of the parent-child literacy interaction, I observed
Siyoon and her mother’s book reading activities. For this part of the study, I utilized
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the same procedures that were applied in the previous cases. The following contains
information from data collected through the ACIRI inventory and observation notes.

Table 19
Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Lee Family
Mother Child
Mean Percent Mean Percent
Enhancing Attention to text 2.25 75 % 2.25 75 %
Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension 1.75 58.3 % 2 67 %
Using Literacy Strategies 1.5 50 % 1 33.3%
Total 1.83 61 % 1.66 55.3%

According to Table 19 above, the total adult mean score of the Adult/Child
Interactive Reading Inventory (M =1.83; 61 %) is higher than the child’s mean score
in reading behaviors (M=1.66; 55.3%). As in other cases, both the mother and the
child exercised reading behaviors related to ‘Enhancing Attention to Text’ more
frequently (adult: M = 2.25; 75% and child: M=1.75; 44%) than other categories.
Although Ms. Lee and her daughter scored the lowest in the third category, ‘Using
Literacy Strategies,’ they did utilize more literacy strategies in comparison to other
families. However, the results of ACIRI parent-child behaviors revealed that the
family should improve their reading behaviors, especially in the categories of ‘Using
Literacy Strategies’ and ‘Promoting Interactive Reading.’ In the following section,
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each category of parent-child reading behavior is explained based on video analysis
and observation notes.
Enhancing Attention to Text. Table 20 represents the result of the first
category, ‘Enhancing Attention to Text’ for both Ms. Lee and Siyoon as I observed
through video-analysis:

Table 20
Lee Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult attempts to promote and maintain
physical proximity.
3 1. Child seeks and maintains
physical proximity.
3
2. Adult sustains interest and attention
through use of child adjusted language,
positive affect, and reinforcement.
3 2. Child pays attention and
sustains interest.
3
3. Adult gives child opportunity to hold book
and turn pages.
0 3. Child holds book and turns
pages on his/her own when asked.
0
4. Adult shares book with child (ie., displays
sense of audience in book handling when
reading).
3 4. Child initiates or responds to
book sharing which takes his/her
presence into account.
3

Ms. Lee and Siyoon appear to be relatively stronger in 'Enhancing Attention
to Text' compared to the other families in this study. The three adult and child
behaviors in the first category, ‘Enhancing Attention to Text’ (M = 2.25; 75%)
occurred primarily during book reading. The mother invited the child to sit on her lap
just enough to see the book and turn the pages. As the mother mentioned in her
interview about their reading activities, she read the entire book in English without
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translating it into Korean and asked several questions to her child in both Korean and
English. She also attempted to sustain the child’s interest by pointing at pictures and
imitating different voices that are representative of the characters in the storybook.
The child seemed to be interested in the story and showed attentive behavior such as
active listening and self-motivation to interact with her mother. An interesting aspect
is that, unlike with Gaeun and Dongin, Siyoon frequently initiated and responded to
book sharing. However, similar to the families in the previous cases, the child was
not asked and did not attempt to hold the book with her mother.
Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension. Table 21
shows the result of the mother and the child related to the second category:

Table 21
Lee Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult poses and solicits questions
about the book’s content.
2 1. Child responds to questions about
the book.
3
2. Adult points to pictures and words
to assist the child in identification and
understanding.
3 2. Child responds to adult cues or
identifies pictures and words on his or
her own.
3
3. Adult relates the book’s content and
the child’s responses to personal
experiences.
1 3. Child attempts to relate the book’s
content to personal experiences.
1
4. Adult pauses to answer questions
that the child poses.
1 4. Child poses questions about the story
and related topics.
1

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Both Ms. Lee and Siyoon’s mean scores for the second category, ‘Promoting
Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension’ were lower than the means of
the first category. Although the scores for the mother and child in the second
category were similar in previous cases, in the case of Lee family, Siyoon’s score of
the second category (M =2.0; 67’%) is higher than her mother (M=1.75; 58.3%).
Compared to the previous cases in this dissertation, Siyoon actively responded to her
mother’s questions and added her own ideas related to the content of the books more
often than the other children, while Ms. Lee also tried to listen to her child’s opinion
more openly than did the other mothers in this study. Even though her score in this
category was close to the other mothers in this study, Ms. Lee, in my opinion, was
able to create a more comfortable and open reading environment for her child. As a
result, this may have allowed for Siyoon to feel more free to interact and add input
during the reading activity.
While reading, the mother often posed several questions related to the content
or a picture in the book. Most of her questions were Where- questions or Yes-No
questions such as “Where is his little sister?” or “It is a hat, right?” However, Ms.
Lee rarely asked open-ended questions that included “why” or “how,” which tend to
motivate or promote a higher level of curiosity in the child. The child responded to
questions that the mother asked about the book by pointing to pictures or by nodding
her head. Siyoon did not ask a lot of questions in Korean but she did attempt to relate
the story in the books to her own personal experiences.
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Using Literacy Strategies. Similar to the other cases, Category 3 ‘Using
Literacy Strategies’ was the weakest area for both the mother and Siyoon. However,
the Lee family’s mean score for the 3
rd
Category was relatively higher than any of
the Korean families in this study. Table 22 shows the result of the mother and the
child with regards to this category:

Table 22
Lee Family’s Using Literacy Strategies
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult identifies visual cues related
to story reading (picture, repetitive
words).
1 1. Child responds to the adult and/or
identifies visual cues related to the story
him or herself.
1
2. Adult solicits predictions. 1 2. Child is able to guess what will happen
next based on picture cues.
0
3. Adult asks the child to recall
information from the story.
2 3. Child is able to recall information from
the story.
2
4. Adult elaborates on the child’s
ideas.
2 4. Child spontaneously offers ideas about
the story.
2

Between the two, Ms. Lee used literacy strategies more frequently (M = 1.5;
50 %) while Siyoon used them less frequently ( M = 1; 33.3%). Using literacy
strategies is usually led by the parent, and the child’s actions in this category are
usually in response to the parent’s leading. As a result of Ms. Lee’s higher instances
of using literacy strategies, this caused for the Lee family to have a higher score in
category 3 than did the other families. Siyoon’s mother particularly utilized the item,
“Adult asks the child to recall information from the story,” while the mothers in the
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former case studies never attempted it. However, much like these other mothers, Ms.
Lee infrequently exemplified the first two items in the third category.
Siyoon did respond to the pictures and other cues when the mother pointed to
them. However, the child never attempted to predict what would happen next based
on the cues. She did frequently recall information from the story when the mother
asked and would also offer her own ideas about the story. Mrs. Lee regularly
attempted to elaborate on Siyoon’s ideas and questions; for instance, when the child
could not find an answer, the mother encouraged her child to keep trying to find the
answer to the question on her own. The following is an example of the dialogue
between Mrs. Lee and Siyoon:
Dialogue 1 (Mother-Siyoon)
C: Mommy. Why does the mother not allow her child to eat candy?
M: Do you know why?
C: I don’t know.
M: I think you know because… You tell me.
C: Because the boy’s teeth can be rotten.
M: See, you know!

After reading the storybook, Ms. Lee asked Siyoon whether she really understood
the entire story and helped her child recall information from the story by asking
questions in Korean. The child was able to retain the information from the book.
Thus, even though the Lee family did not employ all of the literacy strategies, their
book reading activity was more interactive in comparison to the families in the other
case studies.
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Summary of Lee Family’s Case
The literacy environment of Siyoon’s family is very strong because her
parents helped create an environment that encouraged reading and understanding.
The parents read both on their own and together with family members. In addition,
by purchasing many children’s books, they maintained a positive attitude towards
reading and valued importance of early reading skills and book reading for future
learning. However, the mother did not have a specific set of criteria when selecting
books for her children, and instead chose books according to Siyoon's personal
preferences or books that the mother believed teach good values. In addition, the
mother faced obstacles such as a lack of comprehension, a limited knowledge of
infant terms, and poor pronunciation that came from limited exposure and usage of
the English language. Furthermore, the mother refrained from using the public
library because of language barriers as well as her lack of experience in using the
American library system.
Overall, for the adult and child book reading behaviors, the mother and the
child’s interactions were more beneficial because active initiating of interaction on
the mothers part and relatively authoritative style led to quality responses on the
child’s part. However, as the result of the ACIRI reveals, the second and third
category, ‘Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension’ and
‘Using literacy strategies’ should still be improved for this family. It is important to
note that many of these lower scoring areas for Ms. Lee and Siyoon's literacy
practices and interactions are a result of being rooted in Confucian-inspired cultural
106
values that they have inherited from their home country of Korea. Thus it appears
that literacy practices employed in Korea are different from those practiced in the
West.

Case Study # 4: Focal Child: Sarah
Data Sources
The following data summarized in Table 23 presents the first set of findings
required to understand descriptive socio-demographic information obtained in the
parent interview and enrollment forms of the Even Start Program:

Table 23
Sarah Chang’s Family Characteristics
Categories Family Characteristics
Child age 4 ½ years
Child’s National Origin US Born
Gender of the child Female
Current child care arrangement Even Start Program
Age of Sibling 8 years
Language(s) spoken at home Korean
Mother’s Current Occupation Homemaker
Father’s Current Occupation Church Assistant
Parental Education Level Four-year College
Years in America 10 years

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Sarah’s parents immigrated from Korea to the United States approximately
ten years ago. They have two children whose names are Sarah and Jun. Sarah, who is
four-years old, is the youngest child of the family. Her brother is eight years older.
Sarah has participated in the Even Start program at the district for approximately one
year. Her parents each have four-year college degrees that were attained in Korea.
They speak very little English and predominantly use Korean at home. The father
works at a Korean community church in the city and the mother is currently
unemployed. However, the mother often serves as a volunteer at the church and
attended a lower level intermediate ESL (English as a Second Language) course in
an adult school for one year.
Nature of the Home Literacy Environment
of the Korean Immigrant Family
The following data collected relating to home literacy environments was
compiled during two two-hour home visits. I utilized the same procedures that were
applied in the previous cases. The following contains information from data
collected through the EC HOME inventory, observational notes and interviews.
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Table 24
Chang Family’s Result of EC HOME
Items
1.Child has at least 10 children's books +
2. At least 10 books are visible in the apartment or home +
3. Family buys and reads a daily newspaper -
4. Family subscribes to at least one magazine -
5. Child has toys that help teach the names of animals -
6. Child is encouraged to learn the alphabet +
7. Parent teaches child simple verbal manners (please, thank you, I am sorry) +
8. Parent encourages child to talk and takes the time to listen +
9. Child is given a choice for breakfast or lunch +
10. Parent converses with child at least twice during visit +
11. Parent answers child's questions or requests verbally +
12. Parent usually responds verbally to child's speech +
13. Child is encouraged to learn patterned speech +
14. Child is encouraged to learn to read a few words +
15. Child can hit parent without harsh reprisal +
16. Child eats at least one meal on most days with mother and father +

The result of the inventory revealed Sarah’s family as having a strong literacy
environment in that 13 items (81.25%) were observed or reported. However, three
items not reported by the family include ‘Family buys and reads a daily newspaper,’
‘Family subscribes to at least one magazine’and ‘Child has toys that help teach the
names of animals’.
The purpose of the third and fourth items on the EC HOME inventory was to
evaluate whether the family practiced positive reading habits in their daily life. To
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allow for a qualitative understanding of the family’s environment, I interviewed the
mother with questions related to the literacy environment based on the interview
protocols. First of all, I asked the mother the reason why those items were absent in
their home. Sarah’s mother responded by stating that she does not have enough
financial support to subscribe to a daily newspaper or magazine nor the time to read
them since she is very busy volunteering at church. She also added that the Korean
bible is her primary choice of literature and thus occupies a significant portion of her
time. Related to the absence of the fifth item, ‘Child has toys that help teach the
names of animals’, which evaluates language stimulation between child and
caregiver, the mother explained that she tries to teach names of general items in
English but she does not teach them with animal toys. Through the conversation with
the mother, I noticed that reading and language stimulation resources specified in EC
HOME were very useful for describing the family’s home literacy environment but
they might not be the absolute resources in evaluating families’ positive reading
habits or language stimulation between the child and mother in their daily life. As
Beckwith (1996) notes, the HOME inventory may be less sensitive to individual or
families’ differences. I also realized that these resources could be differentiated
depending on families’ cultural background, race, and economic status.
Collectively, even though the three areas related to modeling and language
stimulation were not clearly observed or reported by the Change family, the family
has relatively strong literacy environment. The family owns about 150 children’s
English and Korean books that were donated by her relatives or bought for Sarah and
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her brother. Although the mother did not mention the importance of parents’ reading
and parental modeling of reading, she did practice reading for religious reasons.
Reading Practice at Home and Challenges
Reading Practice and Barriers
When directly asked about the family’s reading practice with Sarah at home,
as opposed to other mothers in this study, Ms.Chang reported that she and her
husband rarely read books with the children and do not have a designated schedule
allocated to read together. Ms. Chang explained that she has tried to read books at
least twice a week since Sarah started preschool but it is not easy task to do. She
added that there are times when her daughter requests that her mother to read to her.
During this time, the mother was under the impression that her daughter could read
by herself because the mother liked to do things independently during her own
childhood and nobody read to her when she was a child. The mother described her
own childhood literacy experiences and her expectations about Sarah’s literacy
development and learning:
Since I liked to do my own things independently when I was little, I also
expect my child to read and study in her control.. In my childhood, nobody
read books for me. In Korean society, students go to elementary school with
completion of knowing how to read Korean letters and parents do their best
to help their children to read. But it was not my case. I have five older
siblings but nobody read books for me. When I entered an elementary school,
I was the only child who could not read a textbook in my class. But, I tried to
learn to read for myself. That is why I also expect my child to read and study
in her control.

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As Sarah’s mother mentioned, since children are still the center of their
parents' interests and because society places such a high value on education, Korean
parents have the strong enthusiasm to assist their children in learning. In Korea, this
is informally known as the "education ethic,” which receives special emphasis in
early childhood (Henderson, Marx, & Kim, 1999; Kim 2002). The common notion
shared by a large number of Korean parents is validated by researchers who studied
Korean parents’ involvement in children’s early literacy. Studies found that many
Korean parents believe strongly that they have a major responsibility to help their
preschool children to become competent in both reading and writing (Lee, 2000;
Lee, Park and Kim, 2000; Chung and Koo, 2001). However, Sarah’s mother’s case
represented a contrast to most other Korean parents. Her family was neither
supportive nor helpful in her childhood literacy development. As a result, Sarah’s
mother expected her child to be able to read and write independently.
The mother purchased children’s books when Sarah so desired but affirmed
the family does not borrow books from local libraries. She seemed to be
uncomfortable using the library because of the language barrier. When the researcher
asked a question regarding the family’s recommended book selection for her child,
Ms. Chang stated she that does not have any criteria when choosing a book. Rather,
the mother lets the child choose her own books in a bookstore. The mother added
that Sarah constantly desires to purchase books related to fairy tale Disney princesses
such as ‘Sleeping Beauty,’ ‘Cinderella’ and ‘The Little Mermaid.’ The mother
reiterated that she buys what her daughter prefers. However, the mother worries that
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her daughter may have difficulty in distinguishing between fantasy and realty if she
continued to read books based upon fantasy and imagination. When the researcher
asked whether the mother had any solution to prevent those problems, the mother
added that she needs to buy something realistic and educational but was impeded by
the fact she does not know the type of English books that are deemed appropriate for
her child’s literacy development.
Besides the difficulty of choosing the appropriate children’s book, the mother
also faces barriers when she reads English to her child. When I asked the mother to
describe the interaction process when reading together, the mother described it as
being straightforward as she just reads and the daughter listens. The mother even
believed that Sarah did not raise questions during the reading session because she
understood the story:
When I read books with my daughter, I just keep reading to her. She just
listens to my reading. I usually don’t ask questions of her. I believe that she
can understand the content after being read to. Thus, she doesn’t ask many
questions.

Furthermore, the mother stated that she felt annoyed when her child asked too
many questions. She explained that her daughter may acknowledge this and because
of that reason she just listens and does not ask any questions relating to the story. As
researchers (Bus & Sulzby, 1996; Bus, Leseman, and Keultjes, 2000) have pointed
out, parents’ own literacy experience and perceptions appear to determine
opportunities for young children to become involved in literacy related interaction
Ms. Chang and her daughter were less involved in meaning-related discussions that
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the book more readily understandable and enjoyable. This may be reading is less
important and share book reading is annoying and uncomfortable on a personal level.
When I asked the mother what makes it difficult to read an English book to
her child, the mother stated:
Although I read books in English, I sometimes don’t understand. I can’t ask
questions and explain to her even in Korean because I don’t get the
meaningof the contents. I do not have enough vocabulary knowledge and
background knowledge about the contents of English children’s books. I just
decode in English. When I don’t know words, I look them up in the
dictionary. Because I don’t know the meanings of books, I can’t give
feedback to her. I tried to figure out the content but it takes a lot of time. It
makes me frustrated, so I just decode.

Due to her limited language skills and lack of background information related
to the storybooks, the mother decoded the English texts and was unable to interpret
the content even in Korean. In sum, unlike the former families, shared book reading
was not a routine activity at the Chang’s home, but the mother attempted to read
storybooks when Sarah asked. The mother expected her child to read books alone
because the mother was not read storybooks in her childhood. In addition, the mother
was reluctant to read books with her child because she has a lack of confidence about
her ability to do so.
Cultural Differences and Conflicts
When the mother was asked whether she had experienced any difficulties due
to the cultural differences between Korean and American cultures while reading
picture books or storybooks to her child, the mother said that she might have before
coming to America. However, she reported that she could not remember the
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difficulties specifically since she has been assimilating to American culture for over
ten years. She added that she does not have any feeling of rejection toward American
culture.
The Nature of the Korean Parent and Child Interaction
during Shared Book Reading
For this part of the study, I utilized the same procedures that were applied in
the previous cases. The following contains information from data collected through
the ACIRI inventory and observation notes:

Table 25
Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Chang Family
Mother Child
Mean Percent Mean Percent
Enhancing Attention to text 1.75 44 % 1.75 44 %
Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension 1.75 44 % 0.75 19 %
Using Literacy Strategies 1 25 % 1 25 %
Total 1.5 50 % 1.2 40 %

According to the Table 25 above, the total adult mean score of the
Adult/Child Interactive Reading Inventory (M =1.5; 50 %) is higher than the child’s
mean score in reading behaviors (M=1.2; 40%). As it can be seen, both the mother
and the child used reading behaviors related to ‘Enhancing Attention to Text’ more
frequently (adult: M = 1.75; 44 % and child: M=1.75; 44%) than other categories.
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The third category, ‘Using Literacy Strategies,’ is the lowest area among the
mother’s reading behaviors ( M =1; 25%) while the second category, ‘Promoting
Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension’ is the lowest area among the
child’s reading behaviors(M= 0.74; 19%). In sum, the results of ACIRI parent-child
behaviors revealed that the family needs to improve their reading behaviors. Both
‘Using literacy strategies’ and ‘Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting
Comprehension’ are areas in particular need of improvement. In the following
section, each category of parent-child reading behaviors is explained based on video
analysis and observation notes.
Enhancing Attention to Text. Table 26 represents the result of the first
category, ‘Enhancing Attention to Text’ for both the mother and the child that the
researcher observed through video-analysis:

Table 26
Chang Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult attempts to promote and maintain
physical proximity.
3 1. Child seeks and maintains
physical proximity.
3
2. Adult sustains interest and attention
through use of child- adjusted language,
positive affect, and reinforcement.
1 2. Child pays attention and
sustains interest.
3
3. Adult gives child opportunity to hold book
and turn pages.
0 3. Child holds book and turns
pages on his/her own when asked.
0
4. Adult shares book with child (ie., displays
sense of audience in book handling when
reading).
3 4. Child initiates or responds to
book sharing which takes his/her
presence into account.
1
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According to this table, the two adult behaviors in the first category,
‘Enhancing attention to text’ occurred frequently during book reading. Before
reading a book, the mother invited the child to sit close enough to see the book.
During reading, the mother and child maintained physical proximity and shared the
book. As previously mentioned in her interview, the mother read verbatim instead of
using an engaging voice like speaking in different voices representative of the
characters. Although the child seemed to pay attention during reading, she passively
followed her mother’s direction and quietly listened, sporadically initiating book
sharing. One of the behaviors, ‘Gives the child an opportunity to hold the book and
turn pages,’ did not occur during the mother-child reading interaction.
Promoting interactive reading and supporting comprehension. Table 27
displays the result of the mother and the child related to the second category:

Table 27
Chang Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult poses and solicits questions about
the book’s content.
0 1. Child responds to questions about
the book.
0
2. Adult points to pictures and words to
assist the child in identification and
understanding.
3 2. Child responds to adult cues or
identifies pictures and words on his
or her own.
1
3. Adult relates the book’s content and the
child’s responses to personal experiences.
2 3. Child attempts to relate the book’s
content to personal experiences.
2
4. Adult pauses to answer questions that
the child poses.
2 4. Child poses questions about the
story and related topics.
0

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As noted by the mother in the interview, the mother did not raise any
questions related to the content or pictures of the book with her child. In return, the
child did not initiate questions related to the pictures or contents. However, when the
mother pointed to pictures to assist the child in identifying and understanding, the
child frequently responded to the mother with a nodding motion. During reading, the
child passively listened to her mother’s reading except when she wanted to express
an idea related to the story. The child frequently paused when the parent expressed
her idea or her experiences related to the picture or contents of the book translated
into Korean. Then, the mother tried to relate the child’s idea to their personal
experiences, again translated into Korean. During their conversation, the mother and
child alternated back and forth between speaking and reading in English and Korean.
This phenomenon, called code-switching, is a term in linguistics referring to
alternation between two or more languages (Swain & Lapkin, 2000).
Dialogue 1 ( Mother – Sarah)
C: Mom! ke Candy-lul mani choahanumkek katta.
(Mom, the boy in the book seems to like candies a lot.)
M:You are right. Ke ne kkatta. Ne do mommy hante jaju
candy sadallogo hajana. Right? You are right, he is exactly like you.
You often ask your mommy to buy candies, right?
C: Hehe. Yes.

After finishing the book, the mom abruptly spoke the following sentences in Korean
to the child:
Dialogue 2
M: The boy is like exactly like you. He always asks the mother to buy
something whenever he passes shops in a mall, right?
C: Yes, hehe.

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Throughout the story of the book, the mother seemed to emphasize the negative
behavior of the main character and compared it with her daughter’s similar behavior.
The mother seemed to be engaged in disciplining behavior and trying to give a
lesson to her child, stating that “You should not keep asking mother to buy
something when you go shopping with your mom” rather than asking the child to
extend the contents or her idea related to the topic. This mother’s behavior was also
found in Gaeun Chung’s family’s case.
Using Literacy Strategies. As Table 25 describes, this category was the
weakest area for both the mother and child. Table 28 shows the results of the mother
and the child related to the category:

Table 28
Chang Family’s Using Literacy Strategies
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult identifies visual cues related
to story reading (picture, repetitive
words).
3 1. Child responds to the adult and/or
identifies visual cues related to the
story him or herself.
3
2. Adult solicits predictions. 0 2. Child is able to guess what will
happen next based on picture cues.
0
3. Adult asks the child to recall
information from the story.
0 3. Child is able to guess what will
happen next based on picture cues.
0
4. Adult elaborate on the child’s ideas. 1 4. Child spontaneously offers ideas
about the story.
1

While reading, the mother pointed towards pictures and words in the book to
help the child comprehend the story. However, the mother never asked the child
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what she thought would happen next in the story or asked her to recall or summarize
information from the story either. The child may have been able to guess what will
happen next based on picture cues but she rarely represented them. The mother
infrequently elaborated on the child’s idea when the child offered her ideas about the
story. In sum, the mother did not employ a wide array of literacy strategies to engage
Sarah in the book except for focusing on the meaning of illustrations to explain the
content of the books. In addition, the child passively responded her mother’s cues but
never spontaneously used various strategies.
Summary of Change Family’s Case
Though the result of EC Home related to literacy environment is strong, the
family does not frequently practice book-reading activities at home. Parent-child
book reading is the major literacy practice at Sarah’s home. Most of the children’s
books were given by her relatives but the mother attempted to buy books as Sarah
requested them. The mother expected Sarah to read books by herself because the
mother did not experience shared book reading during her own childhood. Related to
the social-construction hypothesis, the researcher is concerned that the exogenous
factors such as the mother’s deficiency in book reading during her childhood and a
lack of motivation to read books to her child may inhibit Sarah’s reading experiences
and reading development. The mother reported that she is uncomfortable with
reading English book to her children because of the mother’s limited English
proficiency. For the mother, acquiring English literacy is more than just a condition
of comprehending and producing a language in its written form. The mother knows
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how to read and pronounce words and is capable of decoding simple readings in a
second language perfectly but still experiences difficulty in understanding the
context of books which require knowledge of the culture and history of the new
country. Though the mother explained that she might unconsciously follow the new
culture, she does not harbor any feelings of rejection toward the American culture,
and she realized that she is isolated in a Korean community in the United States
which lacks knowledge of the American culture.
While reading, Ms. Chang did not employ a wide array of literacy strategies
to engage Sarah in the book except for focusing on the meaning of illustrations to
explain the content of the books. The mother never raised any questions for her child
to answer nor made her child infer or predict events in the story. The child seemed to
be concentrated during the reading but hardly responded verbally to the book and
mainly concentrated on her mother’s voice. Overall, the family is less supportive in
interactions surrounding the reading of books and less successful in creating an
engaging and enjoyable setting for reading compared to other Korean mothers.

Study # 5: Focal Child: Chaeyoung (Exemplary Case)
Data Sources
Information collected for Chaeyoung’s family case study came from several
data sources. Sources included transcripts from Chaeyoung’s mother’s interview,
observational notes obtained during two visits, as well as The Early Childhood -
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Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment (EC HOME) and
Adult/Child Interactive Reading Inventory (ACIRI) inventories.
The following data summary Table 29 represents descriptive socio-
demographic information obtained in the parent interview and enrollment forms of
the Even Start Program:

Table 29
Chaeyoung Hong’s Family Characteristics
Categories Family Characteristics
Child age 4 years
Child’s National Origin US Born
Gender of the child Female
Current child care arrangement Even Start Program
Age of Sibling 2 years old
Language(s) spoken at home English and Korean
Mother’s Current Occupation Homemaker
Father’s Current Occupation Employee of a small company
Parental Education Level Four-year College
Years in America 10 years

Similar to Sarah’s parents, Chaeyoung’s parents emigrated from Korea to the
United States approximately ten years ago. Their primary reason for moving to the
U.S. was to work while helping his relatives with their business. Since then, they
have had two children, Chaeyoung and Young-Hun. The four-year-old Chaeyoung is
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the oldest child of the family and her brother Young-Han is two years younger.
Chaeyoung has participated in the Even Start program at the district for five months.
Her parents each have four-year college degrees from Korea. Her father speaks
Korean to her but the mother speaks English most of time to Chaeyoung even though
she is not fluent in it. Currently, the father works for a small company in the city.
The mother is currently unemployed but attends a low intermediate level ESL
(English as a Second Language) course in an adult school at the participating district.
Also, Ms. Hong previously worked as a teacher at a private institute when they were
residing in Korea.
Nature of the Home Literacy Environment
of Hong’s Family
The following data collected relating to home literacy environments was
compiled during two home visits, each two hours long. I utilized the same
procedures that were applied in the previous cases. The following contains
information from data collected through the EC HOME inventory, observational
notes and interviews.
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Table 30
Hong Family’s Result of EC HOME
Items
1.Child has at least 10 children's books +
2. At least 10 books are visible in the apartment or home +
3. Family buys and reads a daily newspaper +
4. Family subscribes to at least one magazine +
5. Child has toys that help teach the names of animals +
6. Child is encouraged to learn the alphabet +
7. Parent teaches child simple verbal manners (please, thank you, I am sorry) +
8. Parent encourages child to talk and takes the time to listen +
9. Child is given a choice for breakfast or lunch +
10. Parent converses with child at least twice during visit +
11. Parent answers child's questions or requests verbally +
12. Parent usually responds verbally to child's speech +
13. Child is encouraged to learn patterned speech +
14. Child is encouraged to learn to read a few words +
15. Child can hit parent without harsh reprisal +
16. Child eats at least one meal on most days with mother and father +

The result of the inventory revealed that the Hong family displayed a very
strong literacy environment in all 16 items (100%). To get a qualitative
understanding of the family’s environment, I interviewed the mother with questions
related to the literacy environment based on the interview protocols. It emerged that
the family owns approximately 100 children’s English and Korean books. While the
other mothers in this study only used shared-book reading to help their children’s
literacy development, this mother both regularly read books with her child and used
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a workbook that helps to build readiness skills for preschoolers with her child. The
mother stated a preference for buying practice books or worksheets for preschoolers
that can help her child’s literacy development. She practices with her children using
worksheets and handbooks because she believes they are beneficial for improving
necessary skills such as writing and drawing. The mother also explained that she is
accustomed to providing those kinds of activities for her children because of her
previous experience working as a tutor in Korea. The mother added that she prefers
using workbooks because she can help her child’s letter recognition through
repetitive practices. The mother recognized that many worksheets and workbooks
that she used to teach her students in Korea mainly focused on letter names and
pronunciation while workbooks published in U.S. covers various areas of student
development such as reading comprehension, cognitive skills, and creativity. This
agrees with the findings of researchers that worksheets are typically used in Korea
that aid in children’s literacy through drills and repetition (Lee, Park and Kim, 2000).
Other researchers explained that usage of such repetitive learning is attributed to
Confucianism and that high usage of these tools can be detrimental as they can lead
to a lack of originality and creativity in children’s learning (Chan, 1999; Kim, 2005).
Since the mother is familiar with the methodical literacy practices, she applied
similar methods to help her child’s literacy development by using U.S. published
preschoolers workbooks. The use of workbooks however, whether published in U.S.
or in Korea, are usually helpful in building skills for children and the mother’s use of
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these workbooks showed extra effort and attention to other areas of children’s
literacy development which the other mothers did not attempt to improve.
While interviewing the mother, I observed that the mother gave directions to
her child in English. I asked the mother whether she often speaks in English when
giving directions or communicating with her child. The mother answered that she
tries to speak solely in English because the mother wishes for Chaeyoung not to
experience difficulty with English reading and writing in the future:
I heard that the children of immigrants don’t learn as much as English
speaking children do because of their language barrier. If my child can’t
catch up with what others learn because of the lack of English, I would rather
teach her English first.

Furthermore, the mother seemed to have a negative view toward bilingualism and
complained that her child’s late language development is due to the fact that she is
being brought up in a bilingual environment. The mother stated:
I heard that children who are raised in dual language environments are not
progressing rapidly in language development compared to American children
who speak only one language. My husband often speaks Korean to my
daughter. I do not like it… If possible, I always try to speak only English to
her even though I cannot speak English as well… I feel frustrated and upset
when my child is developing language slowly compared with American
children. But I want to use only one language, English, to help her get ready
for school.

The mother wished to teach her child English as the primary language, but in the
Hong home, the parents spoke Korean with each other. Also, the father spoke in
Korean with the children but, because he was usually busy with work, did not have
much time to focus on the children’s Korean language development. The mother was
observed speaking limited English and the child responded to the mother’s
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questioning with a demonstration of a basic level of English vocabulary. As both
parents are not fluent in English and family members infrequently use English at
home, the child seemed to have difficulty progressing in either language. The child
had difficulty producing sentences and usually answered with single word answers
and often had poor pronunciation of the words.
In summary, the result of EC HOME rated that the literacy environment of
Chaeyoung’s family as very strong, with 100% of the items observed, and the family
displayed quite a different literacy environment in comparison to the other subjects
in this dissertation study. The family focuses on writing through practicing
workbooks for preschoolers as well as reading. The mother speaks only in English to
help her child’s literacy development even though she is not fluent in the English
language. The mother also displays a negative attitude toward bilingualism and the
Korean language. She believes that if she speaks only English to her child, her child
will face less difficulty in comprehending instructions at school. However, the
child’s language development seemed to be slower than other subjects. The mother
has a strong desire to improve her child’s English literacy development but she
seemed inclined to continue repetitive literacy practices that she used while residing
in Korea.
Hong Family’s Reading Practice at Home and Challenges
Reading Practice and Barriers
When directly asked about the family’s reading practice with Chaeyoung at
home, the mother reported that she daily tries to read only English books to her
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daughter. Since Chaeyoung began attending the Even Start Preschool Program, it
was recommended that they read together everyday, which they began to do. The
mother added that Chaeyoung appears to enjoy reading, which she displays by
asking her parents to read with her, which her mother usually does. However, the
family does not have a designated time to read together but they usually have a
shared-book reading activity everyday. In response to a question regarding her
purpose of reading stories to her child, Ms. Hong asserted that it was in hopes of
improving her daughter’s English vocabulary. The mother stated:
Through book reading, I want to help my child improve her English
vocabulary ability…because there is a limit to what I can teach her about
English vocabulary in real life contexts, I believe using books is a method to
improve her vocabulary skills. Since I have a lack of English skills, reading
books is the best thing that I can do for her.

Similar to the Dongin’s mother, Chaeyoung’s mother buys books for her daughter on
a regular basis rather than visiting local libraries to check them out. However, the
mother attempted to take advantage of other available reading resources that the
other mother’s didn’t, like regularly bringing her children to bookstores when there
is a storybook reading time. The main reason that she attended these sessions with
her children was that Ms. Hong wanted for her daughter and herself to be exposed to
proper English pronunciation, and she also wanted to learn various literacy strategies
that could help Chaeyoung’s literacy development.
When selecting certain books for her child, the mother explained that she is
indifferent about the age level or genres of the books. Instead, her main concern in
selecting books is the illustration in the books. The mother went on to explain that
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she buys children’s books that include an array of different illustrations because she
believes that her child understands the contents of the books by observing pictures,
rather than solely understanding sentences or words in the books. One interesting
aspect which stood out with Ms. Hong is how, to aid her selection when purchasing
books for her child, the mother often refers to or reviews magazines recommending
children’s books and takes advantage of specially discounted children’s books found
in the mail. The mother seems to be very enthusiastic about helping her child’s
reading development even though she has difficulty comprehending some of the
children’s books. However, Ms. Hong would usually prepare in advance by reading
the books several times and looking for unknown words from the English dictionary
before reading to her daughter, while the other mothers would look up unknown
words during their shared reading time which could lead to the child losing focus.
When I asked the mother to describe how they read books together, the
mother stated:
First, I ask her to choose or bring a book that she wants to read. Then, my
child always brings the same book. I don’t know why my child likes the book
that much… We start to read the same book almost everyday. Then, we read
another book that I prepared for. At first, I explain the story in the book by
using the pictures. Then, I read the book sentence by sentence. Whenever my
child wants to skip or to turn pages, I just let her do so. I think it is important
to make book reading interesting.

Chaeyoung’s mother seems to use more literacy strategies that western researchers
recommend than other mothers in this study, and gives her child more freedom in
book choice and helping her child to be actively involved during shared-book
reading. The mother, after visiting story reading times in bookstores, believed that
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having her child be more active during reading could make shared-book reading time
more enjoyable for them and more beneficial for the daughter. When I asked her
about difficulties while reading she responded:
I am not fluent in speaking English and I have difficulties in reading with
words for infants when I read English books… and the most difficult thing
when I read her books is that I worry that my child may follow my wrong
pronunciation. But, I try to speak only in English as I told you before. For my
child’s English development, if there is anything I can do, I try to do it. And
if it is something that I can’t, I seek an alternative such as visiting bookstores.

Through interviewing Chaeyoung’s mother, I found that she believes strongly
that she has a major responsibility to help her daughter become a competent reader
and writer. The mother did not want to let her limited English proficiency impede
her. Rather, she actively inquired after ways to get around her weakness by taking
her children to the bookstore and buying material to supplement the child’s
education at school. The mother attempted to use various literacy strategies that she
learned through storybook reading time in the bookstore and. She also tried to
research appropriate reading resources for her child. By using these methods and
encouraging her child have more participation and input, the mother was confident in
her efforts in helping her child’s literacy development.
Cultural Differences and Conflicts
When asked about difficulties due to the cultural differences between Korean
and American cultures while reading to her child, the mother directly responded that
all she wanted was to learn the American culture and the different methods of
reading rather than plainly comparing the two cultures. The mother stated, “I don’t
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have any feelings of rejection toward the differences between Korean and American
cultures. However, I don’t understand Korean mothers insisting to keeping with
Korean culture in America. They are in America. They have to learn the ways of the
place where they live.” The mother seemed to display a negative opinion toward her
own culture and language. To find the cause of her negative view of her home
culture and language, I indirectly asked if the mother has any special reasons to focus
on English language and American culture for her children’s education. The mother
explained the reason through her cousin’s case:
“ Yes, I have a reason. In Korean culture, a child talking to an adult by
directly looking them in the eye is against manners. But in American school,
conversing while one seeing eyes directly is good manners. When my cousin
went to American school, one of his classmates lost $20 and three children
were suspects. One of them was my cousin. When his teacher asked who
stole the money, my cousin did not look in her eyes directly because he is
used to Koreans’ manner. The teacher believed that he was not honest
because he did not look in her eyes and then called policemen. If my aunt had
spoken English well, she could have explained well why her child did not
look at her and that he was not being dishonest. Because of the language
barrier and cultural difference, my aunt could not explain this to his teacher.
My cousin did not even know about this cultural difference, but he just
behaved as he always had. Even though he explained that he could not look at
the teacher directly because of his culture, this was no more than just an
excuse to the teacher. Because I have seen these kinds of cases many times, I
have tried to use English as much as I can even though I feel the limitation of
my language development.

The mother seemed to have directly and indirectly experienced discrimination that
comes from the cultural differences between Koreans and Americans during her ten
years in America. Her negative experiences seemed to influence her to focus more
American culture and customs while disregarding the benefits of her own culture and
language. As Chaeyoung’s mother mentioned, researchers of bilingual children
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found that with entry into school, most bilingual children confront new challenges,
cultural clash and the realization that there parent’s language is not useful for
communication in the classroom (Tabors and Snow, 2001). However, other research
has shown that young bilingual children can often negotiate between the conflicting
and compatible expectations or cultural styles required in the two settings. Related to
language and literacy development, Tabors (1997) explained that young children
who are exposed to a new language in and out of home settings move through
specific developmental sequences, though there are differences in individual
children’s rate of acquisition and transition: a) Home language use; b) Nonverbal
period with the new language; c) Telegraphic and formulaic language; d) Productive
use of the new language. The researcher added that as children progress, they move
into new phases without giving up their home language, except for no longer using
their home language with those who do not speak it. In consideration of Ms. Hong’s
literacy education in relation with the above research, Chaeyoung’s mother’s desire
to assimilate quickly may hinder Chaeyoung’s chance to develop bicultural
socialization in addition to weakening her ability to acquire literacy in both
languages.
Korean Parent and Child Interaction during Shared Book Reading
For this part of the study, I utilized the same procedures that were applied in
the previous cases In the following section, this study presents the overall result of
the ACIRI related to three categories. Also, each category is explained further under
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the subtitle of each category in detail. The following contains information from data
collected through the ACIRI inventory and observation notes:

Table 31
Mother and Child Reading Behaviors: Hong Family
Mother Child
Mean Percent Mean Percent
Enhancing Attention to text 2.00 50 % 1.25 31 %
Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension 2.00 50 % 1.5 38 %
Using Literacy Strategies 1 25 % 0.75 19 %
Total 1.7 57 % 1.2 40 %

According to the Table 31 above, the total adult mean score of the
Adult/Child Interactive Reading Inventory (M =1.7; 57 %) is higher than the child’s
mean score in reading behaviors (M=1.2; 40%). As it was represented in the Table,
the data show that the mean score of the first category, ‘Enhancing Attention to text’
(M =2; 50 %) is equivalent to the mean score of the second category, ‘Promoting
Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension’ (M =2; 50 %) in reading
behaviors for the adult. For the child, however, the mean score of the second
category (M =1.5; 38%) is higher than the mean score of the first category (M =
1.25; 31%) in reading behaviors. Also, the mean score of ‘Using Literacy Strategies’
is the lowest mean score (adult: M =1; 25 % and child: M = 0.75; 19 %) for both the
adult and the child. In sum, like other subjects in this dissertational study, the results
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of ACIRI parent-child behaviors revealed that the family often utilizes the first two
categories of the inventory such as ‘Enhancing attention to text’ and ‘Promoting
interactive reading and supporting comprehension’ rather than ‘Using literary
strategies’. Therefore, it is the evident that ‘Using literacy strategies’ needs for the
most attention from the Hong family. In the following section, each category of
parent-child reading behaviors is explained based on video analysis and observation
notes.
Enhancing Attention to Text. The purpose of the first category is to assess
attachment, book-handling skills, and motivation and interest. Table 32 represents
the result of the first category, ‘Enhancing Attention to Text’ for both the mother and
the child that the researcher observed through video-analysis.

Table 32
Hong Family’s Enhancing Attention to Text
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. attempts to promote and maintain
physical proximity
3 1. Child seeks and maintains physical
proximity
2
2. sustain interest and attention
through use of child adjusted
language, positive affect, and
reinforcement
2 2. Child pay attention and sustains
interest
1
3. gives child opportunity to hold
book and turn pages.
0 3. Child holds book and turns pages on
his/her own when asked
0
4. shares book with child (ie., displays
sense of audience in book handling
when reading)
3 4. Child initiate or responds to book
sharing which takes his/her presence
into account
2

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By reviewing this Table, three adult behaviors in first category, ‘Enhancing attention
to text’ occurred most of the time during book reading. Before reading a book, the
mother invited her child to sit at a table and maintained physical proximity. The
child stayed close to her mother some of the time. The mother tried to captivate the
child’s interest by using various methods. First, the mother read the title of the book
in English, and asked the child to decide her role between two characters on the book
cover by pointing to the illustrations. During reading, the mother spoke only in
English even though it was broken English and the child also answered her mother’s
question with English words. She often used an engaging voice and spoke in
different voices that are representative of the storybook’s characters. However, the
child infrequently paid attention to her mother’s reading.
In parental interview, the mother mentioned that whenever my child wants to
skip or to turn pages, she allow her do so. But while I was observing their shared
book time, the behaviors, ‘Gives the child an opportunity to hold the book and turn
pages’ and ‘Child holds book and turns pages on his/her own when asked in the
category’ did not occur during the mother-child reading interaction. While reading,
however, the child seemed to focus on pictures on the page and attempted to take a
look at other illustrations in the upcoming pages even though the mother did not ask.
Whenever the child turned pages, the mother often warned her to pay attention to the
page she was reading from. It was contrasting behaviors that I found in parental
interview.
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As the mother said in the parental interview, the mother explained the
contents of the story books by using pictures. The mother explained that she believes
that it is more effective to explain the content using pictures because she assumes
that her child is unable to fully understand the contents of the storybook if she read it
in a sentence by sentence manner.
Promoting interactive reading and supporting comprehension. The second
category, ‘Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension’ consists
of 4 parent-child book reading interactive behaviors related to questioning and
comprehension. The following table shows the result of the mother and the child
related to the second category:

Table 33
Hong Family’s Promoting Interactive Reading and Supporting Comprehension
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult poses and solicits questions
about the book’s content.
2 1. Child responds to questions about
the book.
2
2. Adult points to pictures and words
to assist the child in identification and
understanding.
3 2. Child responds to adult cues or
identifies pictures and words on his or
her own.
2
3. Adult relates the book’s content and
the child’s responses to personal
experiences.
2 3. Child attempts to relate the book’s
content to personal experiences.
1
4. Adult pauses to answer questions
that the child poses.
1 4. Child poses questions about the story
and related topics.
1

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While reading, the mother often sought places in the book at which she could pose
relevant questions to the child by pointing towards pictures and correlating them
with the text. However, most of her questions related to labels, counting, and color
names. Occasionally, the mother attempted to connect the book’s content to the
child’s personal experiences and the child also tried to relate it to her experiences
when the mother asked. The follow dialogue represents their typical interaction
patterns during book reading for Hong family:
Dialogue 1 ( Mother- Chaeyoung)
M: Look! What is this?
C: Bicycle.
M: Look at all these bicycles. You can see them?
C: Yes.
M: You have a bicycle, right?
C: (nods). A red bicycle.
M: You are right. Look this picture. What happened here?
C: Hit his friend bicycle. (The bear hit his friend with his bicycle)
M: Oh my God. He hit his friend with his bike. Chaeyoung! When you ride a
bicycle, you should be very careful. Ok? You should not hit your brother. It
is dangerous. Ok?
C: Ok.

Like other Korean mothers in this study, when the mother asked her child a question
related to pictures, she mainly used what/where -questions rather than why and how
questions. The mother’s communication style toward her child was one-way and
directive except in the case when the mother asked simple questions such as yes/no
or wh-questions. In addition, the mother did not encourage her child to share her own
ideas. As it can be seen from the dialogue, the mother directly judged a situation as
being good or bad and used the text to make a point regarding discipline or morality
rather than asking the child ‘s idea, experience or opinion related to riding a bicycle.
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Researchers (Chung, 1993; Kim, 2005) found that under the influence of
Confucianism, parents’ directive communication style is typical of many Korean
parents. Also, Lim and Cole, who observed Korean parents and child picture book
interactions (2002), also reported that Korean parents tend to be impatient when
waiting for their children to respond. Korean children are not talkative during
parent-child book reading even while reading Korean storybooks. Kim (2005)
explained that if children are shown one correct way to do things by an adult, they
may develop a passive acceptance of knowledge, as well as a tendency to view
things uncritically and to avoid exploration.
Using Literacy Strategies. As Table 31 describes, this category is the weakest
area to both the mother (M = 1; 25%) and child (M = 0.75; 19%). The following
Table 34 shows the result of the mother and the child related to the category.

Table 34
Hong Family’s Using Literacy Strategies
Adult Items Score Child Items Score
1. Adult identifies visual cues related
to story reading (picture, repetitive
words).
3 1. Child responds to the adult and/or
identifies visual cues related to the
story him or herself.
2
2. Adult solicits predictions. 0 2. Child is able to guess what will
happen next based on picture cues.
0
3. Adult asks the child to recall
information from the story.
0 3. Child is able to guess what will
happen next based on picture cues.
0
4. Adult elaborates on the child’s
ideas.
1 4. Child spontaneously offers ideas
about the story
1

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In the beginning of the reading session, the mother engaged her child in
conversation about the books in which the information being sought or conveyed is
available from the text. Also, the mother frequently pointed to the words as she read
them and attempted to elaborate on the child’s ideas, no matter how silly or unrelated
they appeared. While reading the book, the child often responded to her mother’s
cues by herself but rarely attempted to guess what would happen next based on the
picture cues and rarely attempt to spontaneously offer her own ideas about the story.
Whenever the child was distracted, the mother focused on the identification of the
pictures cues to refocus her child attention to the book. However, the mother rarely
asked her child if she would like to share any of her own thoughts or ideas about the
story line. Similar to other mothers in this study, Chaeyoung’s mother also failed to
assist her child in making predications or encouraging her child to use her
imagination even though she seemed to encourage more her child to be actively
involved during shared-book reading than others. In addition, she did not ask the
child to recall or summarize information. Researchers (Kim, 2005; Kwon, 2003)
explained that under the influence of Confucianism in Korean society, Korean
children are supposed to respect hierarchical relationships between child and parent/
teachers so that children accept the information from elders readily, and rarely
express their own opinions or questions in the classroom or at home. They argued
that this style of child rearing could lead to passive and compliant home or classroom
behaviors of children. Conventional child-rearing is no longer prevalent due to the
influence of western education but still exists in its cultural context (Kwon, 2003).
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Summary of Hong Family’s Case
Chaeyoung’s family had the highest literacy environment among the families
in this study in that all items related to home literacy environment are found. In
addition, the mother realized that she has a major responsibility to her daughter’s
literacy development and attempts various types of literacy practices at home. The
mother has a strong desire to learn American culture and English literacy and to
expose her child to English literacy environments by visiting local bookstore story
time even though she faces language barriers. However, the mother did not
encourage her child to learn bi-literacy and bi-cultures because the mother believes
that it hinders her child’s English literacy development. Also, the mother has
indirectly experienced discrimination which originated from the cultural and
linguistic differences between Korean and American cultures. Although the mother
emphasizes and admires American methods of literacy education, the mother still
utilizes literacy practices that she was used to apply or learned from her home
country, Korea.
Contrasting to the mother’s statement that she gave her child more freedom
in book choice and helping her child to be actively involved during shared-book
reading in parental interviews while observing, the nature of the shared book reading
in the family is parent-centered even though the mother often encouraged her child to
actively participate in shared book reading time. In this reason, as in other families’
cases, some adult and child behaviors of ACIRI developed by American researchers
such as ‘giving the child an opportunity to hold book or turn pages,’ ‘adult elaborates
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on the child’s idea’ and ‘child spontaneously offers ideas about the story’ could not
often be observed in Chaeyoung’s family because those can be uncommon or even
inappropriate behaviors in their literacy tradition and in their culture.
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CHAPTER FIVE
DISCUSSION
In this chapter, I will discuss cross patterns in case studies and its
consequential implications for future research in family literacy programs and
Korean immigrant families. Firstly, cross-case studies compare and contrast pattern
findings. Secondly, implications for family literacy researchers, family literacy
programs, and for Korean immigrant families will be examined. These implications
include recommendations for other researchers to further investigate these issues, for
family literacy programs to follow recommendations from mutually beneficial
program practices, and for immigrant families to further develop child literacy
practices in the home. This section also includes personal insights gained from this
research and my concluding thoughts.
Description of Cross Patterns in Case Studies
Upon analysis of each case study, several patterned similarities and
differences were identified among my findings. The five families shared common
experiences in home literacy environments, reading practices, and parent-child
interactions during book reading activities. While each case study shared these
common experiences, each case also presented unique features in parental attitudes
regarding bilingualism and cultural tensions between Korean and American
ideologies.
While Li’s (2004) research discusses home literacy practices of specifically
Chinese immigrant families, the nature of home literacy practices of Korean
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immigrants was found to be complicated and multi-faceted. Native Korean parental
literacy experiences and family life within the American social context were primary
factors that influenced children’s English literacy education and other daily practices.
In particular, Korean literacy traditions and the parents’ cultural values dominated
family home literacy practices.
These Korean literacy traditions originate from Confucian influence and
other socio-cultural practices in modern Korea, in contrast to the more interactive
values between caregivers and children in mainstream American education. In the
following section, I will discuss these similarities and differences in home literacy
practices among the five immigrant families.
Cross-Case Similarities in Home Literacy Environments
Upon analyzing observational notes, data from the Early Childhood Home
Observational and Measurement of the Environment (EC HOME) inventory, and
interviews with parents, it was found that all five families had strong home literacy
environments, as demonstrated by the finding that 90% of the items related to
reading and language activities at home. Table 35 displays the results of EC HOME
in each tested home.
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Table 35
All Five Families’ Results of EC HOME
the 16 items most related to reading and language activities in the home in EC_HOME Respond
1.Child has a t least 10 children's books 5
2. At least 10 books are visible in the apartment or home 5
6. Child is encouraged to learn the alphabet 5
7. Parent teachers child simple verbal manners (please, thank you, I am sorry) 5
8. Parent encourages child to talk and takes time to listen 5
9. Child is permitted choice in breakfast or lunch menu 5
10. Parent converses with child at least twice during visit 5
11. Parent answers child's questions or requests verbally 5
12. Parent usually respond verbally to child's speech 5
13. Child is encouraged to learn patterned speech 5
14. Child is encouraged to learn to read a few words 5
15. Child can hit parent without harsh reprisal 5
16. Child eat at least one meal on most days with mother and father 5
5. Child has toys that help teach names of animals 5
3. Family buys and reads a daily newspaper 1
4. Family subscribes to at least one magazine 1

Four of the five families did not have two of the items listed in the EC
HOME. These two items include the following: ‘Family buys and reads a daily
newspaper’ and ‘Family subscribes to at least one magazine.’ The significance of
these specific items is in evaluating whether the family exercises positive reading
habits in their daily lives. During the parent interviews, I discovered several factors
that may help explain why these items were absent in their homes.
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The first factor was that most of the parents in this case study were
financially strained. These families consider newspaper and magazine subscription
not as a necessity but rather as a luxury and conclude that not spending money on
these items would be wiser. However, some parents read news on the Internet
because it is free. Despite challenging socioeconomic circumstances, all of the
tested parents expressed their willingness and desire to provide reading resources for
their children. The family literacy studies conducted by Yaden and LaFaurie (2004)
also support these findings, from their research on the willingness of minority
parents to make sacrifices to ensure their children are well-educated. Another study
by Min (2000) on Korean immigrants in the United States also found results similar
to Yaden and LaFaurie’s. While Korean parents are willing to make sacrifices to
buy books to help their children, they do not share that sentiment regarding
newspapers and magazines.
In addition, Korean literacy tradition and parental experiences were primarily
focused on academic reading rather than recreational reading. For instance, Dongin
and Siyoon’s mothers mentioned that if they had the extra money, which they could
use to subscribe to newspapers or magazines, they would choose to buy more books
for their children. The absence of recreational reading was also pronounced in the
parental interviews. For example, Gaeun’s mother mentioned that she never read
magazines because she considered it a waste of time. Dongin’s mother stated that
she does not read books for pleasure but for information and knowledge. The section
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entitled ‘The Purpose of Reading’ discusses the absence of recreational reading in
further detail.
Although the EC HOME inventory is a reliable resource for measuring home
literacy environments, another limiting factor is that it does not account for current
trends like the Internet and online news. As aforementioned, some of the families
read online news reports and magazines when necessary. Furthermore, the inventory
does not reflect the diversity of literacy traditions for families from different cultural
backgrounds (Molfese, Modglin, and Mofese, 2003). Despite not having fully
adjusted to life outside Korea, both of Siyoon’s parents seek to be exemplary role
models for their children: they regularly read Korean books at home even though
they do not read newspapers to subscribe to magazines. Therefore, these findings
demonstrate that the EC HOME items could be modified to better reflect positive
reading habits for immigrant families. Through the parental interviews, I discovered
that specific cultural values inherited from the family’s home country and from the
parents are significantly influential on literacy. Moreover, Western-developed
research inventories are limited in their capabilities to measure the immigrant
families’ home literacy environments.
Cross-Case Similarities in Home Reading Practices
Many similarities in parental beliefs and practices about literacy are shared
even across geographical borders. For example, during early childhood in Korea,
storybook reading was a regular activity among most of the families in the study.
Likewise, Lee (2002) also found high levels of participation among Korean parents
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with their children in early literacy development in Korea. Each family
demonstrated a strong motivation to help their children read English books. The
parents cared greatly about their children’s education and eagerly helped their
children learn to read and understand English books. However, some reading
practices of these families are contradistinctive from middle-income American home
literacy practices. The following features were observed similarities in home reading
practices:
Reading Resources at Home and Library Use
Similar to Kim’s (2000) findings on reading education of Korean families in
Korea, most families indicated that, on average, they have over one hundred
children’s English and Korean books at home. The most common genres included
storybooks and picture books. None of the families had Korean-English children’s
books. Except for Chaeyoung’s mother, the other four mothers felt reluctant to go to
the public library because of their limited English proficiency, as well as their
unfamiliarity with the library systems in a new country. Despite their financial
challenges, all five families preferred buying books for their children rather than
borrowing them from the public library. If financially constrained, some mothers
purchased books at discounted stores and yard sales or received them from relatives
and friends.
Reading for Academic Purposes instead of Recreational
When parents explained their intentions in reading to their children, the
reason most frequently expressed was academic: (a) Improving their children’s
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English vocabulary knowledge; (b) Helping their children learn American culture;
(c) Being ready to attend American schools; (e) Improving both parent and
children’s English skills. However, none of the families reported that they read
purely for enjoyment or entertainment. Most of the mothers described their own
childhood experiences in Korea as engaging in shared-book reading for academic
purposes like teaching vocabulary and learning new information. With their own
children, the mothers practiced shared-book reading for the same reasons as when
they were children in Korea, as contrasted with the shared-reading activities
commonly observed in middle-income American families, in which parents
emphasize and encourage recreational reading over academic reading.
Under Confucian influence, competition is deeply embedded in Korean
education. From an early age, children are introduced to the idea of competition and
have little time to play. Furthermore, parents do not consider childhood as a time to
play, and they force their children into a formal education structure, in which
considerable emphasis is placed on reading and writing (Kim, 2002; Lee, 2002).
Therefore, it is of little surprise that few mothers in this study practiced book reading
with their children for enjoyment and entertainment. Other studies also support this
finding: culturally disparate groups may differ in education beliefs and ways of
responding to and supporting their children (Sonnenschein et al., 1996); parents’
personal reading experiences can affect how they read with their children (Bus &
Sulzby, 1996).
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Barriers Encountered by Korean Immigrant Parents to Book Reading
Every mother faced some barrier while reading with their children. Limited
proficiency in English and limited knowledge of American culture may have lowered
their self-esteem and further discourage them from engaging in reading activities.
Firstly, regardless of their educational background in Korea, immigrant
Korean parents have limited proficiency in English. Consequently, Korean mothers
demonstrated little confidence in their abilities to help develop their children’s
English literacy. They have great difficulty in completely comprehending the
content of English children’s books, and because of this, mothers could not ask
comprehension questions regarding the book’s content while reading with their
children. In particular, immigrant Korean parents experienced difficult
understanding infant terminology and mimetic words because these English words
are different from the Korean language. Furthermore, these idioms are rarely
included in English dictionaries for English language learners and are rarely taught
in English classes in Korea, furthering the problem. Kim’s (2002) research also
showed similar challenges for Korean mothers who read with their children. In
addition, another factor that discouraged these mothers was the possibility of their
mispronouncing English words. Although they realized the benefits and their
responsibility to spend significant time reading with their young children, they
expressed reluctance to reading English because of their concerns that erroneous
pronunciation may influence their children’s.
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Secondly, immigrant parents had difficulties understanding the American
culture found in children’s books. For these immigrant families who are newly
exposed to American culture, acquiring English literacy is not as simple as
understanding and constructing language in written form: they may correctly read,
pronounce, and know the meaning of words and understand basic sentences, but be
otherwise ‘culturally illiterate.’ According to Duran (1996), becoming literate
requires acquiring shared knowledge of that country’s culture and history through
personally participating in its social communities. Furthermore, I found that the
immigrant parents in this study have little knowledge of American culture and
history, inadequate social participation outside of Korean communities, and,
therefore, are ‘culturally illiterate’ to varying degrees. Specifically, two mothers
stated that many American children’s books involved a familiarity with American
history and customs, which they acknowledged they did not completely understand,
particularly with the underlying meanings and customs of holidays like Halloween
and Thanksgiving. Therefore, during shared book reading time with their children,
these mothers experienced distress when they would try to explain something they
didn’t understand to their children.
Moreover, these two mothers had difficulty articulating cultural differences
between America and Korea. For example, calling elders by their given names is
unacceptable in Korea, but in America, this type of behavior may be acceptable
under some circumstances. These mothers held different attitudes toward these
cultural differences, depending on the extent of acculturation and the duration of
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their stay in America. That is, recent immigrant mothers were more uncomfortable
with contradictory cultural tensions than were Korean mothers who had lived in the
United States longer. Differing parental attitudes as expressed through these cultural
tensions will be discussed in further detail in the section titled ‘Comparisons across
Case Studies for Cultural and Linguistic Conflicts.’
Lastly, every mother in this study had difficulty establishing clear criteria for
selecting appropriate English books for their children. During the interviews, most
mothers stated that they purchased only those books that had good illustrations or
certain characters that their children liked. Two mothers mentioned that other
Korean mothers had recommended age-appropriate and award-winning books, but
they could not determine why. Because these books were targeted to an audience of
English-speaking American children rather than those who were limited, they also
doubted whether these books could effectively develop literary skills in their
children. One mother stated that a possible reason for this difficulty may be due to an
age discrepancy between that of the target audience and that of their own children.
Also, lacking social connections to American mothers and teachers who could have
provided literacy development strategies and recommended age-appropriate books,
these Korean mothers relied solely on their own experiences and assumptions within
Korean communities. The work of sociologist Bourdieu (1984) suggests the
usefulness of social capital to advance literacy through social relationships and
interactions, a particularly relevant point to understanding the literacy needs of
immigrant individuals and families. Research on second language learning shows
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that people who learn a second language can do so most effectively through
comprehensible input, like in authentic social contexts in which they learn extended
meanings and practical problem solving abilities (Malave & Duquette, 1991;
Krashen, 1981).
In summary, most of the mothers in this study realized the pivotal importance
of reading books with their children to develop English literacy, and they provided
numerous reading resources in spite of limited proficiency in the language and
strained financial circumstances. However, because of their unfamiliarity with
American literacy education and culture, choosing appropriate books for their
children was a challenge. It is evident that these mothers are very isolated and
should interact more with American mothers and teachers to resolve these issues.
Through my findings, I realized the necessity of family literacy programs to
recommend appropriate books that take family English proficiency and literacy
traditions into consideration. Not only so, but these programs need to provide
families with opportunities to interact with literacy in its expanded social sense.
The Common Influence from the Case Study Families’ Shared
Confucian Tradition on Parent-Child Reading Interaction
Upon analysis of observational notes and data from the Adult-Child
Interactive Reading Inventory (ACIRI) and parental interviews, I discovered more
evidence that supported Ochs’s research (1982) – that certain aspects of the mother-
child interaction are unique to each culture, and that different cultural backgrounds
shape different types of social interactions. In particular, I found that parent-child
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interactions during shared book-readings are deeply embedded in their distinctive
Korean cultural values, many of which are predominantly Confucian in origin.
These findings correspond with previous research, which found a close relationship
between literacy and cultural values (Ferdman, 1970).
Social-reconstructivist research (reviewed in Chapter 2) suggests that
interactions between a mother and her child are similar to transactions, in which each
participant contributes something to the situation. That is, parents provide social
scaffolding during shared book-reading activities within the children’s zone of
proximal development (Auerbach, 1993; Neuman, 2000; Vygotsky, 1978). This
research suggests that parents assume the role of ‘active listener’ by asking
questions, adding information, and encouraging the child to describe the book’s
content in greater depth (Whitehurst et al., 1998). However, in this dissertational
study, I found that the major cultural factors of Confucian ethics created unique
elements in the Korean mother-child interaction, so that it differs deeply from
previous Western research. Figure 2 summarizes observed Confucian principles in
literacy practice, as well as in mother-child interactions during reading, and shows
how the four principles of Confucian philosophy are interrelated to one another.
This figure was developed based on Kim’s research on Confucian philosophy and
Korean education (2000).
153

Figure 2
Observed Confucian Principles in Literacy Practice and in Mother-child
Interactions

1. Hierarchical
relationship

4. Ethics
3. Family
supports
2. High value on
Education
Confucianism
&
Korean Culture
1. High parental
involvement in early
childhood
2. Parents are willing to put
almost all their resources
toward their children’s
education (including:
money, time, and energy).
3. Parents prepare their
preschool children to accept
authority and work
diligently.
4. Parents socialize their
children to be
psychologically dependent
on the in-group and to
avoid conflict.
1. Reading academic purpose
2. Emphasizing repetitive learning and memorization.
3. Devaluation of play and games
1. Suppressing emotion &
expressions
2. Value of humility,
silence ethic, stigmatized
eccentricity,
3. Emphasizing “moral
issues” such as filial piety,
harmony among friends
rather than encourage
children to think creatively,
imaginatively or originally.
1. Emphasize respect for
parents ex) obedience
2. Less talking- children
expect the mothers to initiate
communication, and they
speak only when asked to by
elders (Korean children view
it as relatively inappropriate
to interrupt their elders)
3. Authoritarian relationship
between teacher/parent and
children (i.e. Parent centered
education / learning
environments).
4. Children are prohibited to
argue, discuss, and suggest.

154
Influence of Hierarchical Relationships
Due to the emphatic influence of hierarchical relationships and the family
value system of Confucianism, Korean culture emphasizes rigidly-structured parent-
child relationships. From early childhood, Korean children are educated to obey and
to respect adult authority. Parents try to control and evaluate their children’s
behavior and attitudes according to their cultural standards (Kim, 2000). This
authoritarian relationship between parent and child was clearly visible during my
book-reading observations. For example, most of the Korean mothers primarily led
or directed book reading, rather than sharing or interacting with their children.
Mothers accepted responsibility for storytelling and often communicated with their
children directly instead of talking to them and reading with them in efforts to
engage their curiosities. Parents primarily asked questions regarding concrete details
rather than those inferential in nature. Except for Siyoon, most children in this study
responded to their mothers’ questions but would rarely ask questions themselves.
The use of verbal and nonverbal communication is of interesting note. While
reading, most mothers and their children avoided eye contact and animated facial
expressions, and most children listened silently while their mothers read to them. In
Korean culture, silence is a great virtue and verbal communication skills are not
considered an important area of child development. Therefore, elders initiate the
conversation, while children are expected to speak only when spoken to. Some
parents revealed that they find it inappropriate when their children interrupt or
initiate their own questions while the mother is reading. Interestingly, the adult and
155
child behavioral research documented by the Adult and Child Interactive Reading
Inventory (ACIRI) was developed by American researchers.
Among items listed in the inventory, certain behaviors such as ‘giving the
child an opportunity to hold the book or turn pages,’ ‘the adult elaborating on the
child’s idea,’ and ‘child spontaneously offering ideas about the story’ were rarely
observed in Korean literacy tradition and may be considered inconsistent with
traditional Korean virtues. Early literacy researchers Bus (2001) and Van Ijzendoorn
(1991) report that “parents who have authoritarian style may show less empathy in
their children’s interests, knowledge, and conceptions when they mediate a text to
their child, and, consequently, their children may have less book-reading experiences
when they enter school” (Bus, 2001 p.185). However, this claim presupposes
Western values, in which authoritarian parenting styles are not considered the most
appropriate for child literacy development, but that may also be a semantic issue
regarding the word ‘authoritarian’ (Kim). Nonetheless, considering the high literacy
rate in Korea and the differing cultural norms, certain behaviors described in ACIRI
and other Western research on parent-child interactions may not be best in cross-
cultural applications.
High Value on Educational Influence
Because Confucian and traditional Korean culture places great value on
education, every mother in this study, although holding differing expectations on
their children, believed education to be the most important factor in ensuring their
children’s future success. Except for Sarah’s mother, most mothers believe reading
156
literacy is the first step to academic achievement and eagerly seek to help their
children read and understand English books. As previously explained in “The
Purpose of Book Reading,” immigrant parents clearly consider book reading to be
different from playing or singing songs. Parents’ statements such as “I do not read
books for my pleasure” and “I read English children’s books with my child to
improve his English vocabulary and for him to learn new information” indicates that
they perceive book reading to be academic in nature, not recreational. Bus & Sulzby
explained that “when for parents themselves reading is not a source of amusement,
activities such as storybook reading may not be firmly embedded in family practice
and parents may not know how to engage children in reading sessions” (Bus &
Sulzby, 1996; Bus, 2001 p.185). This assumption may partially apply to the
immigrant families of this dissertational study.
Korean families practice book reading as a routine home activity to promote
education, even if they do not enjoy it recreationally. Parents engage their children
in reading sessions with the same practices used in Korea rather than the strategies
used in American schools. As explained in the section “Hierarchical Relationships
in Confucianism,” within the cross-case analysis, the mothers’ home reading
practices reflect traditional Confucian literacy teaching methods. For instance, they
apply mother-centered educational practices and repetitive learning techniques to
teach reading, in contrast to the interactive and student-focused literacy methods
emphasized in American schools.
157
In Korea, parents and teachers emphasize working on well-defined problems
with clear results, so that children’s literacy has traditionally been taught through
repetition and rote memorization (Kim, 2005). While observing parent-child book
reading activities, I recognized this adult-directed and controlling learning
environment. When reading, Korean mothers would explicitly tell their children
information from the storybook instead of encouraging child interaction and
participation. Children would passively and readily accept information from their
parents, rarely expressing their own opinions, or asking questions except when asked
by their parents. Kim (2002), who researched the influence of Confucianism on
Korean education, criticized that Koreans tend to exclusively rely on adult-directed
learning approaches and suggested that these factors have inhibited their children’s
creative and critical thinking skills. As shown in Table 36, my findings confirm that
these mothers are limited in their ability to use literacy strategies that help encourage
their children’s creative and critical thinking, reinforced by their socio-cultural
isolation.
158
Table 36
All Five Families’ Mean and Standard Deviation relating Using Literacy Strategies
Adult Mean S.D Child Mean S.D
a. Adult indentifies
visual cues related to
story reading
(e.g.,pictures, repetitive
words)
1.8 1.03
a. Child responds to
the adult and/or
identifies visual cues
related to the story
him- or herself
1.6 0.94
b. Adult solicits
predictions
0.6 0.71*
b. Child is able to
guess what will
happen next based on
picture cues
0.4 0.7*
c. Adult asks the child
to recall information
from the story
0.4 0.84*
c. Child is able to
recall information
from the story
0.4 0.79*
d. Adult elaborates on
the child's idea 0.8 0.84 *
d. Child
spontaneously offers
ideas about the story
1.2 0.45
Total 0.9 0.97 * 0.9 0.85*

From analyzing parent-child book-reading activities, I confirmed that parents from
different backgrounds appear to interact with their children in varying ways.
Presumably, from an American perspective, the combination of Korean style parent-
child interactions and the limited use of proven literacy strategies seem to be
ineffective in early childhood literacy education. However, researchers should note
that the families’ parent-child interaction style may be attributed to other factors such
as the following: family’s own literacy traditions, unfamiliarity with English book
content, different usage, and the influence of mainstream culture. This is not to
suggest that these families are ineffective at teaching literary success to their
159
children, but that that these methods are different from America’s (Heath 1982,
1983). Therefore, family literacy researchers and parent-educators in the family
literacy programs should recognize the validity of Confucian value-centered
education while also providing supplemental recommendations from which the
Korean system differs. Furthermore, researchers and parent educators should
discover new strategies that help Korean-American children adapt to American
culture and are still compatible with the Confucian literacy strategies of their parents.
Family Support
Similar to the findings of other researchers (Kim, 2002; Min, 1998), Korean
immigrant parents make strong efforts to facilitate their children’s academic
achievement, even amidst the economic and cultural disadvantages of living in a new
country. Most of the immigrant families indicated that their children’s education
was the determining factor in their decision to immigrate to America. According to
the parental interviews, parental support for their children’s English literacy
development was unconditional. For instance, they purchased many English books
to provide a print-rich environment for their children and practiced reading daily,
even if they did not know which books were best. Since children are still the center
of their parents’ interests and because Korean society highly values education due to
Confucian culture, parents are willing to invest nearly all their resources into their
children’s education, including money, time, and energy. In Korea, this is informally
known as the “education ethic,” which receives special emphasis in early childhood
(Henderson, Marx, & Kim, 1999; Kim 2002). However, researchers often criticize
160
that children’s individual interests are not adequately encouraged. As Kim
mentioned, I also found that the parents in this dissertational study did not encourage
their children’s personal interests, but focused on ensuring that their children
understood what the parents considered essential information in the books (2000).
Furthermore, I found that the immigrant families’ income, limited English
proficiency and cultural knowledge do not critically affect children’s literacy
practices, even if many Western research-recommended literacy strategies are
limited in use. Current assumptions that family literacy research contributes little to
low-income immigrant homes may be a misconception.
Ethics
To understand this Confucian principle, we must first recognize the
fundamental difference between Asian ethics and Western morality. In modern
Western morality, the individual is entitled to rights to liberties and other goods,
deriving from the belief that each individual has the same moral worth independent
of responsibilities to self and others. On the other hand, Confucianism lacks a
comparable concept, and assumes that responsibility to others and individual moral
progression is inextricably intertwined with ethics (Shun, 2004).
Confucian ethics are based on five basic practical moral precepts that govern
the five most important human relationships: affection between parent and child,
loyalty between sovereign and subject, distinction between roles for husband and
wife, courtesy of young to the old, and trust between friends. These moral principles
of Confucian ethics are deeply felt in Korean society, and guide family and
161
individual behavior in daily life (Kim, 2004). In interviews with the mothers and
parent-child readings, I observed that the mothers frequently incorporated Confucian
principles to the book’s themes, even if unrelated. Particularly emphatic on
relationships between siblings, friends, and respect for elders, the mothers would
emphasize group-based values such as harmony, cooperation, unity, conformity, and
the unquestioning acceptance of social norms. In the parent interviews, two mothers
explicitly stated that they use book reading as a method to teach moral education. It
seems that the primary function of moral education through family book reading is
the transmission of their established cultural values and knowledge.
Interestingly, recently immigrant mothers often emphasize these moral
principles more than immigrants who have been living in the United States for a
longer time. In parent interviews, Siyoon and Gaeun’s families, who had recently
immigrated, mentioned that they have a difficult time dealing with culturally
unacceptable behaviors in English books, even if such content is naturally accepted
in America. Meanwhile, Dongin and Chaeyoung’s parents, who had been in the
country for longer, read both Korean and English books to their children and
recognize the Confucian philosophical issues present in Korean children’s books.
During their interviews, they criticized this as hindering children from being able to
see the world objectively and independently.
I found that cultural capital and the duration of stay in the U.S. influence the
book reading practices of immigrant families. The cultural capital of a deeply-
embedded Confucian consciousness plays a critical role in how parents relate and
162
interact with their children. However, families who recognized the presence of these
traditional ethical principles do not approve on the basis of their children living and
being educated in a new country and the resulting cultural tensions that may arise.
Comparisons across Case Studies in Home Reading Practices
From quantitative analysis, I found that four of the five families practice
storybook reading as a routine activity at home. Greatly concerned about their
children’s education, parents eagerly helped their children learn to read and
understand English books. In previous Korean research (Lee, 2000; Lee, Park and
Kim, 2000; Chung and Koo, 2001), Korean parents expressed strong belief in their
responsibility to educate their children to become competent in reading and writing
through literacy development at an early age, all of which were consistent in my own
findings. However, not all of the participants in this dissertation have the equal
values on the shared book reading.
The family who practiced the least amount of home book reading was
Sarah’s family. In contrast to the other Korean mothers, who also represent the
average Korean parents, Sarah’s mother participated in reading activities only when
Sarah had requested it. Interestingly, the mother did consider reading a valuable
experience for young children, but empathized less with her child’s interests when
reading together; Sarah’s mother expected her child to be able to read and write
independently. The reason for this is that Sarah’s mother preferred independent
study herself, as no one had read to her in her own experiences. Bus’ research
(2001) found that a parent’s personal reading experiences can affect how he or she
163
mediates a book. Likewise, from these observations, I found that the parent’s own
early childhood literacy experiences at home and in their native country can strongly
influence the parent’s own parenting practices.
Comparisons across Case Studies for Parental Attitude toward Cultural
and Linguistic Conflicts
Adapting to a new culture and integrating into a new society is a difficult
process for any immigrant. Having come to the United States for better educational
opportunities for their children, immigrant families hold high expectations on their
children, even if how they will help them is uncertain. However deeply committed
immigrant parents may be to their children’s education, their unfamiliarity with
American education and limited proficiency in English may hinder their intentions
(Delgado-Gaitan 1990; Epstein 1990; Goldenberg 1993; Goldenberg and Gallimore
1991). This challenge held true in this study for the five families, who also
experienced language barriers and difficulties comprehending unfamiliar cultures in
their children’s books.
Interestingly, the five families held different attitudes toward the appropriate
response to cultural challenges in helping their children to learn English. The level
of acculturation and the length of time lived in the United States were the two factors
that most affected their attitudes. Two mothers who had recently immigrated to the
United States applied traditional Korean manners in parenting their children. They
expressed their discomfort with practicing American cultural routines that conflicted
with traditional Korean practices, particularly with those involving obedience and
164
respect for parental authority. Furthermore, these mothers expressed their emotional
attachment to their native culture and a strong desire for their children to maintain
their native language and culture while living in the United States. Their attitudes
regarding parenting further influence their children’s education and literacy
development.
On the other hand, Dongin and Sarah’s mothers had been in the United States
for a longer time and had become more willing to use both Korean and English
languages and to draw from both Korean and American cultures. Because they
planned to raise their children in the U.S., these parents preferred reading American
books and focused their children’s literacy development on English. While willing
to learn American culture and the English language, they realized that their
traditional parenting and teaching methods do not often effectively work in their new
culture. Explaining culturally-biased topics in Korean and American children’s
books to their children posed another challenge to mothers. Lacking the resources to
expose their children to a variety of American cultural practices, mothers found it
difficult to bridge the gap between Korean and American cultural practices.
Chaeyoung’s mother had lived in the United States for the longest duration of
anyone who had participated in this study. She speaks relatively fluent English and,
rather than only comparing cultural differences and practically adhering to home
country cultural traditions, she expressed her desire to learn more about American
culture, specifically in child rearing and literacy educating methods. In addition,
because of direct and indirect experiences with discrimination due to cultural and
165
linguistic differences, Chaeyoung’s mother even expressed a negative attitude
toward Korean culture and language and her intention to protect her children from
the pain of such experiences. She also criticized bilingual education, feeling that it
hinders a child’s ability to learn the English language and American culture more
effectively. Instead, she speaks only in English and reads only English children’s
books to her child. While her efforts in undertaking such a challenging task are
admirable, Chaeyoung’s mother’s vague cultural situation is neither exactly Korean
nor American. During mother-child book reading activities, I observed that she
unconsciously uses the same literacy practices that she used as a child in Korea.
In my analysis of parental attitudes toward cultural and linguistic tensions,
the origin of these conflicts for immigrant families is complex and multifaceted.
Because each family believed in different values and responded differently to resolve
their unique problems, I discovered that suggesting a single appropriate method for
responding to these tensions is difficult. Nonetheless, I recommend that family
intervention programs best value each family’s unique culture and literacy traditions,
while also acknowledging the limitations they face in a new culture.
Summary of Results
The primary purpose of this dissertation is to document the nature of home
literacy experiences of five low-income Korean immigrant families in the United
States. Its theoretical premise was that home literacy experiences and family literacy
education was deeply embedded in literacy traditions, cultural values, and socio-
cultural context (Rogoff, 1990). A mixed research method approach and cross-case
166
analysis methods provided a detailed and comprehensive description of the daily
struggles in literacy experiences for these five families. Through this research, I
found the nature of home literacy practices of Korean immigrants to be complex and
multi-faceted. I discovered strong connections between the child’s literacy learning
and the family’s cultural values regarding knowledge and literacy. I also found that
immigrant families have experienced challenges arising from cultural and linguistic
differences between their home country and their new country. Figure 3 provides a
visual depiction of the complex nature and factors that affect to Korean immigrant
families’ home literacy environments and their literacy practices. Figure 3 provides
the complex nature and factors that affect to Korean immigrant families’ home
literacy environments and their literacy practices.
167

Figure 3
Factors that Affect Korean Immigrant Families’ Home Literacy Environments and
their Literacy Practices

Within American Socio-cultural
context
Native Korean
Parental Literacy
Experience
Korean Literacy
Tradition
•Academic reading
Korean
Cultural
Value
Korean Immigrant Families’
Home Literacy Environments
& Literacy Practice
Home
Language Use
Cultural
conflicts
Language
barriers

Financial
Challenge
Limited Knowledge
of American culture
& limited social
connection with
Americans

Korean Parental
beliefs and
practices about
Literacy
168
Recommendations for Family Literacy Researchers
Given the small sample of Korean immigrant families, additional and larger-
scale research is clearly warranted. Because of the fragmented nature of this type of
research on the home literacy environment and experiences of Korean immigrant
families, greater emphasis must be placed on research that is sensitive to cultural
differences in childrearing practices and that recognize already existing literacy
traditions and practices. The question that remains involves what ought to be done to
address the discrepancies between the practices of minority families at home with
those used at school. In order to best coordinate connecting children’s literacy
experiences at home with those at school, researches in the field of family literacy
must investigate and also reconcile these differences, rather than providing literacy
methods that simply resemble the current education system of this country.
Moreover, researchers should also clearly define the role of home languages
in the child’s literacy education. Through my research, I often found that the Korean
immigrant families encounter prejudice against early bilingualism—questioning
whether it hinders the child’s literacy development in English. Indeed, considerable
evidence shows that learning to read in one’s primary language is in many ways like
learning to read in a second language (Fitzgerald 1995; Thomas & Collier, 1997).
Even with these findings, currently the advantages of bilingualism in early childhood
literacy research and policy discussion have received little attention (Saunders &
Goldenberg, 2001).
169
Furthermore, research must be conducted in the two following areas:
identifying why cultural issues are significant in the early literacy development of
culturally diverse children and discerning which specific cultural accommodations
for interactive styles can best improve family participation at home. These studies so
desperately needed in family literacy research can provide strategies that will
effectively and positively influence immigrant families and especially their children
(Fueyo & Bechtol, 1999; Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1989).
Recommendations for Family Literacy Programs
Through developing literacy skills, the primary purpose of most family
literacy programs is empowering parents to fulfill the role as the child’s first teacher.
Recent research suggests that the different features of learning, literacy, families, and
intergenerational relationships in different cultures must be identified so that how
families acquire, use, and value literacy can be determined and understood (Gadsden,
2000). However, many current program designs tend to revolve toward the “deficit”
perspective, which emphasizes transmitting literacy skills from the school to the
family, as opposed to building on the strength of the parents’ knowledge and
experience (Paratore & Harrison, 1995).
The foundation for empowering immigrant parents should be based on
understanding how their knowledge and culture relates to literacy. Because literacy
events are inextricably rooted in their relevant cultural belief system and literacy
values, the literacy methods that immigrant families employ differ significantly from
those of the mainstream culture. Families interact differently and ask different
170
questions that may or may not be stressed by mainstream American families. The
parents interviewed in this study provide their children with opportunities to acquire
literacy abilities that are pertinent to their own lives and abilities. Without properly
understanding this connection, several concerning issues may arise. For instance, if
family literacy programs require the mothers to acquire American mainstream
parenting and force conformity to mainstream Euro-centric values and expectations
toward child literacy education, it may display disrespect for their own traditional
values and practices and deny the strengths of their native culture. However, through
these programs, mothers may learn how to read and interact with their children in a
manner consistent with those of mainstream American mothers, possibly resulting in
the dismissal of their own culture.
I challenge those who implement family literacy programs to reexamine and
reformulate their programs according to a linguistic and cultural understanding of
families. First of all, program educators should recognize and embrace the strengths
of immigrant families’ literacy traditions and practices that are already in place, as
well as acknowledging the desire to provide a variety of learning opportunities for
their children and be comprehensively engaged in their children’s learning process in
the new country. To narrow the communicative and cultural gap between family
intervention programs and the family itself, hiring educators who can speak the
family’s primary language would help resolve alleviate cultural tensions.
Furthermore, educators should refine family literacy programs to respond
specifically to the family’s unique culture to better support home-based literacy uses
171
(Paratore and Harrison, 1995). Also, educators must account for the fact that
families must be afforded the opportunity to adjust and acculturate themselves,
particularly in discerning under what circumstances they ought to modify their home
literacy practices. Connecting but not disregarding the family’s first language,
previous literacy education, and native culture is a necessary component of any
newly adopted educational literacy curriculum.
Recommendations for Korean Immigrant Families
Mainstream American children already have the cultural advantage of having
virtually no difference in parental and school literacy practices such as storytelling
and question and answer formats. However, children from immigrant families
experience different interactive styles because their own parents are not accustomed
to American school methods. Therefore, children from these cultures may
experience difficulties when answering questions and interacting with their teachers
(Panofsky, 1994).
In mainstream Euro-centric values and expectations, adults embrace
children’s individual differences and encourage independence in problem solving,
self-expression, creativity, and imaginative thinking (Vernon-Feagans, Hammer,
Miccio, & Manlove, 2001). From the Western perspective, Korean families in this
dissertation study seem less supportive and interactive during book reading activities.
For example, The Korean mothers are more likely to discipline their children and
permit them fewer opportunities to express their own opinions. However, because
obedience and respect for adults are foundational values in their culture, Korean
172
immigrant families have demonstrated literacy methods relevant to their culture
when reading English books.
Although their literacy activities and methods are inextricably related to
family cultural beliefs and values, the parents are needed to develop certain literacy
practices absent from their own background but are established in American
educational systems. First of all, Korean immigrant families need to recognize that
in European-American preschool/home literacy educational settings, children are
expected to develop not only reading comprehension skills but also an autonomous
sense of self, problem solving, and creative thinking skills. Research in the U.S.
asserts that book reading is most effective when parents demand their children to
participate actively and verbally. Not only so, but through dialogic reading, the child
learns to become the storyteller while the parent becomes the active listener( Bus,
2001).
Furthermore, parents should also acknowledge the valuable roles of
recreational reading and parent-child interactive reading in early literacy
development. Korean parents are inclined toward factual discussions and learning
more information rather than finding the pleasure of reading, and convey this
disposition to their children. They believe early literacy learning should involve
primarily memorizing a certain quantity of words, and that they themselves maintain
a vital role in overseeing literacy learning. Some parents do admit that recreational
reading reaps benefits in children’s literacy development but are unsure as to what is
its precise function. This perception reigns among this generation of Korean parents
173
because they themselves were not encouraged. Furthermore, parents must be
empowered to learn English and inform themselves of the established literacy
practices in schools and the new culture.
Although the parents must adapt to new literacy practices, they are
nonetheless aware that home reading activities are essential in developing their
children’s literacy skills. Accordingly, by increasing awareness of the similarities
and differences of children’s literacy education between American and other cultures
and recognizing their strengths and weaknesses, immigrant Korean mothers can
incorporate the best of both worlds to determine the most appropriate balance for
their children’s literacy development. By interacting with American educational
methods, parents can then actively participate in their children’s education and
reinforce their own culture’s literacy strengths as well.
Conclusion
This study addressed concerns of Korean immigrant families that have their
own literacy traditions and have experienced challenges arising from differences
between home and American schools. While observing through this socio-cultural
lens, I could see the nature of Korean immigrant families’ experiences with home
literacy environments and practices. I also observed how the parents’ culturally
based beliefs and values influence their literacy interactions with their children. As
the socio-cultural constructivist perspective asserts, I found strong connections
between the child’s literacy development and the family’s cultural values of
knowledge and education. Cultural values become realized from the immigrant
174
parents to a child’s own interpersonal actions. Although cultural accommodation
and assimilation may vary, Korean parents incorporate their traditional parental roles
and Korean values into their children’s English literacy education, while their
children also practice culturally appropriate methods of literacy when reading with
their mothers. These research findings are consistent with the idea that the research
literature on family literacy documented that different cultural groups interact with
their children differently and hold to different behavior expectations, so that these
differences can help their children “get on the road to literacy learning” (Goldenberg,
2002, p.221). In addition, family literacy programs and research should center on
awareness of their socio-cultural background and literacy traditions. Therefore,
family literacy programs should build on what parents already know and can do, so
that complemented with new ideas, knowledge, and skills, they can effectively
promote developing their children’s literacy. This proposition should form the
foundation for family literacy research and early literacy interventions.
175
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APPENDIX A
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH: PARENTS

University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education,
Department of Curriculum and Instruction

INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

******************************************************************

CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH: Korean Parents

Home literacy practices of Korean Immigrant Families

You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Jihyun Park, a doctoral
candidate from the Rossier School of Education, Department of Curriculum and
Instruction at the University of Southern California (USC). I am conducting the
study with the guidance of Dr. Gisele. Ragusa, faculty advisor. You were selected as
a possible participant in this study because you will be participants of Even Start
Home visits chosen for the study. A total of twenty two will be selected from Even
Start Family Literacy Program in Torrance Unified School District to participate.
Participants will include parent educators and Korean parents and their children.
Your participation is voluntary. You should read the information below, and ask
questions about anything you do not understand, before deciding whether or not to
participate

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purposes of this study are to explore home literacy behaviors and literacy
practice of immigrant Korean families without a formal literacy related intervention
and to investigate the influence of Even Start family literacy programs on changes in
Korean parent-child literacy promoting behaviors and interactions related to book-
reading activities.

PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask you to give your
permission to be observed and interviewed, along with your child, at four monthly
home visits of Even Start Family Literacy Programs and two individual meetings.
Prior to your participate in home visit class, the investigator will interview you
191
individually. The individual interview will take approximately one hour and will take
place at your home. You will be asked to provide detailed information about your
home literacy practices with your child. After finished the interview, you will be
asked to read a storybook with your child. The book reading activity will be video
taped. The second interview will held after you finish your last home visit on
December. You will be asked to provide your experiences with parent educators of
home visits and perception about the influence of the program on your language and
literacy promoting behaviors and interaction with your child. After finished the
second interview, you will be asked to read another storybook with your child. The
book reading activity will be also video taped.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
Participating in the study will not harm you. Though I realize you might feel
somewhat uncomfortable talking about your home literacy practices with your child,
your experiences is valuable and I appreciate that you willingly share it with me. I
also appreciate the time you give to do so.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
The study may benefit you and future learners. The information may affect the way
programs, such as yours, understand learners’ home literacy practices, meet the
needs of learners and include learners in planning and carrying out the program.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your
permission or as required by law. With your permission, I would like to take written
notes when I observe the home visiting classes and interview you individually. With
your permission, I will tape record the meetings. And I will videotape you and your
child’s shared book reading. However, if you do not want to be video-taped, you can
still participate. Your personal information will not to be given anybody. Your child
will be present when I observe the home visits but I will not focus on their
participation. I will only receive information about the children that you willing give
me. I will keep my notes, tapes, video tapes, and transcripts in a locked cabinet. I
will keep them for as long as I feel I can study this topic. When I no longer need
them, I will destroy the tapes and shred the notes and transcripts. When the results of
the research are published or discussed in conferences, no information will be
included that would reveal your identity. If photographs, videos, or audio-tape
recordings of you will be used for educational purposes, your identity will be
protected or disguised. I will never use real names, or give information that could
identify you or your children, when I write my study or discuss the study with others.
192
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this
study, you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may
also refuse to answer any questions you don’t want to answer and still remain in the
study. The investigator may withdraw you from this research if you do not continue
your involvement in the program and its activities, or if too little information is given
during the interview or observations.

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
me by phone (213) 219-9972, email jipark@usc.edu or postal mail c/o Dr. Ragusa.
Ragusa, USC, Waite Philps Hall 1004, Los Angeles, California 90089-0031.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a
research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research, Grace Ford Salvatori Building, Room 306, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1695,
(213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT, PARENT OR LEGAL
REPRESENTATIVE.

I understand the procedures described above, and I understand fully the rights of a
potential subject in a research study involving people as subjects. My questions have
been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have
been given a copy of this form.

□ I agree to be audio/video-taped/photographed
□ I disagree to be audio/video-taped/photographed

Name of Subject

Name of Parent or Legal Representative (if applicable)

Signature of Subject, Parent or Legal Representative Date
193

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the subject or his/her legal representative, and
answered all of his/her questions. I believe that he/she understands the information
described in this document and freely consents to participate.

Name of Investigator

Signature of Investigator Date (must be the same as subject’s)
194
APPENDIX B
PARENT INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

Parent Interview Protocol
(to be audio recorded and transcribed)

Doctoral Dissertation
Jihyun Park

Name: _____________________________________
1. First, I would be interested in understanding how you participate your child’s
literacy development.

What do you do to help your child improve English literacy or language
development? (Examples of this include reading at bedtime, purchasing story
books, singing a song, going to a library)

2. How often do you read an English book with your child?

3. What kinds of English books do you often read with your child?

4. Describe how you read an English book to your child.

5. How comfortable are you with your own English when you read an English book
to your child?

6. Tell me what makes it difficult to read an English book to your child.
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APPENDIX C
OBSERVATION GUIDE FOR HOME VISITS

Observation Number
Date
Time
Location
Family
Parent educator

Purpose: record events regarding the activities, discussion content and interaction
between parent educator and family.

Materials used/generated:

Activity: Discussion content Interaction

Additional notes:
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APPENDIX D
HOME OBSERVATION FOR MEASUREMENT OF THE
ENVIRONMENT (HOME) INVENTORY

The reading and language composite item numbers in EC HOME, ( 7, 8, 9, 10, 12,
13, 14, 15, 16, 27, 28, 29, 34, 37, 41, and 48) will be used.

197

198

Adopted from Caldwell and Bradley (2003).
199
APPENDIX E
ADULT/CHILD INTERACTIVE READING INVENTORY (ACIRI)

Adopted from DeBruin Parecki (2003)

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Park, Jihyun (author)

Core Title Home literacy practices of the immigrant Korean families in the United States of America

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Curriculum

Publication Date 07/02/2010

Defense Date 08/20/2007

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag home literacy practices,OAI-PMH Harvest

Place Name Los Angeles County (city or populated place)

Language English

Advisor Ragusa, Gisele (committee chair), Eskey, Black (committee member), Yaden, David Jr. (committee member)

Creator Email jiparkusc@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m1310

Unique identifier UC1154133

Identifier etd-Park-20080702 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-82793 (legacy record id),usctheses-m1310 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Park-20080702.pdf

Dmrecord 82793

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Park, Jihyun

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu