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Crossing the finish line: a study examining college readiness in Black charter school alumni from big city America

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Crossing the finish line: a study examining college readiness in Black charter school alumni from big city America

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Crossing the Finish Line: A Study Examining College Readiness in Black Charter School
Alumni from Big City America
by
Candice Lindsay Clawson

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2022

© Copyright by Candice Lindsay Clawson 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Candice Lindsay Clawson certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Dr. Alan Green
Dr. Michael Williams
Dr. Monique Datta, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
Black college graduation rates lag significantly behind those for White students. A significant
body of research exists exploring the historical causes and longitudinal consequences. This study
aims to identify the ways in which charter schools can improve scholar preparation to increase
college persistence outcomes. Narrative inquiry, qualitative interviews were conducted with
Black alumni of a charter school located in Big City America who also graduated from a two- or
four-year college. Critical race theory underpinned the study as an explanation for the societal
factors that actively contribute to a reduction in Black student access to high quality pre-college
inputs that would significantly improve post-high school academic outcomes. The results showed
that a lack of teacher diversity, inattention to Black identity development, withholding selective
opportunities from certain students, and inconsistent information about practical college success
skills led to a lack of college readiness and contributed to diminished college persistence.
Findings suggest the need to examine charter school preparatory practices for Black students to
ensure they are adequately prepared to complete college.
Keywords: Black, charter school, critical race theory, college preparation, college
persistence

v
Dedication
To the embodiment of love in human form, Charles. This is for you son.

vi
Acknowledgements
I could not have completed this dissertation without my village. Thank you to everyone
who asked how I was doing, offered to help me take a break, and genuinely cared to listen to my
research. To all my friends who came and sat with me as I wrote or took my son so I could have
a few hours of peace. I wouldn’t be here without you. As a woman, as a mother, as a Black
scholar, this means more to me than you will ever know.
To my family, who has since birth, supported me, loved me, and curated my love of
learning and curiosity about life. Thank you for being representations of Black excellence and
providing me so many diverse role models.
To my amazing partner, I love you for life and your encouragement has carried me
through when I sincerely had nothing left to give.
To my Cohort 15 classmates. This was a wild ride. You all have provided me perspective,
laughter, tears, and everything in between. Thank you for being on this journey with me. Fight
On and Write On.
To my amazing, brilliant, and talented committee: Dr. Datta, Dr. Green, and Dr.
Williams. Thank you so much for your insight and your wisdom and for the hours spent reading
my work and providing valuable critique. I am a better scholar and researcher because of you all.
To my participants, thank you for sharing your stories.
To my ancestors. To the slave ships that brought you here. To the hundreds of years of
exploitation that created the systems of inequality in this country my research seeks to dismantle.
I can only hope I am making you proud.

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Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iii
Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... v
List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. viii
Chapter 1: Introduction to the Problem of Practice ....................................................................... 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 1
Field Context and Mission .................................................................................................. 4
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions .................................................................... 5
Importance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 5
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .................................................... 6
Definitions........................................................................................................................... 8
Organization of the Dissertation ......................................................................................... 8
Chapter 2: Literature Reviw.......................................................................................................... 10
Critical Race Theory ......................................................................................................... 10
Public Education in the United States ............................................................................... 16
Black Student Transition from High School to College ................................................... 25
Leading Indicators of College Success ............................................................................. 30
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 41
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 43
Chapter 3: Methodology ............................................................................................................... 44
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 44
Overview of Methodology ................................................................................................ 44
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The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 46
Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 48
Ethics .............................................................................................................................. 52
Chapter 4: Findings ....................................................................................................................... 54
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 54
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 56
Data and Analysis ............................................................................................................. 56
Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question One................................................. 57
Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question Two ................................................ 63
Summary of Findings ....................................................................................................... 78
Chapter 5: Recommendations and Discussion .............................................................................. 80
Discussion of Findings and Results .................................................................................. 80
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 84
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................... 90
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................ 91
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 92
References ..................................................................................................................................... 93
Appendix A: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 139
Appendix B: Information Sheet for Exempt Research ............................................................... 142
Appendix C: Code Book and Definitions ................................................................................... 144

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List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual and Theoretical Framework 42

1

1

Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice
In order to properly understand why Black students graduate from college at a lower rate
than White students, it is important to acknowledge the historical context of the American
system of education. In his majority opinion, Chief Justice Earl Warren delivered the court’s
decision pertaining to the Brown family of Topeka, Kansas who sued the local school district for
refusing to enroll their daughter closer to home (Warren, 1954). The district mandated her to be
bussed to a segregated school farther away, and the family determined the quality of that school
to be less than the one closer to their home. The Brown family sued on the basis of the
Fourteenth Amendment, which granted equal protection regardless of race, in the landmark case
Oliver Brown, et al. v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (Warren, 1954). The Supreme
Court found in their favor, which rendered the doctrine of “separate vs equal” unconstitutional
(Warren, 1954). This case required schools across the country to be integrated, which was met
with resistance in many states. Since there was no clear pathway for desegregation, Black
schools, students, and teachers were disproportionately impacted (Tillman, 2004). The vestiges
of segregation are still present today and have a material impact on the educational outcomes of
Black students (Cansler-Meredith, 2020).
Modern-day schooling in the United States perpetuates many antiquated post Brown
policies; schools are more segregated than they were before the 1954 ruling (Lyons & Chelsey,
2004; Milner & Howard, 2004; Orfield, 2009). For the purpose of this study, charter schools will
be the focus. Frankenberg (2011) found that one in three charter school students identifies as
Black, which means Black charter school enrollment is twice as high as traditional public
schools. Conversely, White students in most states, are more likely to be enrolled in a traditional
public school. Enrollment data supports the finding that charter schools perpetuate de facto

2
segregation, along the lines of race (Ells et al., 2011; Jacobs, 2013; Rothstein, 2019). De facto
segregation is defined as segregation by fact, and not by government policy (Rothstein, 2019).
Bohrnstedt et al. (2015) found that schools with a higher percentage of Black students
statistically have lower student achievement. Research has also uncovered a direct relationship
between increased rates of segregation and a reduction in the academic outcomes for Black
students (Hanushek et al., 2009).
Students from predominately Black environments have less post-secondary options due
to suboptimal academic performance (Teranishi & Parker, 2010). Nationally, Black students are
graduating from college at a rate lower than that of White students. The six-year graduation rate
for first-time undergraduate White students is 64%, while the rate for Black students is 40%
(National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), 2019a). When broken down further, Black
students have the lowest four-year graduation rate at 21% compared to 45% for White
undergraduates (NCES, 2019b). If schools are more segregated than ever, and a high density of
Black pupils are concentrated in charter schools, it is imperative to study this environment to
ascertain the impact on Black college graduation rates. This dissertation studied Black charter
school alumni who also graduated from a 2- or 4- year college and gleaned meaningful insight
for interventions and school-based solutions.
Background of the Problem
The problem of lower Black college graduation rates is attributable to many factors
including college preparation, college type/selectivity, and campus racial climate. College
preparation is inclusive of many factors including access to information (Choy, 2001; Noeth &
Wimberly, 2002) and rigorous academic preparation (Cohen, 2008; Hoyt & Sorenson, 2001). To
be adequately prepared for the rigors of postsecondary education, students need access to

3
curriculum that is both high quality and aligned with college readiness outcomes (Conley,
2007a). Mathematics preparation is used as a key indicator (McCormick & Lucas, 2011),
inclusive of the ability to apply fundamental algebraic skills to solve multi-step problems
(Conley, 2007b; Gaertner et al., 2014), because math is universal. Hanushek et al. (2009) found
when other variables like teacher quality and class size were held constant, the only significant
change happened when peer achievement was added. White students were found to be 15% more
prepared than Black students in math (Hanushek et al., 2009). If Black students have lower
student achievement (Bohrnstedt et al., 2015), specifically related to math performance
(Hanushek et al., 2009) their ability to successfully complete college is directly impacted
(Conley, 2007b).
Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) scores and Grade Point Average (GPA) are commonly
used to determine college readiness (Wyatt et al., 2011). Out of a possible maximum SAT score
of 1600, the mean score for White test takers was 1104, and the mean score for Black test takers
was 927 (College Board, 2020). In addition, the average high school GPA for White students is
3.09, and 2.69 for Black high school students (NCES, 2009). Comparing academic and test score
information demonstrates that lower SAT and GPA scores are a leading indicator in reduced
college outcomes (Maruyama, 2012).
College type is important to consider when examining graduation rates, because at many
highly selective colleges, the gap in graduation rates between Black and White students is almost
nonexistent (Slater, 2007). The difference is attributable to increased access to mentorship
(Castellanos et al., 2016; Gloria et al., 1999), opportunities for campus involvement (Moore et
al., 1998; Weber et al., 2013) and dedicated orientation, transition, and retention programs for
Black students (Johnson et al., 2007; Morgan et al., 2020). About 50% of Black students

4
matriculate to a four-year public college, and graduate at a rate of 36.2%, which is lower than
their White counterparts who graduate at a rate of 66.9% (DeAngelo et al., 2011). If Black
students are not academically prepared to gain admission to more selective colleges, their
graduation rates will continue to be lower than White students (Carey, 2008; Creighton, 2007;
Cross & Slater, 2001; Horn, 2006).
Seminal research in college student development supports belonging as an integral part of
student success (Astin, 1984). Embedded within, campus racial climate, has been shown to
impact the long-term commitment to remaining in school for Black students (Cabrera et al.,
1999; Kitchen & Williams, 2019; Museus et al., 2017). Stereotype threat exists when equally
prepared Black students do not perform as well as their White classmates, because of the
perception surrounding their ability (Steele, 1999). When Black students feel their academic
abilities are in question, performance is impacted, which leads to reports of high rates of racial
hostility and poor treatment by faculty compared to White students (Ancis et al., 2000;
Dapremont, 2011). In addition, Black students report feelings of invisibility (Feagin et al., 2014),
stress (Gloria & Pope-Davis, 1997; Neville et al., 2004; Reynolds et al., 2010), and an overall
negative perception of the institution (Ancis et al., 2000; D'Augelli & Hershberger, 1993; Griffin
et al., 2016). Black students do not generally find predominately White campuses to be a
hospitable environment, thus minority student learning is negatively impacted (Sue et al., 1999;
Thelamour et al., 2019).
Field Context and Mission
The field of focus was the over 200 charter schools located in Big City America (BCA)
that enroll over 130,000 students from kindergarten to twelfth grade, which is about 15% of
students in the city. A pseudonym (BCA) has been chosen to protect the identity of the research

5
location and respondents. Charter schools in BCA are committed to high-quality, free, public
education for all students, regardless of racial background or socio-economic status.
Demographically, 51% of BCA charter school students identify as Black. Additionally, charter
school admission is competitive; for the 33,000 available seats there were over 81,000
applicants.
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to ascertain the skills, characteristics, and programs that
increased college graduation rates among Black BCA charter school students to inform schools
how they can improve or modify scholar preparation. Participants were alumni of a BCA charter
school who graduated from a 2- or 4- year college. Two research questions guided this study:
1. What intersections of identity impact the support Black BCA charter school students need
to meet college readiness milestones?
2. What factors impact the success of Black college students who graduated from BCA
charter schools?
Importance of the Study
This dissertation is an important contribution to the field of study around graduation rates
for Black college students because charter school enrollment has been on the rise since their
inception in 1992 (NCES, 2018). Nationally, charter school enrollment has increased by 2.6
million students over the sixteen-year span from Fall 2000 to Fall 2016 (NCES, 2018). Also,
important to note, the number of schools with large enrollment numbers are on the rise; charter
schools with less than 300 pupils decreased, while schools with enrollment between 300-1,000
rose (NCES, 2018).

6
Charter school enrollment in metropolitan areas is growing rapidly (NCES, 2020).
California, Washington DC, and Arizona have the highest total enrollment out of the 45
jurisdictions legally approved to have charter schools (NCES, 2020). Racially, Black families
prefer charter schools over traditional public schools, when given the option (DiPerna & Shaw,
2018). If more Black students are graduating from charter schools, there is greater potential to
potential to directly impact college graduation rates.
This topic is also important, because diverse learning environments facilitate an
improvement in openness to different opinions, critical thinking skills, and an overall increase in
student learning. There are emotional, social, and cognitive benefits for students learning in
diverse classroom environments (Wells et al., 2016) including confident students who feel
valued and empowered to be advocates of their own learning (Greene & Mitcham, 2012).
Students who experienced above average exposure to diversity within the same school compared
to students with average exposure, reported more positive attitudes about differences (Graham et
al., 2017). Students of color educated in a more diverse learning community experience less of
the negative impacts of stereotyping and implicit bias (Wells et al., 2016). Long-term, there is
great benefit to having a population of workers that have been exposed to, and trained in,
understanding and accepting individuals from diverse backgrounds (Green et al., 2002;
Greenberg, 2004; Martin, 2014).
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
The theoretical framework that guided this dissertation was critical race theory (CRT).
The origins of critical race theory lie in the legal profession where scholars sought to combine
critical theory, and conversations about racism, race, and disparities (Crenshaw, 2002). The
intersections therein bore critical legal studies (CLS), which used that field as a background for

7
highlighting the legalized oppression that was exacted upon people of color (Ladson-Billings,
1998a). Though CLS was beneficial for the legal community, one shortcoming was the
applicability to other fields (Delgado, 1995). Additional research drawing parallels from CLS to
the broader experience of marginalized communities, created CRT as a meaningful lens to
explore the lived experience of people of color across a broad spectrum (Parker & Villalpando,
2007; Yosso, 2005). In recent years it has become especially utilized in exploring racial
disparities in education (Oliva et al., 2013; Yosso et al., 2009).
The problem of low Black college graduation rates is appropriate to explore through the
lens of CRT, because race and racism directly impact the Black experience (DeCuir & Dixson,
2004; Rabaka, 2013), specifically related to college access and persistence (Hiraldo, 2010).
Critical race theory explores the ways in which racism continuously impacts people in the United
States (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000). All schools are inherently racist, which negatively affects
people of color (Foster, 1990; Gillborn, 2006; Howard & Navarro, 2016), CRT provides the
scaffolding to frame future research. The “Black-White binary” exists in the United States
(Masko, 2005; Sexton, 2010) which infuses race into every part of life (Gillborn & Ladson-
Billings, 2019; Sue et al., 2007). Specifically related to college, students of color experience
subtle insults, or microaggressions, that negatively impact the campus experience (Morales,
2021; Solorzano et al., 2000). Though the number of students of color on college campuses have
improved, educational conditions are still a concern (Dixson & Rousseau Anderson, 2018;
Ledesma & Calderón, 2015; Solórzano & Villalpando, 1998). CRT effectively addresses this
milieu.

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The methodology of this study used a narrative inquiry, qualitative design. Black alumni
of a BCA charter school who also graduated from a 2- or 4- year college were the target
demographic; there was no age limit.
Definitions
This section provides the definitions of key terms related to the study.
Charter school: publicly funded, non-sectarian school open to all interested students,
though there may be an application or lottery system for admission. Charter schools typically
operate without many of the restrictions, rules, and regulations of traditional public schools. As
public schools, they must comply with local and state laws (Manno et al., 2000; Murphy &
Shiffman, 2002; Willey, 2006).
Black: term made popular during the Black Power Movement of the 1960s to unify
people of color, universally accepted as the term to describe all people of African and African-
American descent (Ghee, 1990).
Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter One outlined the problem of practice, background of the problem, purpose of the
study, research questions, importance of the study, theoretical framework, methodology, and key
definitions. A review of relevant literature was presented in Chapter Two, specifically about the
areas determined to be most influential in Black college student persistence; belonging, self-
efficacy, student-teacher interaction and perceptions of classroom climate, motivation, critical
thinking skills, emotional health and well-being, community involvement and campus
environment. Included in Chapter Two was also a discussion of the challenges faced by Black
college students, best practices, and current strategies utilized to ameliorate the problem of
practice. Chapter Three delineated the narrative inquiry study, research design, data collection

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procedures, and measures taken to ensure validity, reliability, trustworthiness, and credibility.
Findings of the mixed method study, inclusive of qualitative results and data gleaned from
quantitative interviews were included in Chapter Four. Lastly, Chapter Five included
recommendations for improving the college graduation rates for Black, BCA charter school
alumni.

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Chapter 2: Literature Review
The purpose of this literature review is to provide a foundation of the theoretical
framework, critical race theory and literature related to the problem of practice. Embedded in all
aspects of life, race is the underpinning for the systemic inequalities that results in lower Black
college graduation rates (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Additionally, the foundation of the
public education system is explained to provide insight on the rationale to start the charter school
system. Next, Black student college transition is discussed because of its importance in
predicting college persistence. When students do not have a structured transition from high
school to college, the likelihood of persistence is decreased (Tierney et al., 2005). Lastly, college
persistence factors most closely linked with the problem of practice and theoretical framework
are delineated. These include belonging, self-efficacy, student-teacher interaction, perception of
classroom climate, critical thinking skills, emotional health, well-being, community involvement,
and campus environment.
Critical Race Theory
Throughout the last twenty years, critical race theory (CRT) has provided a lens for
researching the experience of minoritized populations and their experiences in the education
arena. CRT was developed for both practical and epistemological applications. A review of the
literature exploring the foundation of CRT and its applicability to education will provide context
to understanding the problem of practice.
History and Foundation of Critical Race Theory
When the Supreme Court struck down “separate but equal” with their ruling in the Brown
vs Board of Education case (Warren, 1954), it began a fifteen-year period of undoing the
disproportionate systems that negatively impacted people of color in America (Rabaka, 2013).

11
Racial inequality in this country dates back to colonization, when chattel slavery forced Africans
into servitude, and set up the “master and slave” dynamic (Zamudio et al., 2011). Historically
there was no way to outline the experiences of minoritized people and the laws designed to
govern the nation. Late in the 1970s a group of scholars emerged to challenge the idea that legal
systems are neutral and therefore not impacted by social, political, and racial factors; the area of
study was named critical legal studies (CLS) (Rabaka, 2013). The major failure of CLS was the
absence of tangible ways to address the concerns held by people of color (Dalton, 1987).
Another gap was the refusal to acknowledge the importance of rights, and the necessity of the
Supreme Court to end policies that allowed for segregation and disenfranchisement (Rabaka,
2013). Critical race theory was borne out of the necessity to provide scholarly language to an
otherwise nebulous construct (Rabaka, 2013).
In 1991 United States Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division, Lani
Guinier, asserted that constructing voting districts around race had become a common practice
(Guinier, 1991). Her findings illuminated that the district structuring resulted in funding
discrepancies, underperforming school districts, and a different quality of life from district to
district based on race (Guinier, 1991). Her statement was controversial at the time and sparked
one response that suggested it would be irresponsible to discuss race and politics, as they should
remain two separate entities (Omi & Winant, 1994).
Gloria Ladson-Billings and William Tate (1995) wrote that although race is a factor in
American society, there was a lack of scholarly research to properly understand the implications
(1995). They contended the void should be filled to allow the examination of race, racism and
the intersections that impacted quality of life, like property ownership and education (Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 1995). Research also found that that modern literature and education have

12
treated race as a problem (McCarthy, 1993). Addressing the “race question” requires the
confrontation of the entire system that caused the problem, most importantly education, because
that is where analysis of the issue begins (McCarthy, 1993, p. xvii). Working past the
philosophical language of scholarly research, into a more practical approach is the only way to
move conversations about race to spaces where the dialogue needs to occur (King, 1995).
Further, if Whiteness is viewed as property the expectation of power and influence are
synonymous (Harris, 1993). Inclusive of this is a vested interest in maintaining the system that
bestows power upon White people because it allows exclusion (Harris, 1993).
Critical race theory provides the scaffolding for discourse because it challenges the
dominant narrative, exposes its manifestation in areas like the law, and allows for critique of
widely held systems that were otherwise beyond reproach (Calmore, 1991). By creating a
specific term for the system of oppression, race related constructs aimed at ensuring the
marginalization of others can be clearly articulated and deconstructed (Crenshaw et al., 1995).
The six themes of CRT are that racism is pervasive in the United States, distrust in the ideas of
neutrality and colorblindness, belief that racism has contributed to who has advantages and
disadvantages, reliance on the experiences of people of color when examining the law,
commitment to interdisciplinary study, and seeking the end of all oppression by eradicating
racial oppression (Matsuda et al., 1993).
CRT is a counternarrative to the positivist tradition that supports slow reform and agrees
with the notion that racism is a standard part of American society (Ladson-Billings, 1998a). One
of the key benefits is the ability for disenfranchised people of color to tell their unique stories
and name their oppression specifically (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Storytelling allows for
the deconstruction and subsequent rebuilding of the dominant narrative by not only allowing

13
room for multiple perspectives but considering the viewpoints as valid (Ladson-Billings, 1998b).
It is also important to note the racial foundation of this country is the main driver of critical race
theory, meaning an interest in keeping the dominant narrative prevalent has existed since
inception (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). CRT is essential in assisting White people’s
understanding of the experience of non-White people (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). There are
also components of intersectionality present which compound how individuals experience racism
such as sexism and classism (Crenshaw, 1991).
Critical Race Theory’s Application to Education
As critical race theory developed to include other heuristics, early theorists cautioned
against departure from the foundational framework provided by legal studies (Ladson-Billings,
1999; Tate, 1997). Scholarship associated with education should build upon the literature
examining critical race theory (Tate, 1997). Solorzano (1998) conducted a study about the
impact of racial and gender microaggressions on Chicano scholars to intentionally extend CRT
to the field of education. In the years since Solorzano, research has been done on the
normalization of racism, and the weaponization of Whiteness in the context of the education
system, to show how these factors have directly impacted learning for all students, regardless of
race (Rector-Aranda, 2016). The United States system of education has aided in the
deconstruction of knowledge, cultural identity, and is underpinned by the idea that mainstream
ideas supersede indigenous ways of knowing (Yellow Bird, 2005).
The most rudimentary theory posited by critical race theorists is the normalization of
racism (Crenshaw et al., 1995). Considering the effects embedded within daily life,
consciousness, and normalized ways of being, the effects become more palatable (King, 1991).
Bell (1992) coined the term “permanence of race” which explains the permanent nature of race

14
in the United States (p. 13). Thus, the construction of the system of education was required to
embed White supremacy such that it became instinctive to the general population (Rector-
Aranda, 2016). There is significant power within education to dismantle or uphold the systems of
oppression that impact schools (Rector-Aranda, 2016). Critical race theory requires educators to
first accept the reality of racism and its permeance in education before any flaws can be
challenged or reformed (Rector-Aranda, 2016). For instance, White people were once considered
to be inherently more intelligent than other races, thus the use of standardized testing to prove IQ
was a commonly held practice that can still be seen in things like standardized testing and
placement exams (Green, 1999; Ladson-Billings, 2012; Stoskepf, 1999). Denying the validity of
other cultures creates an educational environment that centers Whiteness in schools (Horsford &
Grosland, 2013; Jay, 2003; Rabaka, 2013).
The goal of critical race theorists in education is to show the direct link between race, and
the disparities it creates within the system (Lynn & Dixson, 2013). Educational inequality is a
suitable measure to assess the overall effect on society and determine the pervasiveness of the
problem (Zamudio et al., 2011). One significant area of concern is around student discipline
because students of color are disproportionately punished, especially by White educators (Nolan
& Anyon, 2004; Valles & Villalpando, 2013). The system, specifically designed around
Whiteness, does not place value on the experiences of students of color (McKnight, 2015). Thus,
students of color are intentionally ostracized and punished for non-conformity (Horsford &
Grosland, 2013). Going one step further, behavior is then attributed to the individual instead of
the structure that was created to oppress students of color, and uphold Whiteness as ideal
(Horsford & Grosland, 2013). Lastly, if the system is never questioned the system continues to
fail the same students repeatedly and removes the responsibility to change by attributing any

15
negative outcomes to personal responsibility (Donnor, 2013; Leonardo, 2004; McKnight &
Chandler, 2012).
Curriculum is also used as a tool to perpetuate the dominant narrative that critical race
theory seeks to dismantle (Chandler, 2009; Rains, 2003). By uplifting a single narrative,
Whiteness is allowed to remain central to all interpretations of historic events (Chandler &
McKnight, 2009). This is inclusive of the ways race is excluded from conversations, as though it
were not a central driver in America’s foundation (Chandler, 2009). The United States has
amassed wealth and resources from the enslavement and servitude of non-White minorities
(Chandler & McKnight, 2009). The refusal to acknowledge race in school curriculum, and even
worse, promote race blind neutrality, creates an environment where Whiteness is elevated, and
students of color are not seen as valuable (Rains, 2003). In the instances where race-based
atrocities are discussed, they tend to favor White people and paint people of color as savages or
aggressors (Ellsworth, 1992; Zinn, 2003). Schools are also highly segregated which makes
dialogue between races significantly challenging (Zamudio et al., 2011).
Educating students to acknowledge a White centered perspective significantly impacts
the experience of students of color by characterizing their unique identities as counter to what is
prominent, and thereby unacceptable (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 2006; McKnight & Chandler,
2006). Subjecting students of color to a haphazard amalgamation of what is educationally
acceptable, leads to “symbolic violence” which manifests itself in education through pedagogy
dedicated to maintaining the status quo (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990, p. 7). This same “symbolic
violence” also limits opportunities to interrogate lessons and analytically assess what is being
learned (McKnight & Chandler, 2006). Ultimately, CRT is critical in dismantling the way
education normalizes racism and upholds Whiteness as the preferred and dominant narrative.

16
Parity within education cannot exist until these barriers are acknowledged (Rector-Aranda,
2016).
Public Education in the United States
To understand how critical race theory impacts the system of education in the United
States, it is first necessary to understand the foundation of public schooling in this country. The
history of the education system will provide context for the establishment of charter schools.
The formation of charter schools is crucial to examine as the research pertinent to this
dissertation, occurred in that specific context.
Foundation of the American Public School System
Early education in America centered around teaching children to read The Bible and
understand religious texts since most of the early settlers came to the new country for religious
freedom (Cubberly, 1919) Most notably, Puritans who settled in the New England region set a
foundation for education that would be widely adopted by many states (Brown, 1912). Life in the
new terrain proved challenging and families often neglected learning so children could help with
household duties (Dexter, 1919). In response, the Massachusetts Law of 1642 levied fines and
punishment against families who did not dedicate time to learning and is the first recorded law
that required all children be taught to read (Cubberly, 1919). One shortcoming of the law,
however, was the failure to establish schools, rather learning was to take place in the home
(Jackson, 1909). The push for home based learning was short lived, because five years later the
Law of 1647 required every town with fifty households to hire a teacher for reading and writing,
and every town with one hundred households construct a grammar school (Dexter, 1919). The
Law of 1647 also represented the state asserting their power to mandate schools and formal

17
education and is the foundation upon which the current system of American schooling exists
(Cubberly, 1919).
Throughout the forming country other types of education began to emerge. In other states
like Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York where religious groups began to mingle, there
was no consensus on how pupils should be educated (Brown, 1912). Thus, a system of private
and parochial institutions was established to allow families to choose for themselves (Cubberly,
1919). In southern states like Virginia, a different social order existed than in the North (Dexter,
1919; Heatwole, 1916). Since there were slaves, indentured servants, and colonists who chose to
leave England instead of those fleeing religious exile, a need for charity schools arose (Cubberly,
1919). As the colonies became more populated, structure became more import, including school
districts, textbooks, and the formation of college as a postsecondary option (Cubberly, 1919).
During the Revolutionary War, the developing nation experienced an overall decline in
engagement with the public education system, which resulted in increasing illiteracy (Cubberly,
1919). More youth were fighting on the front lines, fiscal resources once dedicated to schools
went to infantry and war related expenditures, and spending in general significantly decreased
(Cubberly, 1919). When the war ended in 1781 and the Constitution was ratified in 1789 the
question of education as a national issue became prominent again (Cubberley & Elliott, 1915).
At the time, the founding fathers did not believe education warranted inclusion in the document
(Cubberley & Elliott, 1915). Emphasis was placed on establishing a stable government, and
education was not at the forefront because those writing the document were all well-educated
aristocrats who did not consider how education should work for the masses (Monroe, 1911). The
tenth amendment grants power to the states that is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution,
like education. Further, to remove the previous association between education and religion, the

18
Constitution also established a clear separation of church and state in public matters (Cubberly,
1919).
By the 1800s many states enacted tax policies for landowners which required a portion of
the profits to be dedicated toward local and state educational institutions, for burgeoning states
land clauses for schools were also included (Cubberly, 1919). The land would be considered a
gift from the state and its exclusive use would be for public schools inclusive of primary to
postsecondary (Monroe, 1911). Each state was now free to make provisions for public education
as they saw fit. Many established a system exclusively built on free public, open access schools,
while others offered some public instruction with the alternative options of parochial and private
instruction at a cost (Cubberly, 1919). Some states believed it was a legislative matter to regulate
schools while others left the system to regulate itself (Cubberly, 1919).
As education progressed through the 1800s, there was a push to educate children for free
whose families could not otherwise afford tuition. By 1853 the most prominent of these schools
existed in New York City, Baltimore, and Philadelphia (Cubberly, 1919). Also popular at the
time was the Lancastrian system where up to one thousand pupils occupied a classroom, and
students designated as “monitors” would have responsibility for a row of their pupils (Binns,
1908). The monitors would be trained by the teacher and assist in ensuring everyone learned the
lessons adequately (McCadden, 1938). Benefits of the system included low cost, high student
engagement, and a push to include more free public education since it could now be sustained
(Binns, 1908; McManis, 1905). For poor people who could not afford private school or tutors,
schools adopting this model changed access for the better (Binns, 1908; McCadden, 1938).
Another innovation of the mid 1800s was the education of younger students, or Infant
Schools. Students needed preparation for grammar school and instead of relying on home lessons

19
to adequately prepare pupils, a push to create an environment for youth aged four to eight.
Primary programs at first, occupied their own buildings with their own teaching staff, but were
later combined with existing schools to create one large campus where students began attending
during their developmental years (Cubberly, 1919). Lastly, the population in major cities and the
country ballooned which meant more youth to educate, and a greater stratification between social
classes who demanded access to education regardless of pedigree (Cubberly, 1919). Throughout
the 1800s, conflict intensified over the push to make school free for everyone, regardless of
income level or social class (Boone, 1889). One large issue for many states was the issue of
taxation, and the generated revenue going to support schools instead of what was perceived to
be, more important issues (Mayo, 1894).
States began to realize centralized control of schools would regulate the system, allow for
the appointment of designated school officers, and reduce financial burden (Cubberly, 1919).
Hundreds of individual schools existed throughout each state, and while communities were
receptive to state aid, they were not open to relinquishing control (Cubberly, 1919). School
superintendents were appointed to monitor spending, teacher performance, and school attendance
(Boone, 1889). Creating these roles was an attempt to shift from county officers to district, and
state officials with broader oversight and greater perspective of the education landscape in a
particular area (Boone, 1889). Lastly, states sought to secularize education and remove all
vestiges of religion from public education (Brown, 1912). Shifting in this way was a direct result
of communities becoming more diverse; people with different backgrounds did not feel they
should be subjected to learning under a religious ideology they did not believe (Brown, 1912).
When tied to finances, there was an even greater push to adhere to the constitutional principle
requiring a separation of church and state (Brown, 1912).

20
By the mid 1900s with the onset of the industrial revolution there was a mix of immigrant
children, and lower-class Americans coming together to learn in public schools (Counts et al.,
1928). Since many parents worked long days in factories, adolescent accountability fell on the
schools to manage (Nasaw, 1979). In addition, there was a push to rescue child workers from
factories an enroll them in free public schools (Bremner, 1956). For those who railed against
child labor, education was the pathway to a better existence (Callahan, 1962). Behavioral
psychologists intentionally engineered classrooms to teach a wide array of students, how to
successfully maneuver through society (Aptheker, 1972). Courses like gardening, cooking, and
woodworking were added to the curriculum to teach tangible life skills (Cronin, 1973). As
American economic mobility became closely tied to skills learned in school, the importance of a
high school diploma increased (Aronowitz, 1974). High school enrollment in 1920 was 32% of
eligible students, by 1940 the rate increased to 70% (Snyder, 1993). The foundations of the
American system of public education eventually led to the necessity of college attendance which
is one of the foundational aspects of this dissertation.
Amidst the latter stages of the development of public schools in America, the Brown v.
Board of Education decision in 1954 ended de jure segregation and determined that “separate
educational facilities are inherently unequal” (Ladson-Billings, 2007; Orfield, 2009; Reardon,
2016). Segregation is defined as intentional social separation that systematically concentrates one
group disproportionately, compared to other groups. The groups may be divided by education,
race, ability, age, and spatially configured by block, street, city or stat (Massey et al., 2009).
When Black students are excluded from White environments, even if resources and materials
remain constant, the court found that the separation still could not exist equally and therefore
schools needed to be integrated (Reardon, 2016).

21
The process to desegregate schools, especially in the south, moved slowly. The Coleman
Report sought to quantify the speed of desegregation in the sixties and found that 80% of White
students attended schools that were between 90% - 100% White, similarly, a majority of Black
students attended a school with almost 100% Black students (Coleman et al., 1968). The report
uncovered that Black student achievement was higher in predominately White schools, and when
controlled for socioeconomic factors, Black students in desegregated schools had higher
academic outcomes (Coleman et al., 1968). A discrepancy in attainment demonstrates school
segregation has a negative impact on Black student achievement (Reardon, 2016). Whiteness in
education initially manifested itself by refusing Black access to schooling, then the preservation
of separate schools. Once integration was required, school choice and tracking students became
the mechanism to separate students by race (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
Public school segregation is supported by residential segregation because schools draw
their pupils from neighborhoods in the area (Hanushek & Rivkin, 2007). Correlated with critical
race theory, there is a targeted interest in keeping ethnic groups segregated by geography
(Gotham, 2002). Discrimination in the lending and housing markets supported the overt
segregation faced by Black families until the 1970s (Katznelson, 2005). The result is a high
likelihood that Black, White, Hispanic, and Asian children will occupy different neighborhoods.
Separating racial groups has significant impact on intellectual development, cognitive ability,
and long-term educational outcomes because of the resources allotted to different neighborhoods
(Chetty et al., 2016; Wodtke et al., 2011). Children of color are more likely to live in a lower
socioeconomic neighborhood which has direct impact on the quality of their public school
(Burdick-Will et al., 2011). Critical race theory can be employed here to uncover the reality that
communities of color consistently comprise the lowest socioeconomic class (Saltman, 2015).

22
In 2014 the number of students from minoritized populations (Black, Asian, Latino,
Native American), surpassed the number of White students enrolled in public school in the
United States (Maxwell, 2014). Still, the experience of Black students in public school is
comprised of experiences aimed at preserving the status quo, as demonstrated through the lens of
CRT (Dixson & Rousseau Anderson, 2005; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Schools are
responsible for unbalanced outcomes supported by policies and the viewpoint Black students are
less capable than their White counterparts because of deficit thinking (Valencia, 2012). Thus,
Black students experience “new racism” which is covert behaviors, ideologies, and policies that
masquerade the underlying discriminatory nature of what is actually happening (Bonilla-Silva,
2006, p. 25). Black families experience blame for a lack of academic success rather than
acknowledging the failure of the systems in place (Brown & Brown, 2012; Malagon & Alvarez,
2010). By absolving the school of responsibility, it places the onus for education at the individual
level and removes any speculation of racism (Bonilla Silva, 2006).
As a result of the racism that exists in public schools, Black students graduate at a lower
“on time” rate and have lower rates of achievement in basic mathematics and reading skills
(Spellings, 2012). This disparity is directly correlated to saturation in special education
classrooms, disproportionate discipline, lack of representation in gifted courses, and an overall
pedagogy that devalues non-White culture (Ford, 2012). Black students comprise 17% of the
overall public school system, and 51% of Black students attend a school that is at least 75%
minoritized students (NCES, 2020). In contrast, White students attend schools that are less than
25% minority at a rate of 48%, comparatively White students only attend schools with a highly
concentrated Black population at a rate of 3% (NCES, 2020). Racism, disparity, and the desire to
increase outcomes for minoritized students bore the charter school movement (Shanker, 1988).

23
The next section will outline the history of charter schools in the United States and the outcomes
for Black student achievement.
Foundation and Development of Charter Schools
In 1988 Albert Shanker then president of the American Federation of Teachers, one of
the nation’s two leading unions for teachers, stood up at the National Press Club in Washington,
DC to announce the creation of charter schools (Shanker, 1988). Shanker was frustrated with a
system that required all students, regardless of learning preferences, to exist in the same
classrooms and work at the same pace. He posited, that 80% of students did not learn well when
instructed under this approach (Shanker, 1988). The “charter laboratory school” environment
would allow teachers to try new techniques in small groups, prioritize cooperative learning, and
share among each other, emerging best practices. Charters would be schools of choice, evaluated
by a board with sundry backgrounds, and given a 5–10-year period to prove their utility
(Shanker, 1988). Schools would also be totally integrated to avoid any segregation by ability,
socioeconomic status, or race. Since charters would be opt in, students of various backgrounds
could come from an array of districts and be educated together in an environment that viewed
diversity as an asset (Shanker, 1988).
The charter school idea was met with mixed reception. The other major teacher’s union,
the National Education Association endorsed the idea four months later (Kahlenberg, 2007).
Conversely, the chief of staff to Ronald Reagan’s Education Secretary stated while there was no
major problem with the proposal, established methods of education were working (Kahlenberg,
2007). Minnesota became the first state to establish charter school legislation in 1991
(Kahlenberg & Potter, 2014). However, teachers wanted to hold on to licensure requirements and
collective bargaining ability which were not originally part of Shanker’s vision. Additionally,

24
there was nothing done to prevent schools created along the lines of ethnicity (Rimmer, 2009).
Thus, a newer more conservative vision of charter schools that did not center school integration
and teacher voice gained national popularity, propelled by President Bill Clinton’s support
(Kahlenberg & Potter, 2014). As a commonly held definition, a charter school is more
autonomous than a public school because of the stipulations in a charter agreement (Wohlstetter
et al., 2013)
One challenge that arose from national growth that detoured from Shanker’s vision was
the positioning of charter schools against public schools to determine which was “better”
(Kahlenberg & Potter, 2014). The result was research aimed at determining the ways in which
one system was better or worse than the other, and not a system that shared best practices for
pupil learning (Zehr, 2010). The secondary, and more impactful outcome of the deviation from
Shanker’s vision was integrating schools to include all racial, ethnic, socioeconomic, and ability
levels for the enhancement of the learning environment (Kahlenberg & Potter, 2014). However,
only 16 states have specific language requiring their charter schools to increase levels of
diversity (Frankenberg et al., 2011). The result has been charter schools enrolling Black students
at a disproportionately higher rate compared to White students. In fact, Black student charter
school enrollment is double the enrollment found in traditional public schools (Frankenberg,
2011).
One reason for higher Black enrollment, is Black families seeking charter schools at
higher rates (National Alliance for Public Charter Schools (NAPC), 2011). In 2020, 7,500
charter schools were functioning in 45 states and territories serving 3.3 million students. In
addition, there were 21 districts where charter attendance is over 30% of the total public-school
enrollment. Lastly, 69% of all charter school students nationally identify as Black (NAPC,

25
2020). High Black enrollment rates are a problem because a high concentration of Black students
in a school, indicates lower student achievement (Bohrnstedt et al., 2015).
As discussed previously, geography determines public school catchment areas and the
same has been found to be true for opt in charter schools (Grant, 2011; Ryan, 2010). For those
from a lower socioeconomic background who cannot afford to live in an affluent public school
district, charter schools have been presented as a means for greater access to high achieving
schools (Marshall, 2017). Charter school placement plays a large role in attendance, and schools
established in areas with a high Black population are likely to mirror the same in their enrollment
statistics (Frankenberg & Siegel-Hawley, 2012).
When compared to traditional public schools, it is 40% more likely for a charter school to
be opened in an urban environment, classified as high poverty, with a 90% Black student
population (Kahlenberg & Potter, 2012). A counternarrative to the segregation argument posits
charter schools are opening where the greatest need exists (Moskowitz, 2015). An unintentional
outgrowth of school choice is segregated school districts, leading to choice schools also being
segregated (Marshall, 2017). School segregation is a problem because students who attend
diverse schools are less likely to stereotype students who are different from their primary racial
identity (Kahlenberg & Potter, 2012). Further, there are social and academic benefits for students
who learn in a diverse environment. (Grant, 2011; Ryan, 2010; Siegel-Hawley, 2014). Black
students transitioning from high school to college, face a unique set of challenges that will be
outlined in the next section.
Black Student Transition from High School to College
Colleges have become more racially diverse over the last 70 years; however rates of
retention, persistence, and graduation still lag for Black students (St. John et al., 2012). The

26
transition to college has been highlighted as a crucial time to develop Black student belonging to
ensure they persist to graduation (Saenz & Combs, 2015). Sense of belonging can be aided
through participation in transition programming like orientation (Strayhorn, 2019). This section
outlines the barriers to Black college enrollment, transitional challenges from high school to
college, and the importance of Black college degrees.
Factors Impacting Black College Enrollment and Persistence
The influences on college enrollment and persistence are especially complex for Black
students. College has increasingly become normalized as a salient developmental experience for
young adults (Krogstad & Fry, 2014). As students transition to college, they also undergo a set of
shifting responsibilities that may be challenging for some youth to manage (Arnett, 2016). There
has been increased emphasis placed on the importance of college transition (Carter et al., 2013),
yet Black students experience transitional struggles at a disproportionate rate compared to their
White classmates, especially those entering a predominately White institution (PWI) (Hope et
al., 2018; Keels et al., 2013; Taylor et al., 2014b). There are a myriad of factors influencing a
student’s transition into college (Tierney et al., 2005). These factors are inclusive of, but not
limited to academic preparation (Adelman, 2002), peer interaction (Pascarella, 2005), parental
support (Kim & Schneider, 2005), and participation in pre-college orientation (Keup & Barefoot,
2005).
College persistence is not exclusively reliant on the standards utilized during the
admission process. There are many theories about why Black students are not successful on
college campuses including: institutional racism and social-cultural isolation (Cooper, 2012;
Hawkins, 2010; Simiyu, 2012). It is important first to acknowledge that institutional racism, as it
pertains to Black students at a PWI, is pervasive and rooted deeply in history (Edwards, 2000).

27
Campus climate coupled with unwelcoming systems and structures, provide additional barriers
for Black students which may ultimately impact persistence (Walton & Cohen, 2007). Prior
research has found compared to their White classmates, students of color feel less accepted and
unwelcome on college campuses (Ribera et al., 2017). Colleges have attempted academic
remediation (Valentine et al., 2017), learning communities (Visher et al., 2012), and increased
financial aid (Dynarski & Scott-Clayton, 2013) to remedy the problem.
When considering pre-college academic indicators, colleges use high school GPA and
SAT scores as predictors of student retention and persistence to graduation. A study showed that
these two factors had a more significant impact on retention of freshman students than other
factors like gender, coping mechanisms, and socioeconomic status (DeBerard et al., 2004). When
examining data from the high school graduating class of 2019, the mean combined SAT score for
White test takers was 1114 and 933 for Black test takers (College Board, 2019). In 2016 41.2%
of 18- to 24-year-olds were enrolled in college. Of that group, 42% were White and 36% were
Black (NCES, 2019a). If Black students are entering college with lower SAT scores than their
White counterparts, Black students are more likely to have the lowest pre-college academic
indicators of success. Improving outcomes for Black students, bolsters learning for all students
because research has shown there are cognitive, emotional, and social benefits for students of
every background when learning environments are diverse (Wells et al., 2016).
Emerging research on Black student transition from high school to college suggests
students fare best under a methodical, multi-stage process that gradually disconnects scholars
from high school and attaches them to the college community in a similar manner (Saenz &
Combs, 2015). The researchers also found that students who were taught the value of education
had a more positive experience with college acclimation. Spending intentional time assisting

28
Black youth with the transition from high school to college is especially important since Black
students are less likely to earn a degree than White students (Cox, 2016). The next section will
discuss the importance of Black college degrees inclusive of the economic losses associated with
a lack of Black degrees and the impacts on workforce diversity.
Importance of Black College Degrees
The decision to attend college is rooted in economics for many Black scholars (Balfanz,
2009). A college degree is commonly linked with increased employment options, higher wages,
and stability during economic downturn (Chung et al., 2010). Higher education has long been
touted as the “great equalizer” with the capacity to diminish gaps in education, wealth, and
earnings between Blacks and Whites (Darity et al., 2018, p. 5). Between 2000 and 2017 there
was an increase in high school graduation rates for Blacks from 66% to 88% (Beyer, 2020).
Also, during the same time frame, the percentage of Black women in college surpassed the
number of White men 40% and 38% respectively (Beyer, 2020). Economic success is contingent
upon receiving a quality education that can lead to a sustainable wage; it is not enough to merely
receive an education (Beyer, 2020). The financial and economic return on education have grown
over the last few decades, which has required more education for the same level of fiscal gain
(Reardon et al., 2019). In addition, income, wealth, and race are inextricably linked which means
Black people are more likely to live in poverty and be less educated (Reardon et al., 2019).
If Black graduation rates are the lowest of all demographics (NCES, 2019b), there is a
direct correlation with unemployment rates. In 2019 the Black unemployment rate was two times
the rate of White unemployment (Wilson, 2019). Black households make less than seven cents
for every White dollar, and a Black family is more likely to have a negative net worth than their
White counterpart of the same income bracket (Hamilton et al., 2015). Even on the opposite end

29
of the spectrum, when considering extreme wealth, a Black family in the 99
th
percentile is worth
about $1.5 million while, a White family in the same percentile is worth almost $12 million
(Moore & Bruenig, 2017). In total, Black people comprise about 13% of the population and only
account for 3% of national wealth (Moore, 2015).
Black college degrees are an important factor in reducing the Black White wealth gap
(Shapiro et al., 2013) because higher education typically increases income and wealth (Emmons
& Noeth, 2015). Families with a head of household who holds a college degree, regardless of
race, earn two to three times as much as families without a college degree (Emmons & Noeth,
2015). The researchers also found that wealth accumulation was between 3 and 10 times higher
for college graduates, than those who did not. Although the rate is higher for Whites and Asians,
outcomes were experienced for Black families as well (Emmons & Noeth, 2015). Between 1992
and 2013, the median wealth for college graduates increased by 52% and declined by 26%
among non-college graduates, which demonstrates a college degree makes a significant
difference (Emmons & Noeth, 2015).
Aside from economic gains there are other benefits to having Black college graduates in
the work force. Diversity within the workplace is inclusive of race, gender, ethnicity, and any
other distinct characteristic that distinguishes one person from another (Amadeo, 2013;
Buckingham, 2012; Roberson et al., 2017). Workplace diversity is also inclusive of interaction
and the means by which individuals achieve outcomes (Hazard, 2004). One benefit of diversity
in the workplace is innovation and varied approaches in problem solving (Martin, 2014; Van
Knippenberg et al., 2004). Diversity reduces the propensity for groups to think similarly which
generates more original ideas (Nakui et al., 2011). During workplace discourse, varied
viewpoints forces participants to be more aware of their own thoughts, and increases creative

30
thinking (De Dreu & West, 2001). An increase in dialogue around diverging opinions leads to
more innovative teams that are flexible and highly effective compared to teams with no diversity
(Shipton et al., 2005). When companies espouse diversity as a value, they are viewed as more
socially responsible and committed to reducing racial discrimination (Cunningham & Melton,
2011).
Leading Indicators of College Success
This section explores the importance of identifying college success indicators. The most
prevalent success indicators gleaned from a review of extant literature will be delineated to
assess their individual impact.
Importance of Identifying College Success Indicators
Student retention is necessary for the sustainability of colleges and universities. Many
students who drop out of college within the first year indicate that a proactive solution to a
preexisting problem could have prevented this from happening (Strayhorn, 2012; Tinto, 1993,
2012). Research has previously focused on attrition but that does not accurately show
developments in the area of student persistence (Tinto 1987, 2005). Pascarella and Terenzini
(2005) created a framework for aligning research on the impact college has on students. Their
study focused on both cognitive and noncognitive measures to ascertain how student success is
supported on college campuses. One area of growth within higher education research literature is
the development of clear definitions and conceptual alignment about what specifically
characterizes a college success indicator, and how it is measured (Robbins et al., 2004).
Student retention is the primary goal of colleges and a popular topic of research among
higher education scholars (Krumrei-Mancuso et al., 2013). Students who leave school prior to
degree attainment do not receive the benefits associated with college graduation. Further, the

31
university experiences a reduction in reputation and a loss in the revenue generated by tuition,
housing, and other student fees (Krumrei-Mancuso et al., 2013). When students discontinue their
education, it may also represent a failure of the university to adequately respond to student needs
(Seidman, 2005). Understanding the indicators of college success will aid colleges in better
placing fiscal resources into services, advising, and retention programming that will ensure the
highest number of graduates (Krumrei & Newton, 2009; Peterson et al., 2006; Seidman, 2005). It
is most beneficial for colleges to determine their own success indicators, since each campus
environment is different (Krumrei-Mancuso et al., 2013). An inclusive student success strategy
incorporates satisfaction academically, personally, and socially that ultimately leads to student
retention (Wright, 2008; Yu & Kim, 2008).
Indicators of College Success
When students are retained their ability to persist through college has long term
implications for their life post-graduation. College success is essential in helping students meet
personal and professional goals, in addition to the physiological, psychological, and financial
benefits to degree attainment (Baum & Ma, 2007). As a result, consistent and demonstrable links
to evidence-based education approaches are necessary to prove the utility of colleges and
universities (Bartimote-Aufflick et al., 2016). One of the most important foundational elements
of adulthood is educational attainment because it is directly linked to health, interpersonal
relationships, and financial security. Thus, it is important to explore college success, both what
contributes and has the potential to cause negative outcomes (Buchmann et al., 2010). Seven sets
of characteristics have emerged that explain the social, psychological, and institutional drivers of
both general student success and Black student engagement.
Belonging

32
Sense of belonging is an indicator of academic success (Dennis et al., 2005). Belonging is
facilitated when students receive support as they transition into college and is inclusive of
positive relationships with staff and social support (Strayhorn, 2019; Strayhorn et al., 2015).
Student participation in activities yields relationships with staff, faculty, peers, and the ability to
learn the campus environment more quickly (Astin, 1993; Kuh et al., 2007; Pike et al., 2008).
However, Black students disproportionately experience exclusion and intimidation as they
transition which results in alienation from the campus community (Meeuwisse et al.,
2010; Zepke & Leach, 2005). Stereotypes about the skills and abilities of Black students
contribute to misperceptions held by non-Black students (Keels et al., 2017; Lambert et al.,
2009). The result is two separate campus experiences that leave Black students feeling
marginalized, stereotyped, and susceptible to a different set of expectations than their White
classmates (Hope et al., 2018; Taylor et al., 2014a).
Black college students are also stigmatized (Burgess et al., 2018; Vue et al., 2017) which
leads “belonging uncertainty,” an experience associated with anxiety related to social
relationships, academically and professionally (Walton & Cohen, 2007, p. 82). When
marginalized populations believe they do not belong, they begin to unconsciously seek
information that confirms their sentiment (Mendoza-Denton et al., 2002). Thus, students may
attribute events and behaviors to the belief their racial identity is not welcome (Walton & Cohen,
2007). Understanding the perception students of color experience in relation to belonging is
important because feelings of inclusion are directly correlated to out of classroom social
experiences (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Academically, belonging uncertainty has been linked to
reduced in-classroom achievement in stigmatized groups (Walton & Cohen, 2007).

33
Research around campus racial climate has found the environment to be hostile toward
Black students, who consistently report feeling unwelcome (Campbell et al., 2019).
Consequently, Black students who indicate high levels of social isolation are less satisfied with
their college experience (Campbell et al., 2019). In addition, students who believe their campus
to be racist and discriminatory are less likely to persist to graduation (Brown et al., 2005).
Overall, there is a lot of complexity for Black students in college including disparate social
experiences, academic expectations, and an overall sense of belonging compared to their White
classmates (Kim et al., 2018).
Feelings of belonging are influenced by visible diversity, and more notably, by the
interaction of diverse groups socially and academically (Park & Chang, 2015; Pike & Kuh,
2006). Research has shown involvement on campus in out of classroom activities increases
relationships and connection between students (Maestas et al., 2007; Sidanius et al., 2004).
Specifically, when students of color participate in race-based organizations, it can reduce
isolation, and increase feelings of belonging through friendships and connection to the campus
(Bohnert et al., 2007; Case & Hunter, 2012; Yosso & Lopez, 2010). Black students need peers of
their own race, in addition to associations with non-Black students to feel belonging (Sidanius et
al., 2004; Wittrup & Hurd, 2021).
Self-Efficacy
Self-efficacy’s foundation is in psychology but has wide acceptance in higher education
as a means to understand student learning (Trigwell et al., 2013). Bandura’s social cognitive
theory includes self-efficacy and defines the term as an individual’s perceived ability to perform
the requisite behaviors necessary to achieve a goal (1977, 1986, 1997). The four sources of self-
efficacy are designing opportunities for optimal performance, seeking role models, receiving

34
praise and encouragement, and handling anxiety around areas where self-efficacy is low
(Bandura, 1977, 1997). Strategies for helping students increase self-efficacy include creating
opportunities for successful performance, observing peers, receiving positive feedback around
areas of challenge, and teaching stress management strategies to mitigate fears around
performance (Krumrei-Mancuso et al., 2013).
More specifically, college self-efficacy is related to the confidence a student has in
performing “college related tasks” (Solberg et al., 1993, p. 83). Students rated as having high
self-efficacy view challenging tasks as obstacles to be conquered, conversely those who rate low
on the same scale are doubtful of their skills and abilities (Pajares & Schunk, 2001). Self-
efficacy mitigates the difference between perceived academic ability and mental ability, meaning
when students face a challenge, self-efficacy will provide the momentum to overcome (Pajares &
Schunk, 2001). Further, heightened levels of academic self-efficacy have been proven to result in
behaviors like stress avoidance, pursuit of education goals, higher effort on assignments, and
more self-control (Niehaus et al., 2012). Persistence in school is also linked to self-efficacy;
those who persist have high levels (Mena, 2011).
When considering Black students, self-efficacy is a significant indicator of academic success,
specifically GPA, regardless of pre-college indicators (Solberg & Villarreal, 1997). An analysis
of 241 published studies was conducted, and self-efficacy was determined to be the strongest
indicator of a high grade point average (Richardson et al., 2012). Lastly, self-efficacy is higher
when the instructor employs intentional techniques and creates a classroom environment
conducive to learning (Chen, 2011).
Student-Teacher Interaction & Perceptions of Classroom Climate

35
Faculty-student interaction has significant impact on student success, regardless of the
nature (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1977). Black students identified the ability to have faculty
interaction as positive, but also reported that faculty have a negative perception about Black
students, which made them less likely to seek relationships (Ortagus & Merson, 2015). Faculty
are integral in student success for pupils of all class years (Umbach & Wawrzynski, 2005). The
researchers also found faculty who express positive attitudes toward student involvement
empower students to be engaged in the campus community and engender a culture of
collaborative learning. In essence, the authors found faculty play the most important role in
student learning (Umbach & Wawrzynski, 2005).
Frequent faculty interaction benefits all students however, Black students with high levels
of faculty engagement experience greater academic outcomes (Strayhorn, 2010). A study
analyzing 13 college persistence benchmarks yielded faculty interaction as the most impactful
determinant of academic performance in Black students (Reid, 2013). Research comparing
historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) to PWIs gleaned faculty support was a
greater indicator of academic success than the institution’s racial composition (Allen, 1992).
Further, a study of almost 5,000 college graduates was conducted nine years post-graduation and
found that a relationship with a faculty member was still considered very significant for Black
males (Pascarella et al., 1987).
“Sociology of the college classroom” is directly related to the reproduction of societal
inequalities and the attempts to dismantle them (Atkinson et al., 2009, p. 234). Classroom
participation is directly related to an increase in learning for students (Gillis, 2019). In addition,
while faculty student relationships do not develop to a deep level, familiarity does build over
time (Frymier & Houser, 2000; McPherson et al., 2003). However, some professors engender a

36
negative environment in their classroom that impedes learning and relationship development
(Sidelinger et al., 2011). When instructors do not create a positive classroom climate, student
learning is diminished (Sidelinger et al., 2011). Further, when professors make offensive
comments or attempt to embarrass students, division is created in the environment that may
diminish content mastery (Toale et al., 2001).
Specifically related to Black students in the classroom, microaggressions cause students
to feel unintentionally uncomfortable (Sue, 2010). Microaggressions are commonplace
behavioral or verbal comments that are received by the victim as derogatory or discriminatory
(Sue et al., 2007). The cumulative burden of these microaggressions has direct correlation to
poor health and low self-esteem in Black people (Pierce, 1995). Microaggressions in the
classroom have the potential to spur conversations on race that faculty are not prepared to
facilitate (Sue et al., 2009). When these events happen, it can lead to the creation of a hostile
learning environment where Black students feel silenced (Sue, 2010).
Motivation
To improve learning, educators need to focus on motivation (Olson, 1997). Motivation is
defined as the incentive, drive, and influence that causes a person to act (DuBrin, 2008). Human
motivation is a nebulous idea because there is not one singular thing that motivates everyone, in
essence, different things motivate different people (Williams & Williams, 2011). Student
motivation is required to receive a high quality education (Williams & Williams, 2011).
Manifestations of student motivation are attentiveness, task completion, querying the instructor,
and a generally positive disposition (Palmer, 2007). If students are not motivated consistently the
level of learning that can occur is minimal (Williams & Williams, 2011). For optimal student
motivation the pupil must value education, be instructed by a knowledgeable teacher who is

37
using an accurate and appropriate curriculum. The environment must be motivating, and safe and
teaching methods should be responsive to student needs (D’Souza & Maheshwari, 2010).
For college students who do not possess self-motivation, the path to graduation is more
challenging (Ashraf et al., 2018). Commitment to goals is the largest driver of college
persistence and student retention (Tinto, 1975). Research has shown that intrinsic motivation is
more influential for college students (Taylor et al., 2014a). Individuals who are intrinsically
motivated are autonomous and participate in activities for enjoyment, not for reward (Deci &
Ryan, 2010). The researchers found that students who are intrinsically motivated are more likely
to be engaged in the campus community. Student engagement is the energy and time a pupil
dedicates to their educational pursuits (Kuh, 2003). Engagement is an important link between
motivation, belonging, and achievement (Van Ryzin et al., 2009). Further, motivation is a strong
predicter of engagement (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002) so when students value their academics, they
will exhibit higher levels of engagement (Walker et al., 2006).
Black students experience race related stress that impacts academic motivation and their
ability to persist through college (Baldwin et al., 2003). A study exploring race related stress and
academic motivation found a significant correlation with amotivation, meaning as Black students
experience more race related stress, their motivation decreases. Further, among all groups Black
students experience the effects of race related stress the most, making them more susceptible to
losing motivation (Reynolds et al., 2010).
Critical Thinking Skills
A priority goal for higher education is fostering the development of critical thinking skills
(Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005; Roth, 2010). Critical thinking is defined as the purposeful
reflection that requires the logical application of skills to solve problems (Brookfield, 1987;

38
Glaser, 1942). Further, critical thinking requires the application of previous experiences and
knowledge in a new context. The person exercising critical thinking should be reflective and
self-aware enough to realize the value judgement they are making (Simpson & Courtney, 2002).
Development of critical thinking skills improves self-regulation, the ability to resolve conflict,
and become more adept at using reasoning to evaluate arguments and make decisions (Daud &
Husin, 2004).
Colleges seek to develop students into citizens who can navigate the complexities of a
society that often requires immediate response and quick action (Renaud & Murray, 2008).
Students with advanced cognition and critical thinking are more prepared to be highly
functioning across a number of different schemas (Tsui, 2002). One challenge is poor
preparation in high school because of a focus on standardized test scores which encourages
memorization (Smith & Szymanski, 2013). Self-regulation, high level analysis, and the ability to
question are all critical skills for success in higher education (Choy & Cheah, 2009). College
students need to develop the ability to think deeply to fully participate socially and academically
in college (Paul & Elder, 2019).
Exposure to diversity enhances critical thinking because it requires students to think in
new ways and consider alternate perspectives (Gurin et al., 2002). When students encounter
people who challenge their thought processes, they are forced to modify their behavior and
attitudes, in and out of the classroom (Gurin et al., 2002). When students attend cultural
awareness programming, engage in dialogue with students from different backgrounds, or take
an ethnic studies course, there is a statically significant growth in critical thinking skills
(Hurtado, 2001). Research has also found that the gains in critical thinking associated with
attending diversity programming, is greater for White students (Pascarella et al., 2001)

39
Emotional Health & Well-Being
Well-being theory is inclusive of positive emotion, engagement, relationships, meaning,
and achievement (PERMA) (Seligman, 2011). A positive perception of society, high levels of
productivity, strong relationships, and better overall health are all associated with well-being
(Diener et al. 2010; Huppert 2009). In addition, positive emotion is associated with resilience,
physical health, and overall satisfaction (Cohn & Fredrickson 2009). Engagement is present
when there is focus and interest in life activities (Csikszentmihalyi, 1988) which is especially
important in college student academic performance (Engeser et al., 2005). Close relationships are
another indicator of well-being and quality friendships have been shown to increase self-esteem;
high self-esteem increases well-being (Bagwell et al., 2005).
College students with robust social lives and strong social and romantic relationships are
more likely to be happy than college students without relationships (Diener & Seligman, 2002).
Deriving purpose from something bigger than oneself creates meaning (Seligman, 2011). Lastly,
achievement is characterized by a person’s desire to accomplish something for themselves
(Seligman, 2011). Inherent to achievement is working through challenges to persevere. In a
campus context, perseverance has positive association with participation in extracurricular
activities, high grades, and an overall satisfaction with life (Duckworth et al., 2007; Duckworth
& Quinn, 2009).
Assessment of well-being should relate to the context of a specific environment, and not
unilaterally applied (Coffey et al., 2016). The researchers found that PERMA is useful in
predicting academic outcomes in college students because well-being has a positive association
with effort. Overall, the study has shown a positive impact on grade point average and post-
graduation outcomes.

40
Community Involvement & Campus Environment
Students who attend university events and participate in clubs and organizations are more
likely to be successful in college (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). Involvement is even more
significant for Black students. For Black males, campus participation has a stronger positive
correlation to higher graduation rates than White students, and for Black women involvement
accounts for twice as much impact on degree completion than other factors, like academic
integration (Pascarella, 1985). The net positive impact for Black students includes club
membership contributing to earning a GPA above 3.0 (Harper, 2006), and an overall positive
campus association between academic achievement and social leadership (Strayhorn, 2010).
Black college students need to feel valued, safe, and accepted to fully participate in their
campus community both academically and socially (Woldoff et al., 2011). Adjustment to college
is contingent upon how well received Black students are by the overall campus community
(Tinto, 1993). Research has shown that Black students who do not have a successful social
adjustment experience significant challenges at predominately White institutions (Cabrera et al.,
1999; D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993). Black students at PWIs experience an unsupportive
campus environment with a racial climate that leads social isolation (Freeman, 2005).
Stereotype threat is the belief that a commonly held, negative stereotype about one’s
identity, will place a person at risk of conforming to that stereotype or the environment believes
the person will conform (Steele, 1997). Stereotype threat is also the extent to which a person
believes those around them subscribe to the negative perception (Fischer & Fischer, 2010). On
college campuses, this lends itself to the belief Black students were the beneficiary of affirmative
action, and not academic merit (Sowell, 2004). Black students are aware these perceptions exist
and may choose to disengage from the campus community as a result (Torres & Charles, 2004).

41
The campus social environment is a crucial factor for Black student success (Fischer, 2007). A
positive racial climate on campus and a dedicated commitment to diversity are positively
correlated with Black student success in college (Rankin & Reason, 2005). A majority of Black
students attend a PWI, which makes understanding their experiences on campus and perceptions
of racial climate an important topic (Strayhorn & Terrell, 2010).
Conceptual Framework
The lens for this conceptual framework was grounded in critical race theory, as it
surrounds all aspects of life for people of color (Ladson-Billings, 1998a). CRT attempts to
explain the pervasive nature of race and the impact on laws, policies, and education (Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 1995). Thus, critical race theory is depicted as an umbrella over the problem
space. Protected by CRT are the factors determined to be most impactful from a review of the
literature. When students can govern their behaviors and emotions (Trigwell et al., 2013), self-
efficacy allows a greater sense of belonging (Deci & Ryan, 2010). It is not enough to have
success in the classroom. Without tending to emotional health and wellbeing, a student will not
develop the coping mechanisms to mitigate challenge and rebound from negative experiences
within their environment (Cohn & Fredrickson 2009).
Black college graduation rates are depicted as a rain cloud above critical race theory, self-
efficacy, and wellbeing. Graduation rates among Black college students are lower than average
(NCES, 2019b) because of the educational environment at many schools. The goal is to increase
Black college graduates, but critical race theory creates a barrier which directly impacts the
ability to successfully persist toward graduation. Specifically, the research examined charter
schools since enrollment is growing (NAPC, 2011) and Black students are more likely to enroll
(Frankenberg, 2011; NAPC, 2020). By developing this conceptual framework, a visual of the

42
problem of practice, contributing factors, and overall landscape of critical race theory were
delineated.
Figure 1
Conceptual and Theoretical Framework

43
Summary
Critical race theory challenges the dominant narrative by exposing racism in everyday
arenas like law and education. Applied to the field of education, CRT requires educators to
accept the permeance of racism in schools before any meaningful reform can take place (Rector-
Aranda, 2016). The development of the American system of education began with religious roots
and transformed into a system with local and state regulation (Cubberly, 1919). Charter schools
were formed in response to the growing need for teacher innovation and diverse learning
environments (Shanker, 1988). Black students are more likely to attend a charter school (NAPC,
2020). Research has shown this is a problem because schools with a high concentration of Black
students experience lower student achievement (Bohrnstedt et al., 2015).
As Black students prepare for college, they face unique transitional issues because of
lower performance on key pre-college indicators like GPA and SAT score (DeBerard et al.,
2004). Thus, Black attrition rates are high and Black student are less likely to earn a college
degree than their White counterparts (Cox, 2016). If there are less Black college degrees,
employment outcomes are diminished, income is lower, and generational wealth is not amassed
(Chung et al., 2010). Fewer Black college graduates also impacts the diversity of the workforce,
where varied perspectives enhance innovation and work quality (Martin, 2014; Van Knippenberg
et al., 2004). Thus, it was important to study the leading indicators of college success to rectify
the deficit of Black college degrees.

44
Chapter Three: Methodology
This study aimed to analyze Black charter school alumni from BCA who have also
graduated from a two- or four- year college. The study helped to ascertain the level of college
preparation that occurred through the lens of key college success indicators. Additionally, this
study sought to learn about the impact of identity on college transition and persistence, to
discover barriers students faced, and how they overcame. The goal was to inform charter schools
about best practices to prepare Black students for college success. This chapter outlined the
research questions, methodology for data collection, researcher positionality, and data collection
procedures. Further, data analysis, and ethic were also discussed.
Research Questions
To explore the experiences of Black charter school alumni from BCA who have also
graduated from college, two research questions guided this study:
1. What intersections of identity impact the support Black BCA charter school students
need to meet college readiness milestones?
2. What factors impact the success of Black college students who graduated from BCA
charter schools?
Overview of Methodology
This section provides an overview of the research methodology that was utilized to
collect data for the study. Research methodology describes the driving philosophy, rationale for
inquiry, and criteria for examination (Bailey, 1994). It is the process by which researchers select
the means to address the research questions (Crotty, 1998). A narrative inquiry research design
guides this study. Narrative inquiry is defined as a way to understand experiences by utilizing
questioning to explore the depth and scope (Clandin, 2016). The benefit of this approach is the

45
ability to collect stories to comprehend the lived experiences of study participants (Savin-Baden
& Van Niekerk, 2007). The approach makes people and the meaningfulness of their stories the
center of research, which allows the exploration of converging and diverging viewpoints
(Bochner & Riggs, 2014). When the stories of participants are the central focus, the research can
more accurately address the problem of practice.
Interviews allow the researcher to understand participant thoughts and feelings by
gaining access to their unique perspective (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Conducting interviews
helps ascribe meaning to the identified problem through individual or group understanding
(Creswell, 2013). Narrative inquiry interview was the best design for this study because it
allowed for the exploration of a focused sample size and that uncovered themes that prioritized
the exploration of individual stories uncovered during interviews.
Testimonio were also utilized as a methodological approach because it illuminated the
ways in which students of color experience oppression and microaggressions, and the collective
impact on their educational experiences (Benmayor, 1988; Espino et al., 2010; Huber & Cueva,
2012). By understanding the social, political, and cultural histories of one’s identity,
marginalized populations can raise consciousness about their collective oppression, and elicit
change (Delgado et al., 2012). Reflection is the differentiator because it allows participants to
examine their individual experiences within the milieu of the research space (Delgado et al.,
2012). Testimonio also allows for the illumination of decisions and experiences through
exploration of real-life actions instead of mere descriptive discourse as the foundation for social
change (Delgado et al., 2012). Testimonio affirms the experiences of students of color and
directly challenges White centered epistemology as a means of encouraging social justice
(Huber, 2008). For this study, testimonio was utilized during individual interviews as a way for

46
participants to reflect on their experiences as Black students within both the charter school and
college environments.
The Researcher
Understanding the researcher and their positionality is integral in shaping the course of a
study. Positionality recognizes the integral parts of a researcher’s identity that shapes how they
see the world (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Inclusive of sexual orientation, political alliance,
culture, gender expression, and race, it is crucial for the researcher to identify their biases and the
potential impact on research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Opie & Sikes, 2004). Positionality also
includes the stance a researcher has chosen to adopt, guided by their identity, as they explore a
research topic (Savin-Baden & Major, 2012). Aspects of positionality can be fixed or subjective
(Manohar et al., 2017).
I identify as a Black, mid-thirties, cis-gender woman, who has been a resident of BCA for
nine years. I am employed at an organization that includes a charter school and college
persistence support, and my observations within my workplace led to the foundation of this
study. The perception of researcher positionality can have significant impact on both the research
process and its outcomes (Berger, 2015; Wegener, 2014). When the subject of inquiry is gender
there is heightened awareness and influence found in researcher gender identity (Arora et al.,
2014) which demonstrates the influence of gender on a research environment is situationally
specific (Enguix, 2012; Pante, 2014; Takeda, 2012). Contextually, the impact of gender is
interwoven with additional identities (Galam, 2015). As a female identifying person, my gender
had the potential to impact data collection. However, gender was not the focus of my study so
there was no influence from researcher to subject.

47
Studies have found a benefit for researchers who share cultural characteristics with their
study participants (Ergun & Erdemir 2010; Liamputtong 2010). Thus, being a Black researcher
removed a significant barrier with my participants and created coalition to engender an
environment where open sharing was comfortable. One aspect that had the potential to present a
power dynamic was my role as researcher. The positionality of a researcher can impact both
process and outcomes (Creswell & Poth, 2017), so I took particular care to mitigate this
outcome. If participants viewed me as a subject matter expert, they may have believed I was
seeking a specific answer to the research questions. To balance this, I told participants at the
beginning of interview participation that their thoughts and opinions were most valuable to the
success of my study.
Eligible participants for this research were graduates from all charter schools within
BCA, inclusive of the organization where I am employed. The likelihood existed that
participants could have been from my workplace. I intentionally did not select participants from
my workplace for this reason. I would have utilized a second party interviewer if an optimal
candidate was identified from my employer. When a researcher is too close to their subject
matter, using another party to conduct interviews can remove bias (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
I mitigated potential assumptions and biases by employing reflexivity. The importance of
reflexivity was developed in response to power dynamics in the researcher subject relationship
(Pillow, 2003). Reflexivity seeks to understand what the researcher knows and how they know it
(Caloran, 2003). Directing inquiry inward allows the researcher to examine subjectivity and
determine how their identities contribute to the richness of data collected in their study (Patnaik,
2013). I practiced reflexivity by espousing consciousness, self-reflection, and introspection. I
was mindful of my behaviors and their potential impact on participants.

48
Data Sources
Data collection for this dissertation followed the narrative inquiry model. The purpose of
a sequence of interviews is to determine major trends among participants. Selecting a small
number of participants allowed each story to be highlighted. For my dissertation, this approach
yielded qualitative data that was coded to find common themes across participant that provided
depth to understanding the problem of practice.
Interview
This dissertation included 9 semi-structured interviews (SSI). Participants share personal
anecdotes related to a situation or experience during SSI (Kelly, 2010; Merton & Kendall, 1946).
When the researcher has independent awareness of a topic but requires more subjective
information, SSI is a beneficial means of inquiry (Morse & Field, 1995). Thus, the framework
for SSI is built upon analyzing objective knowledge (McIntosh & Morse, 2015). The flexible
structure allows participants to respond to open-ended questions freely, while the researcher
probes when appropriate (Bartholomew et al., 2000; Johnson & Christensen, 2015). SSI presents
a unique format that yields data that cannot be found through any other means (McIntosh &
Morse, 2015).
Participants
Interview participants were recruited utilizing IRB approved techniques including social
media and direct referral. The sample size was 3 respondents who all identified as a Black
alumni from a charter school in BCA who also graduated from a 2- or 4- year college.
Instrumentation
For my study, I conducted semi-structured interviews so I could use a set of pre-
determined questions with the flexibility to follow up based on participant response. The specific

49
interview protocol contained 28 questions divided into three subject matter areas (Appendix B).
As outlined in Merriam and Tisdell (2016) I asked experience and behavior questions and
learned from participants how charter school attendance impacted their behavior as they prepared
for and matriculated to college. I utilized feeling questions, to help gauge the emotion attached to
the preparatory experience (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Lastly, opinion questions allowed for
honest assessment and feedback that I used to inform recommendations and areas of future
development (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The selection of this method was best for my study
because content was the driver of conversation, and not the precision of the instrument (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016).
Data Collection Procedures
The establishment of data collection procedures is a necessary step when conducting
research. Sound qualitative data is gathered only when the interview protocol is reliable and
properly facilitates the interview process (Patton, 2015). Data collection began after IRB
approval was granted. Each participant was interviewed 3 times, and interviews lasted between
45-60 minutes each because research has found long interviews to be distracting for both the
subject and researcher (Yeong et al., 2018). Testimonio was utilized during data collection to
provide a framework for individual reflection (Delgado et al., 2012). Participants were asked to
reflect on their experiences in high school and college, through the lens of Blackness, before they
provided responses to the interview questions.
Due to COVID-19 restrictions, all interviews were conducted via Zoom®, with video
enabled so researcher and respondent could see one another clearly. Cameras were on because
research has shown interviews are more successful when the researcher and subject can build
rapport (Patton, 2002). I utilized the transcription function on Zoom® to capture the text of our

50
dialogue and used the platform to record each conversation as well. I also collected field notes as
interviews occur to capture behavior happening in the context of the interview, and to note my
observations, thoughts, and insights (Flick, 2014). Field notes were a useful tool because they
allowed re-examination of participant data after interviews concluded and provided depth when
combined with other techniques (Becker & Geer, 1957; Flick, 2014; Montgomery & Bailey,
2007).
Prior to each interview, participants were asked for their consent to record the interview.
Participants were in a location of their choosing for the interview, and I ensured their location
was safe, and conducive to honestly answering the interview questions. Research subjects were
made aware they could end the interview at any time if they became uncomfortable, and no data
would be retained.
Data Analysis
Data analysis was integral to interpreting the information yielded from individual
interviews. Qualitative methods can produce a large volume of information causing analysis to
be a burdensome process (Macia, 2015). Varied approaches to research have removed the ability
to create a universally accepted method to synthesize qualitative research findings (Gilbert et al.,
2014; James, 2013). Data coding was utilized for the purpose of this dissertation. The process of
coding creates categories for data that allow the researcher to make data more understandable
(Ng & Hase, 2008; Williamson et al., 2013).
I employed computer assisted data analysis by utilizing the NVivo® software platform.
The advantages associated with using computer software are easier data analysis, reduction in the
number of manual tasks, increased capacity for the researcher, and an overall improvement in
research quality (Bazeley, 2013; Wong, 2008). Primarily, the software served as a data

51
management tool that assisted with the analysis process. Commonly used phrases, key terms, and
emerging themes were manually coded, and the software assisted with grouping themes.
To find patterns between interviews, I completed a thematic analysis which helped find
connections between relevant points in the same data set (Clarke & Braun, 2013). The goal was
to create thematic domains that were used to compare and analyze interview data (Ngulube,
2015). Thematic analysis was supported by discourse analysis which selected portions of
transcript text that were examined for trends in language and its effect (Johnstone, 2017;
Onwuegbuzie & Combs, 2010). Narrative analysis enhanced understanding of the stories
participants shared about their lives, thereby making their experiences data points I used to
account for individual practices (Onwuegbuzie & Combs, 2010).
Credibility and Trustworthiness
To remove the subjectivity that may be associated with qualitative research, it is essential
for researchers to assess trustworthiness and credibility. Trustworthiness in qualitative research is
inclusive of credibility, dependability, confirmability, transferability, and authenticity (Guba &
Lincoln, 1985; 1994; Wesley, 2014). When considering the application of these four criteria, the
researcher is required to be transparent about the basis of their processes and the subsequent data
evaluation (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Establishing the trustworthiness of a study elicits confidence
in a researcher’s findings (Golafshani, 2003; Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Research is credible when
the participant finds truth in the researcher’s interpretation of the data provided during the
collection process (Polit & Beck, 2012). The goal is to provide direct access to the thoughts,
opinions, and perceptions of the research subject. I utilized my dissertation committee to review
materials for credibility and trustworthiness because their role is to provide examination and
analysis (Bowen, 2005).

52
To prove credibility, I showed a clear audit trail. Comprised of notes, logs, and raw data,
the audit trail would allow an independent researcher to authenticate the findings of a study by
merely following the trail of the researcher (Bernstein et al., 2009; Lincoln & Guba, 1985;
Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I maintained all survey responses, transcripts, recordings, and field
notes for the time required by IRB. Triangulation was used to establish trustworthiness. To
employ triangulation, multiple methods of data collection are utilized, inclusive of interviews,
notes, and observations (Casey & Murphy, 2009; Clark & Creswell, 2014). Multiple methods of
data collection establish an all-inclusive view of the area of study and corroborate findings
(Casey & Murphy, 2009). This dissertation used interview, observation, and field notes to
triangulate results. Data collection ended when saturation was reached. Data saturation is defined
as the point when the ability to acquire new information no longer exists because the researcher
has uncovered all relevant information to the specific are of study (Fusch & Ness, 2015).
Ethics
The purpose of this dissertation was to gain understanding about the college preparatory
experience of Black students who graduated from a charter school in BCA and their persistence
through a 2- or 4- year college. Through a narrative inquiry study, I conducted individual
interviews to glean information directly from the specific demographic outlined. All subjects
provided informed consent. Glesne (2011) outlines informed consent as telling participants that
their participation in a research study is of their own free-will and can cease involvement at any
point in the study. I reminded participants of the voluntary nature and reiterated all responses and
respondent information were kept secure and confidential. Prior to interviews, I asked permission
to record video through the Zoom® platform.

53
I submitted my study to the University of Southern California (USC) IRB and received
approval. I utilized the Information Sheet for Exempt Research (Appendix C); no data was
gathered without IRB approval. I adhered to all guidelines and policies set by IRB to ensure the
welfare and rights of study participants, and all information collected therein, were protected,
confidential, and secure. Rubin and Rubin (2012) make explicit the duty of the researcher not to
harm or pressure participants and ensure respect is central to all interactions. No incentives were
provided for research participation to remove any appearance of coercion (Glesne, 2011).
Throughout the course of interview responses, participants revealed personal stories and
negative experiences. If a story or situation revealed illegal activity, it had the potential to cause
an ethical dilemma to report or carry on with the interview so the information gleaned may have
been utilized for the overall study. Though all research was conducted online, it was my
responsibility to acknowledge I was occupying the respondent’s space virtually and I had a duty
to leave that undisturbed (Terrell, 2011).

54
Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this narrative inquiry study was to gather stories from Black alumni of
charter schools from Big City America who also graduated from a 2- or 4-year college to
determine their college preparation. The testimonios gathered provided insight on the college
readiness environment facilitated within schools, the in-class academic preparedness, and the
practical ability for students to successfully persist through college after high school. Chapter
Four examined the findings from an analysis of each participant’s testimonio both individually
and comparatively, to glean relevant themes and findings. Through the lens of critical race
theory, acknowledgement of race and the intersections of identity that lead to disproportionate
college preparation guided the development of the following research questions:
1. What intersections of identity impact the support Black BCA charter school students
need to meet college readiness milestones?
2. What factors impact the success of Black college students who graduated from BCA
charter schools?
Participants
Three self-identified Black alumni of charter schools in BCA who also graduated from a
2- or 4- year college participated as research subjects for this dissertation. Each participant was
assigned a pseudonym and all distinguishing characteristics were removed from their description.
A detailed description of participants was provided to provide context for their individual and
collective narratives.
Deirdre
Deirdre is a native of Big City America from a large, close-knit family. She grew up in a
housing project with her mother and two sisters, both of whom attended college prior to her

55
enrollment. Deirdre described herself as hard working, intelligent, and identifies as a Black
American cisgender woman. She began attending charter school in 5
th
grade and remained
enrolled at the same school through high school graduation. Post-high school she attended a
large, 4-year, predominately White institution (PWI), that is a public, in-state college. Deirdre
attended that college until her junior year when she came back home and took a leave of absence.
After her leave, she transferred to a local 2- year college in BCA and graduated with an associate
degree in 2021. She currently attends a mid-size, 4-year, predominately White, public, college
located in BCA, and is working toward completing her 4-year degree in Sociology.
Andrew
Andrew is a native of Big City America, raised by a single mother, and identifies as a
first-generation college student. Andrew described himself as inquisitive, motivated, and
identifies as a Black American cisgender man. He began attending charter school in 6
th
grade and
transferred to a different high school instead of attending remaining in his original charter school
network. After high school, he attended a mid-size, 4-year, PWI, private college in Washington
DC. Andrew graduated in 4 years with a bachelor’s degree in political science in 2021. He is
currently an elementary school teacher within a different charter school network than he
attended.
Lisa
Lisa is a native of Big City America, raised in a large family, and identifies as a first-
generation college student. Lisa described herself as jovial, fearless, and identifies as a Ghanaian
American cisgender woman. She began attending charter school in 5
th
grade and graduated from
high school after remaining enrolled in the same charter school network. Lisa attended a small,
4-year, predominately White, private, college in Pennsylvania. Lisa graduated in 4 years with a

56
bachelor’s degree in psychology in 2017. She is currently an administrator within the same
charter school network she attended.
Data Collection
The source of research data was a series of 3 interviews conducted with each participant,
yielding 9 testimonio interview transcripts. Interviews were conducted in October and November
2021 via Zoom and lasted between 40 and 60 minutes. There was at least 24 hours between each
interview except for Andrew who had two interviews consecutively. Participants verbally
consented to involvement and being recorded at the beginning of each session. The protocol for
each interview, consisted of 9 or 10 semi-structured questions, allowing for additional probes
based on respondent answers (see Appendix A).
Data and Analysis
Following each interview, the Zoom recording was uploaded to the Otter.ai transcription
software for cleaning. The platform allowed interview recordings to be played while corrections
to the transcripts were made. After 9 clean transcripts were produced, each was uploaded to
Nvivo for coding. A priori codes were established through analysis of literature and the research
questions to ensure significant themes were captured (Harding, 2018). Utilizing pre-determined
codes provides parameters through which analysis can occur (Harding, 2018). Additionally, open
codes were added as data examination progressed because unanticipated themes emerged from
participant testimonios. Axial coding was also utilized to group similar codes and provide detail
to topics with complex nuances (Harding, 2018). A Microsoft Word document was used to
capture immediate observations after each interview. After interviews concluded, analysis of the
Word document was conducted to find similarities between each interview and create definitions
for each code prior to using Nvivo (Appendix C).

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Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question One
Findings in this section were drawn from major themes gleaned from the interview
transcripts of all three participants. The first finding is related to the impact of Black identity on
participant college preparation and subsequent persistence. High school composition, high school
curriculum, and involvement in the Black community in college all had significant impact on
participants. Secondly, salient narratives around what participants reported to be the intersections
of race, gender, and socio-economic status on college preparation within their charter school.
Major findings were associated with likelihood of admission and cost of attendance.
Impact of Black Identity on College Preparation and Persistence
Participants reported Black identity development in three realms; high school
composition, high school curriculum, and involvement in the Black community once enrolled in
college. Each participant self-identified as Black, two as Black American, and one as African
American with family roots in Ghana. When asked to name their salient identities, all
participants listed Blackness as most important both personally and culturally.
High School Composition
Lisa, Deirdre, and Andrew all described their high schools as predominately Black and
located in a majority Black neighborhood. Andrew recalled cliques among students from the
diaspora inclusive of Caribbean, African, and American. When describing the difference in
mentality toward education between Black Americans and non-Americans he said “you either
go, you don't go, you put in the effort, or you don't put in the effort. Whereas my Caribbean
American friends and even my African American friends were very much like, education is
really important.” Deirdre and Lisa both experienced schools where Blackness was not explicitly
discussed with students. Lisa said, “it was not present at all” and noted that even during Black

58
History month, the school called it “Funbruary” and “was dismissive of Black culture.”
Speculating on what her high school needed to improve for Black students, Deirdre said, “if we
were able to get a Black excellence club, it would have probably shifted the way that we carried
ourselves.”
Conversely, each participant reported that the teachers and administrators at their schools
were mostly White which led to a significant amount of Whitewashing. Schools typically hired
White staff who had no apparent knowledge of Black culture, nor did they attempt to facilitate
conversations amongst students about their Blackness. Lisa said, “we were told the prototype
that we needed to become…but with that prototype, we valued academics more than social
identity.” Collectively, participants recalled the environment created by White school staff to be
academically rigorous but completely blind to their Black identity, which had a negative impact
on students as they prepared for college. Thus, students felt largely alienated from staff racially,
and persisted through school with no concrete memory of Black identity development.
High School Curriculum
Participants reported various experiences related to Blackness in their high school
curriculum. Deirdre recalled feeling like her high school’s focus was developing students as
professionals and not as Black scholars. She remembered teachers who intentionally taught a
standard curriculum and were not open to student interjection related to Black current events, or
alternate books that included people of color. As a result, many of her classmates became
disengaged from the classroom because they were not seeing characters or authors that
resembled pupils.
Andrew’s experience included several teachers who made a concerted effort to include
Black authors, changemakers, and literature in addition to the standard lesson plans. He believed

59
this to be a major asset in his high school education because once he transitioned to college he
had a strong understanding of Black contributions to literature, science, and history. When asked
about curriculum related to college preparation and being a Black student, Andrew stated “the
way they taught us curriculum, I think they prepared us for how to navigate that space and what
that world would look like.”
Lisa’s experience included a project senior year that required community service. Most of
her classmates worked with minority serving organizations where students learned valuable
lessons about Blackness that translated well to college preparation. Without this project, Lisa
believes many of her classmates would not have had any college readiness curriculum directly
linked to Blackness.
Involvement in the Black Community in College
Andrew and Lisa highlighted involvement within their college’s Black community as an
instrumental persistence behavior that provided social acceptance and support. Andrew
remembered getting to college and knowing specifically which Black organizations he could
join. He could “attend African Student Union events but could not join the actual club because
that’s not my culture.” Andrew said, “I think what was successful was bonding with the Black
people on campus.” His primary activities were Student Government and Student Senate which
were predominately White. However, as a Black leader in White spaces, he was granted special
access his peers did not have. Andrew recalled “you know the Vice Provost or the Dean or
walking around campus and a lot of people are saying hi to me or I'm able to walk into certain
administrator’s offices and have a meeting with them.” In moments of campus unrest, his dual
acceptance in Black and White spaces made him a trusted leader and ally for both staff and
students.

60
Andrew intentionally leveraged his leadership on campus and membership within the
Black community to ensure he was academically successful. He realized “I couldn't be this
student leader on campus and do all these things if in my classes I was failing and I had a terrible
GPA.” When he compared himself to his Black peers, he realized his high school did not prepare
him as well academically, so he learned to emulate and ask for help. He stated, “for me coming
from my school I had to kind of like fake it ‘til I made it in a way.” He actively “picked up
certain things from friends.” Black students would study together and share learnings from their
high school experiences to collectively ensure academic attainment, “studying with my Black
friends, predominately with those that had higher education, I knew we could stay focused…we
surrounded ourselves around people who were doing the same stuff we wanted to do.”
Immersing himself in the Black community was integral to Andrew’s college persistence.
Similarly, Lisa joined the African and Caribbean Student Organization at her school and
a club for Black and Latinx women that promoted camaraderie and sisterhood. In addition, she
joined a meditation club and a business club which were predominately White spaces. She
recalled her campus involvements as “really transformative for me…. the joy that I was able to
bring on campus because everything else seemed to suck, if there was a racist thing that
happened or, people were stressed…social events gave people something to come to.”
Lisa also experienced belonging in the Black community through friendships she had
with classmates from her high school. She remembered “they became some of my closest friends
in college, and I was never close to them in high school, so that definitely shaped my
experience.” Having two Black peers with her, encouraged Lisa to get involved on campus,
while providing a safe space with people who were familiar with her background, neighborhood,
and high school experience. “As soon as you see two familiar faces in another space, we know

61
each other, and we went through the same damn struggles in high school, so we shared a lot of
similar backgrounds and commonalities.” Looking back on her college experience, Lisa realized
that she would not have had the courage to seek leadership roles because of the oppressive nature
of her PWI. “I think that's powerful for people, especially when you're going to like PWI spaces
that are very centralized and like very ignorant. It's nice to have people from back home that's
also there to support you.” Aligning herself with Black peers and joining Black organizations on
campus ensured Lisa’s ability to find community in college and persist to graduation.
Intersections of Race and Socio-Economic Status on College Selection
All participants had similar experiences surrounding the intersection of their
socioeconomic status, race, and the colleges their charter school encouraged them to attend.
Students received different narratives around private colleges, state universities, and historically
black colleges and universities (HBCUs). The determining factor for many high school
counselors was the likelihood for admission and the cost of attendance.
Likelihood of Admission
BCA is in a state with multiple public colleges. Each participant was encouraged to apply
to state schools as their primary college option because of the high rate of admission for students
of color. Deirdre recalled the messaging when she applied was to focus on “state schools only
because they are easier to get into.” When asked if the academic rigor associated with the state
colleges was also a consideration, she replied “no, it wasn't, you'll get a good education here, or
this school is this way, or none of that, it was just this is easy to get into.”
Lisa remembered about 75% of her high school classmates who matriculated to college
attending a state university, punctuating the prevalence of her charter school funneling students
toward that opportunity. Conversely, about 10% of her graduating class attended private colleges

62
which are usually more challenging to get into. In addition, college counselors at her high school
curated school lists for students and it was hard for students to deviate from those
recommendations. At Andrew’s high school, 100% of the senior class gained admission to a state
college. He said, “for Black students, we were always told, go to [the state colleges]. That's it.
Maybe the select few might be encouraged to apply [elsewhere].” Overall, students were
provided with limited information about colleges and encouraged to apply to the state colleges
because they were easy to get into. Students who opted to apply elsewhere, were met with
opposition from school staff.
Cost of Attendance
Similarly, each participant experienced college counselors and school administrators who
encouraged students to attend schools with a low cost of attendance. In the same way state
colleges were an option because of lower admission standards, they were also a preference
because of cost. Deirdre remembered the message was to apply to schools that would be
“cheaper, definitely cheaper.” Andrew was dedicated to going to college regardless of the
warnings his college counselor gave him about the cost of the private college he chose to attend.
He said, “I didn't go into college feeling like I can't afford it. I'm still going whether I can afford
it or not. I'll deal with the financial aspect at the end, but I'm going to college.”
All participants had specific memories around the information they received about
attending an HBCU. Each expressed disappointment their high school did not provide more
information, and some had regret associated with not attending one. “I wish my high school
taught me about it because I probably would have ended up going to an HBCU,” Andrew opined.
Deirdre similarly remarked “they didn't tell us about HBCUs us like that, that’s the thing they
didn’t lead us to…if they would have told us about HBCUs I'm pretty sure a majority of us

63
would have went to an HBCU.” School administrators at her charter school used cost as the main
reason, cautioning students that the high price of attendance and lack of scholarships would leave
them in more debt than a state college.
Lisa only remembers one of her classmates attending an HBCU after graduation, “mostly
everyone went to a state college because of cost, HBCUs just weren’t a thing, they were too
expensive.” The cost of attending college was a major factor in choosing an institution for Black
students, yet they were deterred from attending historically Black colleges. The intersection
between Blackness and low socioeconomic status lead school administrators to focus on
economics instead of the student’s racial identity.
Summary
Research question one reported findings related to Black identity development within the
charter school context. Participants named the racial composition of their high school related to
students and staff as significant. Additionally, they found school curriculum as it pertained to
Blackness as an important indicator of their college readiness. As they transitioned to college,
involvement in the Black community was commonly cited as integral to persistence. In addition,
the colleges students were encouraged to attend were often low cost and had high admission
rates. Participants reported all these factors as integral in their college preparation, selection, and
success.
Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question Two
Three major themes emerged from research question two: charter school academic and
social environment related to college readiness, charter school college preparation, and what
being from BCA taught participants and how it contributed to their success in college.
Charter School Academic and Social Environment Related to College Readiness

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The environment of charter schools was directly related to scholar college readiness
inclusive of participation in pre-college programs, campus visits, and overall access to college
knowledge prior to matriculation. Respondents spoke about students who gained access to high
quality academic experiences, and the overall environment of their schools both academically
and socially as it related to college preparedness.
Pre-College Programs and Campus Visits
Lisa, Deirdre, and Andrew all had experiences attending a pre-college program and
campus visits while enrolled at their charter school. Deirdre’s pre-college program was part of
her school day. She and some of her classmates spent certain class periods in a satellite program
for a local college taking courses. “It gave you, actual college credits while we were in high
school. So, we transferred those credits over from high school to college which gave us an added
pedestal,” she recalled. Lisa participated in a weekend pre-college program. Though she did not
complete the program, she remembered “at least I already got a sense of like, this is what a mini
college class will look like.” Andrew’s program lasted the entire four years of high school and
took place on Saturday as well. In addition to taking college courses Andrew remembered “we
were guaranteed an opportunity to apply to [the college] and get accepted. So it's kind of like
almost like a pipeline of like, come here.” Pre-college programs taught participants the rigor of
college courses, helped them potentially earn credits, and created a pathway to admission.
All participants shared experiences visiting colleges with their charter school classmates
as early as the 6
th
grade. Deirdre remembered the experience positively, “my favorite experience
in high school was being able to travel to visit colleges. We visited multiple colleges, whether it
was in state or out of state…and it just gave us motivation.” Deliberately connecting current
students with former scholars from their high school who were college students on the campuses

65
visited, gave students the impression they were “seeing themselves” and served as significant
incentive to successfully complete high school and matriculate to college. Lisa also attended
college visits throughout high school but was most struck by the visits offered to her during the
application process. “College counselors would reach out and they’d say, basically like, what do
you think about so and so school? Would you like to do a college visit?” Tailoring college visits
to institutions pupils may attend post-graduation was also a successful strategy, because it
required students to invest their own time instead of participating in a pre-planned group activity.
One of Andrew’s salient memories in hindsight, was attending tours at PWIs, “I just was
like, I'm in sixth grade, I didn't understand the concept of, I don't see Black people. Not
necessarily understanding the concept of not seeing Black people.” Though charter schools were
ensuring students saw campuses across the country at an early age, many were not deliberately
taking students to predominately Black institutions. To his school’s credit though, Andrew did
recognize “they did get my mindset in the in the right mind of I can go to a four-year college
that's in a different state, and I don't have to stay at home.” All participants reported college visits
as integral in deciding which college to attend.
Access to High Quality Academic Experiences
A high-quality academic experience ensures all students have equal opportunity to learn,
engage, and persist. Study participants all recalled circumstances within their schools that
supported the elevation of specific students based off demonstrated or perceived academic
potential. Deirdre remembered access to a prestigious pre-college program within her charter
school. She said,
It was given to people who I would say, were excelling in like reading and writing, but it
didn’t give others the opportunity to get on that level. So you already had to be at a level

66
to be offered that program. They weren't teaching those people who weren't on that
intellectual level of how to get to that intellectually. So it already created a system where
some people were left behind.
Lifting certain students over others, led to a reduction in confidence and effort among those who
were excluded. Deirdre recalled the snowball effect on in-class performance, “back at school,
those kids who weren’t offered the opportunity, they were failing in their classes because they
were not being challenged.”
Similarly, Lisa recognized only “certain students” had access to the college courses
offered through her high school “which probably could have changed a lot of their trajectory.”
There was a direct correlation between students with high grades and the list of those selected for
exclusive opportunities at Lisa’s school, “grades were definitely a differentiator, you kind of
knew based on like, who got called on for certain things and activities.” She remembers many
students feeling like there was favoritism:
A lot of the attention was focused more on the students that they knew could get to like
an Ivy League, or top tier school versus the students who were kind of in between, they
probably didn't get as much attention.
Once the top group of students were identified, there was little change within that group of
pupils. Lisa said, “they were fixed for the most part, because there was a consistent group of
people who kept excelling.” Creating fixed groups of students to provide with high level
opportunities helped a small group, while making the larger population of pupils feel left out and
thereby less engaged in the academic community at their school.
Both Deirdre and Lisa saw a relationship between the students selected for competitive
opportunities at their schools, and the overall college matriculation and persistence outcomes.

67
One hundred percent of Deirdre’s graduating class was admitted to college, and all matriculated
the semester following high school graduation. At the end of 6 years, about 40% graduated with
any degree by her estimation. She links this to certain students being excluded from
opportunities that could have “changed their path and their perspective.” Lisa remembers 90%
of her high school graduating class matriculating to college, and that yielding about 65% with
any degree in a six-year span. For many, academics was the reason for leaving school, “I think a
few of them went on academic probation and did not go back.” For her, there was a clear link
between students who did not persist academically and their access to higher level experiences;
“they were just lax, like with their academics in high school and just did not graduate from
college.” Participants who had access to high quality academic experiences were more prepared
for college, but these opportunities were only given to selected few.
Social & Academic Environment
Study participants had strong reactions to the social and academic environment created
within their charter school. Of note, was the interplay between the two since socializing and
academics were often intertwined to the point, they were inseparable. Andrew described a
collegial environment where students “were pushing each other to make sure we're staying the
course,” and where teachers and administrators “very much held your hand throughout the whole
process.” When he reflected on the environment, he recalled a strict disciplinary structure stating,
“you had to sit a certain way, you had to walk in a straight line, even down to the homework, the
homework was very, tailored.” In the classroom he found “the lesson instruction was also super
simple and easy, and the rigor wasn't high.” Ultimately, the school was teaching students to work
in alignment with their specific goals, and students were “taught to the tests, taught specifically
even to their tests.” Through the lens of college readiness, Andrew did believe the school was

68
preparing students for college level work because he found teachers “weren't really teaching you
towards high school, they were teaching you towards college.” There were limited student club
options, so other than sports teams, students gathered primarily to study together or hold sporadic
social engagements.
Lisa’s charter school had a clearly articulated accountability system where students knew
exactly what was expected of their behavior inside and outside of the classroom. Students were
given demerit points for failing to meet standards which would result in detention or in-school
suspension. The most memorable punishment for Lisa was “we used to have silent lunches, we
used to have things that kind of diminished the social engagement and could ruin a lot of
relationships.” Going to school within a strict disciplinary system had other impacts on Lisa and
her classmates which included feelings of pressure, dread, and perfectionism. Lisa said,
I did not look forward to the discipline system, I did not look forward to the strict rules, I
did not look forward to feeling like, I am going to get in trouble for something because I
had to be a perfectionist.
Mental health was sacrificed the most in her school environment, she said, “there also has to be a
balance with mental health and like, being social, not just on trips, but as part of your everyday
interactions.”
Inside the classroom at Lisa’s school “academic rigor is every damn thing, that's like the
Holy Grail of the organization.” She described “high quality instruction” that included teachers
listing the goals of each class on the board for pupils to read before the session began. After
class, students had to prove learning with an “exit ticket” which required answering a set of
questions related to the lesson. Teaching was “routinized” and “lesson plans were very
important.” Additionally, Lisa remembered “sometimes you’d have people visiting the classroom

69
just coaching,” to ensure high quality instruction was happening across each classroom,
regardless of grade level.
The academic and social environment at Lisa’s school also promoted help seeking
behaviors. Lisa recalled,
If you're not meeting a certain metric, or bar, are you going to tutoring? And if you're not
going to tutoring, why not? So, you stay after school, or sometimes you even come in on
Saturdays, honestly, to fulfill that requirement, because it's like, you have to meet a
certain bar.
High expectations were unilaterally applied to all students, but only those who met and exceeded
were provided special opportunities. For students who did not meet the threshold of what was
deemed acceptable, they could not participate in activities, like sports. For students with little, to
no social outlet, bartering academic success for extracurriculars created an environment that felt
oppressive and reduced the desire to participate in college readiness activities.
Lisa’s school rationalized the environment by likening the experience to what could
happen in college. Teachers and administrators told her often “professors aren't going to ask you;
they’re just going to expect that you get the work done.” Or would use statements like “your
behavior is not matching college level behavior.” Reflecting on the environment of her school,
Lisa realized “I started to rationalize, well, the reason why they're giving us this tough love, is
because there's not going to be a lot of room for error when you go to university.” While she
does agree parts of the environment helped prepare her college trajectory, her overall memory of
the school was “militant, because of the strict rules in which you have to abide by in order to be
approved and accepted in the space.”

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Physical location impacted the academic and social environment at Deirdre’s charter
school. She described the neighborhood as dangerous and recalled “there was a lot of gang
members outside, a couple of the students got robbed that first week of school, I believe there
was a shootout, the environment was very rough.” Every day, students had to navigate
challenging terrain just to make it to school, which often impacted behavior and their willingness
to immediately settle into learning. Inside the school, Deidre described her graduating class as
small, close, and familiar. Academically she recalled, “I just feel like we could have had more
tough guidance, because a lot of the kids in my class they didn't take things very seriously.” She
did not have many memories of teachers “putting their foot down.” Thus, students began to
realize teachers would focus on students who were paying attention and allow others to
disengage. Recalling her classroom experience, Deirdre said,
You'll get the common, pay attention warning, but they're not going to stop their lesson
because a certain amount of students aren't paying attention. They're going to focus their
attention on the kids who are paying attention and who are giving them their undivided
attention, because they feel as though they don't want to hold other students who are
trying to learn, accountable for other people's actions.
Over time, she noticed a separation between students who took their academics seriously and
those who did not.
However, the academic and social environment at Deirdre’s school was so blended, that
there were no cliques, meaning high achieving students and disengaged students remained
connected socially. Deirdre remembers, “we weren’t the selfish kind of kids that just let our
friends slack off. We tried to offer assistance and the students who weren't getting the material
would come to us and ask us to help.” The collaborative approach students took in helping their

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classmates succeed academically continued to the college application process. “When we seen
that a teacher couldn't get a student's undivided attention, and they needed help with college
applications, we definitely stepped in as a team as peers and helped one another.”
A negative externality of the collaborative environment in Deirdre’s school was exposed
when students matriculated to college. Those who were able to maintain passing grades and
make significant academic progress toward their degree, were also those who were helping to
upskill and teach their classmates. Although 100% of her graduating class matriculated to college
immediately after college, only about 35% graduated with any degree within 6 years.
Charter School College Preparation
Charter school college preparation was defined to participants as non-academic lessons
about how to succeed in college. The key determinant was the way charter schools ensured
pupils were provided with adequate information to matriculate to college and transition
smoothly. Participants also noted self-efficacy as a skill gained in high school that was integral in
their ability to successfully overcome barriers while persisting through college.
College Readiness Class
Deirdre’s charter school had a seminar class for all seniors during their second semester.
Class time was dedicated to finalizing applications at the beginning of the course and helping
students select a college once admitted. Content of the course was otherwise sparse, and she did
not remember her high school assisting with any other part of the college admission process.
After Deirdre graduated from high school, an organization partnered with her school and
provided students with optional transition assistance. Some of her classmates chose not to
participate and therefore did not receive any additional information about successfully
matriculating to college. The students who opted out were usually lower performing, which

72
directly impacted their first semester on campus. Without that program she realized her college
transition would have been “very different, I got a lot of support from [the organization], I got
encouragement from my advisors every step of the way throughout college...that help took a
burden off my family.” In hindsight, Deirdre recognizes that her high school should have given
this information directly to students instead of relying on a secondary organization because
participation would have been higher.
At Lisa’s high school, the college readiness class began in 11
th
grade and was required
for all students through the end of 12
th
grade. “It was more like getting your feet wet about
colleges and exploration in 11th grade, and by the time senior year came you would have already
started to some applications.” During the class students explored their learning preferences and
used that information to create lists of colleges to research, and ultimately apply for admission.
Teachers also spent a lot of time discussing finances and financial aid since most students
identified as low-income and first-generation. Lisa believed in some ways the class steered
pupils toward certain schools that her charter school thought were best. “There was a lot of
students who really liked certain schools, but they gave us the hard raw truth, like their financial
aid packaging system is just not good, so you're not going to get support there.”
Lisa remembers college being advertised as “the time where you're really shaped as a
human being, you get to know more of who you are, you get to get a wonderful network of
friends that you have for the rest of your life,” but never about what she should expect as a Black
woman transitioning to a PWI. She and her classmates were never taught about racism,
microaggressions, or how to seek identity-based resources to ease struggles that may arise. She
believes “we didn't get to that because we were so focused on just getting our foot in the door.”
However, Lisa recalled the first time she experienced racism on her college campus and

73
remembered “you're trying to get acquainted to the culture of your peers and I think knowing
more about identities at the forefront would have been super helpful.”
She lamented the unique challenge faced by her school in educating students about the
potential racism they could face in college. She said,
The thing is, if you're talking to a group of students who didn't see themselves going to
college, and then you're talking about, the potential racism situations they may go
through, that could potentially hinder them from even wanting to pursue the track.
If students believed college would be a traumatic experience, and were already indifferent about
attending, too much honesty from their high school could have been the reason some did not
attend. Lisa said she would have found “value in awareness” and “it would have been nice to get
a little awareness more on the front prior.”
Self-Efficacy
Andrew received many messages about managing his emotions and governing himself
throughout his experience attending a charter school. The structure, rigor, and parameters were
designed to keep scholars on a “certain pathway” to ensure they optimized college readiness. He
recalled, “I think as I entered college I felt like a hot mess. As I went through college, I think I
did get better at the self-efficacy part.” Leadership roles on campus helped Andrew “have an
understanding of how to critique something and to be critiqued and realize that it’s not about me
it’s about whatever I’m doing” Campus involvement helped him with emotional intelligence,
situational awareness, critical thinking skills, and motivation; “I think the only way I was able to
achieve that self-efficacy was because of the positions I held on campus.”
Lisa gleaned many lessons about self-efficacy from her high school that she carried with
her to college. She said, “I had to make sure I was good. I think it created this meta cognitive

74
function in my head where I'm like, well, you really need to get this done.” As she persisted
through the system created by her charter school, she evolved from a student who needed
directions, to one who was self-directed. “When you know the system and the structure of a
school, and you know the expectations, you start to build our own self-efficacy of like having
your own accountability.” Lisa also credited the strong civics lessons she collected throughout
high school with building self-efficacy because she had practice researching and advocating for
various causes beginning in 6
th
grade. Emotional maturity is a point of pride for Lisa who said, “I
now know how to navigate myself no matter where I am, because I had to do it a lot…but it kept
me on my toes.”
As she transitioned to college, she felt the same ability to motivate herself as she did in
high school. Lisa said, “I’ve been so pushed much in high school that I pushed myself in
college.” Her drive manifested into an unsustainable pace her freshman year. She did not
understand the nuance of how to manage class, assignments, and social obligations because high
school had been scheduled for her. She remembered,
I literally was driving myself crazy because I was used to driving myself crazy. I
appreciate the rigor of schooling, but that shit really made me so on edge. I didn't know
when to turn it off, there's pros and cons to that.
Though Lisa went to college with strong self-efficacy it was not paired with enough information
to help her utilize it effectively.
Deirdre remembered her high school classmates as a mixed bag when it came to self-
efficacy. She stated, “there was definitely some people who weren't able to excel and be able to
manage their emotions and just move past it.” When she got to college, her experience was
similar. Since academics were her primary focus, she gauged people by how they comported

75
themselves in the classroom and their out of class study habits. By surrounding herself with
people with the same goals, she created an environment that allowed her to exercise self-
efficacy. Creating that space was particularly important because her roommates provided a
challenge to her motivation. “My roommates were slacking off…so that was another thing that
kept me going, my friend is doing good, let me be like that friend.” Deirdre also cited intrinsic
motivation as a contributing factor to her self-efficacy and overall college success because she
did not have to rely on another person to impact the outcomes she designed for herself.
Big City America Identity and the Impact on College Readiness and Persistence
Geography has a direct correlation between access, opportunities, opinions, and attitude.
Participants all noted significant ways BCA impacted their college readiness because of access to
information and experiences. Separately, college persistence behaviors were linked to the
mentality and grit each participant gained as a resident of big city America.
College Readiness
Deirdre remembered access to several unique opportunities that were a result of her
residence in BCA. She took free SAT courses at the local library near her home. In addition, the
cultural experiences she had throughout her life were the foundation of her college admission
essay. She and her classmates “knew the resources that we had and what it would do help us to
potentially get into college.” The knowledge of resources, regardless of utilization, helped
encourage a college readiness mentality.
Lisa’s charter school was less than 2 miles from home which gave her the opportunity to
walk or take public transportation. Proximity to home and ease of access were two salient
highlights that contributed to her success. Most of her friends and classmates had the same
commute which gave “a neighborhood school kind of feel.” Location in the city also made her

76
school environment very diverse. She saw parallels between the environment of her school and
its location in BCA. Lisa remembered,
We are so used to the face paced life…we're actually going like, this amount of miles per
hour…I think that like that the fast paced lifestyle definitely translated in the charter
space, at least this charter space, because they were always like urgency, urgency, quick,
quick, quick.
All of this enhanced her college readiness because there were no barriers to getting to school, she
had community support, and a diverse student body that provided her with “different
perspectives that don’t exist in other places.”
Similarly, Andrew believed the diversity of his high school enhanced his college
readiness because of the amount of exposure to different cultures. Andrew stated, “it’s like in
high school, I was surrounded around all those different buckets of groups of people, and we all
coexisted in one building where it was easy for us.” As he made college decisions and ultimately
matriculated, he realized “those social identities that I identified in in high school, specifically in
[BCA], I think really were elevated at a peak.” All participants recognized being from BCA
prepared them for college in ways they would not have experienced living elsewhere.
College Persistence
Deirdre is the only participant who remained in state for her undergraduate education.
Although she did not go far from home, she noticed distinct differences from BCA to the city
where she attended college. She remembered “…it wasn't as developed as [BCA], you just see a
whole different surrounding, like long walks even to go to the supermarket.” The city was also
predominately White and more conservative than the campus which presented unique social

77
issues. Thus, Deirdre and her friends from BCA spent most of their time on campus to avoid the
stark differences between their college town and their campus home.
Lisa equated the identity she developed growing up in BCA to how she approached being
a college student. “I think that also ironically, kind of relates to the school that I went to because
it was a hustle bustle mentality. It was a no BS zone, kind of like [BCA].” She believed being
from BCA was about “personalities and honor and diversity” which armed her with the tools to
navigate complex experiences while enrolled in college. Leaving the state for college allowed
her to utilize what she learned in BCA as an advantage over her classmates. While they were
slowly acclimating to the environment and finding challenge in asking for help, Lisa drew on her
confidence to ensure she was successful.
Andrew was born and raised in BCA and that was a point of pride for him as he persisted
through college. Leaving his home to attend college, he experienced students from states all over
the country. His origin was often identifiable to classmates because of his accent and slang, he
remembered, “whenever professors did the whole icebreaker of your name, your pronouns,
where you're from, and I would always specify, I'm from [BCA].” When asked to reflect on the
characteristics he honed growing up in BCA he identified being assertive as particularly helpful
in college. Andrew recalled, “I think [BCA residents] tend to assert ourselves into spaces that we
probably were not welcome, then put ourselves there.” Andrew found that he had more
confidence than many of his classmates and attributed it to navigating a city on his own from
youth. He also found coalition with other students at his college from BCA because they had a
similar upbringing and the same challenges transitioning to an out of state and predominately
White campus.

78
Academically Andrew harnessed his BCA identity to be a “go getter” because he was
taught that “…no one's gonna hand you anything, no one's gonna spoon feed you anything.”
Socially he was able to keep himself physically safe because he practiced “street smarts” every
day on his trek to school. “It was easy for me to navigate knowing when I was in certain
neighborhoods, or how to walk down certain places…I only would have known that growing up
in [BCA].” Lastly, timeliness was instrumental in Andrew’s college persistence. He said, “being
[from BCA], we don't like to be late for stuff at all.” Espousing the characteristics learned living
in BCA helped all participants persist through college and they all attribute their origin to their
success.
Summary of Findings
Participants had experiences related to their identity as Black charter school alumni from
BCA who also graduated from a 2- or 4- year college. Black identity was important to
participants as both their cultural and ethnic foundation, and the impact it had on their high
school preparation and college persistence. High school composition created an environment for
most participants that did not openly acknowledge their Blackness and prepared them for college
through the lens of whitewashed academic rigor. The curriculum they learned was usually void
of Black specific lessons and impacted the way participants saw their own potential success.
Consequently, all participants found involvement in the Black community when they got to
college as a significant experience that impacted persistence.
As participants made college decisions, they realized the intersection of their race and
socioeconomic status prompted their charter schools to encourage certain colleges based on cost
or ease of admission. Schools tended to care more about institutions with limited admission

79
barriers and a low cost of attendance, rather than prioritizing academic rigor or post-graduation
outcomes. Participants remarked they did not believe the same thing happened to White students.
Each participant attended a predominately Black high school with administrators who
were mostly White. The academic and social environment that was created at each charter school
was described as both rigorous and familial. All participants began college visits as early as 6
th

grade and each had salient memories related to college exposure. However, most did not get
specific lessons about the practical skills related to college success like class registration, living
with a roommate, or time management.
Students found commonalities among their classmates and even those who were more
academically driven, helped their classmates who needed extra attention so they could all
collectively succeed. Participants also noted, students who were deemed more academically
gifted were given more opportunities which created some tension between cliques. Self-efficacy
was named by each participant as a key differentiator that was developed in high school and
utilized through college.
Being from BCA was named by all participants as integral in their identity development
because they learned to succeed in a fast-paced environment. Additionally, participants needed to
be self-sufficient and have keen awareness of their surroundings. Once in college, being from
BCA helped participants make friends and have the confidence to try new experiences in ways
they did not witness their classmates from other cities attempting.
Overall, participants found unique challenges preparing for high school at their charter
schools in BCA. They reflected on their journey and recalled significant barriers that could have
impacted their progression. However, each persisted through college successfully to graduation
and highlighted their unique experiences as the reason for success.

80
Chapter Five: Recommendations and Discussion
Recommendations derived from my research were a combination of participant
testimonio and findings from an extensive literature review of the problem space. Salient
recommendations include hiring diverse school staff, intentional lessons for students on
Blackness, ensuring equal access to opportunities for all students, removing excessively punitive
and high-pressure environmental factors, and a dedicated college course with practical
transitional takeaways. Germane to Black charter school students from BCA, these factors were
consistently prevalent in the narratives of all study participants.
Discussion of Findings and Results
A discussion of research findings and results were outlined to punctuate the importance
of findings gleaned from participant narratives. When schools have diverse teachers, students can
learn and interact with educators who are familiar with their background (Castro et al., 2012).
Removing the barrier between pupil and educator results in better prepared students (Wells et al.,
2016). When schools ensure students have a broad representation of Blackness in curriculum and
daily school activities, scholars’ cultural development is enhanced. Black identity development is
directly linked to confidence which is a strong marker for student success (Astin, 1984). Students
who have access to high quality in and out of class programming experience greater personal
development (Ortega et al., 2011). Lastly, robust pre-college information, inclusive of practical
skills, has uncovered a strong correlation between college success and Black specific orientation
programming (Johnson et al., 2007; Morgan et al., 2020).
Importance of Diverse Teachers
The first finding is the importance of diverse teachers in K-12 classrooms because of the
impact on student learning. A strong body of literature exists punctuating the importance of

81
diverse teachers (Castro et al., 2012), culturally relevant pedagogy (Irvine, 2010; Ladson-
Billings, 1995), and diverse classrooms (Escayg, 2010; Farmer et al., 2019; Wells et al., 2016).
However, each participant in my research attended a school with predominately White teachers
and administrators, which demonstrates there is significant work to be done in this area. As
previously explored in Chapter Two, students who learn in diverse environments are more likely
to feel valued and empowered (Greene & Mitcham, 2012). Exposure to classroom diversity has
long term impact on a student’s ability to be a valuable contributor to the workforce (Green et
al., 2002; Greenberg, 2004; Martin, 2014). Participants in my study believed more diverse
teachers would have created a classroom environment more conducive to learning because they
would have felt like their most salient identity, Blackness, was prioritized.
Racial Identity Development
The second finding is that schools should pay specific attention to the racial identity
development of Black scholars. Stereotype threat exists when the assumption of
underperformance is directly linked to race (Steele, 1999). Study participants all remarked that
their schools did very little racial identity development to increase the confidence of their
predominately Black student population. Research in college student development has found
belonging as a key marker of student success (Astin, 1984). If students are not adequately
prepared in K-12, they will not have the tools to enhance belonging when they matriculate to
college. Black students typically do not find predominately White campuses to be welcoming
which has a direct impact on learning (Sue et al., 1999; Thelamour et al., 2019). Therefore,
charter schools in BCA need to modify curriculum to ensure students have a strong, pro-Black
identity, and can confidently navigate the inevitable environmental factors they will face as

82
college students. Further exploration of this topic was included as a recommendation for
practice.
In and Out of Class Supplementary Experiences
The third finding is making supplementary experiences available to all students,
regardless of academic performance. Research participants all benefitted from the specialized
opportunities their school only offered to those perceived as high achievers. Thus, students who
did not meet this threshold were not given as much attention and had diminished college
readiness. As outlined in Chapter Two, Black students are more likely to graduate from high
school with a lower SAT score and grade point average than their White counterparts (College
Board, 2019). Lower graduation rates, leads to less Black students entering college (NCES,
2019a). The result is Black students entering college with less academic readiness and pre-
college preparation than White students.
Academic efficacy is of substantive importance to college preparedness because it is the
leading indicator in determining success (Petty, 2014). Without awareness, charter schools who
intentionally underprepare certain students are contributing to the racism endemic to the
education system, that seeks to underexpose Black students to quality education (Kohli et al.,
2017). If Charter schools in BCA selectively under-prepare certain students, they are increasing
the pre-college information gap and contributing to a student’s inability to persist. Supported by
participant narratives, their classmates who were not involved in selective programming
graduated from college at a lower rate than those who had access.
School Environment
The National School Climate Council (2007) contends that a positive environment
sustains learning and causes pupils to feel physically and emotionally safe. Inputs must be made

83
by administrators and students alike to achieve norms and values (Wang & Degol, 2016). K-12
school climate has been shown to impact student mental health (Payton et al., 2008), reduce rates
of suspension (Gregory et al., 2011), and improve scholar academic and personal development
(Ortega et al., 2011). One seminal body of school climate research found that it was the driving
force that ensured administrators, teachers, and students alike looked forward to coming to
school every day (Freiberg & Stein, 1999). Participants in my research all remarked about the
relationship between school climate and student success. One school did not hold students
accountable which led to a reduction in academic rigor and preparedness. Other schools were
highly regimented and overly punitive which reduced student autonomy and strained mental
health. Charter schools in BCA should regularly assess school climate to ensure the sustained
needs of students are being met.
Pre-College Information
The last finding is charter schools in BCA should provide more frequent and higher
quality pre-college information to students. Charter schools in BCA need to encourage students
to apply to more selective colleges instead of focusing heavily on cost and proximity to home.
Research has found there is a minimal gap in graduation rates between Black and White students
at highly selective colleges (Slater, 2007). There is also a significant benefit for Black students
who attend race specific transition and orientation programming (Johnson et al., 2007; Morgan et
al., 2020). One error schools tend to make, is providing information late in a student’s academic
career and solely focusing on academics (Gaertner & McClarty, 2015). Schools also need to
provide more practical information to enhance Black student college readiness to help them
navigate environmental and non-academic barriers (Bowman & Denson, 2012; Strayhorn, 2014).
Charter schools in BCA need to expand the breadth and depth of information given to pupils and

84
begin prior to senior year. Pre-college information was explored further as a recommendation for
practice.
Recommendations for Practice
The study of Black charter school alumni from Big City America yielded many
recommendations to improve college readiness activities. Research has found that dedicated
college readiness and preparatory programs are significant in college persistence (Struhl &
Vargas, 2012). To increase the number of Black college graduates, high schools need to produce
self-aware scholars who can critically think and employ academic strategies (Barnes, 2010). For
Black students, community is vital in both college access and persistence (Jayakumar et al.,
2013). The following recommendations will be reflective of charter school environment and
college information.
Recommendation 1: Black Curriculum Matters
Each participant in my study provided testimonio about how their school diminished,
ignored, or did not provide sufficient attention to their Black identity. Since charter schools are
more likely to educate Black students than public schools (Frankenberg, 2011), they have a
greater duty to ensure a culturally competent environment (Almond, 2012). Charter schools in
BCA need to work to include more deliberate lessons on Blackness for students. K-12
curriculum needs to infuse Black authors, historical figures, and contemporaries so students can
develop a positive perception of their ancestry. Black students experience more systemic
violence at school than other racial groups (Johnson et al., 2018), further punctuating the
importance of including their experience within school curriculum.
White students also receive anti-Black messages that validate the perception of Black
inferiority (Wynter-Hoyte & Smith, 2020). As Black students transition from a predominately

85
Black charter school to a predominately White college, they are placed in environments designed
to stifle their growth. Teachers are central to building Black student confidence to ensure they
see the greatness of their history, take pride in their culture, and uplift their sense of self
(Wynter-Hoyte & Smith, 2020). Without Afrocentric lessons that build confidence among Black
students, charter schools in BCA are positioning their alumni to be ill equipped to manage the
challenge of a PWI after high school.
Teacher preparation and selection is central to the execution of anti-racist school
environments (Ohito, 2016). Research has found White cultural norms are most prevalent in
teacher preparation programs (Hayes & Juarez, 2012) which has direct impact on classroom
pedagogy (Matias & Mackey, 2015). About 85% of teachers nationally identify as White (NCES,
2013) substantiating a disproportionate impact over minoritized students in their classrooms.
Through the lens of critical race theory, curriculum focused on Black identity is
intentionally redacted from schools since Whiteness is centered. As a result, historical lessons
discount the experiences of people of color, which damages the perceptions minoritized students
receive about their culture (Utt, 2018). Dismantling CRT in the realm of school curriculum
requires increased representation in lessons, decentering the inherent Whiteness of common
historical lessons, and more accurately representing the rich histories held by people of color
(Calderon, 2011). Thus, an infusion of Black curriculum within the charter schools in Big City
America will lead to a disruption of the system supported by CRT and will lead to increased
confidence for scholars as they transition to predominately White college environments.
Recommendation 2: College Course with Practical Information
A comprehensive college course with information about the practical aspects of
transitioning from high school to college, will help improve college success for Black alumni

86
from BCA charter schools. Research has shown a methodical curriculum that simultaneously
disconnects students from high school and prepares them for college immersion is the best
strategy to enhance persistence (Saenz & Combs, 2015). One reason is to engender a sense of
belonging, which is a key indicator of academic success (Dennis et al., 2005). The important
components of campus belonging emerge as students prepare for their college transition. One
recommendation is to ensure the course teaches students the value of building relationships with
staff and other students since research has found this to be a significant behavior (Strayhorn,
2019; Strayhorn et al., 2015). Belonging is also positively correlated with mitigating stress and
resilience during challenging situations (Civitci, 2015).
Secondly, the course needs to teach practical tools for success inclusive of time
management, social engagement, class attendance, engagement with professors, and social media
use. A longitudinal study of first-year college students throughout their first semester of college
found these factors in addition to exercise and time spent studying as significant contributors to
student belonging and their subsequent persistence (Bowman et al., 2018). The same study also
acknowledged that college adjustment is not a sequential process, therefore beginning these
lessons in high school only serves to benefit students. All research participants agreed that a class
that taught them more specific information about college success would have improved their
ability to navigate the environment and would have mitigated some of the inevitable transitional
issues they faced as Black undergraduates. The overall goal of the college course for college
bound BCA charter school pupils, is the reduction of “belonging uncertainty,” which causes
anxiety related to academic, social, and professional relationships among Black students (Walton
& Cohen, 2007, p. 82).

87
Critical race theory supports a system that provides limited information to students of
color to ensure they do not find success in post-secondary environments (Ladson-Billings, 2012).
Research has shown a college degree leads to higher lifetime earnings (Chung et al., 2010), thus
the structure supported by CRT is designed to keep Black people in a state of poverty.
Comprehensive pre-college information is essential in the preparedness of Black students to
ensure they are adequately equipped to transition, persist through, and graduate from college. A
thorough curriculum ensures specifically, that Black students are provided with the tools to
disrupt environments designed for their oppression.
Integrated Recommendations
Combining recommendations into a comprehensive approach will ensure charter schools
in BCA are supporting the needs of Black scholars as they prepare for the transition to college
and build skills to enhance persistence once enrolled. The National Curriculum Framework
(NCF) is both a policy guide and implementation strategy to meet the shifting needs of the
education system in Malta (Ministry of Education and Employment, 2012). Though this
framework has origins outside of the United States it is applicable to my research because its
focus is on centralizing the needs of each individual learner instead of a unilateral approach.
Embedded in the NCF is attention to social justice which aligns with critical race theory.
Research on the framework has found a reduction in school dropouts and an increase in higher
education enrollment (Ministry of Education and Employment, 2012).
Within the framework, each student is entitled to quality education that is carefully
planned by educators and policy makers with the goal of economic and social mobility.
Centralizing mobility as the desired outcome is especially powerful when considering the
demographic of BCA charter school students, who in large part identify as low-income and first-

88
generation. Included in the NCF are ten aims, most salient for the purpose of this set of
integrated recommendations are: encouraging students and teachers to work collaboratively and
learn from one another, providing individual student attention, helping students recognize the
importance of social justice, and regarding learners as the future and ensuring they have skills to
enhance their participation in the work force as adults.
Incorporating Black identity into K-12 school curriculum and concluding with a college
course designed to provide practical transition skills, fits in to the NCF framework because it
allows for an individualized approach while providing specific attention to skill development that
will help students as they persist through college and into the workforce. Charter schools in BCA
will first begin with a full curriculum assessment. Critically analyzing the role of Black historical
figures, literature, and contemporaries in school curriculum will provide a baseline for schools to
determine what their students are learning implicitly and explicitly. After schools complete a full
assessment, they will either replace some non-Black material with Black scholars or supplement
seminal works with comparable Black literary examples.
To infuse Blackness into school culture, it is recommended charters in BCA hang images
of famous Black figures across arts, entertainment, and sports so students can visualize a wide
variety of role models. Each classroom will also be named after a Historically Black College or
University to both provide knowledge about different college options and to serve as a daily
reminder for students that there are Black centered postsecondary learning environments.
Schools will bring in prominent figures for assemblies, small group activities, and other
supplementary activities so there is a multitiered approach at each grade level to ensure students
know and appreciate their Blackness as they grow as scholars.

89
As students begin the transitionary process to leave high school and enter college, a
comprehensive course will include practical lessons to enhance success. Lessons on Blackness
will continue, and students will have the foundational knowledge to understand the racism that
may exist on their campus. Students will have built enough resiliency and self-efficacy to
successfully navigate their unique campus context. In addition, they will learn how to effectively
manage time to ensure academics and extracurriculars are prioritized appropriately. Course
registration, roommate dynamics, managing family expectations, and space for student driven
curriculum to acknowledge individual areas for growth.
Creating an integrated approach for enhancing lessons on Blackness that will ultimately
aid in the development of cultural awareness and practical success skills is the best solution for
charter schools in BCA to help Black students. Research participants outlined these two areas as
the largest gap in learning during their K-12 years. The NCF framework provides scaffolding for
learning outcomes, attention to social justice, and honoring the individual needs of students as
they develop.
Racism is endemic through all systems, inclusive of education (Cole, 2016). As such, it
seeks to replicate over time and maintain the status quo so those in power remain at the top
(Cole, 2016). Providing Black scholars from BCA with longitudinal college preparation will
ensure strong skills that cannot be undone once they matriculate to college. Further, strong self-
efficacy has been proven to be a key indicator in college success (Bartimote-Aufflick et al.,
2016). Black scholars can utilize self-efficacy as a tool in direct defense against the racism and
microaggressions they are likely to experience at a PWI. Arming students with the knowledge,
skills, and tools to proactively defend themselves will result in higher rates of persistence and
graduation. Ultimately, a greater number of Black college degrees will lead to access to higher

90
paying jobs, and contribute substantially to dismantling the power dynamic, supported by CRT,
that aims to keep people of color in a vulnerable societal position.
Limitations and Delimitations
This research was bound by the parameters set by critical race theory and the narrative
inquiry research method; thus, limitations and delimitations exist. A study that can exclude every
threat to validity does not exist (Shadish et al., 2002). Thus, a description of a study’s limitations
is commonly found in peer-reviewed journal articles (Brutus et al., 2010, 2013). Ideally,
limitations are addressed before data collection commences but practical and logistical limits do
not always make this possible (Tett et al., 2013). Limitation sections are helpful in gaining
insight on potential weaknesses of a study and this acknowledgement prescribes credibility to the
research that is actually present (Ioannidis, 2007).
One limitation of my research was respondent participation. I exercised all possible
methods to gain participants, but I ultimately could not control how many interview volunteers I
yielded. The impact on study conclusions was a potential concentration of experiences that are
not descriptive or inclusive of other valuable perspectives. Another limitation was associated
with the truthfulness of respondent answers. Though I had no reason to believe participants were
intentionally deceptive, they may have been inclined to omit valuable details to preserve
anonymity. For participants who graduated from college some time ago, their memory of events
and situations may have been less clear than those who were recent graduates. Study outcomes
were impacted by this because I relied on detailed accurate information from respondents when I
formulated findings and provided suggestions.
Delimitations are decisions made by the researcher that limit the scope of a study and
create boundaries inclusive of population, participant traits, and geography (Suresh, 2014). The

91
population selected created a delimitation within this study. By exclusively researching Black
students, any useful insight that could be gained from other racial and ethnic groups in relation to
the problem of practice, was excluded. Further, the decision to research one city removed the
collective understanding that could have been facilitated by studying charter schools from across
the state, region, or country. Lastly, the decision to exclusively study charter schools eliminated
students from different educational environments from inclusion in the study.
Recommendations for Future Research
Future research to explore the problem of practice could include deeper exploration of the
breadth and scope of challenges faced by Black charter school students from BCA. Though
participants speculated on the barriers faced by their classmates, all participants had relative ease
completing high school and persisting through college. Identifying the academic, cognitive, and
non-cognitive challenges faced by students who are note deemed “high achieving” by their
schools, would provide comprehensive insight for the development of pre-college interventions.
Since many students attend the same charter school network for the entirety of their K-12
pathway, these lessons can be infused earlier and prepare students to face the challenges of
college transition and persistence.
Additionally, future research could include a comparison of BCA and other cities with a
high concentration of Black students attending charter schools. The comparative analysis will
serve two purposes. The first is to find similarities among populations to corroborate universal
challenges that are not bound by geography. If struggles are found to be universal, suggested
remedies will be more widely accepted. Secondly, Black students from across the country
transition to college at the same time with peers from different cities and states. Creating a
universal college transition course for Black charter school graduates, will improve the

92
transitionary experience as a collective, and improve persistence and ultimately college
graduation.
Conclusion
A college degree is widely accepted as a pathway to social and economic mobility in the
United States. Black student access must continue to grow to stop the growing racial wealth gap.
Since Black students are more likely to attend a charter school, it is crucial these environments
become more focused on ensuring vital learning opportunities for this vulnerable demographic.
Black students at charter schools need more dedicated resources to help expand self-efficacy,
increase their sense of belonging, and cultivate the tenacity to persist through challenging
situations. Charter schools should consider a more student-centered approach that helps students
find pride in their Blackness, so they are more able to navigate a landscape that is supported by
the systems and structures designed to uphold Whiteness as the ideal. Charter schools could
engage in more honest dialogue with pupils and provide role models as they complete their K-12
studies. As students prepare to transition to college, schools could provide practical lessons
around the transition students will face so they have greater capacity to focus on academic and
social immersion. There is significant evidence to support the overhaul the college preparation of
Black students in charter schools in BCA. The time is now to critically analyze the overall
context to prepare students to complete college and acquire a self-sustaining career.

93

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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Introduction to the Interview:

Good afternoon [name]! I know we connected over email but as a refresher, my name is Candice,
and I am a Doctoral student at USC. You have been selected to participate in my study because
you are a Black alumnus of a charter school in BCA and a 2- or 4- year college graduate,
congratulations on your achievements! Today I would like to ask you some questions about your
high school experience, transition to college, and the pathway to college graduation. I would like
you to reflect on each question, and answer through the lens of your Black identity.

Before we begin, I would your consent to record this interview, so I can go back and listen to all
the information you will be providing. I will be the only one with access and I will delete as soon
as I am finished. Do I have your consent to record this interview? If at any point you wish stop,
you can do so without penalty, and I will destroy all recordings and notes. I am in a private
location, and no one can see you or hear our conversation. Are you in a place where you feel
comfortable answering my questions?

Before we begin do you have any questions for me?

1. What intersections of identity impact the support Black BCA charter school students
need to meet college readiness milestones?
2. What factors impact the success of Black college students who graduated from BCA
charter schools?
Interview Questions Potential Probes
RQ
Addressed
Interview #1
1. What was your favorite experience in
high school? 2
2. Did you intentionally attend a charter
school?
Yes: Why?
No: How did you come to attend one? 2
3. Compared to your friends who attend
public, parochial, or private school;
how do you think attending a charter
school impacted your college
readiness?
No friends in another kind of school:
what have you heard about charter
schools compared to other school
types? 2
4. How would you describe your salient
identities? 2
5. How did your high school contribute to
your identity development?
How did your high school deter
identity development? 2
6. Specifically related to your identity as a
Black person, did your high school Yes: What were they? 2

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offer any classes, organizations, or
experiences that helped with your
identity?
No: How did that make you feel?
What would you have liked to see?
7. How did your identities help you as
you persisted through high school?
What challenges were associated with
your identities as you persisted
through high school? 2
8. Do you think your charter school
supported your unique identity on your
pathway to college readiness?
Yes: How?
No: Why not? What could they have
done better? 2
9. Do you think living in BCA had any
impact on your college readiness? Why or why not? 1 & 2
Interview #2
10. How would you describe the
environment of your charter school, in
relation to college preparation? 1 & 2
11. How concerned for your intellectual
growth were the teachers at your
charter school? 2
12. Describe any and all class, program, or
curriculum you experienced in high
school that was related to college
readiness
Were those deliberately named college
readiness?
No classes: what would have been
helpful for you and your classmates? 1 & 2
13. How would you rate the quality of
instruction at your high school related
to college readiness coursework? 1 & 2
14. Do you feel as a Black student at your
charter school, your experiences were
validated in the classroom?
How?
Why not? 2
15. What three characteristics was your
charter school most dedicated to
developing in all students?
Were there different characteristics for
Black students? 2
16. In what ways do you think your charter
school prepared you for college? 1
17. By your estimation, what percentage of
students from your charter school
matriculated to college the Fall
immediately after you graduated?
Black student percentage?
White student percentage? 2
18. How prepared for college did you feel
immediately after graduating from your
charter school? 1 & 2
Interview #3
19. How would you describe the transition
from high school to college?
What challenges did you face? What
successes did you face? 1
20. What kinds of high schools did your
friends in college attend?
In your opinion, did your charter
school prepare you better than your 1

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peers’ traditional public school? How?
How not?
21. When you think about your social life
in college (clubs, activities, friends,
etc.), how satisfied were you? 1
22. Please describe what you believe, are
the three most important skills
necessary to graduate from college?
What makes you think these are most
important? 2
23. How prepared did you feel to complete
college level assignments
satisfactorily? 1
24. How were you prepared in high school
to exercise self-efficacy in college?
No preparation: What do you think
your charter school could have done? 1
25. What barriers did you face as you
progressed toward college graduation? 1
26. How confident are you that you made
the right the decision to attend college? 1
27. As a college graduate, are you satisfied
with the overall college preparation for
scholars at your charter school? Why or why not? 1
28. When you graduated from college, did
you hear from any administrators or
teachers from your charter school?
If so, how did it make you feel?
If not, how did it make you feel?

Conclusion to the Interview: Thank you so much for participating in this study. Your
perspective and insight have been a valuable contribution to my study. If you have any questions
after we conclude, my email is clclawso@usc.edu. If I have any follow up questions, is it okay to
contact you for follow up?

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Appendix B: Information Sheet for Exempt Research
STUDY TITLE: Crossing the finish line: A mixed methods study examining college readiness
in charter school alumni from Big City America

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Candice Lindsay Clawson

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.

PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to ascertain the skills, characteristics, and programs that will
increase college graduation rates among Black BCA charter school students. We hope to learn
how schools can improve or modify scholar preparation. You are invited as a possible participant
because you are a Black graduate from a charter school in BCA who has also graduated from a
2- or 4- year college.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you decide to take part, you will be asked to participate in a 10-minute anonymous interview.

Participants willing to share more detailed information will be invited to participate in a 60-
minute semi-structured interview via Zoom. All interviews will be recorded and transcribed.
Participants can decline participation or opt out at any point in the study

CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the University of Southern California Institutional Review Board (IRB) may
access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to protect the rights and welfare
of research subjects.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used to identify interview participants.

All participant information will be kept confidential. Data will be kept exclusively on the
researcher’s computer and will not be stored elsewhere. All research data will be kept for two
years following the study and destroyed after.

Participants have the right to view video recordings and transcripts from interviews. The
researcher will have exclusive access to recordings and transcripts. Video recordings will be
retained for two years following the study and destroyed after.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact the investigator Candice L. Clawson,
clclawso@usc.edu.

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IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
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Appendix C: Code Book and Definitions
Barriers: Impediments to success in college
Big City America: specifically relating to characteristics associated with being from BCA and
their applicability to college success
Black: racial identity inclusive of the African diaspora
Charter School Environment: milieu of a school, specifically relating to college readiness
College Readiness: classes, programs, lessons contributing to knowledge of how to be
successful in college as a student
Academic Exclusion: Only allowing certain students, access to certain opportunities,
relating to academic or intellectual development
College Persistence Preparation: Sufficient preparation to do college level work after
high school
College Type: HBCU vs Private vs State School
Intellectual Development: growth related to academic discovery in high school as a
college readiness behavior/indicator
College Transition: activities, behaviors, experiences leaving high school and matriculating to
college
Community Involvement and Campus Environment: belonging to clubs, organizations, and
campus entities that increase a sense of community
Belonging on Campus: involvement in clubs and relationships that aided in college
persistence
Critical Thinking Skills: ability to make sound decisions and navigate challenging situations

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Emotional Health and Wellbeing: self-care and attention to one’s own needs for rest,
relaxation, and mental health
Motivation: desire to persist toward goals or driving force behind decision making
Self-Efficacy: ability to manage emotions and navigate scenarios effectively
Student-Teacher/Admin/Faculty Interaction College: relationships with adults in college and
their impact on persistence
Student-Teacher/Admin/Faculty Interaction High School: relationships with adults in high
school and their impact on persistence

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Asset Metadata

Creator Clawson, Candice Lindsay (author)

Core Title Crossing the finish line: a study examining college readiness in Black charter school alumni from big city America

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2022-05

Publication Date 04/12/2022

Defense Date 02/04/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black,charter school,college persistence,college preparation,critical race theory,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Datta, Monique (committee chair), Green, Alan (committee member), Williams, Michael (committee member)

Creator Email clclawso@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC110937305

Unique identifier UC110937305

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Clawson, Candice Lindsay

Type texts

Source 20220413-usctheses-batch-923 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

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