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Mediators and moderators in the link between maternal psychological control and peer victimization for Hong Kong Chinese boys

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Mediators and moderators in the link between maternal psychological control and peer victimization for Hong Kong Chinese boys

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MEDIATORS AND MODERATORS IN THE LINK BETWEEN MATERNAL

PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTROL AND PEER VICTIMIZATION FOR HONG

KONG CHINESE BOYS

by

Mylien T. Duong

A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
(PSYCHOLOGY)

August 2007

Copyright 2007 Mylien T. Duong

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I gratefully acknowledge David Schwartz for his careful guidance and
valuable contributions to this paper. In addition, I am grateful to Lei Chang for his
important role in conducting this study, and to Gayla Margolin and Jo Ann Farver for
their helpful input. The contributions of the participating children, teachers, and
school administrative personnel are also very much appreciated.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements ii
List of Tables iv
List of Figures v
Abstract vi
Introduction 1
Method 11
Results 14

Discussion 21
Bibliography 27

iv

LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Bivariate correlations between maternal psychological
control, social behaviors, and peer victimization 14

Table 2: Social preference as a moderator in the link between
maternal psychological control and peer victimization 16

Table 3: Friendship as a moderator in the link between maternal
psychological control and peer victimization 17

v

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Interaction between maternal psychological control and social
preference in predicting peer victimization 16

Figure 2: Interaction between maternal psychological control and
friendship in predicting peer victimization 17

Figure 3: Diagram of the mediational pathway from mothers’ use of
psychological control to boys’ aggressive behavior to their
victimization in the peer group, for children with few friends 19

vi

ABSTRACT
This study examined the relation between mothers’ use of psychological
control and their sons’ risk for victimization in the peer group using a sample of 253
Hong Kong Chinese third- and fourth- grade boys and their mothers. Maternal
psychological control did not correlate with sons’ peer victimization for the entire
sample. However, the association was significant for boys with few friends and
those who scored low on social preference compared to their same-class peers. The
link from maternal psychological control to peer group victimization for boys with
few friends was partially mediated by the boys’ aggressive social behavior.

1

INTRODUCTION
Peer victimization has been documented in a number of cultural contexts (see Eslea
et al., 2003), including China (Schwartz, Chang, & Farver, 2001). Frequently bullied
children are at risk for various adjustment problems, including depression, anxiety,
loneliness, low self-esteem (Björkqvist, Ekman, & Lagerspetz, 1982; Egan & Perry,
1998; Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996), externalizing behavior problems (Hodges,
Boivin, Vitaro, & Bukowski, 1999), school avoidance (Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996),
and academic failure (Juvonen, Nishina, & Graham; 1998; Schwartz, Gorman,
Nakamoto, & Toblin, 2005). Although some adjustment difficulties predate and
contribute to victimization (see Hodges & Perry, 1999), being bullied also leads to
internalizing and externalizing symptoms and academic problems over time (Hodges
& Perry, 1999; Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996; Schwartz et al., 2005).
Because repeated victimization portends later maladjustment, researchers
have become interested in pinpointing the predictors of victimization. Risk factors
can be grouped into two broad categories: behavioral tendencies of the child and
more distal family variables. Thus far, investigators have only examined these risk
factors separately. It has been suggested that certain family variables lead to peer
victimization because they promote behavioral problems in children that, in turn,
invite aggression from peers (e.g., Finnegan et al., 1998; Hodges & Perry, 1999). In
the current study, we aim to formally test this hypothesis. Specifically, we expected
that mothers’ use of psychological control tactics would correlate with sons’
aggressive and withdrawn behavior in the peer group, which in turn would be

2

associated with peer victimization. However, existing data suggest that the path
from aversive home environments to being bullied in the peer group is moderated by
certain protective factors. These include acceptance by peers and having many
friends (e.g., Schwartz, Dodge, Pettit, Bates, & The Conduct Problems Prevention
Research Group, 2000). Our second hypothesis, then, was that number of friends
and social acceptance would moderate the association between maternal parenting
and peer victimization.
The peer victimization literature has largely been limited to North American
or European samples. Previous investigators have advocated for the expansion of
psychological research to other cultural contexts for several reasons. First, research
in other cultures can broaden our understanding of the range of normative child
development and the diversity of factors that may contribute to dysfunction (e.g.,
Weisz, McCarty, Eastman, Chaiyasit, & Suwanlert, 1997). It may also help to
distinguish between culture-specific and culture-general phenomena, a distinction
which is essential in defining psychopathology (Weisz et al., 1997). Additionally,
cross-national findings may shed light on cultural differences within our own diverse
society (Weisz et al., 1997). In recent years, investigators have paid increasing
attention to processes in Chinese children’s peer groups. Chinese and American
societies are thought to represent two extremes in the collectivism-individualism
continuum (Chen, 2000; Triandis, 1995). The predictors of positive social outcomes
may vary in important ways according to these cultural values. Our current

3

investigation extends the study of risk factors for victimization to Hong Kong
Chinese boys.
Risk Factors for Peer Victimization
Past research on the behavioral tendencies of victimized children has
revealed that in both Western (Boivin, Hymel, & Bukowski, 1995; Boulton, 1999;
Olweus, 1978; Schwartz, Dodge, & Coie, 1993; Schwartz, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates,
1997) and Chinese peer groups (Schwartz, Proctor, & Chien., 2001; Xu, Farver,
Schwartz, & Chang, 2003), frequently bullied children are likely to be passive,
submissive, and withdrawn. They tend to reward their aggressors with acquiescence
and signs of distress (Patterson, Littman, & Bricker, 1967; Perry, Williard, & Perry,
1990). Some victims, however, are characterized by disruptive, undercontrolled, and
aggressive behavior (Schwartz, 2000; Schwartz et al., 2001). These children tend to
reward their bullies with over-reactive but unsuccessful attempts to fight back
(Hodges et al., 1997; Olweus, 1978; Schwartz et al., 1997). Given these findings,
we expected both aggressive and withdrawn social behavior to be associated with
peer victimization in our sample.
Family environments and parenting practices may also contribute to risk for
peer victimization. Past studies have found that major family stressors (e.g., deaths
in the family or financial difficulties) predict later peer victimization (Schwartz et al.,
1997), as do harsh, punitive, and abusive family environments, especially for victims
who are concurrently aggressive (Schwartz et al., 1997; Schwartz, Dodge, Pettit,
Bates, and The Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 2000). Maternal

4

overprotectiveness and family enmeshment have similarly been implicated as risk
factors, especially for boys (Bowers et al., 1994; Finnegan et al., 1998; Olweus,
1978). Although our knowledge about the role of fathers is limited, Olweus (1978)
found in a retrospective study that fathers tended to be uninvolved in the lives of
peer-victimized boys. In contrast, maternal negativity and rejection have been linked
to victim status for girls (Finnegan et al., 1998; Rigby, 1993).
Victimization research in Chinese settings began fairly recently, but the
available findings parallel what we already know from Western data. Schwartz and
colleagues (2001) found that victims in Chinese children’s peer groups tended to be
academically low-achieving, submissive and withdrawn, aggressive, and
characterized by low levels of assertive-prosocial behavior. In a study of Chinese
children who were both aggressive and victimized, Xu et al. (2003) concluded that
these children resembled aggressive victims in Western peer groups. That is, they
were hyperactive, not assertive or prosocial, performing poorly in school, rejected by
their peers, and had few friends. However, unanswered questions remain about the
role of the family in children’s peer victimization in this cultural context.
Psychological Control and Chinese Parenting
While peer group processes appear to be fairly consistent across the two
cultures, conflicting findings have emerged with respect to the definition of parental
control and its influence on child outcomes in Chinese settings. Some researchers
such as Ruth Chao (1994, 2001) have argued that parenting typologies developed
using Western samples may not be applicable to Chinese parents or useful in

5

predicting Chinese children’s outcomes. Chao particularly disagrees with
characterizations of Asian parents as harsh, restrictive, and authoritarian. Instead,
she contends that these behaviors reflect a parenting style called chiao shun, or
training children in expected or appropriate behaviors. Chiao shun is an outgrowth
of the indigenous notion of guan, which literally means “to govern” but also has
positive connotations such as “to care for” or “to love” (Chao, 1994). These
connotations are not included in Diana Baumrind’s (1966) conceptualization of
authoritarian parenting. Consistent with Chao’s hypotheses, authoritative parenting
has greater implications for school performance for European-American children
than for Chinese-Americans (Chao, 2001; Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, &
Fraleigh, 1987).
These contentions have spurred lively debate among psychological
researchers. Some have countered that the notions of chiao shun and guan, which
indicate firm control in the context of a concerned, caring relationship, are more
similar to Baumrind’s (1966) notion of authoritative, rather than authoritarian,
parenting (Chen, Dong, & Zhou, 1997; Nelson et al., 2006). Moreover, authoritarian
control is considered aversive by Chinese adolescents, and correlates with low
parental warmth, family harmony and cohesion, and high family conflict (Lau &
Cheung, 1987; Lau, Lew, Hau, Cheung, & Berndt, 1990). Other researchers (e.g.,
Nelson et al., 2006; Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992) have proposed that
Chao’s finding that authoritarian parenting does not lead to maladjustment for
Chinese-Americans may be specific to the outcome of academic achievement. The

6

finding does not suggest that authoritarian parenting does not have a negative
influence on Chinese children, but rather is indicative of the mitigating effects of
peer support. That is, because academic achievement is highly valued in Chinese
culture, pressure exerted by peers to succeed academically may outweigh the
negative consequences of authoritarian parenting in this one domain (Steinberg et al.,
1992). Empirically, evidence is accumulating to suggest that harsh, restrictive,
power-assertive, or authoritarian parenting may lead to the same behavioral and
social outcomes for Chinese children as Western children, including child
aggression, low peer acceptance, and low sociability (Chang, Lansford, Schwartz, &
Farver, 2004; Chang, Schwartz, Dodge, & McBride-Chang, 2003; Chen et al., 1997;
Chen, Wang, Chen, & Liu, 2002; Chen, Wu, Chen, Wang, & Cen, 2001).
In this study, we investigated maternal psychological control as a risk factor
for peer victimization among Hong Kong Chinese boys. Psychological control has
been defined as “parental behaviors that are intrusive and manipulative of children’s
thoughts, feelings, and attachments to parents” (Barber & Harmon, 2002, p. 15).
This definition encompasses practices such as guilt induction, love withdrawal,
personal attacks, and erratic emotional behavior towards the child (Barber &
Harmon, 2002). This construct may have special relevance for Chinese parenting, as
descriptive studies have shown that Chinese mothers, compared to their North
American counterparts, tend to use more “love-oriented” discipline methods (e.g.,
withdrawing love when the child misbehaves), as well as shaming the child,
threatening abandonment, and using derogatory comments (Fung, 1999; Ho, 1986;

7

Wu et al., 2002). Studies conducted with Western samples have linked
psychologically controlling parenting to a variety of internalizing and externalizing
symptoms in both children and adolescents (see Barber & Harmon, 2002, for a
review). Preliminary evidence suggests that such parenting practices may also have
negative implications for Chinese youngsters (Olsen et al., 2002; Yang et al., 2004).
Most notably, Nelson et al. (2006) showed that parental psychological control is
concurrently associated with relational and physical aggression for preschoolers in
mainland China.
Although we know of no scientific investigation on the role of psychological
control in children’s peer victimization, we expected to find such an association in
our sample of Hong Kong Chinese children for two reasons. First, psychologically
controlling parenting leads to internalized and externalized distress in children
(Barber & Harmon, 2002), and these symptoms are documented predictors of peer
victimization (Boivin et al., 1995; Boulton, 1999; Olweus, 1978; Schwartz et al.,
1993; Schwartz et al., 1997; Schwartz et al., 2001; Xu et al., 2003). Second,
psychological control has some theoretical overlap with other parenting constructs
that have been linked with peer victimization in boys. Specifically, it is restrictive
and intrusive in nature, and presumably interferes with the development of children’s
sense of autonomy (Barber & Hammon, 2002). In her earlier writings, Baumrind
(1966) theorized that “indirect” discipline (e.g., nurturance withdrawal or guilt
induction) “limits the individual’s freedom” and “probably poses a greater threat to
the child’s ability to make a conscious choice than even the use of unqualified power

8

assertion” (p. 904). In that it interferes with the development of autonomy,
psychological control is similar to constructs such as overprotectiveness and
enmeshment, which are linked to peer victimization for boys (Bowers et al., 1994;
Finnegan et al., 1998; Olweus, 1978). In the present study, we focused on the
mother-son dyad, as past research suggests that the association between intrusive
parenting and the child’s peer group victimization may be most pronounced in this
dyad.
In summary, psychologically controlling parenting has been linked with both
aggression (Hart, Nelson, Robinson, Olsen, & McNeilly-Choque, 1998; Nelson &
Crick, 2002) and social withdrawal (Mills & Rubin, 1998) in previous studies. In
turn, these maladaptive behaviors are robust predictors of peer victimization
(Schwartz et al., 1997). In this investigation, we expected aggression and social
withdrawal to independently mediate the link between psychological control and
peer victimization.
Protective Factors in the Prediction of Peer Victimization
Not all children exposed to problematic home environments or aversive
parenting practices are victimized by peers, suggesting that mitigating factors may be
operating. Two such protective influences include friendship and social preference.
These two concepts are distinct, albeit related, constructs (Asher, Parker, & Walker,
1996). Friendship is a reciprocal and intimate relationship between two peers. In
contrast, preference reflects the general attitude of the peer group towards the child.
Thus, a child can be rejected by the larger peer group yet still have a number of

9

friendships with select peers. The reverse can also be true. A child who is well-
liked by the group in general may have few intimate dyadic friendships.
We were careful to differentiate between these two constructs in the present
study because they may protect at-risk children through somewhat different
mechanisms. Interactions with friends afford the child opportunities to develop
specific social skills such as turn-taking and affect-regulation that may help children
compensate for deficits resulting from stressful home experiences (Parker &
Gottman, 1989; Price, 1996). Friends can also intervene directly during bullying
incidents (Hodges et al., 1999; Hodges, Malone, & Perry, 1997). Attitudes of the
peer group towards the child have also been found to attenuate the association
between vulnerability to and actual experience of victimization (Hodges et al., 1997).
Explanations of this moderation have focused on peer rejection as having a
disinhibiting influence on bullies. That is, aggressive children may selectively target
peers who are not well-regarded by the group because they believe that attacks on
these peers will go unpunished (Hodges et al., 1997). Importantly, both friendship
and social preference may not influence victimization directly, but may instead be
markers of child attributes that mitigate risk (Parker & Asher, 1987).
Examinations of the buffering effects of friendship against familial risk for
peer victimization are few in number. Schwartz et al. (2000) found that although
early harsh, punitive, and hostile family environments predicted victimization in the
peer group three years later, this relation did not hold for children who had numerous
friends. There is stronger evidence that friendship protects against other adjustment

10

problems. In one study, low family adaptability and cohesion correlated with poor
social competence and low self-worth, but not for children who had at least one
friend (Gauze, Bukowski, Aquan-Assee, & Sippola, 1996). In other studies,
friendship attenuated the effects of harsh discipline and parental discord on
children’s externalizing behavior (Criss, Pettit, Bates, Dodge, & Lapp, 2002;
Wasserstein & La Greca, 1996). Peer acceptance offers comparable protection
against the risk associated with family ecological disadvantage, harsh parental
discipline, violent marital conflict, and low-warmth maternal parenting (Criss et al.,
2002; Patterson, Cohn, & Kao, 1989). In the present investigation, we expected both
friendship and social preference to moderate the relation between psychologically
controlling parenting and children’s risk for victimization in the peer group.
To summarize, we expected that mothers’ use of psychological control tactics
would correlate with their sons’ level of victimization by peers. We further
hypothesized that this link would be accounted for by the boys’ aggressive or
withdrawn social behavior. However, we expected the effects of parenting on the
boys’ peer relationships to be attenuated by friendship and social preference.

11

METHOD
Participants
The sample included 337 boys (189 third-graders and 148 fourth-graders)
attending three primary schools in Hong Kong, P.R. China. We focused on this age
group because data indicate that individual differences in peer victimization stabilize
during this period (Perry, Perry, & Kennedy, 1992). The sample was recruited from
government-funded primary schools located in public housing facilities. To qualify
for government-subsidized home ownership of these public housing facilities, the
family’s annual income and fixed assets must not exceed set ceilings. This income
level represents lower middle class in Hong Kong. Consistent with this
socioeconomic status level, 68.7% of mothers had only a high school education or
below. The average age of mothers was 38.1 years (SD = 5.2).
Active consent forms were distributed to all parents of third- and fourth-
graders through classroom teachers. Ninety-five percent of all students invited to
participate returned positive consent and attended school on the days of data
collection. Parental questionnaires were sent home with the students. Of the original
sample, 253 (75.1%) mothers returned self-report questionnaires. Boys whose
mothers returned questionnaires were slightly more likely to be well-preferred by
their peers (r = .12, p < .05) and have more friends (r = .18, p < .001).
Assessment of Predictor Construct
Psychological control. Mothers completed the Chinese version of the
Parental Acceptance Rejection Questionnaire (PARQ; Rohner, 1991). This version

12

has been used with Chinese parents in previous studies (e.g., Chang et al., 2003;
Chen et al., 2002). The items were presented on a four-point scale ranging from 1
(almost never true) to 4 (almost always true). Psychological control scores were
derived by averaging individual scores on 12 items extracted from the PARQ. These
items assessed a variety of psychologically controlling behaviors, including the use
of shaming and love withdrawal as discipline methods (e.g., “I tell my child how
ashamed I am when he/she misbehaves,” “I ignore my child when he/she does
something wrong”), use of derogatory comments (e.g., “I tell my child that he/she
gets on my nerves”), and erratic emotional behavior (e.g., “I get angry with my child
easily”). These 12 items had a Cohen’s alpha of .79.
Assessment of Mediator Constructs
Aggression. As part of a peer nomination inventory, children were given a
class roster and asked to circle the names of three peers who fit each of the
descriptors. We used four items to assess both overt and relational aggression:
“Someone who always fights with others; always pushes or hits others; gossips or
says mean things about other kids; tries to leave other kids out of play to hurt their
feelings” ( α = .95). Scores were standardized within classroom to account for
varying numbers of nominators.
Social withdrawal. We assessed withdrawal with two peer nominations
items: “Someone who likes to play alone and would rather be alone than be with
other kids” and “Someone who is shy and timid” (r = .52, p < .001).
Assessment of Moderator Constructs

13

Social preference. Children were asked to nominate three peers whom they
“like most” in their classroom and three peers whom they “like least.” The total
number of nominations each child received for each item was standardized within
class. A social preference score was calculated by standardizing the difference
between “like most” and “like least” scores (Coie, Dodge, & Coppotelli, 1982).
Friendship. To assess this construct, students were asked to circle the names
of all students they consider “close friends.” Again, the number of nominations each
child received was standardized within class.
Assessment of Outcome Construct
Peer victimization. Both relational and overt forms of victimization were
assessed with five items: “Someone who gets pushed around; gets picked on or
bullied; gets bullied and can’t protect themselves; has mean things said about them
by other kids; gets excluded from play” ( α = .90). Scores were standardized within
classroom.
Procedure
Data were collected by trained graduate-level research assistants. On the day
of data collection, every student who had turned in a parent consent form was given
a set of questionnaires and a list of all students in the class for use with peer
nominations items. The students filled out the questionnaires independently while
two research assistants walked around the room to answer questions.

14

RESULTS
Descriptive Statistics and Bivariate Correlations
Before performing inferential analyses, we examined the distribution of each
of the variables. Maternal psychological control, social preference, and friendship
appeared to be normally distributed. Graphical examinations did not reveal marked
deviations from normality and skewness and kurtosis statistics did not exceed 0.70
for any of these variables. However, the remaining peer nominations variables had
problematic kurtosis. For example, kurtosis for victimization approached 6.00. Log
transformations were carried out for victimization, aggression, and withdrawal.
After transformation, none of the variables exceeded 1.70 for skewness and 3.25 for
kurtosis. Analyses conducted before and after transformations yielded identical
results. For ease of interpretation, the analyses without transformation are presented.
Bivariate correlations among the variables are presented in Table 1. Both
aggression and withdrawal were significantly associated with victimization, as were
social preference and friendship. However, contrary to our hypothesis, maternal
psychological control was not significantly correlated with victimization.
Table 1
Bivariate Correlations between Maternal Psychological Control, Social Behaviors,
and Peer Victimization
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Maternal psychological control — .19
**
-.04 -.20
**
-.11 -.12
2. Aggression — -.01 -.45
***
-.20
***
-.44
***

3. Social withdrawal — -.36
***
-.28
***
-.65
***

4. Social preference — -.49
***
-.51
***

5. Friendship — -.30
***

6. Victimization —
Note.
*
p < .05.
**
p < .01.
***
p < .001.

15

Friendship and Social Preference as Moderators of the Link between Parental
Psychological Control and Peer Group Victimization
To examine the moderating effect of friendship and social preference in the
prediction of peer victimization, we performed hierarchical regression analyses as
outlined by Aiken and West (1991). We entered the main effect of psychological
control and the main effect of friendship or social preference on the first step of each
analysis. On the second step, we entered the parental psychological control by social
variable interaction term. Interaction terms were computed using mean-centered
values to reduce multicollinearity. Variables were entered simultaneously at each
step, and steps were entered sequentially.
We hypothesized that social preference would mitigate the risk afforded by
maternal psychological control. Consistent with our hypothesis, there was a
significant interaction between these two variables (see Table 2). To decompose this
interaction, we specified models predicting victimization from maternal
psychological control at low (1 SD below the mean), medium (the mean), and high
(1 SD above the mean) levels of social preference (see Aiken & West, 1991). As
depicted in Figure 1, the association between maternal psychological control and
victimization declined as levels of social preference increased from low ( β = .17, p <
.05), to medium ( β = .01, ns) to high ( β = -.13, ns). Notably, maternal psychological
control was only significantly correlated with the outcome for children with low
social preference.

16

Table 2
Social Preference as a Moderator in the Link between Maternal Psychological
Control and Peer Victimization
Step Effects entered on step β sr
2a

1 Maternal psychological control
Social preference
-.03
-.45
***

.00
.19
***

2 Maternal psychological control x Social preference -.14
**
.02
**

Note.
a
sr
2
= squared semipartial correlation representing the proportion of variance
explained uniquely by each predictor.

Figure 1
Interaction between Maternal Psychological Control and Social Preference in
Predicting Peer Victimization

-3
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
012 34
Maternal Psychological Control
Peer Victimization
High Social Preference
Medium Social Preference
Low Social Preference
Similarly, friendship interacted significantly with maternal psychological
control in the prediction of peer victimization (see Table 2). As depicted in Figure 2,
the association between parenting and victimization decreased as friendship moved
.17
*

.01
-.13
Note: Standardized path coefficients are presented.
*
p < .05.

17

from low ( β = .25, p < .01), to medium ( β = .07, ns), to high ( β = -.10, ns).
Psychological control was only linked with victimization for boys with few friends.
Table 3
Friendship as a Moderator in the Link between Maternal Psychological Control and
Peer Victimization
Step Effects entered on step β sr
2a

1
Maternal psychological control
Friendship
-.09
-.23
***

.01
.05
***

2 Maternal psychological control x Friendship -.19
**
.04
**

Note.
a
sr
2
= squared semipartial correlation representing the proportion of variance
explained uniquely by each predictor.
**
p < .01.
***
p < .001.
Figure 2
Interaction between maternal psychological control and friendship in predicting
peer victimization
-3
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
12 34
Maternal Psychological Control
Peer Victimization
High Friendship
Medium Friendship
Low Friendship

Note. Standardized path coefficients are presented.
*
p < .05.
.25
*

-.01
-.13

18

Aggression and Social Withdrawal as Mediators in the Link between Maternal
Psychological Control and Peer Victimization
Our final hypothesis was that aggression and social withdrawal would serve
as mediators in the link between psychological control and peer group victimization.
Although there was no significant main effect of maternal psychological control on
victimization, the association was significant for children with low social preference
and children with few friends. Thus, we proceeded with tests of mediation for these
vulnerable subgroups.
First, we assessed mediation for children with low social preference.
According to Baron and Kenny (1986), a variable functions as a mediator if it is
significantly associated with both the predictor and outcome variables, and if
including the mediator in the model significantly reduces the strength of the
association between the predictor and the outcome. Neither withdrawal nor
aggression were significantly associated with the maternal psychological control for
children with low social preference ( β = .02, ns and β = .11, ns, respectively).
Next, we examined mediators in the association between maternal
psychological control and peer victimization for children with few friends. The
relation between maternal psychological control and withdrawal was not significant
at low friendship ( β = .05, ns). Therefore, withdrawal did not meet the first criterion
outlined by Baron and Kenny (1986) and we did not perform further analyses. We
then tested aggression as a mediator. Aggression was significantly associated with
maternal psychological control at low friendship ( β = .21, p < .05), thus meeting

19

Baron and Kenny’s (1986) first criterion. It was also significantly related to peer
victimization at low friendship ( β = .39, p < .001), thus meeting the second criterion.
We then entered aggression as a covariate into the model with maternal
psychological control predicting victimization. The standardized regression weight
of maternal psychological control on victimization dropped from β = .25 (p < .01) to
β = .17 (p < .05), representing a 32% reduction in the effect of the predictor. Sobel’s
(1988) procedure, which generates the standard error of the indirect effect, indicated
that this drop was significant (t = 2.30, p < .05). However, the direct link between
maternal psychological control and victimization at low friendship remained
significant, even after accounting for aggression ( β = .17, p < .05), suggesting that
aggression only partially mediated this relation.
Figure 3
Diagram of the mediational pathway from mothers’ use of psychological control to
boys’ aggressive behavior to their victimization in the peer group, for children with
few friends

Maternal
Psychological
Control
Peer
Victimization
Aggressive
Behavior
.21
*
.39
*

.17
*

20

DISCUSSION

Previous research has uncovered a number of behavioral tendencies of
bullied children as well as the family and parenting factors that portend risk for
maladaptive peer outcomes. In the present study, we used a sample of lower-middle
class Hong Kong Chinese boys to assess mothers’ use of psychological control as a
risk factor for concurrent peer group victimization. Although there was no evidence
for a main effect, the association was significant for boys who also had concurrent
social risk. That is, for boys who were friendless or rejected by their peers, maternal
psychological control significantly correlated with victimization in the peer group.
For boys with few friends, some of this association was accounted for by the child’s
aggressive social behavior.
Behavioral Correlates of Peer Victimization
Consistent with findings from both Western (Boivin et al., 1995; Boulton,
1999; Hodges et al., 1997; Olweus, 1978; Schwartz et al., 1993; Schwartz et al.,
1997) and Chinese cultures (Schwartz et al., 2001; Xu et al., 2003), bullied children
in our study were characterized by both withdrawn and aggressive behavior. While
this investigation and our own previous research (e.g., Schwartz et al., 2001) have
connected withdrawn, submissive, and otherwise unsociable behavior with social
risk in Chinese children’s peer groups, others have found that shyness-sensitivity
(measured with peer nominations for sadness, shyness, and having easily hurt
feelings) correlates positively with sociability/leadership and acceptance by peers
(Chen, Rubin, & Li, 1995; Chen, Rubin, & Sun, 1992). However, Chen has recently

21

argued that these latter findings may no longer apply to later cohorts of Chinese
children (Chen, Cen, Li, & He, 2005). Indeed, Chen and colleagues (2005) found
that shyness/sensitivity predicted positive social outcomes for children in the 1990
cohort, but predicted peer rejection, academic problems, and depression in the 2002
cohort. The authors attributed these cohort differences to the increasing adoption of
the market economy, introduction of individualistic values, and new emphasis on
children’s self-expression and self-confidence in Chinese culture (Chen et al., 2005).
It is also important to note that Chen’s samples were recruited from mainland China,
whereas we used a sample of Hong Kong Chinese boys. Hong Kong and mainland
Chinese cultures share Confucian orientations and collectivistic values (Yau &
Smetana, 2003). However, Hong Kong was exposed to Western cultures while
under British control. Nonetheless, our findings are consistent with those found in
Western samples and later cohorts of mainland Chinese children.
Maternal Psychological Control as a Risk Factor for Peer Victimization
Contrary to our hypothesis, maternal psychological control did not exert a
direct effect on boys’ risk for victimization in the peer group. However, such
parenting practices were linked to victimization among children who also exhibited
social risk (i.e., those who had few friends or were rejected by peers). This finding
supports past research conducted in the West which showed that adverse family
conditions present the greatest risk for children who also lack peer support (Criss et
al., 2002; Gauze et al., 1996; Schwartz et al., 2000; Wasserstein & La Greca, 1996).
We do not yet know what mechanisms underlie the protective effects of positive peer

22

relationships. One possibility is that interactions with peers represent opportunities
to develop social skills and regulatory capacities which may be deficient in children
exposed to aversive home environments (Price, 1996). Alternatively, friends can
serve a direct protective function by defending children who are behaviorally
vulnerable to peer victimization (Hodges et al., 1997; 1999). Consistent with this
proposition, friends who are physically weak or rejected by the larger peer group do
not appear to buffer children from victimization (Hodges et al., 1997, 1999). A
child’s allies in the peer group may also intervene during bullying incidents to help
resolve the situation. Indeed, in a study using 6-year-old twin pairs, Lamarche and
colleagues (2006) showed that friends’ prosociality moderated the association
between the child’s level of reactive aggression and peer victimization. Although
evidence is lacking, researchers have also theorized that bullies may be especially
likely to target children who are friendless or rejected, as attacks on these children
will likely go unpunished by the peer group (Hodges et al., 1997). Moving beyond
these causal explanations, it is possible that friendship and social preference do not
exert a direct influence on risk for victimization, but are markers of child attributes
that are associated with more positive outcomes (Parker & Asher, 1987). Successful
formation and maintenance of dyadic friendships or general liking among peers
requires complex social skills. It is possible that children who are able to form
dyadic friendships or obtain acceptance from peers possess certain traits or
interactive styles that discourage victimization. Nevertheless, our findings add to the
growing evidence linking positive peer relationships with resiliency in children.

23

Social Behaviors as Mediators in the Link between Maternal Psychological Control
and Peer Victimization
Our results indicate that aggressive behavior in the peer group accounts for
some of the association between family risk and peer victimization for children who
lack friends. The direct link between maternal psychological control and peer
victimization remained significant even after accounting for aggression, suggesting
that other unexamined mediators are operating (Baron & Kenny, 1986). Contrary to
our prediction, we found no evidence that withdrawal is also playing a mediating
role, since it was not associated with maternal psychological control in our sample.
Given that social withdrawal and other internalizing behaviors are robustly
predictive of peer group victimization (Boivin et al., 1995; Boulton, 1999; Olweus,
1978; Schwartz et al., 1997; Schwartz et al., 2001; Xu et al., 2003), it is important for
future research to consider other family risk factors which may lead to victimization
through this pathway.
Limitations and Future Directions
Before we move on to our concluding comments, several limitations of this
study should be acknowledged. First, ours was a within-group investigation of the
correlates of peer victimization in Hong Kong Chinese children’s peer groups. As
such, it does not provide a strong foundation for making between-group inferences
(e.g., comparisons between Hong Kong Chinese and North American children).
Studies conducted within groups are a necessary starting point for cross-cultural

24

research (Schwartz et al., 2001). However, comparative statements should be made
with caution until appropriate cross-setting studies are conducted.
Second, we utilized a sample of Hong Kong Chinese boys and their mothers
and so our findings may or may not replicate with other demographic groups.
Specifically, findings should not be generalized to mainland Chinese or other
cultures in the absence of further research. Moreover, it is uncertain whether the
same pattern of effects would have emerged if we had used a sample of girls.
Intrusive or overprotective parenting seems to be a stronger predictor of peer
victimization for boys than for girls (Finnegan et al., 1998). Although we know little
about the family backgrounds of bullied girls, maternal hostility and rejection are
implicated (Finnegan et al., 1998). On the other hand, some studies have
documented few or no gender differences (Schwartz et al., 2000). Delineating
gender differences in the effects of family environments or parenting practices may
inform us about the factors that moderate the link between risk and outcome. For
example, Finnegan and colleagues (1998) reasoned that mastery of gender-salient
competencies (autonomy for boys and communion for girls) predicts social
adjustment.
Future research should also assess friends’ attributes. Friends who are
physically strong (Hodges et al., 1997), well-liked by the peer group (Hodges et al.,
1997), willing to “stick up” for their friends (Hodges et al., 1999), and prosocial
(Lamarche et al., 2006) may confer more protection than friends who do not possess
these characteristics. Similarly, friendships vary in both positive and negative

25

features (Berndt, 1996). Relationships that are close, secure, and supportive are
more likely to serve as ameliorative experiences and thus may provide a stronger
buffer against negative psychosocial outcomes (Gauze et al., 1996).
We found evidence that aggression partially mediated the concurrent
association between psychologically controlling parenting and peer victimization for
a vulnerable subgroup of children. Although there is some evidence that aversive
parenting and social behaviors predate and contribute to the risk for peer
victimization (Hodges & Perry, 1999; Schwartz et al., 2000), a longitudinal test of
the mediational pathway is needed to confirm our causal model.
In summary, the current study extends our knowledge of risk factors for peer
victimization in Hong Kong Chinese boys’ peer groups. We found that maternal
psychological control was associated with victim status, but only for children who
were also friendless or rejected by their peers. For children with few friends, their
aggressive behavior partially mediated the association between maternal
psychological control and victimization. Further research using longitudinal designs
may greatly enhance our understanding of the mechanisms by which family
conditions or parenting practices affect children’s social functioning.

26

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study examined the relation between mothers' use of psychological control and their sons' risk for victimization in the peer group using a sample of 253 Hong Kong Chinese third- and fourth- grade boys and their mothers. Maternal psychological control did not correlate with sons' peer victimization for the entire sample. However, the association was significant for boys with few friends and those who scored low on social preference compared to their same-class peers. The link from maternal psychological control to peer group victimization for boys with few friends was partially mediated by the boys' aggressive social behavior.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Duong, Mylien T. (author)

Core Title Mediators and moderators in the link between maternal psychological control and peer victimization for Hong Kong Chinese boys

School College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Psychology

Publication Date 07/09/2007

Defense Date 05/08/2007

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Hong Kong,OAI-PMH Harvest,peer victimization,psychological control

Place Name China (countries), Hong Kong (city or populated place)

Language English

Advisor Schwartz, David (committee chair), Farver, Jo Ann M. (committee member), Margolin, Gayla (committee member)

Creator Email myliendu@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m601

Unique identifier UC1280352

Identifier etd-Duong-20070709 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-526755 (legacy record id),usctheses-m601 (legacy record id)

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Dmrecord 526755

Document Type Thesis

Rights Duong, Mylien T.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Location Los Angeles, California

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