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The swirl world: sense of belonging of Black multiracial identifying students at a predominantly white institution

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The swirl world: sense of belonging of Black multiracial identifying students at a predominantly white institution

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The Swirl World: Sense of Belonging of Black Multiracial Identifying Students at a
Predominantly White Institution
by
Kristi Dawn Culpepper

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2022

© Copyright by Kristi Dawn Culpepper 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Kristi Dawn Culpepper certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Rosalind Conerly
Alan Green
Tracy Tambascia, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022
iv
Abstract
This study examined the experiences of Black Multiracial Identifying (BMI) undergraduate
students at a Predominantly White Institution (PWI). As the higher education student population
becomes more racially diverse, the multiracial population has become one of the fastest growing
in the United States (U.S. Census, 2021d). However, there is very little research on multiracial
subpopulations such as Black Multiracial persons. This study looked at how Black Multiracial
undergraduates perceived sense of belonging while attending a PWI. This qualitative study
included semi-structured interviews that were conducted with participants who identified as
Black Multiracial at one institution in the Western United States. Cross’ Nigrescence Theory
(1991), Multiracial Identity Theory (MIT) and Osgood’s Sense of Belonging were the conceptual
frameworks used for this study. Findings from this study focused on racial identity salience,
choice of identities and how they influence sense of belonging, and intersectionality among BMI
student identities beyond their race. Recommendations included creation and implementation of
student affairs and academic programs that highlight BMI experiences in America to encourage a
campus culture that embraces BMI undergraduate students.
Keywords: multiracial, sense of belonging, intersectionality, Nigrescence Theory

v
Dedication
To my partner in everything, husband, and best sommelier ever, Daniel, I could not have
achieved this without your love and support. Thank you for listening to my incessant
complaining and just nodding your head. I love you more than my pearls. To my parents because
you are the inspiration. You are the role models. You literally fought for equality and access to
higher education. Thank you. Without you, there is no Dr. Pepper. I dedicate this study to all the
Multiracial people of the world. We belong.

vi
Acknowledgements
First, thank you to my family. My parents, thank you for always believing in me and
supporting all my academic endeavors throughout the years. You always told me I could, and I
believed you. Several degrees later, I believed you. My husband Dan, my favorite educator on
the planet. You are brilliant. Thank you to my cousins, Natalie and Amelia.
Thank you to the best friends and supporters, I could ever dream of. Paul Dieken and Guy
Hunter, you both encouraged me to go for the EdD. Thank you. Jasmine, Bert, Marie R., Karen,
Pastor Ashley, Cheryl Anne, Nanice, Tyeast, Germaine, Jeannette, Melissa, Carina, David,
Damien, Curtis, Lisa Jo, Danni, Anthony, Victoria, and my favorite Trojan and JLLB sister, Aly.
You complete me. I love you all to the moon and back.
Thank you to the best Trojan Family, ever: Tiffiani, Jeffrey, Christen, and Joy. We
started out as co-workers but grew to a family. Thank you to all the Staff at The Lab and The
University Club, for letting me camp out there and write. Thank you to all the members of the
USC Staff Assembly for saying yes to service. Thank you for all the encouragement. Thank you
to ALL Trojans, near and far. Together, we will always “Fight On.”
Thank you to all my teachers from Emerson, Uni, and John Wesley North High School,
especially Mr. Folger (RIP), Mrs. Anderson, Coach Anderson, Coach Kennedy, Mr. and Mrs.
Libolt, Dr. Benchoff, Mr. King, Mr. Pete Anderson, Mrs. Kingsbury, and Mrs. Cramer. I am a
proud product of public education.
Thank you to all my friends both near and far from Emerson, Uni, J.W. North, UC Santa
Cruz, USC, Cal State LA, Thomas Jefferson Law School, and everyone I met throughout the
years. Thank you for still keeping in touch across the country to right here in LA. Thank you for
always inviting me to social activities so I could take breaks away from schoolwork and writing.

vii
From happy hours, trips, Sunday Fundays. and video calls, the consistent support and study
breaks have been the reason I kept going.
I would like to thank all of my fellow EdD classmates. From my Thursday night group,
Higher Education concentration, and thematic dissertation group, each and every one of you
have been so helpful throughout the last four years. I would not have gotten through this program
without all of you wonderful people. Special thanks to Dr. Jason Murrillo, Liliana, Dr. Barbara,
Armando, Dr. Erin Tanaka, Josh Rivera, Dr. Jenn Ellingwood, Dr. Melissa Medeiros, Adriene,
and Dr. Rhiannon Little, for writing sessions, support, feedback, and everything in between.
Thank you to Dr. Jackson, Dr. Jih, Dr. Akai, Dr. V, Dr. Lisa Jo Keefer, Dr. Martha, and Dr.
Helen. You are brilliant Trojans and you inspire me every single day.
Thank you to the study site for allowing me survey and interview your students. Thank
you to the participants for sharing your important stories. You are valued. You are amazing. You
are the next generation of leaders who will change the world. Thank you for allowing me to meet
with you.
Thank you to Dr. Cash. You were my first Professor at Rossier, and you didn’t give me
an inch. You challenged me to step up and give my best. Thank you to Dr. Shaun Harper. Your
class was transformational. You challenged me to do my best and gave me thoughtful
commentary and feedback on my “presentations.” A big thank you to Dr. Olivo. You had the
ultimate diva cohort and led and inspired us to do our best. You are forever our queen.
A special thank you to my committee. Dr. Rosalind Conerly, thank you for all the support
throughout the dissertation process. Dr. Alan Green, thank you for years of support in the
classroom. I still laugh at your graciousness and never really telling me to shut up and give
others a chance to contribute to class discussions. You are amazing. Without you, there is no Dr.

viii
Pepper. Last, but not least, all the thanks to my dissertation chair, Dr. Tracy Tambascia. I do not
know what I would have done without you. Thank you for the support, help, feedback,
thoughtful conversations, and of course your patience. You are spectacular. I will never forget
your advice that I am not a wallflower, so why take that approach in my dissertation. You are
everything, Madame President. Thank you.

ix
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ xii
List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. xiii
Chapter One: Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 1
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 2
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 3
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions ..................................................................... 4
Definitions ........................................................................................................................... 7
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 10
The History of America and Slavery ................................................................................ 11
Historical Exclusion of Nonwhites ................................................................................... 12
Predominantly White Institutions of Higher Education .................................................... 16
Historically Black Colleges and Universities ................................................................... 17
Development of Student Services ..................................................................................... 18
Critical Race Theory ......................................................................................................... 26
Racial Identity Development Theories ............................................................................. 28
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 34
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 35
Research Question ............................................................................................................ 36
Qualitative Approach ........................................................................................................ 36
Site Selection .................................................................................................................... 37

x
Sampling ........................................................................................................................... 38
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 39
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 39
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 41
Trustworthiness ................................................................................................................. 42
Reliability .......................................................................................................................... 43
Ethics ................................................................................................................................. 43
Role of Researcher ............................................................................................................ 44
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 45
Chapter Four: Presentation of Data and Themes .......................................................................... 46
Participant Overview ........................................................................................................ 46
Survey Responses ............................................................................................................. 47
Theme #1: Racial Identity Salience .................................................................................. 48
Theme #2: Choice of Identities Influences Sense of Belonging ....................................... 50
Theme #3: BMI Students’ Sense of Belonging Is Impacted Beyond Their Racial
Identity .............................................................................................................................. 55
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 60
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations ......................................................................... 61
Study Context ................................................................................................................... 62
Discussion ......................................................................................................................... 64
Research Question ............................................................................................................ 67
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 68
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 70
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 72
Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 73
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 74

xi
References ..................................................................................................................................... 75
Appendix A: Interview Invitation Email ...................................................................................... 89
Appendix B: Screening Survey Protocol ...................................................................................... 90
Appendix C: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................... 93
Appendix D: Information/Facts Sheet for Exempt Non-Medical Research ................................. 97

xii
List of Tables
Table 1: Study Participants 48

xiii
List of Figures
Figure 1: The Proposed Three Components of Student Belonging 24
Figure 2: Osterman’s Sense of Belonging 26
Figure 3: Sense of Belonging of Black Multiracial Identifying Students 33

1

Chapter One: Introduction
Individuals who identify as multiracial have risen by the millions since the United States
struck down miscegenation laws in 1967 with the landmark Supreme Court case Loving v.
Virginia. In 1970, 1% of babies born in the United States were categorized as “Biracial or Multi-
racial.” In 2013, that number was 10% (Pew Research Center, 2015). The Pew Research Center
estimated that almost 7% of the population could be considered multiracial, with a majority of
that group being under 30 years old. The 2020 Census was only the second U.S. Census (the
2010 Census was the first) to allow respondents to select more than one racial identity. There is
limited data on multiracial individuals and much of it is dated. There is very little research on
multiracial individuals, in particular those who identity as Black Multiracial. It is important to
research this population because they are younger and entering college, and there is a deficit in
intentional and authentic programming for Black Multiracial students. Most of the cultural
centers or programming in higher education focuses on single race Black or African American
students, with the assumption that Black Biracial or Black Multiracial students will identify with
the single race Black identification and have a sense of belonging.
Statement of the Problem
The majority of extant research focuses on Black Biracial individuals and their
experiences because between 2000 and 2010, the number of White and Black Biracial Americans
more than doubled (Pew Research Center, 2015). This is problematic because there is a gap in
addressing the needs of multiracial identifying persons in all aspects of society, including higher
education. For example, the university selected for this research paper is located in an urban,
West Coast county with an estimated population of 10 million people. In this county, an
estimated 9% of residents identify as monoracially Black and 3.1% who identify as two or more
2

races (U.S. Census, 2019). The data are not disaggregated to determine how which races the
respondents identify with, which can contribute to the assumption that Black Multiracial
identifying individuals do not need specialized support services.
In order to examine and understand the experiences of Black Multiracial Identifying
undergraduate students at Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs), it is critical to place context
on recruitment and matriculation of Black Multiracial Identifying students from a historical lens.
Within the context of American higher education, much of the literature on college access,
retention, student affairs programming, and degree completion has centered on monoracialized
Black, Asian, LatinX, and Indigenous, Biracial, or Multiracial minoritized populations and their
experiences at both Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and PWIs. There is
little research on Black Multiracial identifying students and their sense of belonging at PWIs.
While the research has explored campus and cultural experiences from the lens of Multiracial
students, there is little research on the sense of belonging of these students at PWIs and how this
impacts their academic and personal success.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to explore Black Multiracial identifying undergraduate
students’ sense of belonging at Predominantly White Institutions. This research is important
because the racial demographics of our society are changing. In 2019, 3.1% of the population or
9.14 million people identified as two or more races (U.S. Census Data, 2019). This is a 30%
increase in this demographic from 2010 (U.S. Census Data, Brookings Institute, 2020). This
population is also overwhelming young with the median age of 20.9 years old (U.S. Census
Data, 2019). These are traditionally college aged people, between 18-24 years old. It is plausible
to assume that among the 9.14 million individuals there are individuals who identify as Black
3

Multiracial. Institutions of higher learning should reflect research, support services, and positive
campus climates for Black Multiracial undergraduate students.
This study addressed the following primary research question as well as sub questions
from a sample of Black Multiracial identifying undergraduate students at a large private research
university on the West Coast. The research question guiding this study is, “How do Black
Multiracial identifying students at Predominantly White Institutions experience sense of
belonging, if at all?”
This study explored Black Multiracial Identifying undergraduate students’ sense of
belonging from two racial identity theories: William Cross’ Nigrescence Identity Theory and
Multiracial Identity Theory. These two theories, which are based in Critical Race Theory, were
selected because they explore the relationship between what it means to be Black and Multiracial
at the same time and how this may shape one’s world view. The semi-structured interview
questions were guided by Nigrescence Theory and Multiracial Theory in the context of
undergraduate campus life at a PWI.
Significance of the Study
The study of multiracial people is deeply fragmented and inconsistent, not because it is
an emergent body of work, but because the work of theory building suffers from the limits of the
prevailing racial ideology that social scientists are embedded within (Rockquemore, et al., 2009).
There is a lack of connection between theory and empirical work in the area, and there is the
challenge of removing disciplinary blinders (Rockquemore, et al., 2009). As demonstrated by the
U.S. Census, multiracial persons are only categorized as “two or more races,” but there is no
clear delineation of what two or more races. This is reflected in other aspects of our society,
including higher education. The significance of this study is important for other institutions of
4

higher learning as they develop support services to increase the sense of belonging of Black
Multiracial identifying students. Typically, Black Multiracial identifying students are forced to
become monoracialized because of lack of student affairs support for their unique racial
background (Renn, 2000) here is a demonstrated need for dedicated support programs for
Multiracial students in general, but Black Multiracial identifying students in particular.
The significance of the study was also important to explore the needs of an underserved
student population in higher education. The results and recommendations of this study can be
applicable to not only students, but senior university administrators as they develop inclusive
support services for undergraduate students.
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions
Limitations are influences, shortcomings, and conditions that the researcher cannot
control and may place restrictions on methodology and conclusions (Wolgemuth &Agosto,
2017). There are some limitations in qualitative research. One of these is the need of extensive
data collection and analysis but due to the time constraints of this study, there are limitations
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The limitations for this study may be the qualitative sample size
and the setting. There is not one “correct” answer for how many participants are necessary for an
adequate sample size (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). For this purpose of this study, the researcher
stopped collecting data once saturation was achieved. For the purposes of this study, 10 to 15
semi-structured interviews were conducted.
The screening survey was sent to 1,072 Canyon Crest University undergraduate Black or
African American students. This was the approximate total population of undergraduate students
who identified as Black or African American. There were students who identified as Black or
African American but did not disclose this information to the university, therefore they were
5

excluded as recipients of the screening survey. The students who participated in this study attend
a large private research Predominantly White Institution (PWI). This could affect the
transferability of this study to a public university or smaller private liberal arts institutions.
There was not an opportunity for intensive and long-term involvement for this qualitative
research study, due to time constraints. Ten semi-structured qualitative interviews were
conducted. Perhaps if there was additional time and resources additional semi-structured
interviews could have been conducted and new information may have been collected which
could have added additional research in this study. Additional interviews beyond the initial 90-
minute semi-structured interviews, were not possible. This may have limited the data the
researcher collected. The setting of Canyon Crest University may have also been a limitation of
this study, as the sense of belonging of Black Multiracial Identifying undergraduate students at
other PWIs were not included in this study. This could skew the sense of belonging of Black
Multiracial Identifying students, but further research could determine this.
Semi structured interviews can be limited by indirect information filtered through the
views of the interviewees (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The setting of the interviews can be a
limitation, as it not a natural environment like a field study where the researcher is an observing
participant and not engaging with them (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Conflicts may arise from researcher cultural bias and other personal issues. The
researcher identifies as Black Multiracial person, and this could impact the bias of the research as
well as the in-person interviews with undergraduate students who identified as Black Multiracial.
The racial background of the researcher may encourage respondents to answer questions
differently than if the researcher did not identify as a Black Multiracial person, therefore, it was
6

critical for the researcher to continuously check for validity throughout the entire study to ensure
that researcher bias did not skew the results.
Another limitation of this study is the comparison of the sense of belonging of Black
Multiracial identifying undergraduate students with past eras. Single-setting interview settings of
a relatively homogeneous group of interviewees can contribute to the interpretably or causality
of results (Maxwell, 2012). There is not counterfactual data to compare with what could have
shaped the participants responses or shaped their world view in the context of their campus
environment. This is important to note because at the time of this research study, there was an
unprecedented wave of social justice sweeping across the United States. The Black Lives Matter
Movement (BLM) and the fight for racial justice for Black Americans has touched every corner
of the United States and several countries around the world. Colleges and universities are not
immune to the BLM Movement, including the setting for this study. This transformative
worldview has impacted all CCU community members, including staff, students, and faculty. It
may alter a participants’ sense of belonging within the larger frame of their perceived place in
society, and it is an important context to keep in mind for this study.
Delimitations
Delimitations are choices made by the researcher, that may impact study results and
conclusions (Wolgemuth & Agosto, 2017). The focus of this study was students who identified
as Black Multiracial persons, and students who identified as monoracial Black or only
Multiracial were excluded from this study. Undergraduate students were the focus of this
research, and graduate students who responded to the quantitative study were excluded as
participants. Students who do not attend Canyon Crest University were excluded from this study.

7

Assumptions
Assumptions are components of a study, including truthful and authentic participant
responses, that are true or at least plausible (Creswell, 2003). This study involved philosophical
assumptions and the use of qualitative and quantitative approaches, and the integrating of both
approaches for this study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
This study assumed that a sense of belonging, and campus climate was important to
Black Multiracial identifying undergraduate students. There are five other assumptions for this
study. The first assumption is a qualitative approach is the best frame for this study.
Methodological assumptions are the assumptions made by the researcher regarding the methods
used in the process of research. This researcher utilized a qualitative approach in order to
maximize data collection (Creswell, 2003). Participants completed a screening survey and those
who met the criteria were be asked to participate a qualitative interview. The second assumption
is that qualitative interviews were sufficient to determine Black Multiracial students’ sense of
belonging. The third assumption is that saturation will be met with the sample population for this
study. The fourth assumption is that a sense of belonging for Black Multiracial identifying
students had an impact on their educational experiences. The last assumption is race shapes the
worldview of Black Multiracial undergraduate students, thus impacting their campus experiences
at Canyon Crest University and this is reflected in their interview responses.
Definitions
Black- A person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa (U.S. Census, 2020).
In this study, Black and African-American are used interchangeably.
8

Black Multiracial- For the purpose of this study, a person who identifies a Black Multiracial is
defined as a person with a multiracial background but identifies as Black Multiracial instead of
Multiracial or Biracial (Renn, 2000).
CRT- Critical Race Theory. CRT is a perspective that emphasizes the centrality of race and
racism and challenges white supremacy in law, education, politics, and other social systems
(Patton, et. al., 2016).
HBCU- Historically Black Colleges and Universities. The Higher Education Act of 1965, as
amended, defines an HBCU as any historically black college or university that was established
prior to 1964, whose principal mission was, and is, the education of black Americans (U.S.
Department of Education, 2020).
Minoritized Populations: This term in used in lieu of “minorities. A minoritized population is a
social construction of underrepresentation and subordination in U.S. social institutions, including
colleges and universities, in context of an overrepresentation of Whiteness (Harper, 2012).
Multiracial- The Federal government distinguishes those who checked more than one race on
the 2000 U.S. Census as “Multiracial,” and as a separate racial group and labels them as ‘two or
more races in the population” (Masuoka, 2017).
PWI- Predominantly White Institutions. The term used to describe institutions of higher learning
in which Whites account for 50% or greater of the student enrollment. However, the majority of
these institutions may also be understood as historically White institutions (Brown & Dancy,
2010).
Sense of Belonging- This is based in psychologist Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of human
needs, where the bottom tier of need includes an individual’s physiological and safety needs, and
9

once those needs are met, the next level up on the Maslow’s pyramid is belonging - being part of
a community or in relationships with others (Broughton, 2019).

10

Chapter Two: Literature Review
The purpose of this study was to explore the sense of belonging for Black Multiracial
Identifying (BMI) undergraduate students at a Predominantly White Institution (PWI) through a
historical, legal, societal, and theoretical lens of race in the United States. This study also
explored the role of campus climate, perceived institutional support, including student affairs
programming and services for BMI undergraduate students and the influence on retention and
graduation rates for this population. This study is important because there is a deficit in research
on BMI undergraduate students and their experiences at PWIs.
The number of multiracial college students has increased and will continue to increase
rapidly over the years, according to the U.S. Census (Parker, et al., 2015). Multiracial births
increased from 1% to 10% in the United States from 1970 to 2013 (Pew Research Center, 2015).
In Fall 2012, 21 million students attended an institution of higher learning with 2.3% of those
students who self-identified as two or more races (Johnston-Guerrero & Renn, 2016). It is
important for student affairs educators and administrators, and mental health providers to
understand this population as they develop and matriculate to institutions of higher education,
because their needs are different than previous student populations (Jones & Jones, 2010).
Traditionally cultural centers and support services at colleges and universities were designed
with only monoracial students in mind, which was problematic for Multiracial students and led
this population to be ostracized or they were forced to monoracialize (Ortiz, 2013). The
traditional approaches to student affairs subsequent college and university support services will
need to grow and systematical change in order to meet the diverse needs of multiracial students,
as there is a deficit in dedicated student affairs programming for Multiracial identifying students
(Ozaki & Renn, 2015). This does impact Multiracial identifying students’ sense of belonging
11

because this population are often forced to monoracialize if they want to engage in campus
cultural programming and services (Ortiz, 2013). While there is historical and current research
on Multiracial students and their specific needs in higher education, there is limited research on
how to support and implement and maintain a sense of belonging for Black Multiracial
Identifying (BMI) students.
Chapter Two of this study discusses the history of race in America and how it has
affected all facets of this country, including higher education. The first section will give a brief
overview of slavery in the United States and its impact in American Descendants of Slavery
(ADOS), paying particular attention to Black Multiracial ADOS. Along with the history of
slavery, the legal precedents which cemented racism will also be discussed and how this
impacted Black Americans and BMI. The second section of this chapter will give an overview of
higher education in the United States, including Predominantly White Institutions (PWI) and the
establishment of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) as direct response to
slavery, racism, and systemic racism at PWIs which prevented Black people from attending. This
section will also discuss the creation and evolution of student affairs at these respective colleges
and universities. The last section will explore the theories that have laid the foundation for this
study and how and why they are important for BMI at PWIs.
The History of America and Slavery
The history of the United States and slavery are intertwined. The first Africa slaves
arrived in the US in 1619, 172 years before the United States Constitution was ratified. Slavery
was written into the constitution under Article 1, Section 2, commonly known as the “Slavery
Clause.” This clause expressly states that slaves are three fifths of a human, therefore, will not be
counted in the U.S. Census for congressional representation purposes. This was later repealed by
12

the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865, but the damage was already done. Slavery and its intended
and unintended consequences laid the structural foundation for institutionalized racism that
permeates American society into the 21
st
century. This structural racism also contributes to
explicit and implicit racism in the foundation of institutions of higher education in the United
States.
The historical background of race and racism is important to discuss because of the
impact it has had on all Americans, including BMI persons. This racial designation has its roots
in slavery and is still impacting BMI people well into the 21
st
century. Colorism refers to
discriminatory attitudes and behaviors that are linked to skin color pigmentation within the same
racial group (Renn & Shang, 2008). These within group inequities can also refer to hair texture,
eye color, body type, nose shape, and lip size and the privileges that may come along with these
physical characteristics (Renn & Shang, 2008). This created a two-caste, intraracial system for
American Descendants of Slaves (ADOS), based primarily on appearance and the privileges that
came along with this, but it did not include freedom. Those with less than one-fourth or one-
eighth black ancestry were, depending on the state, were technically and legally White in the Old
South until the “one drop rule, was instituted. “One drop rule,” forced Biracial or Multiracial to
become monoracialized as Black, thus requiring them to abide by de jure laws and de facto laws
regardless of their racial diversity (Renn & Shang, 2008). This began the Black
monoracialization of Biracial and Multiracial persons in America. The effects of this
categorization is still relevant in all facets of American society, including higher education.
Historical Exclusion of Nonwhites
There have been several landmark cases that have shaped the rights of people of color in
the United States, including access and equity in higher education. There are dozens of legal
13

cases that shaped the rights of people of color in the United States, but there are three that have
the most relevance to minoritized populations. Plessy versus Ferguson (Plessy) was a landmark
1896 United States Supreme Court (SCOTUS) that legalized the “separate but equal” doctrine
which confirmed de jure racial segregation. Homer Plessy was a resident of Louisiana who was
seven eights white (and one eighth black) who agreed to be the human test case on behalf of
Louisiana residents who wanted to legally challenge the state’s “one drop rule,” and segregation
law (Golub, 2005). Plessy sat in the “Whites only,” section of railcar and was arrested for
violating New Orleans’ segregation laws because he was considered Black. SCOTUS ruled in
favor of plaintiff John Ferguson and ruled that racial segregation was not a violation of the
Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution (Brown & Harlan, 1896). Plessy established
racial segregation in the U.S. and was the law of the land until it was overturned in 1954 when it
was declared unconstitutional. Plessy legitimized racial segregation and continued the oppression
of Black Americans in every facet of society, including higher education. Other cases challenged
the legitimacy of Plessy, but only one overturned it. Plessy was ruled unconstitutional in 1954 by
the United States Supreme Court (SCOTUS) in the landmark case Brown vs. The Board of
Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954). But the damage of Plessy was already done setting the
precedent of educational inequities that still negatively impact minoritized populations in the 21
st

century.
Brown vs. Board Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954) was landmark legislation that
overturned Plessy and eradicated “separate but equal,” in all public schools, including colleges
and universities (Epperson, 2016). Linda Brown was a schoolgirl who wanted to attend her
neighborhood elementary school but was denied the opportunity due to racial segregation. The
National Association of Colored People (NAACP) met with the Brown family and encouraged
14

them to file a lawsuit against the city of Topeka, Kansas. The case went all the way to the United
States Supreme Court and was argued by future Supreme Court Justice, Thurgood Marshall. The
court ruled that separate but equal was inherently unconstitutional and violated the equal
protections clause of the 14
th
Amendment, thus overturning Plessy (Stefkovich & Leas, 1994).
While this case was landmark legislation that changed the de jure laws of the United States, there
was still de facto segregation and racism that impacted minoritized populations, including BMI
persons. Multiracialism was not in the forefront of American society and if BMIs wanted to
benefit from civil rights legislation that had to choose to be monoracially Black.
It would require several more federal legislative acts before racial equality was fully
implemented. One could argue that it will never be achieved due to the structural racism that is
literally written into our constitution, but continued Federal legislation began to chip away at
structural racism in our education system. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 (CRA) signed by
President Lyndon Baines Johnson continued the legacy of Brown. The CRA expanded on the
Fourteenth Amendment and the Brown ruling and banned discrimination based on race, color,
religion, sex, and national origin in all public spaces (Berg, 1964). This included institutions of
higher education, although the discrimination continued well into the 1970’s. This also began the
transformation of higher education to become more inclusive of Black students and by default
Multiracial students. But this was still problematic for Multiracial students as they were forced to
be monoracialized in order to benefit from Federal legislation (Renn, 2000). Societal change was
slow, but a Supreme Court case that recognized interracial marriage and Black Multiracial
persons was the spark for honest discussions of multiracialism in America.
Loving v. Virginia (1967) was a United States Supreme Court case that removed anti-
miscegenation prohibitions in the United States. Mildred Jeter, a woman of American Indian and
15

Black heritage and Richard Loving, a White man, were married in Washington D.C., in 1958.
Washington D.C. permitted interracial marriage, but the Loving’s settled in Virginia, which
enforced the Virginia Racial Integrity Act of 1924, which outlawed interracial marriage (Sollors,
2000). Mildred Loving self-identified as Multiracial but in the eyes of Virginia law, she was a
monoracial Black woman. She could not legally be married to a White man and in 1958, five
weeks after they were married, the Loving’s were arrested for miscegenation. The case went all
the way to the U.S. Supreme Court and the Loving’s won. Interracial marriage was declared
legal in 1967, based on the Equal Protections Claus of the Fourteenth Amendment. The court
determined that marriage was considered a fundamental right and should not and cannot be
restricted based on race; if marriage is legal in one state or district of the United States, it has to
be legal in all of the United States. The Loving case was the fundamental argument for same sex
marriage U.S. Supreme Court Case in Obergefell v. Hodges, in 2015.
Loving v. Virginia was so critical in addressing racial and cultural inequities in the most
fundamental of interpersonal relationships, marriage, that “Loving Day,” is celebrated each June,
where interracial couples celebrate their right to be married. It also sparked the national
discussion on multiracialism versus monoracialism. This discussion has continued in the 21
st

century as millions of people consider themselves multiracial. The 2000 United States Census
was the first-time respondents could select more than one racial category, thus being the first-
time multiracial Americans were counted in the census (Pew Research, 2015).
Although the above cited cases were fundamental in eliminating structural racism in the
United States, there are still barriers for students who identify as Biracial or Multiracial. Their
sense of belonging remains problematic in higher educational spaces, if they choose to identify
as Multiracial (Renn, 2012). Institutions of higher education were initially founded for White
16

males of high socio-economic backgrounds, not for minoritized people, including Multiracial
persons. The history of higher education is important when exploring modern institutions of
higher learning and legacy of minoritized students.
Predominantly White Institutions of Higher Education
Predominantly White Institutions (PWI) are colleges and universities that have White
student enrollments of 50% or greater (Hurtado, et al., 1998). Historically, all colleges and
universities in America began as PWIs, as they were intentional in excluding nonwhite students.
This legacy is important to understand because in the 21
st
century, the debate at PWIs and their
commitment to dismantle systemic racism in the educational system is problematic. Many
institutions of higher learning have acknowledged systemic racism and their contributions to it.
In 2016, Harvard University created a Presidential Task Force on Inclusion and Belonging which
was established to “foster the personal an intellectual transformation…work affirmatively and
collectively to advance a culture of belonging (Faust, 2016).
Harvard University, chartered in 1636, is one of the oldest institutions of higher learning
in the United States of America. Although there were Indigenous American Indians who
attended Harvard (they were paraded around the American Colonies and Britain and it was
thought that a Protestant education could “civilize” them), Black students were not permitted to
attend when Harvard first opened (Endo, 2014). It was not until 1870 that Harvard graduated its
first Black student, 234 years after it was chartered. Many students of elite northern institutions
were from families who owned slaves and they often brought their slaves with them to Harvard,
Yale, Princeton, Amherst, University of Massachusetts, and other prestigious universities
(Romer, 2014). These institutions not only allowed slavery but profited from it as well. The first
five colleges established in the American Colonies, Harvard, College of William and Mary
17

(1693), Yale (1701), Codrington (1745) in Barbados, and The College of New Jersey (1746),
now Princeton University, were all founded and funded by the slave trade and slave owners
(Wilder, 2014). The ugly legacy of slavery did not stop with the slaves sitting in the back of
classrooms while their masters attended lectures; many colleges and universities were endowed
with money from slavery.
The history of racial exclusion of minoritized populations at PWIs institutions continued
in the United States until 1856, when Oberlin College admitted the first Black students. Because
of racial exclusion, Blacks and their supporters (typically abolitionists) created colleges and
technical trade schools for them and known today as Historically Black Colleges and
Universities (HBCUs).
Historically Black Colleges and Universities
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) were founded to educate free
Blacks and former slaves with the primary goal of closing the educational gap between Blacks
and Whites (Bertocchi & Dimico, 2014). The first HBCUs were founded as higher education
institutions to educate free Blacks and former slaves to work as teachers, craftsmen, and other
technically trained professionals. HBCUs were intentional in their creation to serve Black
students who were strongly discouraged or prevented through de jure or de facto racial
segregation from enrolling at PWIs.
Cheyney University, in Pennsylvania, was the first historically Black college founded in
the United States (Clayton, 2020). It was originally named The Institute for Colored Youth and
was founded in 1837 by Richard Humphreys, a member of the Society of Friends, also known as
the Quakers. Quakers were abolitionists and most were committed to not only ending slavery,
but ensuring Blacks had a path towards education. Cheyney was the first HBCU, but Lincoln
18

University was the first degree granting HBCU. Lincoln, originally founded as The Ashmun
Institute in 1854, began awarding bachelor’s degrees in 1868 (Clayton, 2020). Wilberforce
University in Ohio was founded in 1856 as the first private HBCU. Wilberforce was known for
having a diverse undergraduate student body, including children of plantation owners fathered
with slaves. According to oral tradition, the slave owners did not acknowledge their children on
the plantation but understood that a valuable education would enhance their opportunities and
sense of belonging. Cheyney, Lincoln, and Wilberforce all began as normal schools committed
to educating free Blacks and former slaves, typically to become teachers because the “elite”
universities were not an option for minoritized populations.
Presently, there are 107 HBCUs in the United States (U.S. Department of Education,
2020). HBCUs have continued their legacy by educating Blacks and graduating more doctors,
lawyers, teachers, architects, and other professionals than PWIs. While HBCUs have closed the
sense of belonging for Black students, they may present a unique set of challenges for BMI
students. BMI may feel pressured to monoracialize as Black on the campuses of HBCUs (Renn,
2000).
Development of Student Services
Student Affairs programming began about 150 years after American colleges were
founded (Banning, et al., 2000). In 1770 at Harvard and Yale, professors and administrators were
dedicated to helping students who looked like them and came from similar socio-economic and
religious backgrounds adjust to higher education (Banning, et al., 2000). Before the
establishment of student services, faculty were primarily responsible for the well-being and
support of students, from recruitment to matriculation to graduation. Early American colleges
were based on the English university systems of Oxford and Cambridge, where faculty lived and
19

dined with students, as well as educated them (Beckert, et al., 2017). As institutions grew, it
became nearly impossible for faculty to continue their student services roles and teach. There
was a need for dedicated administrative professionals to ensure the support of students in their
educational environments (Banning, et al., 2000).
The foundation of modern student affairs was laid in 1833 when White women were
admitted to Oberlin College. There was a need for a different type of social support that college
leadership at Oberlin were not equipped to provide, so women “preceptesses” were hired to
advise the young undergraduates on proper lady like behavior (McClellan & Stringer, 2011). As
enrollment of White women increased at colleges and universities, so did the need for helping
these students navigate higher education and assist them with post-graduation employment help.
Professional Organizations
The first professional meeting of student affairs deans and other administrators occurred
in Chicago in 1903 (Gerda, 2007). According to the minutes of the meeting, these women leaders
discussed campus safety, appropriate housing for female students, student health and equity
among the students (McClellan & Stringer, 2011). The same issues still are still relevant in the
21
st
century. In 1916, many of the same women who attended the first student affairs
professional meeting formed the National Association of Dean’s Women (NADW) (Banning, et
al., 2000).
The growth of student affairs continued to grow and change, especially after World War
II (WWII), to best serve the needs of a diverse student population. With the passage of the
Serviceman’s Readjustment Act of 1944 (G.I. Bill), higher education enrollment increased by
over 70 percent in 1947 (Olson, 1973) which required a systemic evaluation and overhaul of
student affairs. Veterans were older, more mature, with worldly (literally) experiences. They
20

were often married with families and had different goals than their younger, less mature fellow
students. They wanted classes that would serve practical use after college, such as business,
economics, and engineering. This required an analysis and systemic adjustments of colleges and
universities. It was met with resistance by a few Presidents and Senior Administrators of elite
private universities such as Harvard and Yale, but overall, Veterans were widely accepted at
American public universities (Vacchi & Berger, 2014).
Student affairs had to transform to meet the needs of this diverse population, including
family housing, vocational, or career services assistance, and support services specialized for
Veterans. This required institutions to evaluate how to best support, in the context of the era,
“nontraditional students.” Veterans also increased higher education accessibility for low socio-
economic students, including Black men and women. The result of this was an increased
perception by Americans that a college education was not just for the elite but also for the
average American (Clark, 1998). One way to address these needs was the establishment of
centers within student affairs dedicated to supporting “nontraditional students.” This laid the
foundation for modern era cultural centers that focused on specific needs of student
subpopulations such as veterans, women, and students of color.
Cultural Centers
Student affairs programming adapted again in the 1960’s amid the U.S. Civil Rights
Movement that demanded equity and equality in all American spaces, including higher
education. PWIs realized that it was beneficial to enroll more Black students at their institutions,
but these students correctly demanded not only diversity but a sense of belonging (McCormick,
1990). Black students wanted their culture recognized and integrated into the academic, social,
and administrative functions of their universities (Patton, 2004). Colleges and universities
21

addressed this by creating safe spaces that celebrated Blackness and ensured that students would
have student affairs resources. This gave birth to cultural centers focused on the needs of
students of color, in particular Black students, also known as Black Cultural Centers (BCC),
which focused on monoracial student affairs programming (McCormick, 1990). This proved to
be problematic for BMI students as they were required to become monoracialized if they wanted
an increased sense of racial belonging (Ortiz, 2014). College may have a particularly large effect
on the racial identities of mixed-race students due to the often fluid and contextual nature of their
racial identities (Renn, 2012). For multiracial students, college may strengthen or disrupt existing
identities, with implications for students’ academic and social well-being (Renn & Shang 2008)
Monoracial programming is dedicated to single race student support (Renn, 2012). It
began with PWIs responding to increases of Black student enrollment and these students
demanding equality during the 1960’s Civil Rights Movements. The assassinations of Reverend
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, and student unrest in the late 1960’s generated
greater efforts at PWIs to enroll more Black students (Patton, 2006). These institutions were
tasked with meeting the demands of diverse populations and ensuring that Black students had
places of support and inclusion on college campuses. BCCs were created because most PWIs
were not equipped to meet the needs and demands of a racially diverse student population
(McCormick, 1990).
The State University of New Jersey, at Rutgers, established the first BCC an institution of
higher learning in the United States in 1969 (McCormick, 1990) during civil rights protests.
Black students demanded Rutgers’ administration address their frustration with lack of resources
and support for them. Their common objective was to force PWIs such as Rutgers to
acknowledge racial injustice in the U.S. and implement solutions towards racial equality. This
22

civil rights campaign was different than the 1950’s because it was rooted in the self-reliance,
Black pride, and The Black Power Movement led by The Black Panthers, and individuals such as
Huey Newton, Eldridge Cleaver, Bobby Seale, and Stokley Carmichael. This movement
demanded immediate action and BCCs were one way to address racial deficits at colleges and
universities.
Although the site selected for this study does not have a multicultural or multiracial
cultural center, there are peer universities and institutions that do. These institutions created their
Multiracial Centers with intersectionality in mind and approach the development of support
services not based on a singular monoracial premise, but instead acknowledge that a student’s
identity and respective needs can be diverse (McShay, 2017). For example, the University of
Maryland (2020) has a dedicated cultural center under their student affairs division for
multiracial and biracial students, The Multiracial and Biracial Student Association (MBSA),
which hosts Multiracial Heritage Month each March. Brown University Student Affairs (2020)
hosts a Multiracial Heritage Series in partnership with students, staff, and faculty. The
professional national organization for student affairs professionals, NASPA, has a Multiracial
division of its organization. which was created to raise awareness of Multiracial student support
deficits in higher education and provide a support network for NASPA members who identify
with more than one race and to offer practical knowledge for administrators working with
multiracial students and colleagues (NASPA, 2020). While these Multiracial Centers and
dedicated Multiracial student affairs support are excellent examples of positive progress towards
diversity and inclusion of diverse student populations, there is still a deficit of dedicated student
affairs programming and support across higher education for Multiracial students.
23

Sense of Belonging
Diversity and Inclusion (DI) has been a critical component at colleges and universities for
decades. It has been referred to as affirmative action, race-based quotas, and many other titles,
but the premise is the same and that is to ensure that institutions of higher learning continue to
recruit, matriculate, and graduate students from minoritized populations. The strategy and
implementation universities have used at PWIs to promote a sense of belonging for Black
students and other that has evolved over time. Before there can be a discussion of how the
cultural centers addressed the sense of belonging for Black students, we must define “sense of
belonging.”
The sense of belonging for a student is contextual (Figure 1) and depends on the
environment and how the students relate their experiences to the environment. Students’
expectation of their sense of belonging is predicated on how welcoming the institution is and its
campus climate (Johnson, et al., 2007). Gusfield’s Theory of Sense of Belonging defines this as a
relational perspective, meaning, one’s social experiences will shape one’s definition of
community (Gusfield, 1975). Sense of belonging is based in the traditions of a specific
community; for example, if there are acceptable cultural norms and traditions that define
Blackness, and one meets these ideas and traditions, then one’s sense of belonging may be high.
But if one does not meet these norms, then sense of belonging may be low. Gusfield is clear that
cultures and norms are continuously created and dynamic and members of that community will
determine the traditions and how they are represented (1975). In the context of Black Multiracial
identifying students, their “Blackness,” has been continuously defined for centuries from being
called ‘mulattoes,” to “half breeds,” to “mixed race” which has had a direct impact on their sense
of belonging among monoracial Black people, including at PWIs.
24

Figure 1
The Proposed Three Components of Student Belonging

Intersectionality within this population will also influence a BMI undergraduate student’s
sense of belonging. Intersectionality purports that factors such as race, class, and gender do not
operate as distinct categories of experience but are all experienced together. An example are
women of color, who are marginalized as both females and people of color (Crenshaw, 1991).
For a BMI, this intersectionality includes race and gender, but also may include socioeconomic
class status, religion, and region of residence (identifying as a rural or urban resident; West Coast
or Southern US resident) or national origin. Intersecting identities in BMI students may shape
their relational perspective and sense of belonging. If a BMI student attended a predominantly
White high school or is has a high socio-economic background, she may have a different sense
of belonging benchmark than a BMI individual who attended a predominantly Black high school
or has a low socio-economic status.

25

Sense of belonging is important for all undergraduates, but it is critical for students of
color at PWIs because they experience higher dropout rates and lower graduation rates than their
White counterparts (Fleming, 1995). Figure 1 represents the three components of a student’s
general sense of belonging which are social belonging, academic belonging, and perceived
institutional support (Osterman 2000). This analysis of a student’s sense of belonging
demonstrates that school belonging has been linked not only to a variety of academic outcomes
including school engagement, dropout, but also participation in school activities, and interacting
with others in pro-social ways (Osterman, 2000). Please see Figure 2 for a visual representation
of Osterman’s sense of belonging. The three differentiated measures of student belonging will be
the foundation for the semi-structured qualitative interviews, discussed in Chapter 3 (Osterman,
2000).

26

Figure 2
Osterman’s Sense of Belonging

Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) began as a collaboration of activists and scholars dedicated
to challenging, studying, and transforming the relationship between race, racism, and power
based on five tenets (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). CRT has laid the foundation for many other
identity theories, including Black, White, Asian, Latinx, Indigenous, and Multiracial Identity
theories. The first tenet state that racism is systemic and has been normalized in American
society, which includes higher education, and often excludes the voices of minoritized
27

populations in favor of the White narrative (Crenshaw, et al., 1995). This contributes to the
marginalization of people of color’s experiences. The permanence of systemic racism is the
second tenet of CRT. Racism is built into political, social, and economic power of American
society, therefore marginalized populations will experience racism in every facet of their lives,
including higher education (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 2006). Whiteness as property is the third
tenet of CRT (Patton, et al., 2016). The foundation is slavery with Black people designated as
chattel and White people as their owners. The intersection of race and property established the
hierarchy that allowed racial and economic subordination of African Americans, 400 years ago,
which continues in the 21
st
century (Crenshaw, et al., 1995). The principle of convergence is the
fourth tenet of CRT, which states that the dominant culture will capitulate to the voices and
needs of people of color when there is a benefit to them (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). Civil
Rights legislation, including Affirmative Action initiatives were designed to benefit Black
Americans, but it has been theorized that the largest beneficiaries of racial justice programs have
been White Women. White individuals benefit from a structure that was initially implemented to
offer equal opportunity to people of color, which is why these initiatives have not been
eradicated (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 2006). The last tenet of CRT is that colorblindness is for the
benefit of the dominant culture (Crenshaw, et al., 1995). Colorblindness assuages White guilt but
it is also problematic because it minimizes the experiences of marginalized populations. If one
does not see color, one can easily ignore racism and the benefits that the dominant culture
receives because of it (Harris III & Bensimon, 2007).
28

Racial Identity Development Theories
Nigrescence
William Cross’ theory of becoming Black or “Nigrescence” is a psychosocial identity
development theory rooted in racial identity theory (Patton, et al., 2016). Nigrescence theory
expands upon CRT and Black Identity Theory to explain the process of how one becomes aware
of one’s “Blackness” (Cross, 1991). It is a life span theory based on Black Identity development
consisting of six stages: 1) Infancy and childhood in early Black Identity development; 2)
Preadolescence; 3) Adolescence; 4) Early adulthood; 5) Adult Nigrescence; 6) Nigrescence
Recycling (Cross, 1994). Cross’ original model was modified in 1994 to four stages and three
central concepts, personal identity, reference group orientation and race salience (Patton et al.,
2016). The revised Nigrescence model, particularly the discussion of race saliency has
application to BMI persons (Cross, et al., 1991).
The Nigrescence model begins with Stage One: Infancy and Childhood in Early Black
Identity Development. This stage focuses on family income, traditions, norms, social networks,
including church and school, which contribute to the socialization of a Black child (Cross &
Fhagen-Smith, 2001).
Stage Two is focused on preadolescents and perhaps the most transformative as Black
children began to understand their Blackness (Cross, 1994). This is the first stage where BMI
children begin to understand their Blackness in context of their Multiracial heritage (Cross, et al.,
1991). This stage begins with familial teachings and is fostered through their interactions
outside the home. Black children with low race salience will receive few messages about
Blackness, and no emphasis is placed on their Blackness other than, perhaps their racial features.
Black children who have high race salience are taught to view their Blackness and Black culture
29

as an important foundation to who they are (Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 2001). They are taught that
Blackness is positive. The Black child who is taught internalized racism tend to associate
negative things with Blackness and develop a pattern of “good” versus “bad” when it comes to
Blackness, such as one’s skin color, hair texture, or eye color (Cross, et al., 1994).
Black Multiracial Identifying individuals may have a different Nigrescence adolescent
than monoracial Black children (Cross, et al., 1994). Cross’ original Nigrescence model
theorized that Black adolescent have very little to no Black self-awareness (Cross, 1991). The
updated model purports that Black adolescents do have Black self-awareness with authentication
being the foundation. How this shapes them depends on their salience levels as described in
Sector two (Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 2001). For instance, Black adolescents with low salience
may identify as “American,’ as opposed to “Black or African-American.” Black Multiracial
persons may identity as “Multiracial,” or “American,” or “Other,” as opposed to monoracial or
“Black Multiracial.” As we progress further into the 21
st
century, they may opt to not racially
identify at all. Black adolescents with internalize racism may continue to associate Blackness
with negative characteristics.
Stage Four: Early Adulthood, also described as the emersion stage. According to Cross
this stage is the most sensational aspect of Black Identity development, and in context of this
paper, for undergraduate Black students (Cross, 1991). This stage takes experiences from the
previous three and are the foundation as Black adolescents’ transition to early adulthood,
meaning their undergraduate years. It is during this time that Black young adults begin to either
continue to reinforce their positive or negative beliefs about being Black. They may be
questioned by their peers or others who can shape their adult identity. Black students with low
race salience will continue to see race as nonessential to their success or defeats in the classroom,
30

internships, or through the recruitment process once they have completed their undergraduate
studies. Black Multiracial students may experience low salience as well and remain unchanged in
their beliefs that race has no impact on their self-efficacy throughout their PWI experiences.
Both groups will experience Stage Five, Adult Nigrescence, but may have different outcomes at
the end of this process.
Adult Nigrescence is comprised of four stages: Encounter, Immersion-emersion,
Regression, fixation, and dropping out, and Internalization (Cross, 1991). The encounter stage
occurs when Black individuals experience an experience that questions their understanding of the
racial identity (Cross, 1991). This can be transformational, either positive or negative for a Black
Multiracial student and can be from a Black monoracial experience, such as not being welcomed
at a monoracial cultural center or from a white classmate at their PWI. Immersion-emersion
occurs when a Black student embraces Blackness to the point of adopting a pro-Black or militant
Black identity (Cross, 1991). This could happen to a Black Multiracial individual as she rejects
her multiracial identity and fully embraces her Blackness. But what is more likely to happen is
that the Black Multiracial individual embraces a multicultural perspective where she embraces
all of her racial identities, including her Blackness.
Stage Six is Nigrescence Recycling. This occurs when one’s preexisting belief of one’s
Blackness is questioned (Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 2001). For Black Multiracial persons, this may
happen throughout their life span and is probably not limited to Stage Six of this theory.
Multiracial Identity Theory
Multiracial Identity Theory (MIT) has its foundation in CRT, including Black Identity
Theory. Individuals who identity as multiracial typically reject the monoracial or biracial label,
thus the need for a more inclusive and expanded theory (Ozaki & Renn, 2015). MIT theorizes
31

that there is intersectionality in individuals beyond being the choice of monoracialized Black or
Biracial (Rockquemore, et al. 2009) theorized that BMI persons become aware of their
Multiracial identity during a racialized event, also known as the Nigrescence encounter stage
(2009). MIT is applicable to BMI students in this research study as it relates to their sense of
belonging. The major determinants of students’ identity choices were campus racial
demographics and peer culture (Renn, 2000). If the campus culture encourages intra-racial
intersectionality, then a Multiracial identifying student is more likely to embrace all aspects of
her racial identity as opposed to monoracializing herself, which will increase her sense of
belonging (Ozaki & Renn, 2015).
CRT and Black Multiracial Identifying Students
CRT, Nigrescence, and MIT theories collectively influence Black Multiracial students’
sense of belonging, especially at PWIs. In this study, CRT is a reflection of the campus
environment, which posits that the campus itself is a racialized environment, and all student
experiences occur within the context of race, racism and power. Therefore, Black Multiracial
individuals’ racial identity is influenced by this racialized campus culture. The other two
components of this theoretical framework, Nigrescence and MIT, are more directly related to
how BMI undergraduate students may elect to identify as monoracial Black or Black Multiracial
and how their identities grow and change over time, depending upon their perceived sense of
belonging of each racial identity on the campus. Black Multiracial students must ask “Who am
I?” and most importantly, “Who do I identify with?” There are times when multiracial students
must choose a mono race to identify with, and although there are racial theories related to this
population, there is less peer reviewed Multiracial Identity Theory research compared to Black
Racial Identity Theory. and this can be problematic. This perspective suggests that race is not
32

only restrictive in terms of assignment but is also highly deterministic. The element of choice,
particularly in terms of choosing personal identities, is strictly limited by the social identity of
race (Renn, 2012).
BMI undergraduate students must navigate their “Blackness” when interacting with both
Black monoracial student populations, professors, support staff, and as well as the university
community at large (Rockquemore, et al., 2009). Buffering and code-switching are critical to the
sense of belonging for Black Multiracial students. These are part of Nigrescence recycling and
require nuance and situational awareness. Black Multiracial individuals must know when to be
“Black” and how to be “Black” among Black monoracial populations, with the full
understanding that they may never be fully enveloped into these cultural spaces (Elkins &
Hanke, 2018). This is known as “code-switching.” Code-switching occurs when individuals
choose their styles of communication, both verbal and nonverbal, and identity performance based
on the situation and who is involved (Alvarez Caccamo, 1990).
Code–switching, which is the ability to adapt one’s behavior as a response to a change in
social context between two or more distinct communities (Morton, 2014) is common in most
communities of color, but Black Multiracial identifying students may have more challenges as
they must acknowledge when and where they are accepted as Black or Multiracial or both. They
must understand when their blackness may not be accepted during their tenure at PWIs among
nonblack peers or Professors (Hurtado, et al., 1998).
Cross’ Nigrescence Theory, Critical Race Theory, and Multiracial Identity Theory are
interlinked and applicable to this research because the assumption is that BMI students’ sense of
belonging at a PWI may be impacted by their racial identity. The research questions and semi-
33

structured interview questions are based on these three theories. Please see Figure 3 for a visual
representation of the theories’ relationship to each other.

Figure 3
Sense of Belonging of Black Multiracial Identifying Students

Sense of Belonging of Black Multiracial
Identifying Students
Campus Culture
Critical Race Theory (CRT)
Multiracial Identity
Theory
Nigrescence
34

Conclusion
Diversity and inclusion campus policies tend to focus on recruitment and admissions, but
what happens once the students are on campus? As the population of Multiracial students
increase at colleges and universities, campus administrators must assess the campus culture and
the impact it has on all students, especially minoritized populations. A student’s sense of
belonging or lack of it, will impact retention and graduation rates, but for minoritized
populations the deficit is higher than White students. Black and Latinx students have higher
dropout rates than their White counterparts, at 45.9% and 55%, respectively (Banks & Dobey,
2016). There are support services on campus to support undergraduate students of color, but they
tend to be monoracial. But the traditional approach of assuming that there is no intersectionality
among students of color when creating and implementing monoracial programming does not
reflect a growing multiracial population (Ozaki & Renn, 2015).

35

Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore Black Multiracial identifying
students’ sense of belonging at a Canyon Crest University (CCU; a pseudonym), a large private
PWI university in an urban area on the West Coast of the United States. This setting is important
because it provides a context for racial challenges that are unique to urban environments. CCU
has an undergraduate Black student population of 5.5%, while the community that surrounds the
campus is comprised of 90% Black and Latinx residents. This can be problematic because the
sense of belonging on campus may feel quite different than the environment off campus for
Black Multiracial identifying students.
Individuals who identify as Multiracial has increased by the millions since the United
States struck down miscegenation laws in 1967 with the landmark Supreme Court case Loving v.
Virginia. In 1970, 1% of babies born in the United States were categorized as “Bi-racial or
Multi-racial.” In 2013, that number was 10% (Pew Research Center, 2015). The Pew Research
Center estimates that almost 7% of the population could be considered Multiracial, with a
majority of that group being under 30 years old. The 2020 Census will only be the second U.S.
Census (the 2010 Census was the first) to allow respondents to select more than one racial
identity, therefore there is limited data on Multiracial individuals and these data are 10 years old.
The majority of research focuses on Black Biracial individuals and their experiences
because between 2000 and 2010, the number of White and Black biracial Americans more than
doubled (Pew Research Center, 2015). There is little research on Multiracial individuals, in
particular those who identity as Black Multiracial. It is important to research this population
because they are younger and entering college. There is a deficit in student affairs programming
for Black Multiracial students. Historically, student affairs programming in higher education
36

focused on monoracial Black or African American students with the assumption that Black
Biracial or Black Multiracial students would identity with the single race Black identification
and have a sense of belonging at the campus.
Semi structured interviews were conducted with 10 undergraduate students. This number
is acceptable in both qualitative and mixed methods research (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Qualitative research interviews protect the research from inappropriate generalization and allows
the researcher to recognize the diversity among the participants (Maxwell, 2012). Semi-
structured interviews allowed the researcher to immediately respond to the interviewee with
follow up questions to ensure understanding and clarity. This encouraged the respondent to
discuss his or her personal worldview and how this impacted their sense of belonging. A key
benefit of the semi-structured interview is its focus on the lived experience of the respondent and
allows the researcher to engage with additional theoretically driven questions (Galletta, 2013).
Research Question
The study examined the following research question: How do Black Multiracial
identifying students at Predominantly White Institutions experience sense of belonging, if at all?
Qualitative Approach
A qualitative approach was the best foundation for this study because it utilized
constructivism. The fundamental philosophical assumption upon which all types of qualitative
research are based is the view that reality is constructed by individuals interacting with their
social worlds (Merriam, 2014). This worldview believes that individuals seek understanding of
their environment and develop subjective meanings of their experiences (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). For this study, the researcher collected data from a screening survey for purposeful
sampling. This is called an explanatory sequential design (Maxwell, 2012). This led the
37

researcher to use these results to build the qualitative research in the second phase (Meriam &
Tisdell, 2015). The screening data provided information on the respondents’ sense of belonging
at Canyon Crest University and the qualitative interviews provided further insight on how these
beliefs effected their sense of belonging and shaped their campus experiences. The flexibility and
evolvement of the qualitative process was fundamental to this study and involved dynamic
processes that allowed reflective analysis and appropriate follow up questions.
Site Selection
The site that was chosen for this study was Canyon Crest University (CCU). CCU is a
large, private research university on the West Coast. CCU is located in a large urban metro area
with a population of over 12 million people. The community immediately around CCU is a mix
of Black and Latinx, low-income residents (U.S. Census, 2019).
The total undergraduate population of CCU is 19,500. CCU was intentionally selected
because it is a highly selective institution and is currently ranked #24 by U.S. News and World
Report (U.S. News and World Report, 2020). The racial demographics for CCU make it an ideal
site because it is diverse in the context of a PWI with 29.5% White students, 15% LatinX
students, 18.6% Asian students, and 5.5% Black/African American students (CCU website).
There are approximately 1,072 undergraduates who self-identify as Black or African American.
They will be sent the quantitative survey from CCU campus third parties.
There are six Canyon Crest University Student Affairs Cultural Centers with dedicated
university resources: Asian Pacific American Student Services, The Black Student League
(BSL), LA CASA for Latinx Communities, LGBT Resource Center, First Gen [First Generation
College Students] Plus Success Center, and International Services. There is not a dedicated
38

Multicultural or Multiracial cultural center, which can be problematic for Black Multiracial
identifying students as they may self monoracialize themselves in order to utilize BCC.
Sampling
Purposeful sampling is defined as a strategy where particular settings, persons, or
activities are selected deliberately to provide information that is particularly relevant to your
questions and goals, and that cannot be obtained as well from other choices (Maxwell, 2013). A
survey was sent to approximately 1,072 Black and African American identifying undergraduate
students, by a campus third party. Traditionally aged undergraduate students were selected for
this study because the researcher believed stages one through four of the Nigrescence cycle
would be most relevant to the study question.
The researcher utilized campus partners such as The Black Student Union (BSU) and The
Black Alumni Association (BAA). BSU had the contact information for all Black and African
American self-identifying undergraduate students at CCU. BAA has a robust undergraduate
mentor program that pairs Black and African American students with BAA alumni, thus BAA
has contact information for all Black and African American students who have elected to opt into
the mentor/mentee program. To capture responses of Black Multiracial undergraduate students,
a screening survey was sent, and the responses were assessed to yield a sample for in person,
semi-structured interviews. These students were CCU undergraduate students in different majors
and included both U.S. domestic and international students. Using a purposeful sampling
approach, respondents to the survey were selected for the interview based on their screening
survey responses, including racial demographics, socio-economic background, family
educational history, year in school, and their use of campus resources. The final sample included
students reflecting a range of these demographic characteristics.
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This mixed methods study included 10 semi-structured interviews of Black Multiracial
identifying undergraduate students. This sample size is within the accepted number of interviews
for a mixed methods study. The goal of mixed methods research is to conduct interviews until
saturation is achieved (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Saturation is achieved once new information
has been gathered by the researcher (Charmaz, 2006) and generally occurs with 10-15
interviews.
Instrumentation
A screening survey using the Qualtrics system was sent to approximately 1,072
undergraduate students who identified as Black or African American at CCU. The current
undergraduate student population is 19,500 with 5.5% who identify as Black or African
American, which equals 1,072 undergraduate students. The survey consisted of 15 background
and demographic questions related to a sense of belonging at a PWI.
The purpose of the initial screening survey was to identify students who would be
qualified willing participants in a face-to-face semi-structured interview. Moreover, when
constructing the semi-structured interview protocol, research questions and theoretical
frameworks, including Black Identity Theory, Multiracial Theory, and Nigrescence Theory will
were the foundations for the interview questions.
Data Collection
Approval from the university Institutional Review Board (IRB), per institutional
requirements, was required prior to data collection. Once IRB approval was granted, a screening
survey was distributed via e-mail to over 1,072 undergraduate students who identified as Black
or African-American by CCU campus third parties, including the Black Student League and The
African-American Alumni Association Undergraduate Mentorship Program.
40

The instructions on the survey indicated that there was no obligation for the students to
participate and it would not negatively impact their undergraduate standing if they declined to
participate. Survey respondents remained anonymous unless they consent to disclose their
personal information for correspondence with the researcher for the follow up qualitative
interviews.
To ensure the reliability, effectiveness, and validity of this data collection method,
qualifying questions were asked on the screening survey including their year in school to ensure
that prospective participants were undergraduate students. The screening survey asked the
student’s major to ensure a variety of programs of study. Respondents were asked how they
racially self-identified. Please see Appendix B of this study for the screening survey. There were
prepopulated racial categories that they could select from. Participants were able to select more
than one category or write in their own responses.
Respondents who met the qualifying criteria including those who identified as
“Multiracial,” or “African-American and Multiracial,” or “Black and Multiracial,” or “Black
Multiracial,” or “Other,” and agreed to correspondence with the researcher, were contacted for a
brief telephone or e-mail interview to further determine their eligibility for the semi-structured
interview. During this phone call, the researcher ensured that the respondents quantitative survey
was accurate. Survey respondents who met the qualifying parameters for this research were
invited to participate in a 90 minute in-person, semi-structured recorded interview.
All semi-structured interviews consisted of the of questions focused on the student’s
experiences at CCU based on their Black Multiracial identity. The questions included their
experiences with campus culture, campus climate, Professors, fellow students, and their
experiences at affinity cultural centers. These interviews followed the same protocol to ensure
41

continuity in all interviews. It was critical for the researcher to frame interview questions in
terms of the specific setting of the PWI to protect from generalization of all PWIs, recognized
the diversity among the participants in the study, and acknowledged the contexts of the
participants’ experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
With participant approval, these interviews were recorded. Those who do not agree to be
recorded, were not included in the research study. Recorded interviews ensured the researcher
accurately collected participant responses and allowed the researcher to be fully engaged with
each participant and ask thoughtful follow up questions. All interviews began with the questions
are listed in Appendix C.
Participants were asked follow up questions to ensure the researcher fully understood the
students’ responses. Follow up questions included experience and behavior questions, to
understand the participants sense of belonging at CCU; opinion and value questions so the
researcher could best understand the participants’ cultural values; feeling questions to best
understand how the students’ sense of belonging had or had not been impacted; and sensory
questions, to elicit specific data regarding their experiences at CCU (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
The researcher took some notes during the interviews to allow for follow up questions, but this
did not detract from maximum engagement with participants. The recorded interviews were
transcribed utilizing a professional transcription service to ensure accuracy.
Data Analysis
For the purpose of this study, Critical Race Theory, Nigrescence Theory, and Multiracial
Identity Theory guided this qualitative analysis centered on exploring the sense of belonging of
Black Multiracial identifying students at a PWI.
42

In examining the data, the researcher created a qualitative codebook. Based on Grounded
Theory, the following steps were implemented to analyze the data: Open Coding, Axial Coding,
and Selective Coding (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). These data are in the appendix of this
research paper. The initial step was open coding. This process included examining the data
collected and creating codes from a cursory perspective. This ensured the data was authentic as
possible and reflected the true meaning of the participants’ responses. The Axial coding process
was utilized to create larger themes from the initial open codes (Strauss & Corbin, 1997). Lastly,
Selective Coding was used to translate Axial Codes into larger themes in an effort to narrow the
focus and make meaning of the narratives given by the participants (Glaser & Strauss, 2017).
Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness refers to whether one can draw meaningful and useful inferences from
scores on particular instruments (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). In an explanatory sequential
mixed methods approach, additional trustworthiness concerns may arise therefore, it is important
for the researcher to consider all of the quantitative data before moving to phase two, conducting
the qualitative portion of the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The researcher established the
validity of the quantitative responses, analyzed them, and determined the relationship to the
qualitative data.
Upon completion of the qualitative coding process, it is important to again, assess
internal validity. The researcher utilized a checklist to help gather rich data, respondent
validation, intervention, searching for discrepant evidence and negative cases to minimize the
threat to validity (Maxwell, 2012). One method for increasing trustworthiness was member
checking, during the qualitative interviews. Member checking allowed the researcher to solicit
43

participant feedback, clarification and ensure the researcher’s biases did not misinterpret
participants’ responses by asking follow up questions (Maxwell, 2012).
Reliability
As in all research, reliability is a critical premise in constructing a study. Regardless of
the type of research, reliability is a concern that can be best addressed through careful and
thoughtful attention to a study’s conceptualizing, the way the data are collected, analyzed, and
interpreted and the way that they are presented (Merriman & Tisdell, 2014). For this mixed
methods study, the researcher utilized the following criteria for reliability: be a worthy and
sincere topic, be transparent, it will resonate with a variety of audiences, including students,
Faculty, and Senior Administrators of PWI institutions, make a significant contribution to the
area of Black Multiracial research, be ethical, and make meaningful interconnections between
the literature, research, questions findings, and interpretations of the data (Tracy, 2019). In
addition, the researcher utilized additional criteria to ensure reliability, such as implementing a
scientific approach via the quantitative survey and participatory semi-structured interviews
(Patton, 2015).
Ethics
From the initial research proposal to the finished study, ethics are critical. Researchers
should anticipate that ethical challenges may arise but can implement strategies that can mitigate
issues. In the study, the researcher was guided by a code of ethics that has been drafted by the
professional associations that govern academic research (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). This study
did require USC IRB approval prior to any quantitative and qualitative data collection. The
researcher also followed Federal Education and Rights Privacy Acts (FERPA) rules that govern
Title IV institutions of higher learning, including maintaining privacy of all participants. The
44

researcher disclosed the purpose of this study in the introduction of the screening survey to
ensure that all prospective respondents understood why and how their responses were collected
and used for purposes of research.
The confidentiality of all participants was maintained beginning with the screening
survey. Student responses were stored on a secured, password protected USC server. Although
qualitative interviews were recorded, they were securely stored on a password duo authenticated
computer that only the researcher had access to. The researcher’s interview notes and codebook
were stored in a secure location and no personal student identifying information was recorded in
the researcher’s data journal.
Role of Researcher
The role of the researcher is to be the primary instrument of research and ensure that the
study has validity and is trustworthy (Maxwell, 2012). Bias is a threat to trustworthiness and
validity in research and is defined as, certain worldviews or beliefs that the researcher may bring
to the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). I identified my personal values, biases, and
assumptions at the outset of the study, as these characteristics could have shaped my
interpretations formed during the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). For example, I identify as a
Black Multiracial woman and I attended CCU, 25 years ago. My own world view and
assumptions of what it means to be a Black and Black Multiracial undergraduate student at CCU,
could have led to assumptions and biases. Although every effort was made to ensure objectivity,
these biases may shape the way I view and understand the data I collected and how I will
interpret them. I did my best to ensure that my experiences as a Black Multiracial CCU alumnus
did impact this study, the qualitative interviews, and the research results.
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Conclusion
This chapter details the purpose of the study and why it is important to discuss Black
Multiracial identifying students’ sense of belonging at a PWI. There are opportunities for further
research dedicated to this specific population in higher education. This study is important
because institutions of higher learning have student affairs deficits for Black Multiracial
identifying students. “Research is, after all, producing knowledge about the world – in our case,
the world of educational practice” (Merriam, 2014).
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Chapter Four: Presentation of Data and Themes
This chapter will focus on the presentation of the data, emergent themes and analysis
drawing on in-person interviews. CCU was a large private, 4-year institution in a major urban
area. The site was selected for this study because it is a Predominantly White Institution (PWI) in
an urban and diverse location. The relationship between the area surrounding CCU and the
students who attend the school was mentioned in every student qualitative interview. This is
important because the campus culture was often in direct opposition with the surrounding area,
comprised mostly of Black and Latinx, low-income populations. The location of CCU did impact
the students’ sense of belonging and made them very aware of their racial identity in comparison
with the student population and the surrounding areas.
Participant Overview
The purpose of this study was to better understand the experiences of Black Multiracial
identifying undergraduate students and their sense of belonging at a PWI, if any. This study
began with the exploration of the sense of belonging of this undergraduate student population
and its influence on retention and graduation rates, but as the study commenced, the researcher
learned that there were additional entities that impacted the BMI identifying students sense of
belonging beyond the assumption of academics and university support. This included
interactions and relationships with faculty, staff, and students, campus culture, and their own
racial perceptions and most importantly how they were perceived by monoracial Black students.
The researcher also learned that there are ethnic, socio-economic status, and other
intersectionality nuiances that imapacted the participants sense of belonging. These will be
discussed in the themes section of this study.

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Survey Responses
A screening survey was sent to CCU Campus partners including the Black Cultural
Center and the Black Alumni Association. 82 responses were recorded via Qualtrics. Of the
students who responded, 25 agreed to be interviewed. After disaggregating the data, only 13 met
the participants criteria in that they were Black Multiracial identifying students who attended the
study site. Ten participant interviews were conducted via Zoom with Black Multiracial
identifying undergraduate students at CCU. Five were from the West Coast, one from the East
Coast, two from the Southwest, one from the Mid-Atlantic region, and one from the Pacific
Northwest. Five were female and five were male; three students were First Years, four
Sophomores, two Juniors, and one Senior. There was diversity in academic discipline as well;
four business majors, one dance major, one architecture major, one English major with a minor
in creative writing, one human biology major, one dual degree major in engineering and
business, and one double major in business and visual arts. Three of the ten participants
identified as first-generation college undergraduate students.
This study focused on Black Multiracial identifying students, but also acknowledged the
intersection of race with other aspects of students’ identities. Although all students identified as
Black Multiracial, how their racial and ethnic identities connected with gender identity, sexual
orientation, geo-market, and socio-economic background was critical to this study and impacted
their worldview and sense of belonging at CCU. As the findings are presented, the diversity in
the participants shaped their respective sense of belonging.

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Table 1
Study Participants (pseudoynms were used)
Name Major Year in School Home Region Self Racial Identity
Phoebe English First Year Pacific Northwest Black, White
Peter Dual Degree First Year Southwest Black, White
Ashley Business First Year West Coast Black, White
Thomas Business Sophomore Mid Atlantic Black, White, Asian
Daniel Dance Sophomore Southwest Black, White, Asian
Emerson Business Sophomore West Coast Black, White
Taylor Architecture Sophomore East Coast Black, Latina
William Business Junior West Coast Black, White
Jennifer Biology Senior West Coast Black, Asian
Alex Business Junior West Coast Black, Latinx,
Indigenous

Theme #1: Racial Identity Salience
Racial Identity Salience (RIS) is a developmental theory concerning ways in which
people are tied into social structure and the consequences of these ties for their identities,
(Transue, 2007). This theory asserts a link between identity salience and behaviors tied to roles
underlying the identities, (Serpe & Stryker 1987). RIS is a branch of Identity Theory, which is
part of Critical Race Theory (CRT). RIS was applicable to participants in this study in the lens of
Critical Race Theory and Multiracial Identity Theory (MIT). There are social and cultural norms
that are associated with RIS, and if members can identify and execute these expectations, they
are accepted by the group, (Serpe &Stryker, 1987).
In this study, the participants discussed their racial saliency through their experiences
with their peers. They had already processed the steps of Cross’ Nigrescence before they
matriculated to CCU. They were all aware of their racial identity from an early age because they
49

grew up thinking about it. Their appearance, including skin tone and hair was different than their
monoracial peers, or from their family members. Daniel reported his Nigrescence process began
when he was in high school. He attended a predominantly white high school in the Southwest
and had solidified his Black identity before he arrived at CCU. He said that he thought that his
self-identity as a Black man was solidified but when he arrived at CCU, his Nigrescence cycle
returned to Stage 4, Early Adulthood (Cross, 1991), and he once again questioned if he was
“Black enough.” It impacted his sense of belonging and Daniel considered leaving CCU because
he did not want to have to prove his Blackness to his peers once again. He said that if he went
back to his hometown and attended the local university, he would be back in a community that
already knew he was Black Multiracial, and although he was not fully accepted by monoracial
Blacks nor Asians, at least he wouldn’t have the emotional turmoil of having to answer questions
about his racial identity. Taylor echoed similar experiences as Daniel in her interview regarding
her Nigrescence process:
I went on my whole journey of like, what, what is blackness mean to me? And I think, by
the time I came to CCU I was in a place where I was, like, comfortably accepted, in a
comfortable place of acceptance of like, who I thought I was, in terms of my racial
identity, then I get to CCU, and I'm around a lot of black people and I have to figure out
what is what is my relationship with blackness? And what does that mean to me? I'm a
black identifying person.
As participants demonstrated, there is additional intersectionality in MIT, which could
lead to additional subcategories in MIT. MIT was applicable to BMI students in this research
study as it related to their sense of belonging, including their self-identity, but as this research
discovered, it included the external racial perceptions of them by others.
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Self-Identity
Self-identity was a universal theme is every single student interview conducted by the
Researcher. This was not surprising as the screening interview criteria were based on how a
student self identifies, but in every qualitative interview, the student discussed his or her racial
identity before the Researcher could ask the student a self-identity question. Angelina, who
identified as a Black Multiracial woman and grew up in the community surrounding CCU, had
always identified as a Black woman. She said growing up in the community around CCU had a
direct impact on her self-identity. She said it felt safer to identify as a Black woman, “I'm a black
woman. I'm comfortable saying I'm a mixed woman and comfortable saying I'm biracial. I'm not
comfortable saying that I am an Asian woman. I am a Blasian person.”
Other participants were very clear on their self-identity and did not have express their
Nigrescence cycle. Peter, a First-Year student who attended a predominantly White high school
in the Southwest said, “Black? That's normally what I say. If I get technical, I'm like, Afro
Caribbean, but I don’t spend too much time on my race. It’s not that serious.” Emerson
expressed similar sentiments, “I could either say I'm half black, I'm half white. Or I could say I'm
half Haitian, I'm half Italian. So, the majority of the time I do say I'm half white and half black.”
Taylor, a Sophomore from the East Coast was very direct,” I self-identify as black and
Peruvian,”
Theme #2: Choice of Identities Influences Sense of Belonging
Race is a fluid and constructed concept. Individuals must understand the three
dimensions in which racial identity is distinguished: internal racial identity, external racial
identity, and expressed racial identity. Internal racial identity is what individuals personally
claim as their race independent of external factors, (Harris & Sim, 2000). External racial identity
51

is what observers perceive as the individual’s race. Lastly, expressed racial identity is how
individuals articulate their racial identity to the society (Harris & Sim, 2000). Every participant
mentioned an interaction where they were asked to self-identify or as Emerson stated, “The
dreaded, ‘What are you?’” question. This was also a common theme in the interviews. Students’
responses to the “what are you question?” varied depending upon who asked them the question.
Emerson stated, “It depends on who is asking me the question and what their intention is,”
meaning it depended if the person asking was Black or white. How the person asked the question
was very important to the respondents. Jennifer stated,
I typically give the person the benefit of the doubt when they ask me…if they are
genuinely curious then I will not take offense, but if there appears to be a hidden
meaning, then I respond, ‘a human being.’ Depending upon how the person asked the
student to self-identify, depended upon whether the student viewed it as a
microaggression or not.
Ashley recalls an experience at her CCU campus job, and a co-worker was not sure of her
racial background. She said,
I get it a lot. You know, I'm pretty [racially] ambiguous. I had met somebody for the first
time, and I was wearing a mask. They said, ‘Take off your mask for a second, I want to
see like what you look like… oh, I thought you're Asian. But I should have looked at the
hair.
The participants in this study continuously relied on their own perceptions of how they
were identified by monoracial Black students. Some of the participants said that impacted their
sense of belonging, especially among Black monoracial students. Daniel mentioned this during
52

his interview and his RIS experience when he first began at CCU. Daniel self-identified as BMI
but that was not necessarily how he was perceived:
I get to CCU, and I'm around a lot of Black people who, like, I haven't been around for,
the majority of my life, like black people especially look at me in a way that's like, ‘I'm
not quite sure what's going on here.’ But they were like, ‘okay, so you're only a quarter
black, though, but he looks black enough. Like he's got the hair, he looks dark enough.’
But like, I always feel like such an intense like identity with people who are also like
mixed race, because in many ways, it's like, our experience is something that I think
every person I've talked to, you know, it's always the, what are you?
Daniel reported that he was eventually accepted by most monoracial Black students,
because once he was accepted as a Black person, others in the monoracial group accepted his
Blackness, but it took time. Daniel said it was a draining and emotional process that he wasn’t
prepared for as a new student at CCU. The filtering of identity standards through perceptions
relevant to oneself is why identity and identity salience cannot always be inferred from social
interactions. When BMI students, such as Daniel succeed in doing so, their self-structures are
reinforced, but when they are not, their identity salience can be fluid.
All study participants mentioned that they consciously or subconsciously adjusted their
“Blackness,” depending upon their current social situation. If their Black identity was accepted
in their respective peer setting, they would repeat similar behaviors with hopes that their racial
identity would be accepted. If it was not, they would adjust their “Blackness” until it was
accepted. When the participants were asked what that meant, William said, “I think the only way
I would be able to know that is just based off of reading how they talk to me, how they interact
with me and stuff like that. Then I’ll know if they think I’m Black enough or not.”
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Emerging themes throughout the interviews was that CCU campus culture was critical in
establishing BMI students’ sense of belonging. Campus culture was not considered a major a
priori code for this research, but it became a major emerging theme in every student interview.
This is important because if the campus culture encourages intra-racial intersectionality, then a
Multiracial identifying student is more likely to embrace all aspects of her racial identity as
opposed to monoracializing herself, which will increase her sense of belonging (Ozaki & Renn,
2015). This did not appear to be the universal sentiment of the participants, when engaging with
white students, but it was of particular concern and in some cases deep anxiety, when BMI
students engaged with their Black monoracial identifying students. This is exemplified by
Gusfield’s sense of belonging as the participants felt that they were not always welcomed by the
monoracial Black community at CCU. They wanted to feel as if they belonged, but all
participants said that their self-identity was often questioned by monoracial Black students. This
was quite problematic especially when some participants elected to visit CCU Cultural Centers.
Cultural Centers
Cultural Centers are quite common at institutions of higher learning. They are designed
as spaces for students of color to utilize campus support and interact with other students along
their racial group. CCU has a Black Cultural Center (BCC) in its student union that is managed
by The Office of Student Affairs. The creation of Culture Centers is founded on the Common
Ingroup Identity Model (CIIM), capitalized on the proposed positive consequences of ingroup
membership, (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000).
Studying multiracial individuals reveals flexibility in social identities and categorization that is
not always apparent when researchers study monoracial individuals who fit more easily within
one group. Furthermore, even when these students do choose to affiliate with monoracial student
54

cultures, they are often rejected if they express their multiracial heritage (Renn, 19970. The
communities of like-others that support the development of many students of color are not
generally available to multiracial students (Williams, et al., 1996). This was the experiences of
the participants in this study. Thomas shared how he felt the first time he visited the CCU BCC,
I was very nervous about what people thought of me and how I wanted to present myself,
but almost everyone was nice, but they did ask a lot of questions about my racial
background, because I clearly looked mixed with Black and something else, but
eventually I was accepted as Black enough.
Phoebe, a First-Year student, described her first experience when she visited the CCU
BCC during Freshman Welcome Week. It was not a positive experience for her and it deeply
impacted her sense of belonging in that setting. She has not visited the BCC since,
There was a group discussion on if [Black] people like date outside of their race? Most
people there said, ‘No.’ And I was like, I wouldn't be here if my parents had dated within
their own race. So, combined with like, not knowing anyone, and then like that question
coming back, again, and again. That was not great for me. And it was uncomfortable, and
I never went back.
Taylor mentioned the intersectionality of being Black and Latina, when she visited the
BCC and the Latinx Culture Centers (LCC) at CCU,
But I think by the time I got to CCU; I was a lot more like cemented in my identity. So, I
didn't feel any type of way about it. But I noticed that even when I went to like LCC
events. They didn’t say anything about me, but I did get some glances, as if I wasn’t
‘Latina,’ enough. Almost like racism, which is crazy, because there are Afro-Latinas! I
never went back.
55

Only one participant, Peter, specifically mentioned the CCU BBC, as part of his reason for
accepting his admission to CCU. He visited the center during a scholarship visit and stated that
his racial identity as a Black student was solidified during his BBC tour. He saw students that
looked like him and were representing Black academic excellence:
I really, really liked the, the vibe of the room. And says very, like I felt at home
already. It was super, super hospitable with a bunch of Black dudes. It was really
That's probably what actually made my decision to come to CCU. The community [at
the BCC].
One participant mentioned that her visit to the CCU BCC was a negative experience and
deeply impacted her sense of belonging. There was an activity discussing interracial
relationships and marriage and how they were potentially destroying Black families. Phoebe
said,
Should [Black] people date outside of their race? Should [Black] women only date Black
men? I was like, oh, like, I wouldn't be here if my parents like, had had dated within their
own race. So, combined with like, not knowing anyone…that was not great for me. I
don't know if they were starting an initiative or to see how people felt about it. But I do
remember, there was like, one negative thing about multiracial identity.
Taylor had a similar experience, “When I go to Black Student Assembly meetings, I'm most just
a little bit nervous. I wish there was a multiracial cultural center. I would sleep there!”
Theme #3: BMI Students’ Sense of Belonging Is Impacted Beyond Their Racial Identity
Intersectionality within this population was prevalent in the respondents’ responses and
their experiences at CCU. Intersectionality purports that factors such as race, class, and gender
do not operate as distinct categories of experience but are all experienced together. (Crenshaw,
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1991). In this study, intersectionality includes race, gender, socioeconomic class status, religion,
and region of residence such as identifying as a rural or urban resident, West Coast or Southern
US resident or national origin. Intersecting identities for BMI students shaped their campus
experiences and sense of belonging at CCU, beyond their racial identity.
Angelina said CCU being a wealthy PWI was of particular concern for her parents
because they were concerned that she would not be accepted because of her race and socio-
economic status, “It's a rich PWI. The wealth differences are still kind of shocking sometimes.”
Alex also expressed his deep concerns about attending CCU as a person of color from a middle-
class background,”
One participant, Thomas, who is from an affluent background, said that the
intersectionality of his race and socio-economic background has impacted his relationships with
monoracial Black students. Because he clearly looks Multiracial and comes from a privileged
background, he said he has to be even more cautious,
But the whole fact of it's a rich white people school, the tuition confirms that, right? I've
always been in private schools where it was at least 80% White people. I didn’t have to
think about it as much because everyone knew me, but then I came to CCU, and my
Blackness was questioned. I am mixed and rich, so people thought I wasn’t
‘really”’Black. It was hard the first year at CCU, but it got better.
Nine of the participants were not members of Greek Life, but they all shared their
experiences with historically White sorority and fraternity members and CCU. Jennifer said her
experience with a Predominantly White sorority was not positive because of her racial identity
and socio-economic level:
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The socio-economic differences were just really stark, and I just feel like I could never
relate to them on a deeper level. You have to be white, conventionally attractive, and you
have to be rich, because when you rush, a lot of the houses will check for your home
address on Zillow. And if your house isn't up to par, they probably won't take you in. You
have to be rich, not just for the status, but because you actually have to buy a lot of
things, you have to pay dues, you have to wear new clothes all the time. I [eventually]
quit. It's so different than what I grew up with.
Alex consistently referred to CCU Greek life throughout his interview. He is a transfer
student from the West Coast and was in a fraternity at his first-year university before coming to
CCU. He considered joining the CCU Chapter of his fraternity because he liked the members and
they accepted him as a fraternity brother, but the cost of dues alone prevented him from doing so:
Even though they're nice and like superficially nice, but they have a lot of money too.
They're very secretive, very exclusive. They'll be talking about some stuff, and I just can't
relate. People go to Nobu [an exclusive restaurant in Malibu, CA] like it’s Popeye’s [a
fast-food chicken restaurant] and I can’t afford that.
Emerson had a different experience with Greek life. She is a current member of a
Predominantly white sorority and will be living in the sorority house next academic year.
Emerson is from an affluent family in Southern California and has many high school friends who
attend CCU. She said that her belonging was never questioned by the members of her sorority.
Emerson mentioned that her race was never a factor in her sense of belonging in CCU’s Greek
system because most of the students, regardless of racial identity, tend to come from similar
socio-economic levels. She said the sorority membership was really based on shared cultural
values, irrespective of race:
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I feel like me joining the sorority that I'm in right now definitely helped me feel more part
of the school, and especially with COVID, because we're still having virtual events. It
just made me feel like more of a student and a part of the USC community. I wanted to
feel more of a sense of community and belonging beyond school. I think there's a lot of
opportunities for people to meet within sororities. I love the girls so much! There's more
like a push to be more accepting at CCU. Each sorority now has a DEI [Diversity, Equity,
and Inclusion] executive, which I thought was amazing. I feel like a lot of the sororities
have made an apparent push for diversity. There are now scholarships to help pay for
dues.
First Generation
A First-Generation college student is the first in their family to go to college. These
students typically have a plethora of university support. At CCU there is a First-Generation
support center that has programming and support services to help assist this population with
navigating the university. The attrition rate for First Generation students is typically higher than
those that are not. They often feel lost or isolated and don’t know what they don’t know. Many
suffer from “imposter syndrome.” The participants in this study are no different and the impact
of being a First-Generation student and a BMI student contributed to the lack of sense of
belonging.
Angelina, who grew up less than a mile from CCU expressed her feelings of isolation
during her first semester at the university:
I was in like my general education classes thinking, I don't know what is going on here
and all the people seemed to know what's going on. It scared me a little bit. I ended up
joining a support group for First Gen students. I realized that there are a lot of people like
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me, that are in the same situation where they're kind of shocked to be here, and they don't
really feel like they belong, even though we obviously do. That definitely helps me feel
more comfortable on campus. As I've, connected more with the First Gen community,
I’ve definitely found my sense of belonging to campus.
During his interview Alex shared what it was like being a working class, BMI First-
Generation College student at a wealthy PWI,
When I go to First Gen things, imposter syndrome is a big thing. Through the first-
generation mentorship program [at CCU], one of my mentors understands what it’s like
because he was First Gen. He kind of guided me through,
Alex reported that his relationships with his housemates has helped increase his
sense of belonging at CCU. He said that his housemate is a member of CCU Greek life,
but she is different because she is kind and empathetic to him. When asked if he has
interacted with housemate’s sorority sisters, he said, “Yes, and they were awful. Not to
my face, but they had that polite racism where they were kind of curious about my life
and how I got to [CCU], as First-Generation BMI student. Alex reiterated that his
housemate was different than her sorority sisters and their friendship was important to
him:
My roommate is really nice. She’s in a sorority, one of the richest on The Row. She's
probably one of the richest people I've met. She told us she's new money. She said her
dad, made it like maybe like, five, six years ago, so she said she kind of understands what
it’s like to be middle class. She's not as entitled as like a lot of the kids here.
The intersectionality of the participants in this study reflected that their sense of
belonging is not entirely based on their Black Multiracial identity. It is impacted on their socio-
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economic status and how that allows or restricts them from similar opportunities as their White
peers and how this is viewed by low or middle income monoracial Black students. Future
research could examine intersectionality of BMI students and their sense of belonging and
explore different variables, including socio-economic status, First-Generation, and U.S. geo-
region.
Conclusion
Understanding the sense of belonging of the Black Multiracial students who participated
in this study sense of belonging was a complex process. This population was not homogenous in
their experiences at CCU. They all felt ostracized at one point or another because of their race
but other factors such as socio-economic status, First Generation, sexual orientation, and major
all contributed to their CCU campus experiences. All the participants felt that they are
participating in a delicate balance of proving their Blackness to their monoracial Black
classmates who often viewed them as not quite belonging or with their White classmates, who
automatically assumed they were Black and just lumped them together with other Black students,
while often casually ignoring the complexity of their identities.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
The 2020 United States Census was the first to allow for respondents to select more than
one race, and the multiracial population is now one of the fastest growing racial groups in the
United States (U.S. Census, 2012d). Sixty three percent of Americans who identify as Black
Multiracial are part of Generation Z, with the median age being 16 years old, compared with
23% of Generation Z, who identify as single designation Black (Pew Research Center, 2021).
To put these data in perspective, about 800,000 people identified as “Black and Other,” in the
2010 census, compared to the 5.8 million people who self-identified as Black Multiracial in the
2020 census. That is a growth of 88.7 percent (Pew Research Center, 2021). With the Black
Multiracial identifying population growing at a fast pace and with most of these individuals
under age 18, there is a need for colleges and university to acknowledge the intersectionality
among Black students. This means understanding and acknowledging that the current model of
student affairs programming for monoracial Black students is antiquated. It should be more
inclusive and reflect intradiversity among Black undergraduate students.
The participants in this study self-identified as Black and Latinx, Black and Asian or
Black and White. Each participant had distinctive campus experiences and interactions based on
their racial identity that could not be supported with the current monoracial student affairs
model. The lack of research on Black Multiracial identifying students and has led to a deficit of
understanding how to support these students within institutions of higher education. This study
may inspire those in senior Leadership at CCU (and other institutions of higher learning) to
acknowledge the lack of support for Black Multiracial Identifying students and commit to
institutional change that reflects the support of this student population.
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Study Context
This study was conducted in 2021 during two worldwide phenomena, the Covid-19
pandemic, and the summer of social justice with the prominence of Black Lives Matter (BLM).
Both of these phenomena impacted people around the world, including the participants in this
study. They shaped the students’ worldview, and this is reflected in the participants’ study
responses.
BLM was founded in 2013, in Los Angeles as a direct response to the murder of Trayvon
Martin Florida. BLM’s mission is to eradicate white supremacy and create and nurture safer
spaces for Black people (BLM website, 2021). The 2020 Summer of social justice catapulted
BLM into the forefront of the anti-black racism movement after the murder of George Floyd in
Minneapolis. Millions of people around the world protested the murder of George Floyd and
countless other Black people allegedly killed by various law enforcement agencies. These
protests sparked political and social debates on race and anti-Black racism from the police and
other law enforcement entities and forced others to examine their role in anti-Black racism and
the impact it had on perpetuating racism.
The Covid-19 pandemic exploded in early 2020 and caused the shutdowns of schools,
business, and communities around the world. At the time of this study, 35.1 million Americans
contracted Covid-19 and 610,000 Americans have lost their lives due to complications from the
virus (National Institute of Health, 2021). Millions of Americans were issued government
mandated stay at home orders and were required to wear facial coverings if they went out in
public. Private and public businesses had to pivot to adhere to public safety and social distancing
protocols. In most states, K-12 public schools and most institutions of higher learning, both
public and private institutions of higher learning were closed for in-person learning, and
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instruction was moved online This included CCU, which pivoted in March 2020 to online or
asynchronous learning and as of this study, remains closed for in person education. This
impacted this study as none of the participants interviews were conducted in-person. Some of
the participants acknowledged that online and asynchronous classes contributed to their sense of
belonging at CCU. They responded that they were not able to fully engage in CCU campus
culture, therefore their perception of sense of belonging could not be clearly assessed in
comparison to a CCU student who had an in person learning experience. This perspective is
particularly impactful for the Freshmen and Sophomore (at the time of the study) participants
who did not have the opportunity to attend in person classes at CCU.
The second worldwide phenomenon was the summer of 2020 racial justice. The Black
Lives Matter (BLM) Movement, which began in California in 2013 as a response to the murder
of Trayvon Martin (BLM website, 2021). The BLM movement ignited a worldwide phenomenon
during the summer of 2020 as a social justice response to the murder of George Floyd by a White
police officer in Minneapolis, Minnesota. There were large public marches and demonstrations
that demanded police and criminal justice reform, equity in education, and demands for
nomenclature in public and private spaces. Although, CCU did not have in person classes, there
was a very large social media presence that demanded social justice, removal or renaming of
spaces that some deemed as racially insensitive. Every student participant in this study
referenced BLM as something that impacted their lives and influenced sense of belonging at
CCU. They all mentioned that yes, they identify as a Black person, but the challenge was that
because of their multiracial intersectionality, the BLM movement also impacted their sense of
belonging within monoracial BLM movements. Participants understood social justice and the
negative impact of racial injustices, but if they fully engaged, then they felt they literally had to
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reject other aspects of their racial identity, especially if one parent was White. The monoracial
identity models do not effectively address the needs of mixed-race students, who cannot entirely
immerse themselves in one of their component cultures without putting aside, at least for that
time, other aspects of their heritage (Kich, 1992; Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995; Poston, 1990). A
pilot study (Renn, 1997) showed that mixed-race students at one college faced the paradox of
acknowledging the social construction of race, while also acknowledging the need to create and
maintain a self-identified multiracial community on campus. This theory was confirmed by
participants in the interviews. BMI students knew they lived in a racialized society, but they
simultaneously rejected monoracial Blackness as their only identity, while working to increase
their sense of belonging in a campus culture that did not continuously embrace their multiracial
identity race as valid.
Discussion
This study presents several important findings and take-aways that can be the foundation
for future research. There four most prevalent themes that impacted the participants’ sense of
belonging were campus culture, relationships, participant self-identity and external racial
perceptions.
Campus Culture
CCU campus culture was mentioned in every participant interview. The participants were
asked about their perception of CCU before they matriculated and after. The overwhelming
response was that the participants were aware of the reputation of CCU as a PWI and that the
student population was perceived as wealthy and privileged. This did not negatively impact their
desire to attend CCU, and for some participants, it solidified their reasons for attending and made
them feel even more accomplished, especially within their friends and family communities. But
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what was interesting was once the participants matriculated and began to have interactions with
their classmates, all but two of the participants experienced imposter syndrome and began to
question if CCU was the right university for them, because of their race and socio-economic
status. The participants often felt less than or part of the “out group” when it came to socializing
with their White, wealthy classmates. One participant, Alex, recounted a Spring Break trip his
roommate and her sorority sisters were planning to Hawaii, and how they were shocked that he
did not have $600 to immediately purchase a roundtrip plane ticket. Alex mentioned that this
impacted his sense of belonging at CCU because he did not fit within the culture of wealth and
privilege of the campus. This theme was prevalent in most of the participants’ responses. A
recommendation to help mitigate this will be discussed later in this study.
Relationships
Relationships was the second most important finding in this study. Relationships in the
context of this student refers to participants’ interactions with roommates, friends, and
classmates. All of the participants noted that relationships with their roommates and friends
positively impact their sense of belonging when they experienced microaggressions and racism
inside and outside of the classroom. About half of the participants initially considered leaving
CCU for a more positive and welcoming environment, but none of them did because they
specifically developed solid friendships and supportive communities that embraced their Black
multiracial identity.
Black Multiracial
The third important finding was the participants’ self-identity as Black multiracial and
how this was a significant part of their identity. All of the participants identified as Black
multiracial on the screening survey, and throughout the interviews. There was intersectionality
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within this group, as some identified as Black and Latinx or Black and Asian, but they their
identity was universal, in that they identified as Black multiracial first. Participant, Jennifer, was
quite clear during her interview that even though one of her parents was Black and the other was
Asian, she identified as a Black woman because she presented as Black and her external
interactions with people and communities treated her as a Black woman, she was first and
foremost Black. But William, although he self-identified as Black, was not always accepted as
Black because he didn’t “look” Black enough. These external interactions are discussed in the
fourth and final theme of external racial perceptions.
Being Perceived by Others
External racial perceptions was the fourth most prevalent theme in this study. References
to the power of phenotype, which is one’s physical appearance and features, (Talbot, 2008) was
quite prevalent during the participant interviews. When asked about how society perceived them,
all participants discussed their physical appearance, especially skin color and hair. All the
participants spoke in depth of their numerous experiences, some of them resulting in
microaggressions when their external racial identity was questioned by their peers at CCU. This
directly impacted their sense of belonging.
Alex mentioned that his Blackness was directly questioned when he attended a Black
Welcome Week event at CCU. One upperclassman asked him why he was at the event as it was
for Black undergraduate students. Alex told the student that he was invited but after a brief
conversation Alex did not feel welcome and left the event shortly after it began. During her
interview, Jennifer mentioned a similar experience that resulted in a microaggression at the BCC.
This is not an uncommon experience for Black Multiracial identifying students. Although there
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is limited research for this distinct population, there are studies that discuss sense of belonging
for Biracial students at institutions of higher learning, which do have transferability to this study.
A Renn (2000) study explored the sense of belonging of Biracial students at a midwestern
PWI. Several of the Biracial participants expressed concern when they noticed certain social
borders or socially constructed barriers that were present around the various culture-based
campus communities, with the one of the main elements being physical appearance (Renn,
2000). The participants in this study, shared similar experiences with Renn’s study in that they
were questioned by Black monoracial students in these cultural spaces. Although participating in
this general community gives them an opportunity to get their foot in the door, true acceptance
into a more specific ethnic group is still not guaranteed, (Renn 2000).
Research Question
The study examined the following research question: How do Black Multiracial
identifying students at Predominantly White Institutions experience sense of belonging, if at all?
Participants in this study reported that BMI students at CCU experienced a sense of
belonging through peer friendships and a supportive community of non-BMI allies who
acknowledged their multiracial identities and actively embraced them. An accepting campus
climate was critical for the participants, and this was demonstrated by not only recognized their
self-identity, but had direct programming that supported Black Multiracial students, such as the
Multiracial Student Club (MSC). Participants in the interviews said that microaggressions from
non-BMI students, in particular, Black monoracial students, contributed to an unwelcoming
campus culture. Participants reported that they regularly had to explain their racial identity to
those who questioned their Blackness. Participants said their primary experience often began
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with a person asking what their racial background was because they did not fit a phenotype of
what a Black person was “supposed to look like.”
Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework for this study was based on three theories: Critical Race
Theory (CRT), William Cross’ Nigrescence Theory and Multiracial Identity Theory (MIT). CRT
is the umbrella for these racial identity theories. There has been much discussion recently on
CRT in the United States, particularly in education, but it is an important discussion. Race is a
social construct, therefore it is relevant in all aspects of society including higher education. It is
expressly relevant to this study since racial identity and the relationship to sense of belonging for
the participants. As the participants in this study indicated, their racial identity has impacted
nearly every aspect of their in-person and virtual experiences at CCU.
Nigrescence Theory
Nigrescence theory is comprised of four stages: Encounter, Immersion-emersion,
Regression, Fixation, and Dropping out, and Internalization (Cross, 1991). The encounter stage
occurs when Black individuals experience an experience that questions their understanding of
the racial identity (Cross, 1991). This can be transformational, either positive or negative for a
BMI student and can be from a Black monoracial experience, such as not being welcomed in
certain CCU campus spaces. Several participants reported that they did not feel welcomed at
BCC because their perceived racial identity was not Black enough, and yet the same participants
expressed frustration that they were not welcomed by historically White fraternities and
sororities because they were “too” Black. None of the participants mentioned their regression or
fixation on their Blackness and did not question their racial identity. All of the participants
actively embraced their multiracial identity, regardless of the campus environment.
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Multiracial Identity Theory
Multiracial Identity Theory (MIT) has its foundation in CRT, including Black Identity
Theory. Individuals who identity as multiracial typically reject the monoracial or biracial label,
thus the need for a more inclusive and expanded theory (Ozaki & Renn, 2015). MIT theorizes
that there is intersectionality in individuals beyond being the choice of monoracialized Black or
Biracial (Rockquemore, et al. 2009). This was demonstrated in the participants’ responses, as
noted above. Although, all of the participants, except one, explicitly described the lack of a
supportive campus culture for BMI students, the participants reported creating their own
communities of support that embraced their racial identity. This positively impacted their sense
of belonging at CCU.
Sense of Belonging
The sense of belonging for a student is contextual and depends on the environment and
how the students relate their experiences to the environment. Students’ expectation of their sense
of belonging is predicated on how welcoming the institution is and its campus climate (Johnson,
et al., 2007). Gusfield’s Theory of Sense of Belonging defines this as a relational perspective,
meaning, one’s social experiences will shape one’s definition of community (Gusfield, 1975).
Sense of belonging is based in the traditions of a specific community; for example, if there are
acceptable cultural norms and traditions that define Blackness, and one meets these ideas and
traditions, then one’s sense of belonging may be high. But if one does not meet these norms, then
sense of belonging may be low. Gusfield is clear that cultures and norms are continuously
created and dynamic and members of that community will determine the traditions and how they
are represented (1975). In the context of CCU BMI students, sense of belonging was influenced
by the campus culture and their interactions and relationships with Black monoracial students.
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The participants felt a stronger sense of belonging when their “Blackness” was recognized and
validated by monoracial Black students. The campus culture and sense of belonging was
problematic when the participants felt their “Blackness” was not viewed as authentic or “Black
enough,” by their monoracial Black peers. This was evident in several participants’ experiences
when they visited the CCU BCC. Only one participant in this study was a regular visitor to the
CCU BCC. He mentioned that his Blackness was never questioned and the community at the
BCC was the primary reason he matriculated to CCU.
Recommendations for Practice
Recommendation 1- Create and Implement Campus Programming for Black Multiracial
Undergraduate Students
The first step to create a sense of belonging for BMI students is to acknowledge that there
are deficits in this area. There must be an intentional move towards inclusivity by the university
community to ensure that all students are welcomed at CCU, including BMI, because this
demographic is growing. According to the 2020 U.S. Census, the respondents who identified as
Black or African American with another racial combination grew 88.7 percent from the 2010
census, with a majority of this population being under 30 years old, (U.S. Census, 2020). This is
a college aged demographic, that reflects a dynamic racial population.
It is recommended that CCU acknowledge this change in racial demographics and
implement dedicated BMI campus inclusive programming with a holistic approach. Campus
stakeholders from student affairs, the provost’s office, admissions, financial aid, and the CCU
cultural centers should meet quarterly to create, implement, and assess campus programs to
ensure that BMI students are engaged and supported on campus. There are existing campus
programs at CCU which support affinity populations. These programs can be reimagined for
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BMI students, such as New Student Orientation (NSO). First Year Students, Transfer Students,
and Military Veterans are invited to special breakout sessions at CCU Orientation, that
acknowledge specific support services for them. During NSO, there should be a designed
welcome session that features current undergraduate BMI students, staff, and faculty, who can
give support to this specific student demographic.
Recommendation 2- Create and Implement Academic Courses That Highlight the Black
Multiracial Experience in the US
Another example of creating a sense of belonging for BMI undergraduate students
intentional support programming would be to create a class as part of the CCU General
Education Diversity requirement, that focuses on the Black Multiracial Experience in America,
with an emphasis on the humanistic narrative. This class could be part of an already existent
curriculum in CCU College of Letters, Arts, and Sciences (CLAS). There are courses in African
American Studies, Asian-American Studies, and Chicano/Latino Studies. This class could
encompass the intersectionality of BMI students, that this study exemplified, by drawing on
current curricula in these ethnic studies disciplines.
Recommendation 3- Encourage a Campus Culture that Embraces Racial Intersectionality
of Black Undergraduate Students.
It is critical for a campus to foster an environment of inclusivity that embraces racial
intersectionality. This begins with support programs and creating a MCC as mentioned above but
not just stopping there. It is important that Senior leadership acknowledge the intersectionality
among Black Multiracial students by having intentional student affairs programming such as
leadership speaker series that features Black Multiracial speakers. This population would be
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served best by folks that look like them and can understand the challenges they may have during
their collegiate years.
The CCU Office of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI), can begin with creating a
committee of BMI undergraduate students, staff, and Faculty to ensure a better campus climate
for BMI identifying members of the community. A student survey should be sent to all self-
identifying BMI students to ask for their recommendations on what types of services or
dedicated student affairs programming they would like to see implemented at CCU.
Another way to improve CCU campus culture would be to create and implement a
Mentor/mentee program for BMI undergraduate students. The mentors could be current CCU
staff, Faculty, and alumni who are BMI individuals.
Future Research
There is limited research on Black Multiracial Identifying students. Most of the research
encompasses Monoracial or Biracial student populations. There is a bit more research on
Multiracial Identifying students, but the premise is that this population is of Black and White
racial backgrounds. There is limited research on Black Multiracial Identifying undergraduate
student. Additional research could examine, intersectionality among this undergraduate
population was quite prevalent, with several participants who identified as Black Multiracial
with at least one Asian or Latinx parent. Additional research could also explore the
accountability of institutions by studying how faculty and administrators collaborate to create
inclusive campus environments for BMI students.
All of the participants would have been happy with a Multicultural Student Center as a
start, but the acknowledgement of the intersectionality of this population and not to assume that
one size fits all for these students., was the overwhelming consensus of the study participants.
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There is an opportunity for additional research with this student population as they are a direct
reflection of current U.S. Census data, which
Limitations
As this study has previously noted, there was a global Covid-19 Pandemic at the time of
this study. This impacted every facet of higher education at CCU, including in person classes,
which were cancelled. This not impacted day to day learning, it impacted the way participants
viewed their interactions with other students. All undergraduate classes were either online or
asynchronous, which limited contact for the student participants. Since there were no in-person
classes and the CCU campus was closed, it was challenging for the first-year participants to
clearly ascertain microaggressions in an online learning environment, having nothing to compare
their experiences. It also shaped their view of campus life at CCU, since they were at home and
taking classes online. The upper-class students did have more understanding and were able to
decipher between in person microaggressions and those that were online, but they were skeptical
in addressing if an online interaction was a microaggressions or not. Juniors and seniors also had
a different perspective on campus culture as they had lived on or around the CCU campus.
Several of the participants were anxious about returning to in-person classes and if this would
impact their interaction with White students and Black monoracial identifying students. This
researcher believes this impacted a sense of belonging on a much larger scope than racism and
race. As students return to in person classes, there is an incredibly opportunity for colleges and
universities to ensure the well-being and mental health of their students. This should encompass
Black Multiracial students as well.
The time frame was also a limitation. This study was conducted in less than one calendar
year and therefore the in-depth research required for a study was limited. Another limitation was
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the previous academic research available for Black Multiracial Identifying students. Most current
research focuses on Biracial Identity theory. There is very little research on Black Multiracial
Identity theory, as most students who identify this are monoracialized Black or considered
Biracial. As the participants in this study demonstrate there is racial intersectionality in this
group. There were students who identified as Black Multiracial, which included Latinx, Asian,
White, and Indigenous. The participants were definitive that they identified as all these racial
groups and their experiences reflected this.
Conclusion
This study has several recommendations for CCU, but all of which are transferrable to
peer institutions of higher learning. A sense of belonging for all students is important but is
critically important for Black students, as they have lower retention and graduation rates, than
their white counterparts, at PWIs. But there is also intersectionality among Black students that
this study has demonstrated what impacts BMI students as they interact with monoracial Black
students and White students. There is intersectionality among Black people. We have Afro-
Caribbean, African American, Black Americans, Africans, Afro-Latinx and of course Black
Multiracial individuals. Because of this intersectionality, and the diversity of Gen Z students, it is
imperative that colleges and universities reflect the diversity of Black students. There can no
longer be a one size fits at all for Black students.

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Appendix A: Interview Invitation Email
To: [Participant Email Address]
From Email: culpeppe@usc.edu
From Name: Kristi Culpepper
Subject: Interview Request: Sense of Belonging

Hello [Participant First Name],

I hope this email finds you well. Thank you for participating in the quantitative survey regarding
your sense of belonging. I am currently a third year Ed.D. candidate at the USC Rossier School
of Education and working on my dissertation.

Based on your survey responses, I would like to invite you to participate in my dissertation study
which is focused on the sense of belonging for Black Multiracial identifying undergraduate
students at a Predominantly White Institution. The study will be conducted in the form of a one-
on-one interview that will be held completely online via Zoom and should last for approximately
90 minutes. Please note that the interview will be recorded to ensure I accurately capture your
responses.

Would you be willing to share your valuable insight? I would greatly appreciate it if you could
please let me know either way by responding directly to me via email at culpeppe@usc.edu.

Please do not hesitate to contact me if you have any questions about this research project or how
the results will be used.

Thank you,
Kristi Culpepper

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Appendix B: Screening Survey Protocol
Thank you for participating in this survey. Your responses will remain confidential. If you meet
the study criteria, you may be contacted to participate in a confidential in person interview for a
doctoral dissertation research study.

Are you a current undergraduate student?
• Yes
No

Are you an International Student?
• Yes
• Maybe
• No

What city, state and country did you graduate from high school?

Are you a first generation college student?
• Yes
• No

If you are not a first generation college student, what is the highest level of education of your
parent?
• Some College, but did not graduate
• Bachelor’s degree
• Master’s degree
• Doctorate e.g.(EdD, PhD) or Professional Degree e.g.(Medical, Dental, Law)
• Unknown

If you are not a first generation student, what is the highest level of education of your second
parent?
• Some College, but did not graduate
• Bachelor’s degree
• Master’s degree
• Doctorate e.g. (EdD, PhD) or Professional Degree e.g. (Medical, Dental, Law)
• Unknown
91

How long have you attended this university?

How do you identify yourself? You may select more than one.
Black or African-American
White or Caucasian
American Indian or Indigenous
East Asian
Asian
Pacific Islander
If you selected more than one racial category, is there one race that you typically identify with?
Black or African-American
White or Caucasian
American Indian
East Asian
Pacific Islander
No, I identify as Multiracial
Not Applicable
Less than 1 Year
1-2 years
2-3 years
3-4 years
4 years
5 or more years
92

What is your major?
Business or Economics
Liberal Arts (History, Philosophy, English, Psychology, Political Science), etc.
Communications or Journalism
Architecture
Engineering
Public Policy
Music, Dance, or Theater Arts
Cinematic Arts
Public Policy or Urban Planning
International Relations or International Studies
Education
Natural Sciences (Biology, Physics, Chemistry, Neuroscience), etc.
Other
Would you be interested in participating in a 90 minute interview via Zoom?
• Yes
• No
•

If yes, please provide your email address: ________________________

93

Appendix C: Interview Protocol
Researcher’s Name: Kristi Culpepper
Research Question
How do Black Multiracial identifying students at Predominantly White Institutions experience
sense of belonging, if at all?

Introduction
Thank you for your willingness to participate in my research study. I really appreciate the
time out of your busy day to answer my questions. As mentioned earlier, this interview should
last about ninety minutes - is this still okay with you? Before starting the interview, I wanted to
provide you a quick overview of my study. I am a current doctoral student at USC and am
conducting this study as part of my dissertation as well as my own interests, both professional
and personal. As an Admissions and Outreach leader, I am interested in learning a student’s
sense of belonging and the impact on retention and graduation rates for Black Multiracial
identifying undergraduate students.
The data taken from this interview will be solely used for the purposes of this research
study. Although I may use some direct quotes from this interview, I assure you that your
responses remain confidential. Your name will not be used nor any personally identifying
information. Is there a specific pseudonym you would like me to use or do you prefer that I
select one for you?
In order to help accurately capture your responses, I would like to record the audio during
the interview. The recording and the notes I take during the interview will not be shared with
anyone and will be stored in a password-protected file that is secured and stored on my laptop.
Do I have your permission to record this interview?
Before we begin, I would like to advise you that some of the questions I may ask you are
related to race and racial relations at this university. If you feel uncomfortable or emotionally
triggered, we can take a break or pause the interview. I also have a list of campus resources that
can assist you with emotional support, if needed.
Do you have any questions about the study before we get started?

Interview Questions (with transitions)
Background - I’d like to start by first asking you some background questions.
1. What is the current year in school?

2. What is your major?

3. Did you begin at CCU as a Freshman or did you transfer?

4. If you transferred, where did you transfer from?

94

5. If you started as a Freshman, where did you attend high school?

6. Do you live in CCU housing? If yes, where? If no, where do you live?

7. Are you the first in your family to attend college?

8. If not, where did your parents attend college?

CCU Perceptions – now I would like to ask you some questions about your campus
experiences at CCU. Remember, if you would like to pause the interview, please let me know.
9. Why did you decide to come to CCU?

10. Before you started at CCU, what were perceptions of the school?

11. Did those perceptions impact your decision to attend CCU?

Campus Culture - I am now going to ask you a few questions about your beliefs and feelings
about CCU campus culture.
12. Did you attend Welcome Week?

13. Did you visit the CCU Cultural Centers during their open houses at Welcome Week?

14. How did you feel visiting [the above-mentioned culture center or centers]?

15. If you visited the Black Cultural Center (BCC), how was your visit?

16. How did you feel visiting the BCC?

95

Sense of Belonging – the final series of questions are about the school’s culture with regard to
Black Multiracial students

17. Has there been a time since you’ve been at CCU and interacted with a monoracial
Black identifying student who knew you identified as a Black Multiracial student?

18. Can you tell me about the interaction?

19. Did this interaction impact your sense of belonging?

20. Has there been a time since you’ve been at CCU and interacted with a White
identifying student who knew you identified as a Black Multiracial student?

21. Can you tell me about this interaction?

22. Did this interaction impact your sense of belonging?
23. Has there been a time since you’ve been at CCU and interacted with a staff member
who knew that you identified as a Black Multiracial student?
24. Can you describe this interaction?
25. Did this interaction impact your sense of belonging?
26. Has there been a time since you’ve been at CCU and interacted with a faculty member
who knew you identified as a Black Multiracial student?
27. Can you describe this interaction?
28. Did this interaction impact your sense of belonging?
Do you know what microaggressions are? [If the participant doesn’t know what
microaggressions, I will read the following definition, “Racial microaggressions are brief and
commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or
96

unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults
toward people of color,” (Sue, et al., 2007).

29. Have you experienced microaggressions as a Black Multiracial identifying student? If
so, can you describe what happened?
30. Have you ever felt that you the interactions you described impacted you sense of
belonging at CCU?

Closing:
Thank you so much for taking the time to ask you questions today. I truly appreciate your time
and candid responses. Everything that you have shared is really helpful for my study. If I have
any questions later on that I need to clarify, would it be okay to reach out to you to follow-up?
Do you have any questions or concerns for me?

97

Appendix D: Information/Facts Sheet for Exempt Non-Medical Research
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4033

INFORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR EXEMPT NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

THE SWIRL WORLD: SENSE OF BELONGING OF BLACK MULTIRACIAL
IDENTIFYING STUDENTS AT A PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTION

You are invited to participate in a research study. Research studies include only people who
voluntarily choose to take part. This document explains information about this study. You should
ask questions about anything that is unclear to you.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of the study is to explore Black Multiracial Identifying students’ sense of belonging
at Predominantly White Institutions. This research is important because the racial demographics
of our society are changing, and institutions of higher learning need to understand sense of
belonging and how to create a supportive campus climate for Black Multiracial students.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
This study will include semi-structured interviews of Black Multiracial Identifying
undergraduate students. In order to receive consent from my participants, the interview protocol
will begin with an introduction to the study including the researcher’s role, the intention of the
study, a confidentiality statement, and request for permission to record their voice during the
interview. The participants will also be informed that they are able to opt out of any question
throughout the interview. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, all of the semi-structured interviews
will be conducted live and recorded online via the Zoom communication platform. The interview
will consist of 30-35 questions and will last approximately 90 minutes for each participant. After
the interview has been completed, the researcher will ask for permission to contact the
interviewee to ask any clarifying questions as needed.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a digital $25 Amazon gift card as a thank you for your time. You are not
required to answer all of the questions in order to receive the gift card. The gift card will be
emailed to you after you complete the interview.

CONFIDENTIALITY
The data collected through the interviews and document collection will be stored on the
researcher’s personal laptop. Access to information on the laptop will be password-protected and
the data collected will only be accessible by the researcher. The recorded audio and transcribed
data will be stored in a password-protected digital file. Pseudonyms will be used to protect each
of the participants’ identity.
98

The researcher will also confirm with the participants during the study that their responses will
not be tied to their name and pseudonyms will be used to protect their identity and ensure
confidentiality. To further protect the participants’ confidentiality, the data collected will be
stored securely and disposed of three years after the completion of the study.

The members of the research team, the funding agency and the University of Southern
California’s Human Subjects Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP
reviews and monitors research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

Qualitative data will be saved on two external hard drives and will be accessed through the
researcher’s laptop only.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
Principal Investigator: Kristi Culpepper via e-mail at culpeppe@usc.edu
Faculty Advisor: Dr. Tracy Poon Tambascia via email at tpoon@rossier.usc.edu

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board,
1640 Marengo Street, Suite 700
Los Angeles, CA
90033-9269
Phone (323) 442-0114
Email irb@usc.edu

Abstract (if available)

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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Culpepper, Kristi Dawn (author)

Core Title The swirl world: sense of belonging of Black multiracial identifying students at a predominantly white institution

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Publication Date 03/10/2022

Defense Date 03/10/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black,cross theory,multiracial,nigrescence theory,OAI-PMH Harvest,PWI,sense of belonging

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tambascia, Tracy (committee chair), Conerly, Rosalind (committee member), Green, Alan (committee member)

Creator Email culpeppe@marshall.usc.edu,culpeppe@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC110816140

Unique identifier UC110816140

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Culpepper, Kristi Dawn

Type texts

Source 20220321-usctheses-batch-916 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu