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Black male school administrators perceptions of the recruitment process into leadership at Chicago public schools

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Black male school administrators perceptions of the recruitment process into leadership at Chicago public schools

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Black Male School Administrators Perceptions of the Recruitment Process Into Leadership
at Chicago Public Schools
by
Bryan Craig Jordan

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2022

© Copyright by Bryan Craig Jordan 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Bryan Craig Jordan certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Marsha Riggio
Cathy Krop
David Cash, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
The recruiting procedure for Black male school administrators has received little attention. The
goal of this investigation is to learn more about how Black male school administrators are
recruited into positions of leadership in the Chicago Public School (CPS) district. Three research
questions lead the study, with the aim of learning about the participants' impressions of their
recruiting and interview processes, as well as the CPS's current attempts to improve diversity.
For this study, a minimum of 10 Black male school administrators from the CPS district were
screened, but only five were chosen to participate. Three one-on-one interviews with each
participant were conducted as part of the data-gathering procedure. The study's findings indicate
the perceived factors or effects that limit potential Black male school administrators from
becoming CPS administrators, as well as the difficulties current Black male school
administrators confront. The findings of this study also identify measures that the CPS might
employ to attract and retain more Black male school administrators. After the interview
procedure was completed, I met with each participant for a follow-up meeting to communicate
the study's findings and to evaluate or change the person's narratives (data). Their replies are
transcribed and categorized into topics. I describe and develop the themes from the data that
answer the research questions.

v
Dedication
To my wonderful wife Kirby Lauren, thank you so much for being supportive and patient with
me during the whole task of drafting and completing the study.

To Perline Jordan, my late grandmother, thank you for being the first person in my family to
affirm my life's aspirations and dreams; I adore you and miss toy dearly.

To my late aunty Josephine Jordan-Collins, thank you for saving my life when I was eight years
old as well as nurturing me from brokenness to scholarship.

To my late cousin Rico Martin, thank you for preparing me for life and encouraging me to be
myself; without you brotherly love and guidance, I may not have made it through some difficult
periods in my youth.

To my professors and staff at the University of Michigan, thank you for preparing me to meet the
rigorous admissions and course work requirements of the EdD Program at the University of
Southern California, as well as continuing to support and mentoring me as I develop my
leadership and innovation skills in my pursuit of the superintendentship.

vi
Acknowledgements
For their never-ending teaching and advice, I would like to express my gratitude to the
members of my dissertation committee: Dr. David Cash (chair), Dr. Kathy Krop, and Dr. Marsha
Riggio, who served as my dissertation committee members during the whole dissertation
process. I want to express my gratitude to my USC cohort for their unwavering support during
the whole Doctoral process. The professors at USC, in particular, ought to be recognized for the
ongoing encouragement and inspiration they offered me throughout my dissertation research and
writing process. Finally, I want to express my gratitude to the Black male school administrators
who took the time to sit down with me and conduct interviews. In addition to continuing to lead,
each and every one of these outstanding men is overcoming obstacles to further strengthen
systems that support and promote equality for all Black male school administrator candidates.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ........................................................................................................................................ v
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 5
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................ 6
Significance of the Study ..................................................................................................... 7
Limitation and Delimitations ............................................................................................... 8
Definition of Terms ............................................................................................................. 9
Organization of the Study .................................................................................................. 10
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ......................................................................................... 12
Black Male School Administrators Since the Civil Rights Era ......................................... 12
The Role of White Supremacy .......................................................................................... 18
The Impact of Social Programs ......................................................................................... 33
Gender Discrepancies ........................................................................................................ 39
Critical Race Theory (CRT) .............................................................................................. 43
Summary ............................................................................................................................ 48
Chapter Three: Methodology ......................................................................................................... 49
Conceptual Framework ...................................................................................................... 50
Sample and Population ...................................................................................................... 50
Instrumentation and Data Collection ................................................................................. 53
Data Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 54
Summary ............................................................................................................................ 58

viii
Chapter Four: Results and Findings .............................................................................................. 59
Purpose of the Study .......................................................................................................... 60
Coding of Data ................................................................................................................... 60
Findings ............................................................................................................................. 60
Research Question 1 .......................................................................................................... 62
Research Question 2 .......................................................................................................... 70
Research Question 3 .......................................................................................................... 75
Summary ............................................................................................................................ 80
Chapter Five: Discussion ............................................................................................................... 81
Purpose of the Study .......................................................................................................... 81
Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 82
Results and Findings .......................................................................................................... 82
Implications of the Study ................................................................................................... 85
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................. 89
Closing Remarks ................................................................................................................ 89
References ..................................................................................................................................... 91
Appendix A: Research Introduction Letter ................................................................................. 115
Appendix B: Recruitment Email ................................................................................................. 117
Appendix C: Interview Protocol .................................................................................................. 119
Appendix D: CPS Research Review Board Approval Letter ...................................................... 122

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Black Male Administrators 60

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Many correlating factors have led to the absence of Black men from the educational field,
especially in the area of educational leadership. First, the 1954 landmark decision of Brown vs.
Board of Education resulted in the decrease of Black-sanctioned schools. The more that Blacks
began to integrate into White society, the more such institutions began to consolidate and close
(Tillman, 2009). Furthermore, after this groundbreaking ruling, thousands of Black
administrators were demoted or terminated from their positions, thus losing their ability to
govern and advocate for Black children during the civil rights era of the 1960s (Tillman, 2009).
The Great Society Act of 1964, among other social programs, had a profound impact on Black
society. The social programs within the act were designed to grant Blacks full and equal access
to the responsibilities and benefits of citizenship, thus bringing stability to Black families
(Carlson & Helm, 2013; Haskins, 2009). However, research and data have shown that social
programs from the 1960s onward destabilized Black families and the institution of marriage
(Haskins, 2009). As a result, Black men were no longer the heads of households, and Black
society became matriarchal (Haskins, 2009).
The implications of matriarchal homes were noticed during the mid to late 1970s when
Black men became subject to poverty, unemployment, crime, juvenile delinquency, drug use,
low educational achievement, and personality disorders (Wilkinson & Taylor, 1977). The drug
wars of the 1980s and the rise of the prison industrial complex also removed a greater number of
employable Black men from society (Murakawa, 2014). Furthermore, racial bias within the
United States society has played a major role in preventing Black men from moving up the ranks
in leadership in numerous institutions across the country. Federal programs, such as affirmative
action, were designed to protect people of color from discrimination and admit them to
2

institutions from which they were once denied access (Booker et al., 2015). However, the data
show that affirmative action tends to help White women more than other marginalized groups in
America (Booker et al., 2015).
During the early 1980s, the scarcity of Black male school administrators that had begun
in the 1950s began to be addressed (Brown, 2005). Although the hiring of Black administrators
reached its peak in the 1980s, it has since declined again (Valverde, 2002). By the 1990s, the
Black male image was tarnished within mainstream media, which significantly reinforced the
marginalization of Black men in many institutions across the United States (Hicks, 2010). Racial
bias and negative perceptions of Black men reinforced the notions that they were incapable of
leading schools or other institutions (Hicks, 2010).
By the 1990s, Black men were enrolling in colleges and universities as education majors
in large numbers not seen since before Brown vs. Board of Education (Fitzgerald, 2016). As they
began to integrate into the leadership field in the mid-2000s, Black men encountered
discrimination from institutions that wanted to maintain the status quo (Fitzgerald, 2016) as well
as receiving considerable resistance from Black women, who saw their emergence in leadership
roles as a threat (Patterson, 2019).
Due to the current and historical social conditions in the United States, minority groups
that were once aligned are increasingly forced to complete with one another for power
(Brockenbrough, 2012). Scholarly research has begun to examine the role of feminism in relation
to how Black men are forced to negotiate the power dynamics and professional culture of
traditionally female-dominated workplaces (Brockenbrough, 2012). While feminist groups are
positioned to support women’s rights and bring equality into the workplace for women, they may
be contributing to the low number of prospective Black male school administrators (Brown &
3

Butty, 2019). Some women in power in local schools may fear hiring a man who has greater
growth potential (Sommers, 2015). Prospective Black male school administrators must navigate
the implications of both feminism and ingrained biases on a daily basis (Sexton, 2019).
Consequently, qualified prospective Black male school administrators experience difficulties
becoming administrators in urban America and have been extremely underrepresented in schools
across the country since the turn of the millennium (White-Smith, 2012; Brown, 2005).
According to Anderson (2016), prospective Black male school administrators with leadership
experience are more likely to express that they have experienced discrimination compared with
their White peers (p. 1). Federal law mandates public schools to provide an equal educational
opportunity for all employees (DiCarlo & Estes, 2019). School systems must also avoid all
practices of discrimination against students, staff, the general public, or individuals with whom
they conduct business (DiCarlo & Estes, 2019). However, despite minority students representing
more than half the student population in America, prospective Black male school administrators
make up only 2% of the teacher workforce, and less than 1% of administrative faculty
(Whitfield, 2019). That statistic is significant because it represents the lack of action to increase
diversity within the public school systems in urban areas, which has been found to have negative
implications for all students. For years, prospective Black male school administrators have been
underrepresented in education in general, and there seems to be little interest in changing the
current status (Goodhard & Koppelman, 2011).
A study by Bristol and Goings (2018) concludes that school leaders hold negative
perceptions of prospective Black male school administrators and their teaching and leadership
abilities. As a result, they are often subject to a hostile work environment and can encounter
coworkers who will both covertly and overtly treat them as pariahs (Bristol & Goings, 2018).
4

One possible explanation for this phenomenon is that when workers encounter a minority in
schools (such as Black male teachers), they may experience certain fears that stem from racial
stereotypes, which cloud their judgement (Milner & Howard, 2004). This often leads officials
responsible for hiring to covertly engage in biases with no merit, thus contributing to the current
statistical indicator of racial prejudices against Black male teachers (Peters, 2019). Even though
some school districts require an established number of minorities as teachers in order to pass
equal opportunity tests, some school leaders (especially if they are a member of the dominant
group) will operationalize their negative perceptions to exclude a Black male educator from
consideration for certain leadership positions (Bass & Alston, 2018).
A study by Hoston (2016) found that Black teachers contend with an unreasonable
number of negative stereotypes, which include the supposed inability to follow procedures,
emotional incompetence, immaturity, and the notion that they are sexually crazed, which
frequently obstructs their leadership advancement opportunities (Hoston, 2016). Hoston also
found that the inequality and exclusion from leadership roles faced by prospective Black male
school administrators have prompted debilitating stressors to Black men’s existence, work
performance, relevance, and positionality in the field of education.
Although it is widely acknowledged within society that racism and systemic White
supremacy have played a significant role in restricting the success of Black men in the United
States, little has been done to dismantle the status quo. Limited research exists on the impact that
White supremacy and gender discrepancies from certain social programs of the 1960s may have
had on the scarcity of Black male school administrators in public urban schools. Prospective
Black male school administrators have the potential to positively impact the development of
students from all walks of life when they are given the opportunity. The scarcity of Black male
5

leaders in education as well as their perspectives in the educational literature represents a
problem of practice that is only exacerbated by the lack of scholarly research on the issue.
Statement of the Problem
Few studies have examined the perceptions of potential Black administrators who teach
in urban American schools. Urban education is a distinct kind of education that occurs in heavily
populated places with different demographics (Johnson et al., 2017). It may involve specific
settings and challenges that distinguish teaching and learning in big cities (Johnson et al., 2017).
Urban education schools often have a significant enrollment rate and a complicated regulatory
framework (Johnson et al., 2017). Several studies have assessed the impact of Brown vs. Board
of Education in this context. One of the unintended consequences of the landmark decision was
that it has been considered a contributing factor to the decline in the number of Black male role
models in educational leadership positions (Brown, 2005). Furthermore, since 1954, studies have
found that race and gender impede progress up the management ladder (Hansen et al., 2016).
Prospective Black male school administrators are most likely to be hired as special education
teachers, or disciplinarian deans, but least likely to be promoted to the role of administrator (Yan,
2019).
Black employees are less likely to receive the opportunity to lead schools compared with
other demographics (Howard, 2007). Studies comparing employment rates of Black teachers
found they are twice as likely to be terminated compared with their White counterparts (Tillman,
2009; Samardzic, 2019). The lack of diversity within the leadership apparatus of urban schools is
manifested in higher rates of disciplinary action against Blacks in schools, an increase of
criminal activities, and a decrease in student engagement due to the lack of representation
(Tillman, 2009).
6

On February 7, 2018, Dr. Janice K. Jackson, the former CEO of the Chicago Public
Schools (CPS) system, stated that data show that men of color are underutilized in education in
Chicago. It “is a national problem that I hope I could begin to solve locally,” she said (Jackson,
2018, tweet on February 7). In the CPS system, Black women constitute 29% of school
leadership, but that number is only 9% for Black men and 8% for Latinos (Jackson, 2018).
Although Dr. Jackson stated that she wanted to change the status quo in Chicago that year, its
public schools still struggle to achieve diverse leadership to this day (Sorg, 2020). One reason
that the CPS system is the focus of this inquiry is because the district has consistently struggled
with retention rates for both Black male students and teachers (Allensworth et al., 2015).
Therefore, an inquiry into the educational and recruitment process at CPS is warranted to
discover the biases, as well as the district’s actions or lack thereof to support prospective Black
male school administrators.
Purpose of the Study
In urban America, highly qualified prospective Black male school administrators are less
likely to be hired as an administrator than other ethnic and gender groups (White-Smith, 2012).
Little research has examined the reasons why such potential candidates have been discouraged
from becoming administrators nor have many studies examined the perceptions of prospective
Black administrators who lead in urban schools. According to the National Center of Education
of Statistics (NCES) and the U.S. Department of Education (USDOE), it is projected that, by
2026, “the Black student population in urban America will consist of the majority at 56%”
(Rose, 2021, p. 50). However, prospective Black male school administrators make up only 2% of
the teacher workforce, and less than 1% of administrators (Whitfield, 2019). This statistic is
7

relevant because it represents the lack of interest within the public-school systems in urban
America in increasing diversity.
The purpose of this study, therefore, is to examine and describe prospective Black male
school administrators’ perceptions of an administrator recruitment process in the local school
system in Chicago. Furthermore, this study aims to uncover the reason(s) why prospective Black
male school administrators are less likely to be hired as administrators, in addition to the impact
their absence in leadership has on teacher and student populations.
This process has involved the participation of Black male school administrators in the
Chicago Public Schools (CPS) system. An investigation of scholarly research articles as well as
interviews with Black male school administrators are intended to shed light on the
aforementioned concerns and to help to uncover the prevailing problems within the CPS. The
research questions to be answered through scholarly studies are as follows:
1. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of the recruitment process?
2. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of their interview process for
administrative positions in the CPS district?
3. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of Chicago public schools’
effectiveness in increasing diversity in the field of educational leadership?
The purpose of looking at the participants' perceptions of recruitment and interviews
separately is to identify possible biases and inequalities in either process, based on the
experience of the candidates.
Significance of the Study
This investigation has consulted studies that examine the low number of Black male
school administrators in schools and that attempt to identify which factors motivate school
8

leaders’ decisions to select or disqualify them. Although limited studies and data have indicated
the reasons Black men are less likely to become school leaders, scholars have shown that race is
a factor (Grineski, 2013; Husband, 2016). Black students perform better in school when their
teachers and leaders share their racial identity (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). Furthermore,
prospective Black male school administrators are more adept at teaching Black students than
teachers of other ethnicities and serve as important role models for those students (Rivas-Drake
et al., 2014). The lack of Black male school administrators in urban America may contribute to
low academic performance among Black boys. According to Lewis et al. (2013), more research
must be done to address the gender disparity between Black male teachers/leaders and students,
especially because of the dramatically low number of such teachers. Likewise, noting the
absence of Black fathers in many families, scholars and researchers emphasize the need for
Black male role models for Black male children (Clayton et al., 2006; Coles & Green, 2010).
According to Belgrave (2012), the lack of Black male role models leads Black boys to view
academic success as a female quality.
The thorough analysis of the experiences and perspectives of Black male school
administrators in the CPS system that was conducted for this study is intended to inform the
preparation of Black male candidates who aspire to be a school administrator. This investigation
also contributes to the much-needed discourse regarding Black men’s perceptions, societal
influences, and life experiences as school leaders in education. It also provides suggestions to
school districts on how to properly recruit qualified Black male school administrators.
Limitation and Delimitations
All of the participants in the study identify as Black or African American. The scope of
the data was obtained through interviews. The sample consists of five administrators at local
9

schools in Chicago. The focus of the study is administrative recruitment, hiring procedures, and
processes for best practices in at CPS.
There are several assumptions made in this study: namely, that all of the participants have
responded truthfully to all the questions; and that the teachers’ race plays a significant role in the
study. The study’s chief limitation is that it represents the views of only five participants,
although these views are discussed in the context of much broader research into the
administrative recruitment process. Another limitation is that the participant sample only targets
Black male administrators. Due to the teacher/student demographics in the city of Chicago, the
study results may not reflect the opinions of those who reside in a metropolitan Chicago area.
Despite these limitations, the study results still have the potential to improve the administrative
recruitment process in the city of Chicago for qualified Black men.
Definition of Terms
• Affirmative Action: A social initiative on either the federal, state or local level in the
United States that is designed to grant people of color access to institutions or
positions in areas that were once segregated.
• Black male educator: An individual who works in the educational field who may
operate as a teacher, guidance counselor, and administrator (Wimbush, 2018).
• Black (or African American) man/woman: An individual from a non-Indigenous
group of Americans with total or limited heritage from any Black genetic group(s)
from the continent of Africa who have dark coloration of the skin. Participants in this
study will identify themselves as being a part of this group on the interview
instruments.
10

• Equal opportunity: A federal or state/local policy that is designed to grant all
individuals equal opportunities towards employment, government subsidies, or
grants.
• Gender discrepancies: A result of the enduring societal injustice and discrimination
faced by a group of people, which may cause gender in-fighting within a particular
race.
• Administrator: The individual designated to officiate in a school.
• Minority teachers: Teachers who are classified as Black (African American), Latino
(Hispanic American), Asian (Asian American), Indian (Native American), and/or as
multiple ethnicities.
• Social programs: State and federal programs that are constructed to provide
supplemental safeguards and basic needs to those U.S. citizens who qualify.
• Underrepresentation: The inadequate representation of a person, race, or the disabled
population in many areas within society at large.
Organization of the Study
This study is organized into five chapters. Chapter One introduces the overall study to the
reader, states the research problem, describes the purpose of the investigation, affirms the
research questions, and offers an understanding of the work involved. It also outlines the
assumptions, limitations, and delimitations of the study, and defines key terms. Chapter Two
presents a review of the pertinent literature on the topic of study. Chapter Three explains the
rationale for the methodology used. It outlines the data collection process, including the creation
of the questionnaire and the pilot study, and justifies the validity and reliability of the collected
data. Chapter Four provides an analysis of the data gathered and extracted from findings. Finally,
11

Chapter Five summarizes the study, discussing the results and conclusions rendered to form an
analysis. Recommendations for further studies and research are also discussed in this chapter.

12

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The purpose of this qualitative study is to examine and describe Black male school
administrators’ perceptions of an administrator recruitment process in the CPS system and to
uncover the reasons why prospective Black male candidates are less likely to be hired as school
administrators. Public school districts across the country are obligated to follow local, state, and
federal laws that mandate an equable hiring process of minority candidates. In addition, school
leaders have a responsibility to recruit and develop administrative candidates who reflect the
population of their students. The Brown vs. Board of Education (1954) ruling was supposed to
eradicate racial inequality and administer educational opportunities to students of color. This
study addresses both the lack of research studies about the experience of Black males and their
recruitment process in becoming an administrator, as well as the systemic factors that are geared
to create hurdles for Black men.
This chapter reviews the literature focusing on the following topics: Black male school
administrators since the civil rights era; the role of White supremacy; the impact of social
programs; and gender discrepancies. The section on critical race theory (CRT) examines the
social constructs related to this study in regard to racism, institutionalization, and White
privilege.
Black Male School Administrators Since the Civil Rights Era
Although the purpose of the U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown vs. Board of Education (1954)
decision was to end racial inequalities and provide educational opportunities and access to
children of color, the number of Black male leaders in education was reduced by thousands as a
result of integration. Desegregation also led to the closing of Black schools, and the effects of the
1954 decision have significantly altered education and society for Black teachers and Black
13

children. There are also other factors that have led to Black men being underrepresented in
education, including desegregation, discrimination, and racism.
Post Brown vs. Board of Education
Haney (1978) assesses that integration led to massive opposition from White society,
which led to the considerable reduction of Black male leadership in schools during the first
decade following the Brown vs. Board of Education decision. The second known immediate
impact was that Black male school administrators were systematically removed from classrooms
and schools where White children attended, thus eliminating their role and prospects in leading
those students (Haney, 1978). The displaced Black male school administrators of Black schools
were reassigned as assistants, only to serve under White administrators or supervisors (Haney,
1978). From 1954 through 1965, Black teachers and administrators suffered the most devastating
losses in education (Ethridge, 1979). Shortly after implementing the Brown vs. Board of
Education decision, 317 Black teachers in Oklahoma lost their jobs, while West Virginia
reported that 25 teacher and administrator positions were cut between 1955 and 1957 (Haney,
1978).
The Black administrators who remained in the system in those states were typically made
assistant administrators or were forced to return to the classroom as teachers (Haney, 1978).
Between 1968 and 1970, North Carolina went from having 620 Black administrators to 170;
Alabama lost 210 Black administrators, leaving the state with just 40 at the end of that period. In
Mississippi, the state lost almost all 250 Black administrator positions (Haney, 1978). Ethridge
(1979) found that records of the displacement of Black administrators were not kept, which will
prevent the true impact of the Brown vs. Board of Education decision from ever being
discovered. Ethridge (1979) also asserts that during the 1970s, White teachers believed that
14

Black administrators were incompetent and ill-equipped to educate students. Ethridge (1979)
also highlights five circumstances that led to the termination of jobs for Black teachers after the
Brown vs. Board of Education decision:
1. Judges encountered questions concerning under-performing schools, and thus Black
teachers were perceived to be incompetent;
2. Judges were cautious about impeding the segregated practices of local school boards;
3. The courts in the United States had no prior experience of responding to White
resistance to the 1954 mandate to desegregate elementary and secondary schools.
4. There was insufficient monitoring and a lack of reliable data gathering after the court
orders; and
5. Brown vs. Board of Education was more of a civil rights remedy than an education
decision (Ethridge, 1979).
By the late 1980s, the role of Black male school administrators was near extinction, as the
number of teachers and administrators had decreased to such low numbers that scholars referred
to them as “the endangered species” (Irvine, 1988). Contributing factors to the decline of Black
teachers include political, economic, demographic, and sociological changes in the 1980s (Irvine,
1988). Fewer college students sought teacher education majors, and Black male college students
had fewer career options. In addition, during the 1980s, scholars began to assess that the teacher
credential examinations were discriminatory, and that testing itself did not reflect the Black
experience and core values (Irvine, 1988).
Tillman (2004) addresses the impact of the 1954 decision on the professional careers of
Black teachers. Tillman (2004) notes that a major complication of the Brown vs. Board of
Education decision and the desegregation of schools in the United States was the loss of Black
15

leadership in schools. This led to the exclusion of Black perspectives that should have been
important to the educational development of Black students (Tillman, 2004). Tillman (2004) also
discusses systematic methods that were used by the dominant society to halt the implementation
of the Brown vs. Board of Education decision and to fire Black administrators. In 1956, 96
congressmen from 11 southern states joined together to stop the application and the fulfillment of
the Brown vs. Board of Education decision (Tillman, 2004). Federal courts in Texas slowed
implementation of the decision, which helped to maintain segregation (Tillman, 2004). This
action allowed local school districts to support existing discriminatory practices and policies
(Tillman, 2004). Black teachers were powerless to stop such policies that allowed the mass firing
of Black administrators (Tillman, 2004).
The systematic closing of Black schools was used as a cover to terminate Black teachers
and administrators (Ethridge, 1979; Tillman, 2004). Collier-Thomas and Franklin (2000) note
that Black teachers were more likely to be fired due to their ties to civil rights organizations.
Other systematic efforts used to terminate or deny Black teachers opportunities for employment
included revoking their teaching licenses, and screening their teacher certification results from
tests such as the National Teacher Examination (NTE) and the Graduate Record Exam (GRE)
(Tillman, 2004). This practice was used in a Louisiana parish that used such results to dismiss 29
Black teachers (Tillman, 2004). The Brown vs. Board of Education decisions ultimately led to
the economic marginalization of Black men (Karpinski, 2006).
The notion that discrimination was caused by the decision is often inferred as a
contributing factor in the marginalization of Black people, yet is seldom directly identified by
some scholars (Karpinski, 2006). However, Peters (2019) states that in the 50 years after the
16

Brown vs. Board of Education decision, the impact itself has significantly altered the course of
education for Black society, especially for Black male school administrators (Peters, 2019).
Societal Barriers
In the decade after the judgement on Brown’s case, Black schools closed, and cases of
discrimination against Black administrators emerged (Hansen & Quintero, 2018). Over 90% of
Black administrators in the South were terminated from their positions, and the loss of nearly
40,000 Black teachers during that same era also represented a loss of the next generation of
Black leadership in schools, as well as creating barriers to opportunity for prospective Black
leaders (Hansen & Quintero, 2018). The lack of Black male role models in schools may have
prevented many from emerging into leadership positions (Buck, 2016). Beside the loss of
teachers, one of the most significant legacies of the Brown vs. Board decision was the extensive
loss of Black male school administrators in the decades that followed (Ross et al., 2016).
Segregated Black schools also suffered from discriminatory economic and fiscal policies that
made them subordinate and inferior to White schools (Ross et al., 2016).
Jordan and Cooper (2003) have reviewed the impact of social barriers such as poverty
and poor schooling on Black male students. There is insurmountable evidence that Black
students from poor socioeconomic backgrounds are disproportionately taught by less qualified
teachers and more likely to attend schools with low attainment levels that are racially and
socioeconomically segregated (Jordan & Cooper, 2003). Because of this phenomenon, Black
students are unlikely to have classroom teachers legally qualified in their field (Jordan & Cooper,
2003). Therefore, Black students face the likelihood of taking a course with a mathematics or
science teacher who does not hold a state-issued license or undergraduate degree in the field they
teach (Jordan & Cooper, 2003). Having unqualified teachers exposes Black students to being
17

under-taught and under-prepared for life after high school, both academically and in terms of
general living (Jordan & Cooper, 2003). Being taught in underperforming schools leads to
students being exposed to societal ills such as poverty, social class biases, and institutional
racism (Jordan & Cooper, 2003).
Black male students have for decades been more at risk of school failure, and diminished
life chances, than in the 1980s. Jordan and Cooper (2003) assert that in order to improve overall
achievement for Black male students, school districts need to hire more Black male teachers. The
perceptive of Black male school administrators would be “insightful in refining models of high
school reform and improving student outcomes” (Jordan & Cooper; 2003, p. 214). However,
because Black males have experienced the highest amounts of school failure and societal ills,
they are less likely to become teachers and school leaders (Anderson, 2018; Whiting, 2009).
Recruitment Efforts
Former U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan has suggested that Black men are
needed in the classroom as teachers because their presence, due to their life perspectives,
contributes to the diversity within the profession (Lewis & Toldson, 2013). Black male school
administrators benefit the educational system as they provide impactful and life-changing
services to all students, regardless of racial makeup or gender background (Lewis & Toldson,
2013). However, since the beginning of the Brown vs. Board of Education era, the recruitment
and retention of Black male school administrators in the United States has been a crisis for urban
public schools at the academic level (Bryan et al., 2016). Black male school administrators are
rarely selected to serve as leaders and gifted teachers (Bryan et al., 2016; Whitford, 2020).
Bristol and Goings (2018) observed the experiences of three Black male teachers who had
previously faced the challenges of being frustrated and marginalized as students. Academic
18

tracking was credited as a source of social suffering. Their despair as students followed them into
adulthood as teachers as they witnessed their own Black male students (Bristol & Goings, 2018).
Black male teachers of today are often seen as part of the hip hop generation and have been
impactful in addressing Black male students’ academic and social needs (Tillman, 2009).
However, when the most talented Black male school administrators of this era are faced with
economic marginalization, racial disparities in standardized testing, and systematic racism, these
factors ultimately continue to impact the teaching recruitment process (Rogers-Ard et al., 2012).
The Role of White Supremacy
White supremacy controls every facet of American society. The system itself could be
preventing Black men from obtaining social, economic, environmental, and political power.
Several methods are used to impose power and control over Black people that play out every day
in every institution in the United States. There has been little research conducted that denotes a
direct connection between White supremacy and the scarcity of Black male educational leaders.
However, other studies have hinted that a tenet of White supremacy is a psychological hold over
almost all Americans to prevent Black men from becoming educational leaders in urban
America.
Definition and Purpose
By definition, the system of White supremacy is composed of institutions that are
systematically structured to secure White dominance (Saad, 2020). White supremacy upholds the
notion that Whites are superior and Blacks are inferior (Cross, 2020). White supremacy
manifests itself within society that will always ensure that Blacks will always be undervalued,
underestimated, and marginalized (Cross, 2020).
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Roots in Education
There is a small but growing body of literature indicating the roots of White supremacy
in education and the impact it has had on Black teachers (Arday & Mirza, 2018; Boger &
Wegner, 1996; Griffin et al., 2011). Black boys and men in the United States have been the most
marginalized by White supremacy, and for most, it starts when they enter into the educational
system (Neitzel, 2020). Black boys are disproportionality disciplined in school (Rainbolt et al.,
2019). Little and Tolbert’s (2018) study found that Black male students are forced to endure
educational environments that promote the stereotypes of their alleged intellectually and
psychologically inadequate and problematic behaviors. Deficit-thinking narratives incited by
biased and bigoted stereotypes argue that some Black male students are sexual deviants,
disengaged, overly emotionally disturbed, or difficult to educate (Little & Tolbert, 2018).
Secondly, a report on Black male students in education has discovered that they are excluded
more frequently and systematically than other genetic and racial groups (Little & Tolbert, 2018).
According to the U.S. Department of Education (2014), Black male students are suspended and
expelled three times more often than White students (Little & Tolbert, 2018). Furthermore, Black
students as a group are suspended at a rate of 16.4%, compared with 4.6% of White students.
Thirdly, Black male students are grossly underrepresented in gifted programs, rewards of
distinction, and advanced placement programs or courses (Little & Tolbert, 2018).
Skiba (2011) conducted a study into an elementary and middle school’s disciplinary
procedures and found that Black male students were more likely to being sent to the office with
referrals, to be subject to corporal punishment, and to be expelled from school due to behavioral
issues that were related to their White male counterparts (Skiba et al., 2011). For Black male
students, Ferguson (2000) states that their wrongdoings are more likely to be contrived as
20

mischievous, calculated, and totally cognizant, removing any aspect of youthful “naivete,” which
in turn “adulteries” and strips them of compassion (p. 83). This reality forges painful and
possibly never-ending experiences that have sabotaged many Black male students’ academic and
personal successes and, in many cases, led to gratuitous disciplinary actions from teachers and
administrators (Little & Tolbert, 2018).
Although special education programs were created after the Brown vs. Board of
Education decision, a disproportionate number of Black students have been referred to
specialized services, which has become a digressive tool for operating White supremacy
(Blanchett, 2006). Black male students are overrepresented in special education, which has been
realized in a methodical way (Rainbolt et al., 2019). Black students are disproportionately given
special education labels such as autism, emotional behavioral disorders, and learning disabilities
(Blanchett, 2006; Zhang & Katsiyannis, 2002). Once Black students are labeled as having
disabilities, they make considerably lower academic/behavior gains than White students
(Blanchett, 2006; U.S. Department of Education, 2004). Furthermore, although in recent years
the field of special education has moved toward eliminating discriminatory measures in labeling
students, by advocating for more equable placement in the general education environment, many
Black students are placed in less academically challenging, restrictive, and self-contained
settings in which they have little to no exposure to the more modern general education
curriculum (Blanchett, 2006; Fierros & Conroy, 2002).
Historically, White women have often been used as a buffer to reinforce the system of
White supremacy when it comes to supporting social matters (including education) that has in
turn led to the sustainment of the economic and employment dominance of Whites and confined
Black people to a permanent underclass (McCrae, 2018). White women are also more prone to
21

refer a Black male student to special education or to disciplinary actions in school than any other
ethnic group in the United States (Bahena, 2012).
Many White female teachers were on the front lines protesting against desegregation and
school bussing (Delmont, 2016; McCrae, 2018). During the protests, their encounters with Black
students were often just as vicious and violent as their White male counterparts in places such as
Mississippi in the 1950s and Boston during the 1970s (Lord & Catau, 1976). White female
teachers also taught their own children and White students that, according to the US caste system
of racial hierarchies, they were superior to Blacks, who were seen as inferior, and that it was not
only scientific but perhaps also God’s will that Black people remained at the bottom of the social
classes in society (McCrae, 2018). For generations, White mothers taught their daughters that
Black males were unintelligent, sexually aggressive, dangerous, and mentally weak, and that if
they dated them at school and fell in love with them, their actions could lead to the extinction of
the White race and its world dominance (Delmont, 2016; McCrae, 2018).
Neitzel (2020) asserts that if educational and political leaders are going to modify the
educational system in the United States, the country itself has to acknowledge the role of White
supremacy as a team sport (both White men and women participating) and its systematic use in
implicitly and explicitly keeping Black people in a subjugated position as students and
economically within society.
Economic Marginalization
Blacks historically have had problems competing in the global marketplace because of
their limited schooling and access to resources (Freeman, 2007). That necessitates more
outstanding education and training to ensure decent employment opportunities in the 21st
century (Freeman, 2007). Low academic performance among Black students, on the other hand,
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has long been and will continue to be a problem that affects both individuals and culture
(Freeman, 2007). Black underachievement at all stages of education leads to challenges in the
labor market (Freeman, 2007). When Black children begin schooling, they are discounted in
many ways, either by alienation or extinction (Freeman, 2007). Often students fail to realize their
value in the education sector, causing them to have no interest in participating in the workforce
and therefore limiting market access to others (Freeman, 2007). Black Americans continue to be
stuck in low levels of educational achievement and economic destitution due to the absence of
more comprehensive experiences, and thus their career prospects are reduced (Freeman, 2007).
Mong and Roscigno (2009) have found that when Black men transition into the
workplace from high school or college, they are frequently victims of firings or suffer from
higher rates of workplace abuse and employment discrimination. The struggle in academia and
the media to understand the ongoing disparities in opportunities and resources between Black
and White populations is embedded in White supremacy (Rochester, 2017). These specific
wealth transfers—specifically the Black Tax (which has a detrimental effect on Black future
generations)—has a significant financial impact on the propensity to hinder generational wealth
transfer inside the Black community (Rochester, 2017). Historically, lawmakers set up
segregation to keep Black people as low as possible on the economic ladder (Quick &
Kahlenberg, 2019). Several decades or indeed centuries of migration have been damaging to the
well-being and socio-economic fabric of Black societies, as well as its long-term progress
(Solomon et al., 2019). The mass incarceration of Black men is not a product of chance but an
act of calculated state policy that has been used to silence and warehouse the Black population
and eliminate Blacks from the workforce, thus causing an economic annihilation of the Black
race (Alexander, 2010).
23

The disproportionate hiring of White women in the K-12 environment and higher
education has contributed to civil rights issues that involve people of all colors, extending to
women of both races (Hall, 2006). The increasing injustice and growth in hostility against Black
people in US society coincided with the rise in the success of the Women’s Ku Klux Klan (Hall,
2006). Continuing and expanding current traditions with regard to race is a requirement of White
dominance in the use of females (Hall, 2006).
The disparity in hiring rates between White women and Black people at elite institutions
of higher learning has introduced a more subtle yet no less formidable mechanism for
perpetuating Black racism (Hall, 2006). Blacks' social and economic marginalization is amplified
by a shortage of educational resources and, as a consequence, their job opportunities (Alexander,
2010, Freeman, 2007). Fewer job openings reduce Blacks' prospects of equalizing their
economic and social opportunities with those of Whites (Alexander, 2010, Freeman, 2007).
Media Perception of Black Men
The impact of mass media consumption on the general population is an inevitable
characteristic of U.S. society. As a result, many people find themselves exposed to generalized
thoughts and representations daily, particularly in the entertainment industry (Hall, 2011). As a
result, the fact that the media glorifies White or European standards of beauty or appearance for
women while demonizing dark-skinned individuals can have a societal impact not only on how
Blacks but also other communities within society are treated, thus often contributing to
discriminatory racial workplace or hiring practices (Hall, 2011). During the Jim Crow era, the
media was used as a political weapon, with films such as Birth of a Nation referring to Black
men as “boys” and sex-craved savages (Burrell, 2010).
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In the modern era, the media perpetuates the stereotype that Black men neglect common
sense and are unworthy of leadership (Burrell, 2010). The media also depicts Black men’s sex
drive as crazed and uncontrollable, instilling terror in both the weak and motivated segments of
patriarchal culture (Richeson, 2009). When Blacks and people of color are shown in movies or
television, they are typically portrayed as less capable, their personalities trivialized, and their
characters diminished (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). The media employs a variety of channels and
comparisons to portray Black men as savagely aggressive individuals or animal-like creatures
(Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). The derogatory imagery of Black males has been used in conjunction
with the undertone carried by the word “thug” in right-wing-leaning media and social platforms
(Smith, 2020; Smiley and Fakunle 2016).
According to research on media views of ethnicity, gender, and sexual harassment,
Blacks are often omitted as victims of crime or even criticized for crimes committed against
them (Lykke, 2015). The stereotypical negative media portrayal of Blacks as victims of police
brutality is that they bear responsibility for their own murders, much like Trayvon Martin, an
unarmed Black teenager killed in 2012 by George Zimmerman, an off-duty White Hispanic
neighborhood watchman (Dukes & Gaither, 2017). Additionally, some members of the media
blamed Trayvon Martin and other Black victims of police shootings, as well as their parents, for
their own deaths. Some media outlets even referenced the victim’s school disciplinary reports,
which were then used to create a negative narrative about the victim (Behnke, 2017; Dukes &
Gaither, 2017). Such negative images and generalizations of Black people in the media may also
affect how society views court cases, which can lead to significant changes in their attitudes
towards innocent Blacks receiving justice in the court of public opinion in comparison with
actual court proceedings (Behnke, 2017).
25

Brown’s (2006) study uses an empirical approach to explain how media and the
population, in general, have capitalized on anti-Black prejudices in order to relegate them to
thew status of second-class people. To reduce bigotry in the United States, Brown (2006)
suggests that the mainstream media and entertainment industries must stop portraying young
Black males as hostile, lawless, and abusive (Brown, 2006).
Coded Messaging
Language with racial connotations is woven into the fabric of the United States racial
politics (Bennett & Walker, 2018). Politicians frequently use coded language among the
dominant society without talking about race (Searles, 2016). The dominant society uses this dog-
whistle tactic to communicate in codes that are confusing to people of color but clearly heard by
White people (Searles, 2016). Political identity-based new media outlets such as Fox News
openly engage in racial appeals to persuade White voters to support policies that benefit the
extremely wealthy (Searles, 2016). Racial priming consistently demonstrates that media content
increases the importance of racial attitudes in the U.S. political assessments (Tesler, 2017).
Explicit coded messaging targets White America directly, invoking race and/or racial stereotypes
of marginalizing minorities (Tesler, 2017). The 2016 election of former Republican President
Donald Trump demonstrates the resurgence of ethnic anxieties and narratives in his references to
socially disturbed and disconnected characters such as urban drug lords and an alleged surge of
Mexican rapists, both of which were founded on racial stereotypes (Sugino, 2020).
Republicans have largely appealed to the conservative base of the United States society
in the last 50 years, beginning with Richard Nixon’s 1968 presidential campaign, when his team
used a “Southern strategy” that capitalized on and stoked racial discord by using coded language
to appeal to White Southerners and so-called Dixiecrats (Brown, 2004; Maxwell & Shields,
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2021). Republicans have also connected socially to White swing voters without claiming to be
breaking the equality standard (Maxwell & Shields, 2021). As a result, some candidates use
overt appeals including racially coded words to win votes (Brown, 2004; Maxwell & Shields,
2021). In close elections, Republican candidates frequently make tacit appeals to race by pairing
visual representations of Black people with social issues such as violence, or by using racially
coded terms such as inner city, Chicago, a wink toward White fears of President Obama,
poverty, or welfare queens as a way to engage with White fears (Brown, 2004; Maxwell &
Shields, 2021). Lee Atwater, a right-wing political strategist who worked as campaign manager
for several Republican presidents, including both Nixon and Ronald Reagan, acknowledged that
this tactic was deliberate (Perlstein, 2012). It was so successful that every presidential candidate,
including Democrats, have used it in their campaigns excluding the 2008 and 2012 elections, but
including the 2016 election (Perlstein, 2012). Lee Atwater admitted that he had hoped to
capitalize on Southerners' racism and hatred as proud descendants of slave owners and
secessionists (Perlstein, 2012).
On the other hand, Democrats also seek to maintain their non-White voter base while
simultaneously appealing to socially conservative Whites. As a result, more recently, their
election strategy has been to remain neutral on racial issues (Clawson & Oxley, 2017).
Democrats have often avoided addressing Black issues specifically, instead using terms such as
Black and brown classes or minorities to avoid making overt promises exclusively for Black
people (Branch & Jackson, 2019). Democrats fear that if they push too hard for Black people,
they may lose votes from conservatives, progressives, and swing voters (Branch & Jackson,
2019). According to a 2015 leaked memo, the Democrats at the time were pursuing a strategy of
27

benign neglect on public policies concerning Black issues, in order to attract support from
moderate and right-wing voters (Rupert, 2016).
Dog-whistling continues to have a significant impact on U.S. society. Middle-class White
Americans are pushed to vote against their economic interests in order to punish “undeserving
Blacks” who, they believe, are receiving too much government assistance at their expense
(Jardina, 2019). Because middle-class Whites believe Blacks are the “enemy,” they often back
politicians who promise to reduce illegal immigration and crack down on crime. In doing so,
they may inadvertently vote for policies that favor the ultra-rich, such as slashing taxes for the
top economic classes, giving companies more regulatory control over industry and credit
markets, union-busting, and cutting pensions for futile employees (Green, 2015; Jardina, 2019).
White voters who vote against their own interests are unable to connect rising inequality in their
lives to the policies they support, which has led to a massive conversion of wealth to the top 1%
of the population since the Reagan administration (Green, 2015; Jardina, 2019). Dog-whistle
politics have the most impact on Black people because Americans (of any ethnic group other
than White) have a negative perception of them, which influences how Americans view justice
for innocent Black people, and therefore how civic resources including education are allocated,
as well as how laws are written (Green, 2015). Dog-whistle politics also reinforce the stereotype
that Black people are undeserving of governmental resources and should not be given social
benefits or access to any government program that might lift them out of economic and social
segregation (Green, 2015).
Racial Profiling
Racial profiling is the practice of focusing on someone based solely on their race rather
than any specific suspicion (Warren & Farrell, 2009). In the 1990s, the media started focusing
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heavily on racial profiling in traffic stops; such profiling came under intense scrutiny (Warren &
Farrell, 2009). Racial profiling extends beyond police stops; it also impacts how or if Black
people receive credit or receive employment, and how their job applications are reviewed. Racial
profiling of Black men is a practice that is primarily based on their race and gender (Warren &
Farrell, 2009). Modern forms of employment discrimination are less identifiable and more
covert, posing challenges for researchers in their attempt to measure such actions (Pager &
Shepherd, 2008). Mechanisms for targeting, deputizing, and unfairly treating Black people on the
job based on their race (Johnson et al., 2001). Black men are systematically racially profiled on
job applications at three times the rate of other minorities (Leveaux, 2013). Black people are
twice as likely as White people to be unemployed, while Black wages continue to lag far behind
those of Whites (Leveaux, 2013; Pager & Shepherd, 2008).
A long line of studies has looked into the extent to which discrimination plays a role in
U.S. labor market disparities (Pager & Shepherd, 2008). Experimental audit studies on hiring
decisions have consistently found strong evidence of racial discrimination, with White
preference estimates ranging from 50% to 240 % (Pager & Shepherd, 2008). Bertrand and
Mullainathan (2004) mailed identical resumes to employers in Boston and Chicago, using
racially identifiable names to signal race; for example, names such as “Tremonte” signaled a
Black man and “Shakisha” signaled a Black woman, while “Brad” and “Emily” signaled a White
man and woman (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004). The callback rate for White applicants was
50% higher than for equally well qualified Black applicants (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004).
Furthermore, their research found that improving applicants' qualifications benefited White
applicants but not Black applicants, resulting in a wider racial gap in response times for higher
skill levels (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004).
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Tomaskovic-Devey et al. (2005) have used a fixed-effects model to show that Black men
spend significantly more time looking for work, have less work experience, and have less stable
employment than White men with similar characteristics (Tomaskovic-Devey et al., 2005). The
findings of a telephone audit also point to a gender and class dimension of racial discrimination,
with Black women and/or Blacks who speak in a way linked with a lower-class upbringing being
discriminated against more than Black men and/or those who speak in a way suggestive of a
middle-class upbringing (Massey & Lundy 2001, Purnell et al. 1999). A study regarding credit
and borrowing found evidence that Blacks face higher rejection rates and less favorable terms in
securing mortgages than Whites with similar credit characteristics (Ross & Yinger 1999).
According to Green et al. (1995), Blacks pay more than 0.5% higher interest rates on mortgage
loans than Whites, and this disparity continues even after controlling for wage status, sales date,
and consumer era (Green et al., 1995). Studies have also been conducted on the tense
relationship between law enforcement and Black people (Behnke, 2017; English et al., 2017;
Nadal et al., 2017).
In fact, since the election of former President Barack Obama, there have been more high-
profile cases of police officers killing Black men and boys in public places (some incidents of
which were sparked by racial profiling) than at any time since the civil rights movement began
(Wright, 2016). Blacks have always been the targets of unlawful stops and searches based on the
stereotype of them being likely to commit or be in the process of committing a crime (Behnke,
2017). The primary motivator has been the stereotyping of Blacks as the most likely racial group
to participate in illegal activities (Behnke, 2017). For decades, local neighborhoods have
embraced law enforcement officers' focus on race as a common cause for traffic stops and frisks
(Behnke, 2017). Since non-minorities and law enforcement officers believe that most Blacks
30

commit crimes or traffic drugs, Blacks have been and continue to be the target of such treatment
(Behnke, 2017).
Findings from Nadal et al. (2017) show that Black people are more inclined than Whites
and Latinos to have a pessimistic attitude toward the police (Nadal et al., 2017). Although there
were no substantial variations in participants' views of officers by color, Black men were more
likely than White and Asian men to have negative impressions of police (Nadal et al., 2017).
According to the findings of a study by English et al. (2017), 50 Black participants reported
racial profiling experiences with police, including being accused of drug-related behavior, being
unfairly pulled over while driving, being unlawfully stopped and frisked, being assumed to be a
thief, as well as cases of verbal abuse, physical abuse, unjust treatment associated with clothing,
and being unfairly arrested (English et al., 2017).
Negative Perceptions of Black Men’s Leadership Capabilities
There has been a tendency during the post-civil rights movement era to argue that the
problems of urban America are the result of the racism of White officials and, therefore, that
many of these issues could be solved by placing Black people into leadership roles (Riley, 2017).
However, evidence from research indicates that there might be little relationship between the
success of Black leaders and the opportunities of Black people as a group (Riley, 2017). One of
the main reasons why Black success is limited is because stereotypes are deeply embedded in the
culture of the United States and rooted in the practice of slavery (Riley, 2017; Taylor et al.,
2019). Throughout the nation’s past, Black stereotypes, especially of males, have had a negative
effect on Black communities and families (Taylor et al., 2019).
For example, the misconception that Blacks are stupid, lazy, abusive, and likely to be
offenders has had an impact on educational performance, job prospects and socioeconomic
31

status, raised questions concerning the supposed limitations of their leadership abilities, and led
to the dismantling of Black families and communities (Taylor et al., 2019). Teachers, company
owners, and law enforcement officers also believe these myths, which affect how they approach
Black people (Taylor et al., 2019). To succeed despite racial discrimination, Black people must
therefore be “twice as effective”: twice as intelligent, twice as trustworthy, and twice as skillful.
Given these expectations, they still fall short of perfection in the eyes of White supremacists
(Brown, 2021).
Because of the negative perceptions of Black people, Black men in particular are always
judged more critically in their leadership capacity than any other ethnic group in the world
(Pitcan et al., 2018). Microaggressions, propaganda, and the deputization of Black leaders from
the dominant society are all strategies employed to lessen their impact in the workplace and in a
political context (Pitcan et al., 2018). One of the more contentious assumptions about Black male
leadership skills has been linked to athletics. White players, for example, are portrayed as
articulate leaders who are innocent, as opposed to Black athletes, who are viewed as
transgressive and frequently demonized by the mainstream media and others linked to the
dominant society (Leonard, 2017). Former Los Angeles Dodgers General Manager Al
Campanis’s statement that Blacks need “the basics” to run a baseball team demonstrates an
example of a powerful figurehead expressing bigoted views regarding Black men's ability to
manage (Brummett & Ishak, 2014).
There was a belief that with President Barack Obama's election in 2008, the United States
had entered a post-racial era, but there was a violent “Whitelash” similar to the dismantlement of
Black reconstruction by the Ku Klux Klan, as well as the reversals of the gains that Blacks
obtained during the civil rights and Black power movements, which contributed to the murders
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of civil rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King Jr and the Black Panther Leader Fred Hampton
(Brown, 2021). Race relations have become more polarized and tense since 2008, partly as a
result of an increase in police shootings of unarmed Black men and the reemergence of White
supremacy groups, all of which point to White fear of Black leadership (Brown, 2021; Smith,
2020). Despite the success of prominent Black men in the United States, there will always be a
segment in US society that will judge their leadership abilities harshly (Brummett & Ishak,
2014).
Psychological Impact on Society
As a result of White supremacy's deep roots, U.S. society as a whole—and not just White
Americans—has a negative perception of Black men and their leadership potential (Roberts,
2019). Media outlets are used to reinforce the White supremacy system psychologically (Kardaş,
2017). Due to the negative perceptions portrayed in the media and reinforced through legislation
and policy, Black men are more likely to face prejudice when applying for leadership positions
(Kardaş, 2017).
The de facto caste system in the United States society has been further shaped by the
racial politics of White supremacy (Bhavnani, 2001). For example, the refusal of White juries to
convict White supremacists demonstrates their systemic hold on the United States society
(Staples, 1975). Slogans such as “Make America Great Again” serve a specific purpose: to
advance White supremacy and divide the American people (Twain, 2019). Right-wing news
organizations such as Fox News have been complicit in disseminating false information in order
to psychologically bolster the egos of the racist White base, thereby clouding their judgment
toward Black people (Twain, 2019).
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The Impact of Social Programs
The 1960s social programs exacerbated the dysfunction of Black men and Black families
as a whole. While some services were well-intended and aimed to help Black children become
better nourished, for example, they eventually played a major role in undermining Black families
and Black gender relationships. The reliance on the government replaced Black men as the sole
provider, weakening their economic worth to the family. It reduced personal morale among
urban Black men, contributing to the high unemployment rate. Beginning in the late 1960s,
heavy drug pushing and use, as well as illegal activity, became associated with Black men. There
has been no research that shows a clear link between social services and the shortage of Black
male educational leaders. Other studies, however, have shown that social programs economically
and socially isolated Black males, as well as widening both academic and economic disparities
within the Black community.
Political Diversions and Entanglements
Claud Anderson, a Black economics scholar, has warned that Black people are on the
verge of becoming a permanent underclass (1994, p. 8). In his 1994 study, Anderson argued that,
based on the research of the time, he expected the next generation of Whites to be much more
anti-Black than in the aftermath of the civil rights struggle. He also predicted that approximately
86 million Hispanics and approximately 41 million Asians would enter the United States,
reducing Black people from being the main minority in this country to the most marginalized
(Harrison, 2020). For 400 years, Black people had been ranked second in society and were now
predicted to fall to fourth, he said (Anderson, 1994; Harrison, 2020). “If Black people haven't
gotten anything after being number two for 400 years, people might be able to guess what will
happen when Blacks drop to number four,” he added (Anderson, 1994; Harrison, 2020).
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Anderson (1994) emphasized that in order to break free from the politico-economic
entanglement imposed by the system of White supremacy, Black people must demonstrate group
economics and/or economic empowerment, as well as demand reparations and other forms of
social programs from the federal government.
More than two decades later, Anderson (2017) stated that his 1994 assessment of Black
economics was well on track for manifestation, and he added that civil rights policies, such as
affirmative action, never benefited Blacks because social programs were trickledown policies.
He went on to say that laws and policies were created with ambiguous language (e.g., “people of
color”/“minority”) that does not address issues specific to Black people’s needs (Anderson,
2017). During the previous two election cycles (2016 and 2020), a group of Black organizations
raised concerns about the benign neglect approach to Democratic presidential candidates. These
included groups such as Black Lives Matter, Foundational Black Americans, and African
Descendants of Slavery (Darity & Mullen, 2020).
Members of African Descendants of Slavery attended campaign rallies in 2016 to
demand that presidential candidates offer tangible reparations to the Black community while
referencing how previous presidential administrations provided for other immigrant and ethnic
groups (Darity & Mullen, 2020). When pressed, presidential candidates such as Senator Bernie
Sanders, Senator Hillary Clinton, and President Barack Obama, stated their opposition to
reparations (Guo, 2016). Some political analysts blamed this rejection by Democratic
presidential candidates for Senator Bernie Sanders’s failure to gain momentum during the 2016
elections and Senator Hillary Clinton's loss to Republican nominee Donald Trump (Darity &
Mullen, 2020). In 2020, several prominent candidates, including then-Senator Kamala Harris,
Senator Cory Booker, and Senator Elizabeth Warren, agreed to the principle of reparations, while
35

Senator Bernie Sanders struggled to respond positively to the issue (Darity & Mullen, 2020). He
was also accused of deflecting by stating on CNN that he had no idea what reparations were or
what the term meant (Sanders On Reparations: It Depends On What The Word Means, CNN
Video, 2019).
Despite crediting the Black community for putting him in the White House, President-
Elect Joe Biden told Black leaders, including the Congressional Black Caucus, after his election
in December 2020 that Black people would soon have to compete with Hispanics, and that he
would not push for police reforms, confirming Dr. Anderson's (1994 and 2017) concerns of an
unofficial Democratic policy of benign neglect toward Blacks (Grim, 2020; Solender, 2020). In
addition, Democrat-backed policies such as the 1994 Crime Bill, sponsored by President Joe
Biden, have led to an unprecedented increase of imprisonment of Black men, which has
hampered the growth and stability of Black families (Eckhouse, 2019). For their part, many
Republicans believe that Black issues are pathological and that they should be blamed for their
failures (Feagin & Vera, 2010). Throughout the course of U.S. history, both Democrats and
Republicans have worked together to design political entanglements in an effort to undermine
and or slow Black people’s attempts to gain economic growth and stability through social
programs.
Social Welfare Programs
The late Senator Patrick Moynihan predicted, in response to President Lyndon Johnson's
1964 “Great Society” and “war on poverty” laws, that without access to employment and the
means to contribute significant support to a family, Black men would become systematically
isolated from their roles as husbands and fathers, triggering high rates of divorce, child
abandonment, and out-of-wedlock pregnancies in the Black community. Throughout the late
36

1960s and well into the late 1990s, socioeconomic social programs were viewed as a factor in
causing Black father absenteeism, thus fulfilling Moynihan’s predictions (McGuire et al., 2014).
Johnson’s policies ultimately resulted in the births of many illegitimate Black children
(Patterson, 2012). According to Amneus (1990), the war on poverty also resulted in a “War on
Patriarchy.” Amneus (1990) argued that the absence of Black fathers and rise of women-led
homes had contributed to crime, juvenile delinquency, drug use, school problems, and other
social problems which have plagued Black urban communities. Amneus (1990) also held that a
Black matriarchy represented America's ghettos, where women had parental rights and men were
no longer needed. As the nuclear family no longer existed, patriarchy was no longer valued in
impoverished Black communities (Amneus, 1990). James (2013) also points out that when the
federal military sent Black males to Vietnam, with some not returning, fewer working-class and
educated Black men and fathers were left in Black homes and the Black community as a whole.
Absent Black fathers or those uninvolved in their children's lives had pathological
consequences for Black male development in the 1980s and 1990s, according to Wade (1994).
Some Black children from dysfunctional and matriarchal homes struggled with self-identity and
other social ills related to parental abandonment caused by social welfare programs from the
1970s to the 1980s (Wade, 1994). Because of social programs, impoverished Black women were
no longer reliant on men in the home by the 1990s (Nance, 1991). The impact of welfare on the
family in Black society arguably resulted in an anti-male attitude that reached Black male
children, who often ended up engaging in poor relationships with single women. This
phenomenon was in turn reflected in the music, pop culture, and blaxploitation movies of the
1970s, as well as Black movies in the 1980s and 1990s (Leary, 2018; Nance, 1991).
37

Equal Opportunities
Historically Black people have been victims of racial discrimination, and they have had a
harder time being recruited into jobs that they are qualified for than White people in the United
States (Wilson, 2020). Oftentimes when discrimination cases arise, blacks have addressed their
local Equal Opportunity officers in order to address institutionalized and cultural disparities
(Wilson, 2020). There are state, local divisions (companies, educational organizations, etc.) and a
federal division of the Equal Employment commissions. The Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission (EEOC) is in charge of applying federal legislation against discrimination on the
basis of ethnicity, race, faith, sex, national origin, age, disability, the genetic make-up of work
applicants or employees (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, n.d.). The EEOC
has the power to prosecute claims of harassment against employees, and in response to a
complaint, and the EEOC's job is to objectively and reasonably evaluate a case before making a
decision (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, n.d.). If EECO discovers prejudice
on the federal level, they will work to resolve the matter. If EECO fails, they have the power to
bring a complaint; they have the authority to litigate proceedings (U.S. Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission, n.d.). In local divisions, a company has an Equal Opportunity officer
who reviews cases of potential discrimination on the job, and they too can determine outcomes
that could be resolve cases (Massey & Sampson, 2009).
According to Massey and Sampson’s (2009) study results, equal opportunity, given its
history, its actions, and frequently their inactions regarding black cases, have only reinforced the
status quo, not diminish it because cases rarely go in their favor. Since some of the mechanisms
that the EEOC or local officers use to decide whether businesses or individuals have practiced
any actual prejudice are difficult, Taylor and Sander (2012) argue that social programs like Equal
38

Opportunity are not just intended to benefit minorities but also to perpetuate a disadvantage
between the dominant society and people of color. The EEOC or local officers must demonstrate
the person's or company's state of mind that their acts were discriminatory or racially motivated
(Taylor & Sander, 2012).
Affirmative Action
“Affirmative action” was first coined as a phrase and implemented in the United States in
the early 1960s to tackle racial inequality in the recruiting process, but it was also extended to
include gender discrimination (Katznelson, 2006). Affirmative action is a collection of policies
and procedures within a government or institution that aims to improve the inclusion of certain
populations in positions where they are underrepresented, such as schooling and jobs, depending
on their gender, ethnicity, age, creed, or nationality (Smith, 2007). In the 1960s, affirmative
action was used to combat bigotry and misogyny, and remains one of the reforms that has
received the most backlash from the political right (Petrikowski, 2015). Since the late 1970s,
right-wing groups have been trying to abolish affirmative action in the courts, arguing that it is
unconstitutional (Petrikowski, 2015). Conservative activists have accused universities of using
unconstitutional quotas to discriminate against Asian, Jewish, and White students and have filed
several cases to put an end to it (Inwood, 2015).
According to opponents of affirmative action, many Black students who attend elite
colleges are too poor to profit from inclusion (Carbado et al., 2016). Affirmative action benefits
White women more than any other demographic group in the United States (Petrikowski, 2015).
However, even though two generations of White women have benefited from the work of Black
people in terms of improving educational and career prospects for all, White approval for
affirmative action is dwindling (Marable, 2016). Right-wing talking points, as well as the radical
39

right's dog-whistle politics since the 1980s, have contributed to a decline in support for
affirmative action (Petrikowski, 2015).
A Supreme Court decision in 2003 allowed educational institutions to recognize race
while accepting students (Cooper et al., 2015). However, several states, including California,
Michigan, and Washington, have passed constitutional changes prohibiting affirmative action in
public services, including public colleges, within their borders. As a result, a report found that
states that ban specific affirmative action have seen a decrease in the number of underrepresented
minority students in the long term (Jaschik, 2020).
Despite affirmative action, Black people are still either marginalized or underrepresented
throughout higher education (Cahn, 2013). Social programs do little to address institutionalized
inequality, and Black children are now forced to attend under-resourced campuses (Warren,
2020; Jaschik, 2020). Given the right wing’s intense racial language, Jason (2020) of the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) argues that the aim of
affirmative action cases has been to maintain White supremacy and domination in highly ranking
colleges (Jason, 2020).
Gender Discrepancies
Some of the social programs from the 1960s directly impacted gender relationships
between Black men and Black women. There is currently a gender war in the Black community
that extends into the job force. Black men are increasingly vulnerable to suffering the
consequences of such a dysfunctional environment, thus impacting their career prospects,
development, and ability to establish functional relationships with Black women. The CEO of
CPS, Janice Jackson, even mentions an opportunity gap between Black men and Black women
(Jackson, 2018).
40

Gender War
During the 1960s, Black couples worked together to combat racism; now, they are more
likely to compete against one another at home and at work (Haywood, 2018). Black men earn
less than Black women, which has an effect on relationship gender stereotypes (Haywood, 2018).
However, the author claims that a mentality “grounded in the idea of a Black gender battle” only
serves to reinforce White media sensationalism and stereotypes of Black culture (Lemons, 1997).
By the mid-1970s, a full-fledged “gender battle” had exploded across the spectrum of Black
entertainment, politics, and intellectual life, according to Trigg and Bernstein (2016). Black
women and Black men battled racism, while also battling each over relationship positions,
positionality, and sexism (Trigg & Bernstein, 2016). Owing to economic and educational
inequalities between the genders, a “low-level gender battle” between Black men and Black
women began in the 1980s (Valentine et al., 2020).
According to Valentine et al. (2020), Black feminists believe that Black women are more
motivated than Black men. Valentine et al. (2020) conclude that a Black man's economic
advantages do not compensate for a Black woman's educational achievement and that she has
therefore been forced to marry down, resulting in a conflict that has further separated the
genders.
Feminism and Black Masculinity
Black men face discrimination in an industry dominated by women, such as education
(Williams, 2015). As a result of the historical and present social construct in the United States,
minority groups that were once unified are increasingly forced to fight with one another for
power (Brockenbrough, 2012). In a largely female-dominated workplace, scholarly research has
begun to consider the role of feminism in the work environment and how Black men are forced
41

to manage power dynamics and professional culture (Brockenbrough, 2012). Feminist groups
advocate women's rights and workplace equality, but they may be contributing to a shortage of
Black male principals (Brown & Butty, 1999). Gender inequality becomes more likely because
both Black male and Black female employees are vying for rights and jobs that they were both
previously denied (Collins, 1990; Sexton, 2019). Some feminists in positions of power have
expressed reservations about recruiting a male with more significant growth potential, thus
discriminating against men (Benatar, 2012; Sommers, 2015).
Black people continue to face racism and discrimination, which obstructs their
professional and economic advancement, affecting gender relations (Mutua, 2006). Black men
are disproportionately threatened and deputized on the job (Mutua, 2006). Black male teachers
are now dealing with identity politics and power dynamics that complicate their relationships
with their colleagues (Brockenbrough, 2018). When it comes to Black masculinity, Ferber
(2007) states that Black male athletes are celebrated as long as they are confined to the social
order of White supremacy. On the other hand, they are demonized in society if they rebel. The
demonization of Black males has had a significant effect on Black culture in terms of developing
relationships with their female counterparts. Black males have a reputation for being hypersexual
and aggressive and for having to be restrained (Ferber, 2007).
Relationship Dysfunctions
According to one study, Black couples are the least likely to marry, with 70% of Black
women and over 50% of Black men being unmarried (Frejka, 2012). Broken Black families,
according to Frejka (2012), are a legacy of slavery. Massive educational and income gaps exist
between Black men and Black women (McGuire et al., 2014). The dissolution of the Black
family, partly as a result of 1960s social programs, resulted in both Black men and Black women
42

losing an understanding of how to be a loving partner, according to some researchers (McGuire
et al., 2014). Incarceration, as well as a lack of adequate educational and career opportunities,
continue to be a problem for Black men, thus keeping them from achieving professional and
personal success (McGuire et al., 2014). Black women are almost twice as likely than Black men
to complete high school and college, and they are more likely to hold leadership positions. In
recent years, however, Black men have begun to catch up with women's educational
achievements (McGuire et al., 2014).
The gender war between Black men and Black women is fueled by dysfunction and the
systematic destruction of Black families (McGuire et al., 2014). According to Oware (2011),
slavery caused huge divisions in Black male and female relationships.
When manufacturing and the service sector disappeared in the late 1960s, it had a
negative effect on Black male jobs, restricting the growth of Black families while simultaneously
fueling pathological behavior or dysfunctional activity among Black males. Since many grew up
in the homes of single mothers, James (2013) has theorized that one of the leading causes of
relationship discord in the Black community is that Black women seek out Black males from
genuinely lost, broken, and disconnected families. Some urban Black males appear dominant on
the outside, such as street hustlers, criminals, drug dealers, and former prisoners, but on the
inside, many are emotionally weak because they never had a relationship with their fathers
(James, 2013).
In the past 40 years, Black women and their children have watched television, talk shows,
and movies portraying Black men as reckless liars, womanizing cheaters, or criminals (Brunsdon
& Spigel, 2008, James, 2013). Furthermore, the propaganda coming out of Hollywood has
reinforced the White supremacist view that Black men are, in reality, not who they seem to be
43

(Brunsdon & Spigel, 2008, James, 2013). Black women who grew up between the late 1970s and
the late 1990s lowered their expectations and pursued unstable relationships similar to those of
their own single mothers, instead of seeking working-class, trained, and blue-collar Black males.
Thus the negative stereotypes and false rhetoric surrounding Black men turned into a self-
fulfilling prophecy (Elmore, 1997, James. 2013).
Some Black women claim that gangster rappers encourage hypermasculinity, sexism, and
homophobia, and, as a result, Black men see Black women as sex objects, which contributes to
the dysfunction between Black men and women (Oware, 2011). According to a study of 391 rap
songs from 2004 to 2009, Black rappers expressed love for their own mothers but disdain for the
mothers of their children, exacerbating this relationship gap (Oware, 2011). Such norms and
standards within the Black community will shift, according to James (2013), when some single
Black women begin to appreciate Black male excellence instead of the culture of poverty.
Critical Race Theory (CRT)
Critical race theory (CRT) is an innovative and opposing paradigm for discussing
educational policy, research, and practice. It was established by scholars of color who wanted to
bring the subject of racial inequality into legal and social discussions (Delgado & Stefancic,
2001). CRT theorists interject racial perspectives in order to challenge social frameworks that
promote inequality, offering a counter-story to the dominant narratives surrounding the
marginalization of people of color's experiences (Delgado & Stefancic, 2013).
CRT is used as the theoretical framework for this study. For example, this literature
review has examined the experiences of Black males in education and the impact of systemic
racism through research studies, which are analyzed using CRT perspectives. This study later
uses CRT's counter-storytelling tenet in order to gain a better understanding of the unique
44

experiences of Black male school administrators from a personal perspective. Racism, White
privilege, and institutionalization are three theoretical themes that have been chosen to form the
basis of the current research.
Counter-Storytelling
CRT distinguishes racial groups' consciousness and recognizes the emotions and
intangible forms of thinking that have traditionally been economically, structurally, and
intellectually oppressed in the United States (Barnes, 1990). According to Delgado and Stefancic
(2001), counter-storytelling is a form of speech that enables specific perspectives to express
serious doubt about accepted principles or myths, especially those held by the majority. They
suggest that appreciating the opinions of people from oppressed racial backgrounds is a critical
element of CRT.
Black perspectives have been misunderstood and mostly dismissed in conversations
about their society (Wiley, 2016). Finding out the views of the marginalized group enables
people to question perpetuated racial prejudices, to counter the prevailing discourse, to gain an
awareness of what survival is like for the minority, and to cultivate an agenda for cultural
progress (Barnes, 1990). As a result, counter-storytelling validates the representation of Black
male school administrators working in overwhelmingly White-controlled and regulated
environments by including a narrative account of their individual experiences and encounters
(Bennett, 2009). According to Cooper (1998), stories are intimately connected to our existence
because they form the base of our identities and have the ability to influence our present and
future. Victims of racial prejudice often endure in silence, understanding the stereotypical
narratives created by society (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). Scholars claim that storytelling
grossly misrepresents the collective debate, suggesting that the stories do not really reflect the
45

perspectives of an entire society. In response to these critiques, Delgado and Stefancic (2001)
assert that White people seldomly see overt or indirect acts of prejudice, whereas Black people
see such acts on a daily basis.
Racism
Racism relies on the concept that different classes of humans have various personality
characteristics corresponding to physical appearance and can be separated based on dominance
over another species (Kuper & Kuper, 2010; Schaefer, 2008). It may also refer to racism,
bigotry, or antagonism aimed toward others because they are of a different cultural or ethnic
background. Racism is associated with social phenomena such as nationalism, Whiteness,
apartheid, hierarchical classification, and religious bigotry (Schaefer, 2008).
According to Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995), racism is pervasive and profoundly rooted
in U.S. society. It encourages systemic segregation of access based on skin color. For example,
Whites are the main recipients of social services in the United States. A system based on
prejudice has reinterpreted the inadequate civil rights statutes and continues to question
arguments in favor of equality, impartiality, color blindness, and meritocracy in the United States
(Ladson-Billings and Tate, 1995).
According to Ladson-Billings (1998), storytelling is important for victims of racism, and
the more that individuals share their experiences, the closer society moves to eradicating system
upgrade supremacy. Since racism in the United States can be likened to a team sport into which
the ruling class builds disadvantages, White people have always been the primary beneficiaries
of civil rights legislation (Young & Laible, 2000). Racism is a conviction in the natural
supremacy of one race over all others in an epic story of a society and its path to domination
(Young & Laible, 2000). This belief can be implicit and is profoundly rooted in the policies and
46

structures of US society. Racism in schools is also distinct from individual racism. It is less
blatant, but is also more pervasive because of its persistence. It may be reinforced by White
teachers who are often unaware of the damage they are causing (Young & Laible, 2000).
According to Dr. Carter G. Woodson, schooling has been used to preserve White
supremacy by socializing Whites to believe in their superiority while also fostering an
internalization of self-hatred among Black students (Dagbovie, 2014). Racism emerges in the
educational environment through three vehicles: a school's organizational culture; curriculum
pedagogy; and school funding. These variables favor Whites over people of color; this is referred
to as structural racism (Young & Laible, 2000). According to CRT, inequity in school funding is
the product of systemic and structural bias (Ladson-Billings, 1998, p. 20).
White Privilege
White privilege is the systemic and social privilege that White people have enjoyed over
non-White people in certain societies, especially if they otherwise share the same cultural,
political, or socioeconomic conditions (Jensen, 2005). White privilege arose in circumstances
that broadly sought to preserve White racial advantages, various national citizenships, and other
rights or special benefits, with origins in colonialism and imperialism, as well as the slave trade
(Jensen, 2005). White privilege is an invisible force granted to White people because of the color
of their skin (Ford & Glimps, 2010). White people live in a social construct that shields and
insulates them from dealing with racial stress (DiAngelo, 2011, p. 55). Whiteness brings with it
superiority and position; and it is secured, endorsed, and given the benefit of the doubt. White
privilege can be likened to an intangible, weightless knapsack with special exceptions, diagrams,
permits, codebooks, visas, clothing, equipment, and blank checks, just as male privilege is taught
not to accept White privilege (McIntosh, 2003, p. 1).
47

By culturally supporting its beliefs and belief structures with theoretical frameworks that
justify social inequality, the capitalist class approximates and embeds its privilege (Gosetti and
Rusch, 1994, p. 8). Whiteness offers exclusive social and tangible benefits to Whites, as well as
accessibility and constructed advantages in jobs, schools, the legal system, and social conflicts
(McIntosh, 1988). Within White society, there is a widespread belief that White leadership and
superiority are needed for the betterment of society (McIntosh, 1988).
Institutionalization
Racism is institutionalized by legislation, culture, and organizations. It may contribute to
problems in education, the legal system, political processes, the medical sector, and other areas.
The institutionalization of racism can have devastating effects on people, especially students in
schools, where it is most prevalent (Harmon et al., 2020). Since institutional racism is “less overt
[and] far more subtle,” originating in the activity of existing and valued forces in society, it thus
attracts very little open criticism than individual racism (Hamilton & Carmichael, 1992; Ch. 1,
para. 2).
Institutional racism manifests itself in Black culture as a result of differential access to
quality education and jobs. Whites retain hegemony through laws and systems by criminalizing
Black men. According to Andrews (2009), CRT is a significant theoretical construct since one of
its main tenets focuses on the effects of institutionalized racism within societies. The research by
Dixson et al. (2017) focuses on educational policies and laws that maintain and foster racial
inequity, as well as concerns about how to participate in and use CRT. In their analysis of
teacher attitudes toward ethnicity, racism, and White privilege in two major urban school
districts, Vaught and Castagno (2008) found that a significant degree of institutionalized racism
informs and reinforces attitudes and behaviors among White society. Farmer and Shepherd
48

(2020) investigated the deep ramifications of race and its effect on the United States social
structure, including how racism is institutionalized, and how it affects legislation, policies, and
political talking points. They argue that it is often blatantly inertly created from within some
White political and social institutions. According to Delgado and Stefancic (2001), CRT is a
response to how Black people have been discriminated against in the field of education as a
result of the institutionalization of racism. CRT, according to Ladson-Billings and Gillborn
(2004), facilitates Black men in demonstrating how their societal understanding of the
institutionalization of oppression integrates with their common experiences from the past.
Summary
A review of the literature reveals many historical, systematic, and societal factors that
may have contributed to the current scarcity of Black male school administrators. A CRT
framework has guided this literature review, based on the tenet of counter-storytelling. This same
CRT approach is used in the following parts of this study to explain the participants’ experiences
and how they may inform changes to the status quo.

49

Chapter Three: Methodology
This case study examines Black male school administrators’ perceptions of the
recruitment process for administrative positions in the CPS district. I analyze why Black male
school administrators in this district experience difficulty in being promoted. The lack of
research concerning the scarcity of Black male school administrators in the United States in itself
suggests that this study could make a significant contribution to understanding the complex
nature of the problem in the CPS school system. I selected a qualitative case study design and
used Creswell’s (2017) interview protocol examples to understand the perceptions of Black male
school administrators through constructive dialogue. A case study, as opposed to a
comprehensive statistical analysis of the data, is an in-depth examination of a specific scenario
(Yin, 2018). It is a methodology for narrowing a large range of inquiry into a single, readily
researched issue (Yin, 2018). An interview protocol (see Appendix C: Interview Protocol) was
generated in order to address the following research questions:
1. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of the recruitment process?
2. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of their interview process for
administrative positions in the CPS district?
3. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of CPS’s effectiveness in
increasing diversity in the area of educational leadership?
The purpose of examining the participants' perceptions of the recruiting and interview
processes separately is to identify possible biases and inequalities. In addition, these questions
help reveal the prevailing problems in the recruitment process among prospective Black male
school administrators.
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Conceptual Framework
According to Ravitch and Riggan (2017), a conceptual framework consists of
components that reflect how topics relate to one another. The visual conceptual framework above
reflects the research design approach in this inquiry, which concerns Black male school
administrators and their recruitment experiences in educational leadership. The conceptual
framework is also the structure upon which this study was contextualized. It also represents a
combination of the existing literature, personal experience, close experiments, and case studies
(Ravitch & Riggan, 2017). This research also uncovered direct and indirect reasons prospective
Black male school administrators are less likely to be hired. Conceptual frameworks that address
educational leadership matters should use an inductive analysis process, which must include
identifying and connecting recurring systematic patterns and themes (Dimmock & Walker,
2000). Researchers use an inductive content inquiry, a qualitative approach to content analysis,
to establish theories and identify themes (Krippendorff, 2019). One of the key purposes of
educational research is to gain new insights and constructive knowledge. The function of a
conceptual framework is to enable and demonstrate new knowledge while acknowledging a new
phenomenon (Egelson et al., 2018). This research inquiry and the attached conceptual framework
reflect the systematic issues, which previous research has not addressed, that have prevented
Black men from becoming administrators at CPS.
Sample and Population
Participating Stakeholders
One way to select the sample and population of a study is through purposive sampling.
According to Patton (2015), purposive sampling enables researchers to understand the main
issues of the study. The participants were selected to provide relevant information that coincided
51

with the research questions (Maxwell, 2013). More specifically, a purposeful sampling strategy
with an interest in obtaining the perspective of Black male school administrators through
interviews could provide additional insight into the current phenomenon at CPS and help identify
key themes. Currently, CPS has 511 administrators; of these, 44.2% are Black administrators, but
only 9% are Black men (CPS, 2020; Jackson, 2018). The sample pool for my study consisted of
10 Black male school administrators from the CPS school district. From this pool, I purposely
selected five participants according to the criteria below.
Interview Sampling Criteria and Rationale
In order for a participant to be eligible to participate in this study, they must meet the
following three criteria.
1. Administrators selected for the study should be current Black male school
administrators in the CPS district to ensure a maximum sampling and perspectives
from across the CPS organization.
2. Black male school administrators must be approved by CPS for participation in order
to ensure that they are employed by the district and that they meet the criteria for
participation.
3. The Black male school administrators selected must have worked in the CPS district
for at least one year to ensure that they understand the culture of CPS, which may
enable them to share what influenced the knowledge and motivation of hiring
managers.
Interview Sampling (Recruitment) Strategy
To gain access to the participants of this study, I communicated with the CPS District
Research Specialist to obtain permission to distribute a recruitment letter (See Appendix B) for
52

potential participants through the CPS email system. The criteria for the study were defined in
the recruitment letter. Researchers must communicate with a research specialist or an official in
order to gain access to the participants and obtain permission to conduct research at a company
site (Creswell, 2017). Accordingly, my objective in communicating with the research specialist
was to obtain approval to conduct a single interview study through Google Hangout outside of
instructional time and to identify a minimum of five administrators of the 10 from the sampling
pool. The potential participants were asked to respond to the recruitment letter if they were
interested in participating and to confirm that they met the criteria for participation.
Rationale for the Selection of the Stakeholder
CPS is the focus of this inquiry because the district has consistently struggled with the
retention rates of both Black male students and teachers (Allensworth et al., 2015). Additionally,
only 9% of CPS leadership consists of Black men (Jackson, 2018). I wanted to understand why
this was the case. Further, as explained previously, an inquiry into the educational and
recruitment process at CPS could uncover possible biases and clarify the district’s approach to
supporting Black male school administrators. I sought Black male school administrators’
perceptions because they could help describe and analyze a) their experiences, (b) their
perceptions of the role of White supremacy, (c) the impact of social programs on their lives, (d)
how gender discrepancies impacted them, and (e) their history with CPS. Their perceptions could
help CPS understand whether and how their recruitment processes work for Black male school
administrators. The participants’ perceptions also determined possible steps or solutions that
could bring equity to the CPS school system.
53

Instrumentation and Data Collection
The instrumentation of this study is a qualitative study design, specifically, an interview
protocol (see Appendix C: Interview Protocol), which I used to understand the perceptions of
Black male school administrators through a constructive dialogue. I conducted single interviews
with each participant. I refer to this process as the enactment phase. Research questions are
“situated within a conceptual framework along with the systems of the concepts that is to be
studied, as well as the relationships between them” (Wildemuth, 2016, p.14). The research
questions for this study were generated through the conceptual framework, which was based on
the problem statement and the literature review for this study. To increase the accuracy of the
data, all interviews should be audio recorded (Creswell, 2017). Creswell (2017) recommends
transcribing all interviews using verbatim transcription and having participants review them for
clarity. Accordingly, the data were audio recorded and transcribed using a word-processing
program. In this study, a single interview and a final follow-up meeting were conducted within a
six-week period. Each interview involved an eight-step procedure:
1. Sending a reminder e-mail two days prior to the interview
2. Meeting with Black male school administrators in the designated location the day of
the interview
3. Reading a script prior to the start of each interview
4. Asking the Black male school administrators if they had any questions or concerns
prior to the start of the interview
5. Holding the interview
6. Thanking the Black male school administrators for their input
7. Holding a follow-up meeting with the Black male school administrators
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8. Reviewing the data with the Black male school administrators (i.e., the member-
checking process)
Once the interviews were completed, I scheduled a follow-up meeting with each
participant separately. This is known as the member-checking process, in which researchers
review the transcribed data with each participant and confirm their original thoughts and
narratives (Schinke & Hackfort, 2020). The member-checking process involved sharing my
initial interpretations and findings with the participants to ensure their accuracy, and I answered
the interviewees’ questions about the study. The intent of this meeting was to ensure that the
participants were comfortable participating in the inquiry. I sent a final to the research specialist
at CPS and the participants to thank them for their involvement and informed them that they
would receive a final copy of the study. I obtained approval to conduct this qualitative study
from the IRB of USC by the end of spring 2021. After the interviews, the transcript data were
placed on labeled, password-protected flash drives. The data will be deleted from the flash drives
in three years, and all interview notes will be destroyed after the data-collection process. A
printed copy of the study will be placed in a locked cabinet in my place of residence.
Data Analysis
Data analysis consisted of four tasks. Task 1 was the transcription process. Each
interview was recorded on a cell phone and transcribed into a word document, where it was
secured. The participants’ reflections were saved under an isolated file alias and given a code—
Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Delta, and Epsilon—to protect their identity. In addition, four out of five
participants asked that I reveal only limited demographic information in order to preserve their
anonymity. Because Black men hold only 9% of CPS leadership roles, with the majority working
55

in the South and West Side communities, certain demographic characteristics could expose their
identity and place of employment.
The transcription took take place following the interview processes. After transcription,
Task 2 of the data analysis occurred. I transcribed each participant’s data to familiarize myself
with its content. Creswell (2017) recommends that researchers read through interview transcripts
repeatedly in order to discern whether the participants' perceptions. I used Creswell’s (2017) case
study coding procedure to synthesize the data by first taking the text of the transcripts and
separating it into themes; next, I refined these general themes into more specific terms. The study
design used a conceptual framework based on CRT to code the data and then analyzed them for
patterns within and across participants. I coded and analyzed the data within the context of the
literature review and conceptual framework in Chapter Two. Task 3 involved describing and
further developing the themes from the data to answer the major research questions. In Task 4, I
created a coding mechanism to identify the themes.
Reliability
Reliability describes the degree to which this study is reproducible and might produce the
same findings if repeated (Martella & Al, 2013). Interviews were used to triangulate the data. For
the goals of this qualitative research study, dependability was achieved via member checks of the
transcribed interviews. Member-checking is a quality control technique used in qualitative
research that assists me in increasing the correctness, trustworthiness, and validity of what was
recorded during an interview (Kroll & Harper, 2012). The procedure involves a limited group of
study participants reviewing and responding to the data and how they were interpreted (Marshall
& Miles, 2014). I emphasized that trustworthiness would be ensured through member-checking,
which was conducted through follow-up meetings with the participants after the interview
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process and an initial analysis of all of the transcribed data. Prior to the follow-up meeting, the
participants were given an opportunity to review my findings regarding their data. The goal of
the meetings was to discuss the accuracy of the data and the significance of any discrepant data.
For the interview protocol, I scheduled a time and date, and each interview was recorded and
preserved using pseudonyms (Creswell, 2017). I closely read the data from the participants, and,
while reviewing the text, I identified the recurring perceptions and terminologies, coded them,
and placed them in the identified categories. The data analysis occurred after the interviews were
completed. All interview data were labeled and placed into organized files.
Dependability and Confirmability
Dependability refers to the degree to which results would be consistent with another
interpretation of the findings, while confirmability indicates the degree to which the findings are
compatible with another interpretation (Ritchie, 2014). To fulfill the requirements of
dependability and confirmability, all data, including my notes and recorded interviews, were
accessible for auditing. After the interviews, I assessed the possibility of bias. In qualitative
research, dependability refers to the capacity of other researchers to perform the same or
comparable work (Kirk & Miller, 2005). This study demonstrates dependability by explicitly
stating the case study research design and the data-collecting procedure and by detailing how the
data would be processed and the findings communicated. These measures ensure that other
researchers could perform the same or comparable studies. In qualitative research, confirmability
refers to the outcomes of a study being both genuine and impartial (Kirk & Miller, 2005). To
guarantee research confirmability, I created an audit trail by recording all interviews for the
purpose of gathering and processing data, as well as processing this study outcomes.
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Validity
I triangulated the results using interviews and detailed records to guarantee validity and
reliability. Using several measurement points enabled me to compare data from the participants
to generate more thorough research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). After the interviews, I utilized
member checks to clarify comments and verify that what I wrote and recorded matched what the
interviewees said (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I also created interview questions for
the participants that corresponded to the conceptual framework and research questions. The
interviews included a variety of questions aimed at eliciting more discourse and suitable replies
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) with the objective of answering the study's three research questions.
Credibility
To establish credibility, member checks were used to ensure the accuracy of the
participants' experiences and statements. The credibility of the study's validity and
comprehension are reflected through the truthful reporting of participant conversation and
responses (Gay et al., 2009). Data verification was accomplished via triangulation by collecting
information from participants as well as my own notes and observations throughout the interview
process. This resulted in an accurate depiction of the information obtained and conveyed.
Transferability
Transferability refers to the applicability of the study's findings to other research,
contexts, and individuals (Kite & Whitley, 2018) According to Phakiti (2016), if a claim is valid
based on a sample in numerous contexts, it should be applicable in all other settings and research
with comparable features. This study describes the participants, which improves its
transferability. The transferability of the results is enhanced by the explanation of the research
procedure, which includes the study's focus, data-gathering, and process of analysis. Including
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this material allows the research to be analyzed to determine whether the views of the
participants may apply to participants in other studies and at different times. If additional studies
obtain the same or comparable findings, the facts supplied may be accepted as true (Babones,
2014).
Summary
This study uses qualitative data from interviews conducted with Black male school
administrators in CPS. Their interviews were analyzed to answer three research questions
concerning the participants’ perceptions of the recruitment and interview processes for their
current roles, as well as the effectiveness of CPS in increasing diversity in educational
leadership. The findings are presented in Chapter Four, and a discussion of the findings appears
in Chapter Five.

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Chapter Four: Results and Findings
This chapter reports and analyzes the data obtained for this study, whose purpose was to
determine Black male school administrators’ perspectives on the recruiting and hiring processes
and practices of the CPS system. There are 511 administrators at CPS and 44.2% are Black, but
just 9% are Black men, according to the most recent statistics (CPS, 2020; Jackson, 2018). One-
on-one interviews with three Black male school administrators and two assistant administrators
from CPS were used to collect qualitative data. The pseudonyms Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Delta, and
Epsilon are used to refer to the interviewees. Throughout the procedure, I maintained the
confidentiality of each Black male school administrator. This study used a semi-structured
interview method consisting of a 10-question interview protocol. I investigated further and asked
follow-up questions as needed. This interview methodology revealed behaviors and feelings that
could not be witnessed (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). All the information gathered, including the
interviewees’ age, race/ethnicity, marital status, and number of children, was kept anonymous.
Research Questions
The findings of this study are guided by the following research questions:
1. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of the recruitment process in
CPS?
2. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of the interview process for
an administrative position in the CPS system?
3. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of CPS’s effectiveness in
increasing diversity in the area of educational leadership?
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Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study is to examine and describe Black male school administrators’
perceptions of the administrator selection process in CPS. It furthermore seeks to determine
whether the data explain why Black men are less likely to be employed as site administrators.
This process involved the participation of Black male school administrators who currently work
in CPS.
Coding of Data
It was critical to consolidate, minimize, and interpret how the participants responded to
the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Following Maxwell (2013), I reread the
transcribed interviews and listened to the audio interviews in the first stage of the qualitative
analysis, and I examined a document that was created to record the collected data from the
interviews. Using this data, I established categories and subcategories and identified themes in
the data. I searched for recurrent patterns in the data that corresponded to the study topics
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To construct categories, I applied codes to data points that supported
the research questions throughout my assessment of the interviews. According to Merriam
(2009), this technique of assigning codes is known as open coding. Throughout the coding
process, I detected similarities that were aligned with studies identified through the literature
review presented in Chapter Two. These similarities that directly relate to the research objectives
are discussed in the next section.
Findings
After generating the themes and categorizing the data, Merriam and Tisdell (2016).
recommends speculating regarding how the data are connected and moving towards an
interpretation of the data’s significance in relation to the research questions. The following
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analysis of data is from research on the obstacles that Black men face when applying for and
serving as school administrators. The information obtained from the three administrators’ and
two assistant administrators’ interviews was evaluated to answer the study questions. The
background information for those who qualified and participated in the research is listed in Table
1. Background information is limited because four of five the participants asked that I limit the
demographic information I reveal in order to preserve their anonymity. Because only 9% of CPS
leadership roles are occupied by Black men, with the majority working in the South and West
Side communities, certain demographic characteristics could expose their identity and place of
employment.
Alpha's comments throughout this chapter differ from those of the other participants; he
believes that he achieved success for himself and that systemic obstacles do not restrict his
prospects for professional progress. However, the other four participants agreed that there are
systemic challenges at CPS that stigmatize Black men and prevent them from being promoted
into educational leadership.

Table 1
Black Male Administrators, n = 5
Participant Years of experience
Alpha 2
Beta 5
Gamma 25
Delta 11
Epsilon 4
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Research Question 1
The first research question concerns how school administrators perceived their leadership
recruiting process. The themes that arose from this research question are included in the Sub-
question for Research Question 1, which asked participants if they thought CPS effectively
recruits Black men for administrator positions.
Recruiting Black Male School Administrators
Stigma
One of the first themes identified in this section was that Black male school
administrators are stigmatized and viewed solely as disciplinarians. Participant Epsilon
mentioned the difficulty of being viewed in this light rather than as an educational leader. As an
assistant administrator, he reported that some teachers expressed reservations to his administrator
about having him lead instruction and preferred that he manage student discipline issues because
they liked how he handled unruly Black students. Participant Delta shared the following:
CPS offers several programs that make candidates viable applicants, but certain
individuals may find it difficult to get into those programs. It all depends on who you
know, but there is a stigma associated with Black men and their knowledge of instruction.
When Black men are labeled as not understanding instruction, they are placed in low-
performing schools, most notably on Chicago’s South Side.
According to Participant Beta, Black male assistant administrators are frequently
assigned disciplinary tasks rather than teaching and learning tasks. He stated, “When he was
employed as an assistant administrator in a school with a white female administrator, she had
told him that while he was her assistant, he would be in charge of discipline, and she would lead
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the instructional portion. Any time he sought to assist in observing teachers while they were
engaged in instruction, she turned him down.”
Lack of Diversity
Four of the five participants stated that CPS suffers from a lack of diversity and that CPS
is adamant about improving it. Participant Beta noted that he believes CPS has made significant
progress in increasing diversity in recent years, but that much more work needs to be done to
change leadership roles in CPS. He stated that, on Chicago’s North Side, few Black male leaders
are in positions of power. Participants Beta and Delta both indicated that the majority of
administrators on the North Side are white or Latino, and that hiring or even interviewing Black
applicants is rare.
Participant Beta added:
I participated in five interviews on the North Side over a two-year period, with the hiring
administrators being three White women and two Latino women. They all asked generic
questions, which told me they weren’t interested in me as a candidate. A few weeks after
being informed that I had not been chosen as a candidate, I realized that those
administrators did not hire anyone who was not White or Latino, male or female.
Participant Delta stated that CPS has many programs that make help shape potential
candidates, but that it may be difficult for certain Black men to gain entry to these programs. He
noted, “It is a well-known reality in Chicago that Black men do not receive positions at high-
performing schools.” Participant Epsilon commented that, in school leadership, even though the
Hispanic population in Chicago is expanding and may soon outnumber Black people, Black men
remain a significant minority in CPS.
Gentrification
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Four of the five participants considered Chicago segregated and stated that some portions
of the West and South Sides are currently undergoing gentrification, which has an impact on
education and leadership in schools. Gentrification is a process that transforms the demography
of urban areas, often by lowering the ratio of low-income minority people and increasing the
proportion of typically White, relatively high-income residents (Keels et al., 2013).
Gentrification disproportionately impacts Black communities, such as those in Chicago, who
must choose between leaving their homes and neighborhoods or struggle to afford increasing
living costs (Keels et al., 2013). According to Participant Beta, in gentrifying areas of Chicago,
Black administrators have been replaced by White administrators. White administrators are
recognized for improving the same schools in which Black administrators worked by doing the
same work the Black administrators had done for years. Participant Gamma added:
CPS is only superficially concerned in cultivating and growing Black male school
administrators in non-gentrified areas of Chicago, and they are frequently ignored, under-
supported, and overlooked for promotions. In certain circumstances, hiring a Black man
for a leadership position takes two times longer than a White candidate. On the other
hand, in gentrified areas of Chicago, White female or male applicants with Teach for
America backgrounds are being put in positions of authority with little to no classroom
management or institutional experiences.
Current CPS Recruitment Process for Black Male School Administrators
Participants were asked in Sub-question 2 of Research Question 1 whether they thought
CPS should change the way it recruits Black male school leaders.
The Need for an Equitable Process
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Four of five participants expressed that CPS needs a fair and unbiased recruiting
procedure because they believe the existing system is designed to exclude them from leadership
positions. Participant Beta expressed that “who you know” contributes to opportunities for
prospective Black male school administrators in Chicago to be called for an interview or hired
because “there’s absolutely nepotism when it comes to hiring.” Participate Gamma shared:
There have been occasions when some groups of White individuals obtain a college
degree, work as teachers for two or three years, and then move into leadership, only to
find themselves as superintendents with little classroom experience. Such opportunities
are rarely open to Black people, especially Black men.
He continued, “Given this information, it is critical that CPS investigate the discrepancies
and develop a plan that would improve the recruitment of Black males into leadership posts by
removing the impediments.” Participant Epsilon stated that all prospective administrators must
undergo two rigorous processes before being considered for such positions at CPS. First, they
must complete the traditional route of attending a university, receiving a degree, and taking a
state credential test. Next, they undergo another intensive screening process within the CPS
district to be eligible for an administrator role. Participant Alpha argued against the premise that
CPS’s efforts to attract Black male school administrators should be modified. He mentioned that
he was not recruited to be a leader; he applied for the assistant administrator position in 2019,
and, because of his interpersonal relationships and networking with CPS administrators, he was
given the opportunity to lead his school.
Social Networking
All participants agreed that social networking is critical to be recruited for leadership
positions in CPS. Participants Alpha, Beta, and Delta mentioned that their prior relationship or
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connection with an administrator through networking helped them obtain an interview for their
current position. Participant Alpha shared:
It is critical that prospective Black male CPS administrators build connections with
influential personnel in higher positions within the district because it may determine
whether or not they are given the opportunity to lead. Black male applicants should
understand the importance of networking and how, if done correctly, it may lead to
opportunities.
CPS Leadership Pipeline
Throughout the interview process, all participants mentioned that CPS currently has a
leadership pipeline called the Great Expectations Mentoring (GEM) Program, which recruits
Black and brown male candidates. The GEM Program serves to prepare and advance African
American male and Latinx educational leaders in CPS for the next phase of their management
and equality trajectory (Great Expectations Mentoring [GEM] – Lead with CPS, n.d.). GEM
participants spend a year collaborating with educational leaders to exercise management skills,
create equity lenses, and interact with GEM mentors and other visionaries to implement their
personal change in connection to their school-wide work (Great Expectations Mentoring (GEM)
— Lead with CPS, n.d.). The coaching program matches participants with people who can assist
them with testing ideas, reflecting on their own methods, modeling and affirming routines, and
approaching and navigating difficult circumstances (Great Expectations Mentoring (GEM) —
Lead with CPS, n.d.). Participant Alpha believes that GEM is a useful opportunity for
prospective Black male school administrators; however, Participant Beta noted:
Although there is a particular pipeline (GEM) in place that caters to Black and brown
men, a certain level of nepotism still exists in CPS. Unless something systematic is done
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to eliminate any possibilities of discrimination, you still see very few Black male
principles in leadership in this district.
The Reasons Behind the Lack of Black Male Leaders
Participants were asked in Sub-question 3 of Research Question 1 why they believe only
9% of CPS leadership consists of Black male leaders.
Black Male Teacher Shortage
According to Participant Alpha, the paucity of Black male teachers is due to a dearth of
Black male school administrators. Participant Delta added:
One of the reasons for the shortage of Black male leaders following the Civil Rights era
was that several social programs forced Black fathers out of the family and replaced them
with women or women-led homes. Some Black males connect teaching with a woman’s
profession, and as a result, they shun careers in education.
According to Participant Beta, few Black male teachers pursue positions of leadership
because they may not qualify or may not have the necessary credentials. He added that the state-
sanctioned credentialing exam in Illinois is quite difficult. Participant Beta noted that another
issue is that “there are few Black male instructors, making it difficult to establish leadership
when there are just a few teachers suitable for such roles.” Participant Gamma stated the
following:
Once Black men reach a certain level of success as teachers, there are very few
opportunities for them to grow in CPS; given the level of nepotism in the district, it is
challenging for them to stand out as potential educational leaders. As a consequence,
some Black male teachers become disillusioned and leave the field of education
altogether, contributing to the national scarcity of Black male teachers.
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In Sub-question 3 of research question 2, participants were asked why they think only 9%
of CPS leadership consists of Black men. All five administrators and assistant administrators
noted the lack of Black male teachers in CPS, which impacts recruitment for instructional
leaders. Participant Alpha stated the following:
I’m still convinced that there aren’t enough Black male teachers. Before you become an
assistant administrator, you must first be a teacher. Because there is 1% of Black male
teachers in leadership positions throughout the nation, I think one contributing reason is a
scarcity of teachers, and if this issue could be solved, Black men would be more likely to
be recruited into leadership roles in areas like Chicago.
Although the lack of Black male school administrators is attributed to a shortage of Black
male teachers, Participant Beta expressed that there is a widespread assumption within the CPS
system that Black men are incapable of serving as instructional leaders. He said that, since
Obama’s election, the United States has experienced a significant backlash against Black men,
which explains the resistance to appointing Black men as instructional leaders on the North Side,
where White administrators predominate. He said that he secured his job because he had a social
connection to the administrator, and he believes that connections are crucial in recruiting.
Participant Gamma believes that an intentional search, selection, and support process is
lacking for Black male administrators in the CPS system:
CPS was not designed for Black males in general, and the organization does not actively
recruit or develop Black male teachers. There has never been an aggressive search for
qualified Black male teachers at CPS. There is absolutely no intention of elevating Black
male teachers to teacher leader positions.
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Participant Delta believes that Black men in CPS struggle with self-perception because
they have been exposed to few positive Black male role models, which leads them to believe
they will not be recognized as possible prospects. He added:
The fact that there are so few Black men in schools contributes to the 9% statistic.
According to my interactions and interview experiences with Black males, most of them
lack confidence in their abilities as leaders since they have never seen models at home.
As an administrator, I saw some Black males arrive for job interviews for teaching and
administrative positions already dejected because they did not expect to be hired.
Although the 9% figure is disheartening for Black men, Participant Epsilon claimed that
the dearth of Black male teachers plays a role; however, he noted that this number is an indicator
of what CPS and the city of Chicago represent, claiming that both “the school district and the
city are comfortable of their segregated identity, and there are no proactive efforts to alter the
statistic inside the institutions.” When Black men are appointed to administrator positions at
CPS, he alleged that they are “instantly challenged by the district office leaders as well as the
community they serve.”
Opportunity Gap for Black Male School Administrators at CPS
According to Participant Gamma, CPS is only superficially concerned with cultivating
and supporting Black male achievement. He claims that Black male teachers in CPS are
frequently “ostracized, under-supported, and underestimated.” Participant Delta remarked that
there are insufficient options for Black men to find jobs. He asserted that, because administrators
from high-performing schools do not leave the schools they head, there is an opportunity gap for
Black men, and when they are given an opportunity, it is usually at low-performing schools
where the stakes are high. He also stated that people do not recognize the benefit of having a
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Black male leader, particularly in Chicago. Participant Epsilon mentioned that the path to
educational leadership at CPS is not a typical one, and as a result, Black men are deterred from
applying. CPS is the only district in the state that requires potential administrators to undergo a
screening procedure before being considered for a position in educational leadership. Other
districts only require prospective administrators to be state certified for the position (Chicago
Public Schools, n.d.). Participant Epsilon stated that the representation of Black men in CPS
bothers him; he believes that Black men are not given opportunities to advance as leaders in
CPS:
There was a situation in which a colleague who happens to be a Black male school
administrator was entering the third year of his 4-year contract and was let go despite
making several positive changes at the school, which included a decrease in suspension
among Black male students and achievement growth for minority students that the
network was looking for. My acquaintance was eventually persuaded to retire or face
being blackballed.
Participant Epsilon added that his colleague’s situation was concerning because he was afraid
that what happened to his colleague could happen to him.
Research Question 2
The second research question concerns the perceptions of the Black male school
administrators regarding their interview process for an administration post in the CPS district.
The Interview Process into Leadership at CPS
The themes that emerged from the data related to research question 2 include the types of
questions the participants were asked about their candidacy and how they convinced the recruiter
to take them seriously.
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Most employers follow a set procedure, which includes the following steps: application,
screening of applications to identify who will be interviewed, interviews with selected
individuals/panels, and a job offer. CPS follows a different procedure, which includes
a screening of all candidates for assistant administrator and then offering interviews to at least
three individuals, who will then undergo a series of interviews; the final one is usually with a
local school leadership panel (Chicago Public Schools, n.d.). Prior to interviewing with a local
network chief for the position of administrator, all candidates must be qualified to apply
(Chicago Public Schools, n.d.).
General Interview Process
Each participant mentioned that some interview questions were somewhat universal, but
each experienced a distinct interview procedure, while some schools conducted their own
process. Participant Alpha shared that he began his interview process by submitting his résumé
after the administrator notified him that the position was open. He added:
During the interview, I was asked general questions; however, I had to demonstrate my
connection with students as well as my ability to help them instructionally. I presented
items I performed as a teacher that demonstrated my ability to raise student success. I
also included materials, such as student testimonials and their perceptions of my
effectiveness as a teacher. I didn’t need the recruiter to persuade me that I was a good
candidate; I was aware of my qualifications and was able to demonstrate them during my
interview.
Participant Beta noted that, while he was asked generic questions about his candidacy,
the way he sold himself convinced the hiring administrator that he was an excellent prospect. He
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demonstrated areas in which he could assist the school both instructionally and in leadership.
When he accomplished this, he declared:
I knew that I got the job because one of the other candidates did not match my skillset. I
was able to provide some evidence, such as a portfolio that I created, that showed the
hiring administrator that I could guide students to high academic achievement status.
Participant Gamma stated that the process for being included on the CPS Administrator
Eligibility List had been altered at least 10 times since he was initially processed. He added that
the process remained traditional because he was asked basic background and competency
questions. He was not personally recruited; rather, he obtained his sole job offer as an assistant
administrator (his first administrative position) through a graduate school connection. He said
that the interview process for his assistant administrator role was traditional for CPS in the sense
that he had an interview and was then asked to give a presentation to the leadership team at the
school. Participant Epsilon remarked that the procedure of becoming an assistant administrator
was routine: he was questioned about his previous accomplishments, responded to some
scenario-based inquiries, and gave a presentation to a community. He was asked to analyze
statistics and prepare a letter to the school community for the main eligibility element. He
remembers applying for a PhD program at the University of Illinois-Chicago, where he met and
surpassed the acceptance standards but was rejected. He stated that the process of applying for
educational leadership candidacy was similar to his experience with the PhD application process.
Each participant offered a unique perspective on their CPS leadership interview
experience. Even though they all underwent a basic interview procedure, they still had to
demonstrate to the hiring administrator or personnel that they were competent for the position
they desired. Each also provided insight into what administrators and recruiting officials sought
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in an administrator candidate, including actual evidence that they were capable of raising student
achievement.
Purposely Selected
Participants Beta, Delta, and Gamma reported that their hiring administrators hired them
for the position of assistant administrator for a specific reason, which generally included
assisting the school with becoming more stable in the area of discipline. Participant Delta stated
that he was not initially recruited for the assistant administrator position. However, after serving
in two previous roles, he received a call from the district requesting that he fill a role due to his
expertise in increasing student achievement while decreasing negative student behaviors.
However, Participant Delta added that Black men are generally not given leadership positions
because the hiring administrator already has someone in mind to fill the vacancy. Participant
Gamma stated:
I joined an administrative team at a failing school, and the new female administrator who
recruited me was aggressively seeking a Black male applicant to get the middle school
under control, which implied to me that she only saw me as a disciplinarian.
Black Female Applicants are Preferred at CPS
In Sub-question 2 of Research Question 2, participants were asked whether they believe
gender disparities exist between Black women and Black men, and if so, what they believe to be
the causes of these disparities.
Fairness and Connections
“People say a lot of things that they want to be true, but it’s all fiction,” Participant Alpha
said. He argued that it is easier for Black men to obtain positions of leadership if they truly want
them because the process is easier than some are led to believe. He stated that although more
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Black women than men are in leadership roles in the CPS district, a system of fairness exists;
however, one’s connections are equally important. He concluded by saying that he is unaware of
any potential disparities but based on what he has observed in the GEM program, more Black
women are in leadership positions.
According to Participant Gamma, CPS offers opportunities based on relationships:
Many opportunities for advancement appear to be reserved for individuals who are
members of CPS’s inner circle. There does not appear to be an active search for
exceptional individuals inside the CPS organization, nor is there a purposeful focus on
developing Black male leadership.
Gender Inequity
Gender inequalities exist, according to Participant Beta, as shown by the fact that the
majority of Black women in leadership roles are located on the South Side. “If you go to the
North Side, you’ll find a mix of Latina and White women running the schools,” he said. He said
that CPS is extremely accommodating when it comes to hiring women for leadership roles and
that, despite the GEM program, the agency still has room to improve. He noted that places like
Chicago and Atlanta have more female leaders because, after desegregation and the end of the
civil rights movement, the teaching profession became dominated by female leaders. Participant
Delta stated that gender inequalities are the result of a stigma attached to Black men who do not
participate in teaching, which he claims is a historical stereotype within CPS. He admitted that
he could not speak for brown women because he has little experience working with them, but in
his assessment, the South Side is dominated by Black women in leadership positions. Participant
Beta stated the following:
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I have been in a position where I’ve been on an equal playing field with a Black woman,
but neither of us went through the recruiting process. But I believe there is a genuine
reason for the lack of Black males in leadership roles and that CPS, based on the current
data and the number of women in district leadership and administrator positions, are
purposely avoiding recruiting Black males into administrative positions—otherwise, the
data would reflect close to city’s population.
During a follow-up interview, Participant Beta was asked why he believed women did
not recruit Black men into administrative positions at CPS. He responded, “Any time you see
that only 9% of Black men are in leadership positions within a system, it should have provoked
CPS to action.” He added that CPS should have been more intentional in creating new programs
that place significantly more Black men in leadership positions. He noted the current pipeline in
place, GEM, but added that “nothing has changed.”
Research Question 3
The third research question concerned Black male school administrators’ perceptions of
CPS’s effectiveness in increasing diversity in the field of educational leadership.
Stereotypical Beliefs Within CPS Hiring Personnel
Themes that emerged from this research question were included in Sub-question 1 of
Research Question 3, which asked whether they believe some hiring personnel hold stereotypical
beliefs that Black men are not fit to lead in any capacity.
Some participants believed that there is a negative stereotype in CPS that Black men are
not instructional leaders. Participant Beta stated that CPS leaders throughout the district certainly
have stereotypical beliefs about Black men being incapable of leading instructionally, as
evidenced by current statistics. He added:
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During the interview, I had a White female administrator from a North Side school tell
me that if I was appointed as an assistant administrator, she would put me in charge of
discipline, and she would handle instruction because it was a skill set that guys (Black)
from the South and West Sides possess.
Participant Gamma remarked that some administrators, particularly White women,
believe Black men are capable of handling discipline and control, but he is skeptical that they
believe they are instructional leaders. He explained that he could not remember a Black man
working in a position of instructional leadership in CPS. Participant Delta discussed a
perspective of others, particularly Black women leaders, held, “that Black men don’t know
instruction,” and he observed that “there is undeniable discrimination” against Black men at
CPS. Based on his personal experiences with women and leadership and CPS, he believes that
some struggle with fear, racism, and a lack of understanding of Black men.
Participant Epsilon stated that the situation at CPS is similar to the NFL and collegiate
football’s belief that “Black quarterbacks and head coaches are not fit to lead teams.” He claims
there is a misconception that Black men are only suitable for positions such as assistant
administrator or dean or positions involving discipline. Participant Alpha stated that he has not
observed the bias phenomenon in CPS. He believes that individuals must present themselves in a
certain way to achieve the recognition required to be eligible for hire. He emphasized that Black
men are placed in certain situations and must adapt to the environment, which ultimately
determines their trajectory within the system. He also stated that there is a perception that Black
men are inadequate; otherwise, they would not need to adapt to survive in a system. He
expressed that Black men should be allowed to talk as they do at home, but “if we act and behave
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like our authentic selves, we can be regarded a dangerous negro. But, as time passed, I didn’t
give into that energy because my responsibility is to help my students as a role model.”
CPS Current Efforts to Tackle Inequalities
In Sub-question 3 of research question 2, the participants were asked if they believe that
CPS is addressing inequalities in the district.
Participant Alpha mentioned that a new financial index was recently developed to
measure areas that are more influenced by poverty, and as a result, he believes CPS is
considering resolving inequality concerns; however, he feels it will not be sufficient because
there are forces working against it. Although CPS appears to value equality, he said, some in the
organization do not. He cited the inequity of how CPS eliminated schools indiscriminately in
parts of the South Side in 2012 as a low moment for the district. Participant Beta noted that he
believes the district is genuinely trying to address all systemic problems with the programs it has
in place, but several individuals within CPS oppose introducing diversity in the district because
they want to maintain the status quo. He said that altering the status quo puts the jobs of
certain people in power at risk. Participant Delta indicated that leaders are discussing disparities
and attempting to address them; he sees more Black men rise through the ranks now than ever
before, implying that more effort is being made now than in the past. Participant Epsilon believes
that CPS is trying, but that Black male leaders within CPS are not treated fairly. He thinks that
Black men are held to high expectations:
In terms of acknowledgment, Black male leaders don’t get the validation they deserve for
their efforts, but I know some Black males who have been prompted into central office
roles, so it’s one of those systems that hasn’t treated everyone equally.
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He concluded: “COVID-19 has shown us that the district still has a lot of issues with disparities
that need to be addressed.”
CPS Current Efforts to Improve Diversity
In Sub-question 3 of research question 3, participants were asked how the district is
currently attempting to improve diversity.
Participant Alpha noted that there is activity within CPS to increase diversity, particularly
in leadership, but he was unaware of any specific pipelines outside the GEM program to recruit
additional Black male teachers. He noted, “CPS must do more to recruit more Black male
teachers in order to remove systematic disparities, which I attributed to the way schools were
closed in 2012 under Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s direction.”
He further stated, “When Black people in Chicago realized what had occurred and how
the South Side community had been vilified for the school closings, they were infuriated.” He
contended the this deterred Black men from pursuing careers as teachers because some of them
were students in 2012, when the school closed, and they were forced to attend a school outside of
the community.
Participant Beta stated that, despite continual attempts to promote diversity on paper,
there is little progress because of how “Chicago is segregated by neighborhoods, and various
schools on the North, South, and West Sides get resources in different proportions,” among other
factors. According to Participant Gamma, CPS ostensibly makes an effort, but he believes that
“the pipeline for teachers remains unexplored because I struggle to find Black and brown
applicants, whereas the leadership pipeline remains untapped.” He commended the former CEO
for his effort to enhance diversity; however, he believes that CPS must work harder. “CPS is
investing in greater effort in some areas,” said Participant Epsilon, who believes that:
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There was a motivated effort to seek a new CEO of color following Janice Jackson’s
departure in April of 2021, and a Hispanic man was chosen. He said that this was an
example of the district’s good efforts in approving diversity in CPS.
Current CPS Attempt to Tackle Inequalities
In Sub-question 3 of Research Question 4, participants were asked whether they were
aware of CPS programs aimed at increasing the number of Black male school administrators.
GEM Program
According to Participants Alpha, Delta, and Epsilon, the GEM Program at CPS prepares
Black and Latinx male educational leaders for the next stage of their leadership and equality
journeys. The program allows CPS school leaders to obtain critical information that enables them
to become more competent leaders. Furthermore, it increases the CPS talent pool for minority
school and district leaders (Chicago Public Schools, n.d.). In particular, the GEM program aims
to empower leaders and improve diversity at the district’s top levels of leadership (Chicago
Public Schools, n.d.).
Efforts to Recruit Black Males
Participants Beta and Gamma replied that they were unaware of any specific initiatives,
but they felt that more personnel from the central office sought to recruit Black male school
administrators. The participants share the belief that the rise was due to CPS assistant
administrator residency programs, for which more are chosen to serve as resident administrators.
The Assistant Administrator Resident Administrator Program involves a demanding year-and-a-
half residence program in a school setting that corresponds to the district’s expected personnel
requirements (APs Rising: AP Resident Administrator Program – Lead with CPS, n.d.). The
program concerns all facets of educational leadership and focuses on developing participants’
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perspectives and their expertise in their assigned school so that they can successfully function in
a similar setting in the future (APs Rising: AP Resident Administrator Program – Lead with CPS,
n.d.).
Summary
This chapter summarizes the findings of the interviews with five Black male school
administrators from CPS. According to the findings, Black male administrators must overcome
systemic and recruitment hurdles to aspire to and to serve in positions of leadership. As the data
demonstrate, one of the largest obstacles they face when pursuing such posts is that they are
perceived as disciplinarians rather than instructional leaders. The participants discussed
historical, systemic, and societal factors that may have contributed to the paucity of Black male
school administrators within CPS, which is consistent with CRT. The participants’ reflections
validated the tenet of CRT that was applied for this research, which was a counternarrative in
which experiences informed the changes to the status quo in CPS that are required to improve
equality and diversity. The research, CRT, and participant responses all support the conclusion
that Black male prospective leaders encounter gender and racial discrimination and that this is
the largest roadblock they confront when they pursue leadership positions within CPS. A review
of the findings, further results, and consequences, are presented in Chapter Five, followed by
suggestions for future research.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
Today, Black men in CPS continue to encounter obstacles as they attempt to advance and
serve in administration roles. The educational profession is dominated by women, while Black
men are significantly underrepresented (Goodhard & Koppelman, 2011). Research shows that
Black men face a variety of challenges in obtaining and serving as administrators, such as gender
equity, systemic racism, and the impact of social program following the Civil Rights Movement
(Lewis et al., 2013, McCrae, 2018). The aim of this study is to add to the growing body of
research on Black men pursuing administration jobs in CPS and to investigate the challenges
they confront as they move toward top leadership positions.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to examine and describe Black male school administrators’
perceptions of the administrator selection process in the CPS system. Furthermore, it examined
whether the data explain why Black men are less likely to be employed as site administrators.
This process involved the participation of Black male school administrators who currently work
in CPS.
Research Questions
The findings of this study were guided by the following research questions:
1. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of the recruitment process in
CPS?
2. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of the interview process for
an administrative position in the CPS district?
3. What are Black male school administrators’ perceptions of CPS’s effectiveness in
increasing diversity in the area of educational leadership?
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Methodology
For this study, a qualitative technique was used, with data gathered from interviews with
five Black male administrators. I reread the transcribed interviews and listened to the audio files
as the first stage of the qualitative analysis. I examined a document that was created to record the
collected data from the interviews. From this data, I established categories and determined
whether there were any themes in the data. I searched for recurrent patterns in the data to
correspond to the topics under study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Codes were applied to data
points that supported the research questions to begin constructing categories. Throughout the
coding process, I detected similarities that were aligned with studies identified through the
literature review presented in Chapter Two. The similarities discussed in this section are directly
related to the research objectives.
Results and Findings
This study's conclusions are drawn from data that were gathered and examined. The
aggregate findings of the qualitative data are interpreted in this section, and the findings are
linked to the literature.
Research Question 1: What Are Black Male School Administrators’ Perceptions of the
Recruitment Process in CPS?
One theme that emerged as a barrier to Black men being recruited for administration
positions was the suspicion that they were being stigmatized; this study verified this perception,
which was perceived as restricting access to Black men doing administrative work beyond
disciplinary matters (Pitcan et al., 2018; Riley, 2017; Taylor et al., 2019). Although CPS's
network of female administrators remains robust, the district continues to struggle with hiring
and supporting Black men who want to be administrators. According to this study's interviews,
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Black male administrators struggle to fulfill administrative roles outside of disciplinary
responsibilities. They must be given the chance to manage multiple responsibilities of
administration without fear of being branded and marginalized by CPS female administrators as
lacking an understanding of instruction.
The majority of participants in this study believed that CPS lacks diversity, particularly
on Chicago’s North Side, where Black people constitute a minority in both population and
educational leadership. The ramifications of the 1954 court case Brown v. Board of Education
continue to contribute to the shortage of Black male teachers and administrators, thereby
influencing diversity in public schools today (Tillman, 2009). Another contributing factor to the
lack of diversity and opportunity for Black men at CPS is the gentrification of some Black
communities in Chicago, particularly on the North and West Sides, which is reflected in the
demographics of administrators, who often do not represent the communities they serve (Keels et
al., 2013). According to the most prevalent themes that appeared in response to Research
Question 1, which concerned the difficulties Black men encounter when pursuing and being
recruited for administrator positions at CPS, the participants in this study noted that the shortage
of Black male teachers in CPS is due to a lack of Black male school administrators.
Studies have shown that one reason for the scarcity of Black male leaders is the post-Civil Rights
period, when various social programs forcibly removed Black fathers from the family and
replaced them with women or women-led households (Ethridge, 1979; Haney, 1979; Irvine,
1988). This effect has been shown to have an influence on the recruitment of Black male
teachers; starting in the 1970s to the 1980s, Black men subconsciously felt that teaching was a
woman's profession, and consequently, they avoided careers in education (Irvine, 1988).
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Research Question 2: What Are Black Male School Administrators’ Perceptions of the
Interview Process for an Administrative Position in the CPS District?
The themes that emerged from the data were linked to research question 2, which asked
participants to recount their interview experience, including the types of questions asked about
their qualifications and how they encouraged recruiters to take them seriously as candidates.
According to the study participants, CPS evaluates at least three qualified applicants for
administrative positions, with two of the most qualified participating in a lengthy interview
process; the final stage consists of a panel of school and community representatives.
Participants were asked whether they perceive gender disparities between Black women
and Black men, and if so, what those discrepancies are. Because of the United States history of
systemic racism, which has influenced some Americans' perceptions of Black men, studies have
concluded that and the participants' responses to research question 1 that some women hold
negative perceptions of Black males’ abilities to lead beyond handling disciplinary matters
(Pitcan et al., 2018, 2019; Taylor et al., 2019). Although the participants did not explicitly state
that they encountered gender disparities between Black women and Black men at CPS, their
responses suggest that gender inequities exist; some shared that the preponderance of Black
women in leadership positions are situated on Chicago's South Side. According to the
participants of this study, on the North Side, the schools are administered by a combination of
Latina and White women. Another participant indicated that gender inequities are the
consequence of a stigma linked to Black men who do not engage in teaching, which they think is
a historical stereotype within CPS. Another participant believed that there is a genuine reason for
the lack of Black males in leadership roles. Based on the current statistics and the number of
women in district leadership and administrator positions, most participants in the study alleged
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that CPS purposefully avoids recruiting Black men for administrative positions, as the data
would otherwise closely reflect the city's population.
Research Question 3: What Are Black Male School Administrators’ Perceptions of CPS’s
Effectiveness in Increasing Diversity in the Field of Educational Leadership?
Participants said throughout the interview process that the GEMS program is actively
seeking to improve the number of men of color in leadership positions. Although this is a step in
the right direction, the participants expressed that more needs to be done to change the CPS
recruitment culture. The participants have yet to witness the implications that the GEMS is
intended to have throughout the district in terms of addressing CPS's lack of Black male
leadership. One recurring theme that arose in response to Research Question 3, which examines
CPS's efficacy in fostering diversity, was that some participants thought CPS had a negative
stereotype that Black men are not instructional leaders. Participants in this study recounted
stories of female administrators delegating discipline to their Black male administrators while
they handled instruction, reflecting their belief that Black people from the South and West Sides
have the skills of a disciplinarian. Another participant said that he believes some administrators,
especially White women, think Black men can handle discipline and control but are uncertain
they can be instructional leaders. One participant in this study responded to a claim from
primarily Black women leaders that Black men do not know how to interpret instruction. He
suspected that there is unequal treatment of Black males at CPS, and that some struggle with
anxiety, racial prejudice, and a failure to understand Black men.
Implications of the Study
This study adds to research on the hurdles that persistently create difficulties for Black
men seeking and/or serving in leadership positions. The findings from this study, which are
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consistent with existing research, provide practical implications that will help increase the
number of Black male leaders.
The Need for Mentorships
To expand the number of Black male administrators, it is critical that Black men be
recruited as teachers and supported via mentoring programs in roles that will lead to positions in
educational leadership. According to the participants in this research, the scarcity of Black male
instructors has had a detrimental influence on their recruitment for educational leadership.
Furthermore, the participants said that their professional connections were critical in gaining
access to interviews for educational leadership positions.
According to Musolf (2017), relationships formed in professional organizations connect
Black men with Black mentors who may help groom them for leadership. Furthermore, leaders
in educational institutions must be more aggressive in supporting mentoring for Black men as
they move to higher levels of responsibility (Frierson et al., 2009). According to research, there
should be an emphasis on Black men below the glass ceiling in order to encourage those who
aspire to higher levels of educational leadership (Irby-Butler, 2017). Because one of the major
barriers the Black male administrators in this study encountered was the persistence of White
supremacy in the United States, it is critical that efforts be made by well-known organizations,
such as 100 Black Men in America, and professional educational organizations, such as the
Chicago Teachers Union, to support Black men by preparing them to enter leadership roles that
are currently dominated by women in Chicago. These social networks may help Black men build
a strong self-concept and support them as they advance to positions of power.
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Intentional Efforts to End Systematic Practices at CPS
To cease any form of systematic activity, a system must first identify the existence of
such a system. White supremacy dominates all aspects of American life. According to research,
this system has prevented Black men from achieving social, economic, environmental, and
political influence in the United States. Participants in the survey pointed to the notion that
Chicago is a racially divided city, and that, although Black men are allowed chances in certain
areas of the city, they are systematically excluded from others, most notably on the North Side.
The study's participants also referenced the fact that, as fewer than 9% of leadership positions in
CPS are held by Black men, many strategies exert authority and control over Black men.
Because studies have shown that the tenets of White supremacy have a psychological hold on
almost all Americans, in order to prevent Black men from becoming educational leaders in urban
America, CPS must make intentional efforts to eliminate any systematic practices that limit
Black men's educational leadership opportunities. CPS should require all employees to
participate in yearly professional development opportunities that explicitly detail the systemic
practices and policies that hurt Black people. Directly confronting a systematic approach can
allow a system to foster potential for similar methods in the classroom and even in recruiting
procedures.
One measure that CPS may be able to implement immediately to address systemic
concerns that are specific to CPS is to discontinue the Administrator Eligibility process, which
the participants perceived as preventing Black men from seeking leadership roles (Chicago
Public Schools, n.d.). The fact that CPS is the only district in the state that requires potential
administrators to undergo a screening process before being considered for a position in
88

educational leadership could explain why only 9% of educational leadership roles at CPS are
held by Black men.
Intentional Efforts to Recruit Black Males Administrators
The participants in this study mentioned that CPS must do more to recruit Black male
teachers to eliminate systemic inequities in educational leadership. The participants also noted
the significant discrepancies in where Black men are considered for leadership in
certain Chicago areas, including the South, West, and North Sides. Although one participant
highlighted that, despite CPS's efforts to encourage diversity on paper, the shift is not yet evident
in practice. Therefore, CPS leadership must appreciate the need to alter the demographics of
educational leaders in particular areas of Chicago (especially the North Side), as well as the need
to change the leadership make-up of administrators and network chiefs. CPS must make a
concerted effort to hire men who represent the color, culture, and nationalities of their student
population in local schools. CPS must also place more Black men in positions of leadership on
the North Side, where they are nearly nonexistent. The participants in this research were unable
to provide information on specific measures the CPS central office had undertaken to recruit
Black male school administrators.
Because of its positive intentions, strengthening the GEM program is a concrete way for
CPS to initiate change towards recruitment. However, the program may need to add significant
components, such as professional development opportunities for GEM participants that assist
them in navigating issues of gender bias, due to the possibility that some black male
administrators may be assigned to work under a female leader who may hold biases regarding
instructional aptitude.
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Recommendations for Future Research
This study interviewed five Black male administrators at CPS. The findings revealed
additional areas that should be explored further. The following are recommendations for future
research:
1. Analyze Black male teachers' impressions of targeted recruiting and retention
initiatives developed exclusively for Black male teachers in Chicago to progress into
administration.
2. Examine the nature of social structures for Black male administrators.
3. Examine the consequences of a school's dearth of Black male administrators.
4. Investigate how urban school districts end systemic disparities in recruitment
procedures.
5. Expand research on groups that work to dismantle the racial barriers for Black male
leaders.
6. Further study mentoring programs for Black male leaders.
7. Further research the causes of gender disparities in education.
8. Study CPS’s gender hiring policies.
Closing Remarks
This study found that the number of Black male administrators is relatively low at CPS,
and Black men continue to confront perceptual hurdles that prevent them from achieving the top
leadership positions. Throughout this research, Black male administrators' impressions of the
challenges they experienced while pursuing and/or serving in such positions, as well as effective
methods they used while serving in the post, were explored. Some of the significant lessons
learned from the study’s participants were the need to make Black men aware of the systemic
90

hurdles that they may encounter while aspiring to or serving in the role of administrator. By
anticipating such hurdles, Black male administrators may be able to navigate the system more
effectively, overcome barriers to support their leadership, and begin to eliminate the under-
representation of Black men in administrative positions at CPS. Furthermore, Black male
administrators at CPS must have robust support structures in place. Sponsored or systematic
mentorship programs within CPS is important for the success of Black men in the highest
positions and may help promote and support the achievement of Black male administrators at
CPS.
This study also argued that it is critical to increase opportunities for Black men to become
administrators at CPS, thereby breaking the glass ceiling and ensuring that CPS's current
structure supports and assists with the expansion of Black men to administrative positions. The
social and cultural hurdles for Black men in Chicago today are significant and persist,
particularly for those pursuing and serving in administrative positions. It is critical that Black
men acquire assistance and aspire to recognized positions in public schools throughout the city.
Black male leaders must persevere on their path to administrative positions and continue to
overcome obstacles, so that one day, studies like this one will be required, and society will
recognize that Black men are capable leaders in leading urban school systems such as CPS.

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Appendix A: Research Introduction Letter
Dear Research Specialist,
I am seeking your permission to conduct a research study on your Black male school
administrators at one of your local campuses, or through via Skype or Google Hangout. My
inquiry study is entitled Black Male School Administrators Perceptions of the Recruitment
Process into Leadership at CPS. My study will focus on understanding the Black male school
administrators’ perception of recruitment process into their leadership position as well as their
perceptions of their interview process, along with CPS effectiveness to increase more diversity in
the area of educational leadership.
My inquiry study is a case study project, which will involve the process of interviewing
five Black male school administrators from CPS. There will be approximately 3 interviews and a
follow up meeting within a 6-week period. The duration of each interview will last between 20
and 45 minutes. The personal interviews will take place during post instructional time and will
be conducted through WebEx, Skype or Google Hangout bi-weekly during a 6-week period.
Each participant as well as the name of place of employment will be protected. Each
participant will be given an anonymous name for the data analysis as each will be given a label,
such as Participant Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Epsilon, Theta. I am conducting this inquiry in an
effort to complete the requirements of an Ed.D at The University of Southern California.
Currently I’m an employee at CPS and I have worked in the capacity as a diverse learning
specialist for 1 year.

116

I will be following up with a phone call sometime in the next two days in order to discuss
my inquiry in greater detail as well as negotiate parameters on how to we are going to conduct
the study virtually. I look for to the opportunity of meeting with you.

Sincerely,

Bryan C. Jordan

117

Appendix B: Recruitment Email
Greeting,

I am seeking perspectives of Black male school administrators at the Chicago Public
School district. If you are African American and have been an administrator for at least one year,
I would like to have the opportunity to interview you. Single interviews will be conducted online
on ether WebEx, Skype or Google Hangout.
My inquiry study is entitled Black Male School Administrators Perceptions of the
Recruitment Process into Leadership at CPS. My study will focus on understanding the Black
male school administrators’ perception of the recruitment process into their leadership position as
well as their perceptions of their interview process, along with CPS effectiveness to increase more
diversity in the area of educational leadership. My inquiry is a case study research project, which
will involve the process of interviewing five Black male school administrators from CPS. There
will be one single interview and a follow up meeting within a 6-week period.
In order to participate in this study, you must be a current Black male school administrator
in the CPS district, and that you have worked under the capacity as a school administrator l for at
least one year. The duration of each interview could last between 20 and 45 minutes. The personal
interviews will take place during post instructional time and will be through Google Hangout,
Skype, or Google Hangout. Each participant as well as the name of place of employment will be
protected. Each participant will be given an anonymous name for the data analysis as each will be
given a label, such as Participant Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Epsilon, Theta.
I am conducting this inquiry in an effort to complete the requirements of an Ed.D at The
University of Southern California. Currently I am an employee at Piccolo School of Excellence,
and I have worked in the capacity as a school administrator for one year. If you are interested in
118

participating in this study, please respond to this email indicating that you are interested in
participating and how you have met the criteria for participation. I will follow up with you with a
phone call sometime in the next two days after you have confirmed that you are willing to
participate.
I would truly appreciate the opportunity to sit with you. Your perspectives could bring
systematic changes and modifications to the recruitment process at CPS. If you have any questions
or need clarification, my email address is bcJordan@usc.edu.

Best,

Bryan C. Jordan

119

Appendix C: Interview Protocol
Scripted Introduction to the Participant
I would like to thank you for agreeing to take part in the interview portion of my study as
a CPS employee. As I previously said to you during your recruiting for my project, I'm interested
in learning about Black male school administrators' perceptions on the recruitment process in the
Chicago Public Schools (CPS) system. I'm specifically interested in learning why prospective
Black male school administrators in CPS have problems being employed as instructors and
leaders in the K-12 setting. Dr. Janice K. Jackson, the former CEO of the CPS, declared on
Twitter on February 7th, 2018, that just 9% of African American males in top posts in the
system. Please keep in mind that neither your personal identify nor the place of your job will be
exposed in this survey.
You have agreed previously that you will sign an Interview and an Informed Consent
(from USC) form indicating that I have your permission to record our conversation. Now I will
ask you three questions in which you will officially indicate your intentions to participate.
1. Are you still willing to participate in this study?

2. Do I have your permission to record our interview today?

Please let me know if you want me to shut off the recorder or if you want me to omit any
information that you have shared with me today. I will only take notes per your permission.
Before we begin this interview, do you have any questions? If you do have any questions or need
me to clarify anything, I ask you please feel free to interject. Research Questions are aligned with
the conceptual framework of this inquiry of the Black male school administrators’ perceptions:
1. What are the Black male school administrators’ perceptions of recruitment process?
120

2. What are the Black male school administrators’ perceptions of their interview process
into the administrative position in the CPS district?
3. What are the Black male school administrators’ perceptions of CPS) effectiveness to
increase more diversity in the area of educational leadership?
Research Question 1: What Are Black Male School Administrators’ Perceptions of the
Recruitment Process in CPS?
1. What are some areas (if any) in which CPS have been effective when it comes to
recruiting Black men for administrator positions?
2. If someone were to ask you about CPS process and recruiting Black man into
leadership positions, what would you say?
3. Why do you think there are only 9% Black male leaders at CPS?
4. If you were to recommend any changes to the educational leadership recruitment
process at CPS, what would it be?
Research Question 2: What are the Black male school administrators’ perceptions of their
interview process into the administrative position in the CPS district?
1. Describe your interview process. What kind of questions were asked of your
candidacy? How did you ensure that the recruiter took you seriously as a candidate?
2. Do you believe that there are gender discrepancies between Black women and Black
men, and if so, what are the reasons that you think or recognize to be the causes for
these discrepancies between Black men and Black and brown women?
3. Currently, there are only 9% of Black men in leadership capacities at CPS, what do
you believe if the contributing factor to this statistic?

121

Research Question 3: What are the Black male school administrators ’s perceptions of
Chicago Public Schools’ (CPS) effectiveness to increase more diversity in the area of
educational leadership?
1. Do you believe that there are stereotypical beliefs within some hiring personal(s) that
Black men are not fit to lead under any capacity? What are your thoughts on this
perspective?
2. How would you evaluate CPS administrative culture towards addressing issues of
inequality?
3. How would you rank CPS effectiveness to increase more diversity?
4. Are there any programs that CPS that you are aware of that is currently utilizing in
order to increase Black male school administrators?
Closing Statement
I appreciate your willingness to participate in the study. I believe that your perspectives
are going to provide much-needed insight, and/or bring changes into how CPS is recruiting Black
men in leadership roles. In the coming days I’m going to provide you with a transcript of your
data. You will be given the opportunity to either except, restate, or reject any of your statements.
You will also be given the opportunity to perhaps share any new information that may contribute
to the final analysis of this study. Remember that your information is protected, and your name
and your work location will not be revealed in this study. Do you have any questions?

122

Appendix D: CPS Research Review Board Approval Letter

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The recruiting procedure for Black male school administrators has received little attention. The goal of this investigation is to learn more about how Black male school administrators are recruited into positions of leadership in the Chicago Public School (CPS) district. Three research questions lead the study, with the aim of learning about the participants' impressions of their recruiting and interview processes, as well as the CPS's current attempts to improve diversity. For this study, a minimum of 10 Black male school administrators from the CPS district were screened, but only five were chosen to participate. Three one-on-one interviews with each participant were conducted as part of the data-gathering procedure. The study's findings indicate the perceived factors or effects that limit potential Black male school administrators from becoming CPS administrators, as well as the difficulties current Black male school administrators confront. The findings of this study also identify measures that the CPS might employ to attract and retain more Black male school administrators. After the interview procedure was completed, I met with each participant for a follow-up meeting to communicate the study's findings and to evaluate or change the person's narratives (data). Their replies are transcribed and categorized into topics. I describe and develop the themes from the data that answer the research questions.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Jordan, Bryan Craig (author)

Core Title Black male school administrators perceptions of the recruitment process into leadership at Chicago public schools

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership (On Line)

Publication Date 03/16/2022

Defense Date 02/16/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag administrator,Affirmative Action,African American,Black male educator,Educational Leadership,equal opportunity,gender discrepancies,minority teacher,OAI-PMH Harvest,social programs,underrepresentation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Cash, David (committee chair), Krop, Cathy (committee member), Riggio, Marsha (committee member)

Creator Email bcwatson@usc.edu,brian_craig_watson@hotmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC110816143

Unique identifier UC110816143

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Jordan, Bryan Craig

Type texts

Source 20220321-usctheses-batch-916 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu