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An examination of the perceptions of Latina leaders in STEM: identity, culture, and institutional racism

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An examination of the perceptions of Latina leaders in STEM: identity, culture, and institutional racism

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An Examination of the Perceptions of Latina Leaders in STEM: Identity, Culture, and
Institutional Racism
by
Gabriela Valverde-Rivera

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2022

© Copyright by Gabriela Valverde-Rivera 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Gabriela Valverde-Rivera certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Darline Robles
Bernice Ledbetter
Maria Ott, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
The Latinx population is currently the fastest-growing minority group in the United States with
Latinas making up a significant portion of the population representing 17% of women (Catalyst,
2020). At leadership levels within the STEM industry, however, Latinas are largely
underrepresented. Although there is a growing body of research that examines barriers to career
progression as it relates to women of color, there is a lack of understanding of the specific role
that unique barriers such as cultural identity and structural racism play in the career progression
of Latinas in technology organizations. This study examines the problem of underrepresentation
of Latinas in leadership positions in technology through various factors, especially those related
to race and culture, that may impact career advancement. A phenomenological methodology was
used to explore the personal and lived experiences of 11 Latinas who have successfully entered
leadership ranks in STEM organizations with a focus on technology companies. Data were
collected through semi-structured interviews and responses were categorically and thematically
analyzed and coded using MAXQDA software. Eight themes emerged from the problem being
explored:
• invisible presence of institutional racism
• stereotypes perpetuate a double-bind dilemma
• career decisions influenced by cultural identity
• impact of gender and identity on career progression
• self-imposed limitations to career growth
• institutional racism as an internal catalyst
• preference for open dialogue related to racial issues
• organizational leaders’ attitudes toward race-related dialogue

v
Findings from this study may contribute to a deeper understanding of the complexity and
challenge that can arise when Latinas aim to reach leadership positions in technology
organizations and lead to improvements in leadership training and accountability for building
anti-racist organizations.

vi
Dedication
To my parents, Carmen and Walter Valverde, who were my first mentors and teachers. Thank
you for your strength, resiliency, and sacrifice. This accomplishment is in honor of you.

To my life partner, Carlos, thank you for pushing me to do the work you always knew I was
capable of. You make me better every day.

To all the women in my family, I am constantly inspired by your ability to overcome the most
challenging barriers and rise above it all. The world needs more Latina leaders like you.

vii
Acknowledgements
I am so grateful to my committee members for investing in me. Dr. Grant, thank you for
guiding me through the first half of my journey. You challenged me to think critically and helped
me refine my research questions and conceptual framework. Dr. Ott, I cannot thank you enough
for stepping in as my Chair and leading me to the finish line. Dr. Robles, your willingness to
support me is unparalleled. Lastly, Dr. Ledbetter, thank you for supporting me through yet
another graduate program. I still remember sitting in your office and asking for your advice on
whether I should pursue an EdD. Your leadership inspired me to go for it.
Thank you to my group of strong, educated, friends and colleagues. Your encouragement
and support means the world to me.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables ...................................................................................................................................x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi
Chapter One: Overview of the Study ...............................................................................................1
Background of the Problem .................................................................................................2
Field Context ........................................................................................................................3
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions .....................................................................3
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................4
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .....................................................5
Definition of Terms..............................................................................................................7
Organization of the Study ....................................................................................................7
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ...........................................................................................9
Impact of Racism ...............................................................................................................10
LatCrit and CRT ................................................................................................................21
Conceptual Framework ......................................................................................................22
Summary ............................................................................................................................25
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................27
Overview of Methodology .................................................................................................27
Research Setting.................................................................................................................28
Participants .........................................................................................................................29
The Researcher...................................................................................................................30
Data Collection and Instruments ........................................................................................32

ix
Data Analysis .....................................................................................................................33
Ethics..................................................................................................................................34
Limitations and Delimitations............................................................................................35
Chapter Four: Results and Findings ...............................................................................................37
Participants .........................................................................................................................38
Results for Research Question 1: What Is the Perception of Latina Leaders on the
Presence of Institutional Racism in Technology Companies? ...........................................39
Results for Research Question 2: What Impact, if Any, Has Identity (e.g., Race,
Gender, Class, Culture and Perspectives) Had on the Career Progression of Latina
Leaders? .............................................................................................................................44
Results for Research Question 3: What Impact, if Any, Do These Latina Leaders
Believe Institutional Racism Has Had on Their Career Progression? ...............................51
Results for Research Question 4: What Are the Latina Leaders’ Attitudes
Towards Discussing Race As It Relates to Promotion Into Leadership Positions? ...........55
Summary of Results and Findings .....................................................................................58
Chapter Five: Discussion and Findings .........................................................................................60
Findings..............................................................................................................................60
Recommendations for Practice ..........................................................................................64
Recommendations for Future Research .............................................................................69
Implications for Equity ......................................................................................................70
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................71
References ......................................................................................................................................73
Appendix A: Interview Protocol ....................................................................................................85

x
List of Tables
Table 1: Summary of Interview Participants 39
Table 2: Summary of Research Questions and Key Themes Resulting From Interviews 59
Table A1: Interview Protocol 86

xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 24
Figure 2: Three Steps to Build a Personal Guiding Coalition 66

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Chapter One: Overview of the Study
The Latinx population is currently the largest and fastest-growing minority group in the
United States. According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2018), there were approximately 58 million
Latinx individuals living across the country in 2017, representing 18% of the total U.S.
population. The U.S. Census Bureau projects the Latinx population will more than double by
2060 to 119 million people (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018). In 2018, Latinas also made up a
significant portion of the population representing 17% of total women in the United States
(Catalyst Inc., 2020). Despite the continued growth of the Latinx population, research suggests
that they have lower levels of career success as compared to that of other major racial and ethnic
groups.
Within the STEM industry, in particular, Latinas are largely underrepresented. Only 2%
of Latinas held science and engineering positions in 2015, and they made up only 2% of the
computing workforce in 2019 (NCW, 2019). Moreover, Latinx individuals are materially
underrepresented in leadership positions and represent only 21% of workers in management or
professional occupations (Cruz & Blancero, 2017). The lack of Latina leaders in STEM
organizations is especially problematic and calls for a closer examination of factors, especially
those related to their race and culture, that may impact career advancement. This problem is
important to address because organizations are missing the opportunity to hire, promote, and
retain talent from the fastest-growing minority group in America, representing 16% of the U.S.
labor force (Cruz & Blancero, 2017). Organizations that choose to invest, engage, and cultivate
Latinx talent are more likely to grow and prosper alongside the Latinx market economy (Bordas,
2013).
2

Background of the Problem
Latinx representation in organizational leadership positions as a whole has not kept up
with the growing population in the United States (National Center for Women & Information
Technology, 2019). In fact, the overall proportion of Latinx individuals in managerial and
professional positions is now lower than it was a decade ago (Mundra et al., 2003). This study
examines this phenomenon and identifies explanations for the underrepresentation of this
stakeholder group, focusing on a specific community of practice to explore the complexity of
this issue. Science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) organizations are crucial to our
economy, yet the U.S. Department of Labor (2018) predicted that 2.4 million STEM jobs would
go unfulfilled in 2020. Latinx individuals are also vastly underrepresented in these fields and
make up only 7% of all STEM workers (Pew Research Center, 2018). As we look upwards
towards leadership levels, Latinx individuals, and Latinas in particular, are even less likely to be
present. Why are Latina individuals underrepresented in leadership positions in STEM despite
their increasing presence in the workforce and economy? A common answer for this problem of
underrepresentation often found in the literature points to racial and ethnic exclusion.
As critical race theory suggests, racism is the normal order of things in America and is
the usual way we operate as a society on a daily basis (Ladson-Billings, 2013). Structural racism
and discrimination are often built into the foundation of organizations and can directly influence
hiring and promotion practices. Research on the experience of women of color in STEM fields
suggests that they must “navigate hostile terrains that intersect at multiple levels due to their
marginalized social categories” (Contreras Aguirre et al., 2020, p. 4). The STEM climate is a
challenge, particularly for women of color, including Latinas, who experience both gender and
ethnic micro aggressions throughout their careers. The impact of these challenges can often
3

directly influence relationships with peers and superiors and their ability to obtain leadership
positions in their organizations (Espinosa, 2011). To further understand the experiences of
women of color in STEM, this study focuses on how Latinas experience their intersectionality
within a STEM context in their pursuit of a leadership position. However, it is important to note
that limited research addresses the underrepresentation of Latina leaders in STEM, independent
from other racial/ethnic subgroups or Latino men.
Field Context
The scope of this research includes various technology companies within the STEM field
in the United States. While the technology field is known for groundbreaking innovation, it is
much further away from achieving gender equality than the country as a whole. For example,
women represent upwards of 46% of the total labor force, while they only represent between
28%–42% of the total workforce of America’s largest technology companies (Statista, 2020). As
a country that relies on technological innovation for the health of the economy, it is important
that technology companies in the United States foster diverse and inclusive cultures for
individuals interested in pursuing a career in this field (Espinosa, 2011). Additionally,
considering the material underrepresentation of Latinas in the technology field, it is imperative
that organizations understand the factors that may create barriers for Latinas to thrive.
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
This study addresses the lack of representation of Latinas in leadership levels in STEM
organizations in the United States. Although women of color dominate entry-level managerial
roles, they are not equally represented at the leadership levels (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010).
According to researchers at Catalyst, women held 22% of Fortune 500 board seats in 2018, and
only 4.6% of these seats were held by women of color (Catalyst Inc., 2020). Evidence reveals
4

there is a need to examine unique organizational, individual, and cultural barriers to the career
progression of women of color leaders, including structural sexism and racism in the workplace
(Kim & O’Brien, 2018). Although there is a growing body of research that examines barriers to
career progression as it relates to women of color, there is a lack of understanding of the specific
role that unique barriers such as cultural identity and structural racism play in the career
progression of Latinas in technology organizations. Understanding the factors that contribute to
the shortage of Latina leaders in STEM requires a deeper exploration of the complex experiences
and perceptions of Latina leaders themselves. The present interview-based study contributes to
the qualitative research on the impact of racism and identity in career progression by
understanding the unique perceptions of Latina leaders who have ascended into leadership
positions at STEM companies with a focus on technology in the United States. The research
questions for this study are
1. What is the perception of Latina leaders on the presence of institutional racism in
technology companies?
2. What impact, if any, has identity (e.g., race, gender, class, culture and perspectives) had
on the career progression of Latina leaders?
3. What impact, if any, do these leaders believe institutional racism has had on their career
progression?
4. What are the Latina leaders’ attitudes towards discussing race as it relates to promotion
into leadership positions?
Significance of the Study
This problem is important to address because organizations will soon experience a
leadership gap as the overall U.S. population ages and baby boomers retire, specifically in STEM
5

fields where 50% of all engineers in America today will retire in the next 5 to 15 years (Gay,
2013). Given the rapid increase of Latinx individuals in the workforce, organizations will soon
be forced to expand their talent pool to include the Latinx community as a means to healthy
leadership succession and ultimately greater business profitability (Mundra et al., 2003).
Furthermore, the development of leaders is a critical issue that requires companies to invest in
talent management strategies to remain agile. The constant climate of change and competition for
top talent is forcing organizations to identify future leaders among groups that have been
historically overlooked, including those from a Latinx background (Virick & Greer, 2012). If
Latinas continue to be underrepresented in leadership roles, organizations may face a shortage of
leaders and ignore a large pool of talent that will remain untapped. According to the Committee
on Maximizing the Potential of Women in Academic Science and Engineering and Institute of
Medicine (2007), career barriers impacting underrepresented groups deprive the country of an
important source of “talented and accomplished scientists and engineers who could contribute to
our nation’s competitiveness” (p. 7). Dillard (2018) argues that this issue does not only impact
minorities in business, but it also impacts our society as a whole, including how we legislate,
how we promote leaders in government, and how the media perpetuates stereotypes of different
groups.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Latina and Latino critical legal theory (LatCrit) addresses issues often overlooked by
critical race theory (CRT), including the multidimensional identities of Latinx individuals and
the intersectionality of racism, sexism, classism, and other forms of oppression (Delgado Bernal,
2002). LatCrit expands beyond the limitations of the Black/White binary of CRT to incorporate a
more contextualized analysis of the cultural, political, and economic dimensions of White
6

supremacy, particularly as it affects Latinx in their individual and collective struggles for self-
understanding and social justice (Iglesias, 1996).
This theory is appropriate to examine this problem because it can provide a further
understanding of the complexities that Latinx communities face as a result of institutionalized
racism. For example, the commitment to invest resources in minority leaders, objective
succession planning, and fair hiring practices may become distorted by individual beliefs held by
non-minority leaders regarding the inferiority of people of another race, specifically those that
identify as Latinx. The use of the idea of intersectionality as an analytical tool is an additional
perspective to study and understand how gender intersects with other identities and how these
intersections contribute to the unique experiences of oppression and privilege that Latinx
individuals face (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010).
This study focused on uncovering meaning of Latina leaders in their self-perceptions
about leadership and their trajectory to promotion and career progression. A qualitative research
design was best poised to accomplish this goal. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) define qualitative
research as the way to understand how people interpret their own experiences, how they
construct reality, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences. This counter-narrative
study used a phenomenological methodology to explore the personal and lived experiences of
Latinas who have successfully entered leadership ranks in STEM organizations.
Phenomenological research is a design of inquiry in which “the researcher describes the lived
experiences of individuals about a phenomenon as described by participants” (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018, p. 61). Merriam and Tisdell (2016) suggest this research design will aid in
presenting data and findings that are plausible through strategies such as triangulation, member
checks, and adequate engagement in data collection. Through an emergent design lens and semi-
7

structured interviews, this study meets the standards of credibility, transferability, dependability,
and confirmability.
Definition of Terms
The following terms are defined to help the reader understand the context of each term in
this study.
• Latina: a female-identifying person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central
American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race (U.S. Census Bureau,
2018).
• Latinx: a gender-neutral, pan-ethnic label used to describe the nation’s Hispanic
population (Pew Research Center, 2020).
• Women of color (WOC): a term used to describe any female-identifying person who is
not considered white (Catalyst Inc., 2020).
• Leadership positions: an officer of an organization who is or reports to (is below) the
president or the CEO or a member of the Board of Directors. Can be referred to, but not
limited to, as Vice President, Executive, or Senior Vice President.
• STEM: an acronym for organizations that present themselves as operating the areas of
science, technology, engineering and math (U.S. Department of Labor, 2011).
• Technology industry: Category of businesses revolving around the manufacturing of
electronics, creation of software, computers, or products and services relating to
information technology (Frankenfield, 2020).
Organization of the Study
This study focused on understanding Latina leaders’ perceptions of institutional racism
and its impact on the critical shortage of Latinas in leadership positions in STEM organizations,
8

specifically in the technology industry. The results of this study may serve multiple stakeholders
such as senior business leaders, HR professionals, and, most of all, the Latina leaders in
technology organizations themselves.
There are four more chapters to follow. Chapter Two is a comprehensive review of the
literature on Latina leaders in STEM organizations. In Chapter Two, the primary topic discussed
is the gap in the literature related to the focus on Latina leaders in STEM and clarifies how this
study will fill this gap in the literature. Chapter Three covers details of the research design and
specific details of how the study was conducted. The remaining chapters focus on the actual
research conducted for this study. The results are provided in Chapter Four, and interpretation of
the findings is covered in Chapter Five.

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Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
Latinas make up a significant portion of the U.S. population representing 17% of total
women in the United States. (Catalyst Inc, 2020). In STEM fields, however, Latinas are grossly
underrepresented and make up only 2% of science and engineering positions and 1% of the
computing workforce (National Science Foundation, 2017). Little is known about the
demographic makeup of leadership teams in the industry. However, given the small sample of
Latina workers present, the actual number of Latinas in leadership positions is sparse. While the
literature on the gender gap in STEM dates back many decades, little research examines the
intersectional experience of Latinas that hold leadership positions in the field. The purpose of
this research was to understand the unique experiences of Latina leaders in STEM, and what may
be needed to strengthen the leadership pipeline to include more Latinas in the future of STEM.
This chapter includes a review of relevant research and identifies a conceptual framework
that was used for data collection. This review examines the trends in literature by considering the
impact of institutional racism and discrimination on career success. Critical race theory and
latcrit theory were used as a framework to understand better the perception of racism and its
impact on Latina leaders. LatCrit aids in providing a deeper understanding of the role of Latinas
as female and minoritized professionals in STEM disciplines where most workers and leaders are
male and White (Contreras Aguirre et al., 2020). Furthermore, it is important to highlight the
gaps in the literature that reflect that the majority of existing STEM literature in the United States
lacks a critical examination of gender and race related to the career progression of Latinas into
leadership positions. Without further investigation into this specific sub-group, conclusions about
potential progress towards equity are severely limited.
10

Impact of Racism
As the U.S. workforce becomes increasingly diverse as a result of a growing minority
population, organizations are faced with the challenge of learning how to effectively lead diverse
teams. It is clear that representation, specifically at the leadership levels, is an important factor
that can contribute to a culture of diversity and inclusion. However, prior research reveals that
large corporations exhibit low levels of structural integration that often prevent women or people
of color from attaining influential positions (Giscombe & Mattis, 2002). This can lead to a lack
of mentorship opportunities, inclusion in formal and informal networks, lack of high visibility
assignments, and many other career barriers. While the research specific to leadership
representation of each ethnic group of women is slim, Ferdman and Cortes (1992) point out a
critical factor that can serve as a potential explanation for the lack of Latina leaders in STEM
organizations - the effects of racism through stereotyping and other discriminatory practices on
career progression.
Effects of Stereotypes
Fiske (1993) asserts that stereotyping is a category-based cognitive response to another
person and is intrinsically controlling of other people. Two aspects of stereotyping, descriptive
and prescriptive beliefs, reinforce one group’s or individual’s power over another by limiting the
options of the stereotyped group. For example, Latinx managers have reported being stereotyped
as unintelligent and too emotional which are characteristics typically viewed as detrimental to
leadership success (Fernandez, 1991). Due to the prescriptive belief that the most senior
leadership positions should require characteristics such as emotional toughness and aggressive
behavior and the belief that minority women may not possess these traits, Latina leaders may
face the challenge of adjusting to the desired stereotype or risk judgment and pressure to be
11

successful (Hoyt & Blascovich, 2007). This can lead to a phenomenon called stereotype threat
which can severely impact women of color striving to reach leadership positions. This effect
occurs when a person cares about a domain (i.e. becoming an effective leader) and knows that
the group in which the person belongs can be stereotyped as a poor performer in the domain (i.e.,
Latinx managers do not have the capabilities to successfully lead) and ultimately leads to
negative performance in the role (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Simply the threat of discriminatory
behavior and judgment implied from the stereotype itself can negatively affect marginalized
groups (Steele et al., 2002).
For Latinas in STEM, this may present a material challenge because from a demographic
perspective, there are so few Latinas working in the industry, and even fewer are present in
leadership positions. Not only do stereotypes play a role in creating inequalities in the workplace
by influencing decision making, but also the types of jobs that individuals choose to pursue.
Correll (2001) agrees with this notion and posits that in regards to the quantitative professions
(STEM), there is a shortage of women compared to men partly due to the impact stereotypes
have on shaping the types of careers men and women pursue. Yet, it is the mere presence of
stereotypes that can also affect the perceptions of the root causes of gender disparities at the
leadership level. In a study examining the effects of gender stereotypes on how people explain
disparities in the workforce, researchers found that stereotypes are linked to minimizing
discriminatory practices (Cundiff & Vescio, 2016). Specifically, results indicate that people who
strongly endorse gender stereotypes are less likely to attribute gender disparities in the workforce
to gender discrimination than do people who do not strongly endorse those stereotypes. In
addition, participants unexpectedly made stronger discrimination attributions when explaining
gender gaps in leadership positions than in STEM occupations, suggesting that blanket solutions
12

for addressing gender discrimination may not prove effective in all contexts. Overall, Cundiff
and Vescio (2016) argue that this study supports the notion that stereotypes influence
explanations for gender disparities in ways that ignore practices such as discrimination. It is
important, however, to note that while the literature asserts that racial and gender stereotyping
contribute to the homogenous makeup of STEM organizations in general, the specific impact on
career progression of Latina leaders is not yet fully understood.
Discrimination
A vast body of knowledge suggests women of color are treated differently from their
White counterparts. Women of color report facing more career barriers (sometimes referred to as
the concrete ceiling, labyrinth, glass cliff, etc.) than White women, often due to the impact of
structural racism and discrimination (Key et al., 2012). This is also evident from a compensation
and promotion perspective. In 2020, Asian women working full-time earned $0.87 for every
dollar earned by White men; Black and Pacific Islander women earned $0.63; Native American
women earned $0.60. Latinas earned just $0.55 for every dollar earned by White men, leaving
them with a pay gap that surpasses that of women in all other racial groups (National Women’s
Law Center, 2020). Discrimination based on ethnicity is a well-known significant stressor for
Latinx individuals living in the United States as they often experience negative treatment based
on their accents, languages, names, and other ethnic identifiers (Mundra et al., 2003). This type
of perceived discrimination may create consequential barriers that impact career progression. In
a study aimed at identifying the factors that contribute to the success of female leaders of
different races, researchers found that more women of color had experienced racial
discrimination and harassment in the workplace and faced more developmental hardship and
adversity compared to their White peers (Key et al., 2012). For Latinas in STEM, the perceived
13

racial discrimination and harassment in the workplace is critical to understanding the broader
issue of representation in leadership levels.
Debunking Meritocracy Myth and Colorblindness
The American dream is largely rooted in the idea that anyone can work hard and achieve
success. This concept of a merit-based society or a meritocracy “refers to a social system as a
whole in which individuals get ahead and earn rewards in direct proportion to their efforts and
abilities” (McNamee, 2018, p. 2). Organizations are also rooted in this ideology and often use it
as a basis for decision-making, particularly when it comes to promotions and hiring decisions.
However, merit-based systems used to assist organizations in people decisions negatively impact
women of color because they are based on two false assumptions: that employment
discrimination is rare and a belief that merit alone determines employment success. McNamee
(2018) questions the legitimacy of meritocracy in organizations because it would indicate White
males uniquely possess raw talent since they are the dominant group in leadership positions in
society. In unpacking the invisible knapsack, McIntosh (1988) suggests that American society
ought to give up the meritocracy myth because privileges given to certain groups of people
prevent others from achieving success based on their own efforts and abilities. As organizations
engage in diversity practices, they may take a multicultural approach that focuses on diversity
initiatives or they may take a colorblind approach to diversity. Instead of a focus on diversity, a
colorblind approach focuses on individual accomplishments and minimizes the unique
perspectives of individuals throughout the organization. Bonilla-Silva (2003) argues that
colorblindness cultivates a culture of racism and establishes four principles to illustrate it:
abstract liberalism, naturalization, cultural racism, and minimization of racism. This approach is
typically embraced by members of the majority group because they interpret it as a sign of
14

inclusivity for their own group, however, minority groups often find it to be exclusionary and
distrust the colorblind initiatives altogether (Stevens et al., 2008). As part of a minority group in
STEM, Latinas are not adequately represented in the talent pool when it comes to hiring or
promotion decisions. The notion of meritocracy and colorblindness, a stance that many
organizations take, perpetuates a culture of racism and continue to work against Latinas striving
for leadership roles.
Intersectionality
Leadership research has historically focused on a singular aspect of a woman’s identity
until recently as the concept of intersectionality and its effects on the holistic leadership
experience has become more closely examined. Intersectionality represents the way in which
multiple aspects of an individual’s identity intersect to construct social reality (Crenshaw, 1989;
Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). Latinas in particular represent multiple identities based on race,
gender, and ability which can lead to exposure to various levels of discrimination in the
workplace. Sanchez-Hucles and Davis (2010) explain that women of color often face the risk of
both gender and racial discrimination which can make it difficult to make accurate causal
attributions concerning potential discriminatory behaviors if they are passed over for leadership
and/or growth opportunities. Scholars have dubbed this idea of discrimination based on various
identities and characteristics as multiple jeopardy and continue to study how disadvantage
accumulates and shapes discrimination for those with intersecting identities (Hancock, 2007).
Intersectionality also plays a role in STEM experiences. Prior research suggests that
identity development along with a need to be recognized by themselves and others is especially
critical to success in STEM organizations for Latinas (Carlone & Johnson, 2007). In a study of
STEM identity development for Latinas, Rodriguez et al. (2019) found that intersectional
15

identities shaped the way in which Latinas interacted with their peers in STEM, specifically
when their male peers questioned their abilities and failed to recognize them as valuable
members of the organization. From this research, we can discern that Latinas often experience a
double bind in which they feel marginalized based on their gender as well as their race or
ethnicity.
It is, however, important to note that there is another body of work that suggests a debate
in the intersectionality research about whether individuals with multiple group identities
experience greater levels of discrimination than individuals who identify with a particular group.
Purdie-Vaughns and Eibach (2008) present a model of intersectional invisibility that proposes
that people who have multiple identities are defined as non-prototypical members of their
identity groups and, therefore, experience a set of advantages and disadvantages as compared to
people that are prototypical members of the social group.
Despite the lack of consensus on the actual impact of multiple identities, research that
focuses on outcomes such as career progression indicates double jeopardy clearly has a
significant impact in the experiences of women of color in the workplace (Key et al., 2012).
While the specific impact on the Latina leader experience in STEM specifically is not yet fully
understood, it is clear that it is impossible to simply categorize based on a singular dimension.
Race and Privilege
Prior research confirms the existence of social systems that thrive in organizations and
society which enable privilege and oppression to emerge. Johnson (2006) claims that these
systems possess three key characteristics, domination, identification, and centralization of
privileged groups. Living in a White and male dominated society creates patterns of dominance
16

which can create challenges for women of color seeking leadership opportunities. Johnson
(2006) further examines this idea:
The result of such patterns of dominance is that if you’re female, of color, or in some
other way on the outside of privilege, when you look upward in all kinds of power
structures you don’t see people like you. Your interests are not represented where power
is wielded and rewards are distributed, and you get no encouragement to imagine yourself
as one of those with access to power and its rewards. Those who don’t look like people in
power will feel invisible and in fact be invisible, because they are routinely overlooked.
(p. 95)
Due to their dominant status, White employees experience a number of advantages in the
workplace as compared to their peers of color. They have the advantage of being viewed as
individuals rather than as a collective, are less likely to be asked to speak as a representative of
their racial group, and avoid stereotype threats that are often attached to an individual’s identity
group (Nkomo & Al Ariss, 2014). White employees also have access to material resources and
social capital that non-white minorities often do not. These examples of advantage lead to the
level of power each racial group possesses in the workplace and are an important factor in which
group maintains power called homosocial reproduction, a practice in which managers select and
hire candidates that are most like them (Nkomo & Al Ariss, 2014). Recent research examining
the relationship between the race and gender of hiring managers and that of new hires suggests
that homosocial reproduction does indeed influence the overall hiring process and decision
making. For example, Giuliano et al. (2009) analyzed data from a large retail firm and found that
Black hiring managers were more likely to hire Black workers than are White hiring managers.
While in-group hiring preferences are also present in Latinx populations, they are only prevalent
17

in labor markets where Latinx individuals account for more than 30% of the population
(Stainback et al., 2010). Ultimately, this practice can lead to more career opportunities for White
men and women compared to BIPOC groups because of their dominant positions in
organizations.
Gaps on Latina Experience
Despite the vast body of literature that has emerged from the Civil Rights and Feminist
movements, there are clear gaps in the literature that focus on intersectionality issues related to
Latinas in STEM fields. Furthermore, scholarly work on Latina leaders in STEM fields is slim in
quantity (Espinosa, 2011). A review of the literature over the last decade indicates a singular
focus on either gender or race/ethnicity related to the equity disparity in STEM. For example,
Blickenstaff (2005) discusses the underrepresentation of women in STEM careers and critiques
the explanations for the gap in the research literature, but fails to discuss how intersectionality
influences the lack of pipeline. Researchers often examine the influence of gender in the
workplace by focusing exclusively on the female and/or male experience without considering the
impact of race. Hite (1996) posits that research conclusions about the experiences of “women”
are frequently derived from a small sample of women and are not, in fact, inclusive of women of
color but are instead generalized from White women’s experiences. Alternatively, another recent
growing body of research focuses on the disparities in STEM education, and often exclusively on
the racial/ethnic disparities in STEM education and often examines the experiences of minority
students without a focus on the gender lens (Riegle-Crumb & King, 2010).
Leadership Gaps
As the Latinx population continues to grow in the United States, the representation of
Latinx leaders in mainstream industries remains sparse. Vargas (2011) elaborates,
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A question in a 2010 Pew Hispanic Center poll asked Latinos to identify a single Latino
leader. When only single-digit percentages of Latinos could name even one person
considered a national Latino leader, the debate was further fueled. U.S. Supreme Court
Justice Sonia Sotomayor was most frequently named by poll respondents even though she
is not an elected leader and has no formal responsibility to lead any group. That in itself
is telling about Latinos’ attitudes about leadership. Justice Sotomayor was singled out
because of her achievement of becoming the first Latina appointed to the nation’s highest
court, not because she has led a movement, a constituency, or a membership
organization. So according to the Pew Hispanic Center report, when asked, Latinos name
no single national leader. (p. 12)
If we take a step further and consider the impact of intersectionality on leadership,
popular literature might briefly examine the dynamic of women in leadership roles, however,
will largely ignore the influence of race and ethnicity (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010).
Specifically, it is important to note the shortage of literature on which both race and gender
directly affect the leadership practices of women and people of color (Santamaría et al., 2014).
Popular textbooks on leadership, such as that by Yukl (2009), may devote a few pages to
research examining women in leadership roles but again ignore the influence of race and
ethnicity. Professional organizations such as the National Academy of Sciences (2007) highlight
the underrepresentation of women in leadership roles in prominent research organizations and
confirm they are indeed given lower salaries and less grant money. The academy goes even
further and cites research that highlights the percentage of women leaders working in STEM
industries. They found that women made up 18% of section chiefs, 11% of department chairs,
and 10% of deans at academic medical centers, 11% of scientific directors and 3% of directors
19

and deputy directors at the Department of Energy national laboratories, and similar proportions
of women in leadership roles at the NSF engineering research centers and science and
technology centers (National Academy of Sciences, 2007). In a study of the top 1,000 firms in
the United States by revenue, women accounted for only 18% of chief information or technology
officers on average across all industries (Korn Ferry, 2019). While it is evident that exploring the
gender divide as it pertains to leadership roles holds a notable place in research, it is clear that
the focus on race/ethnicity remains largely absent.
Education-focused research can help draw many conclusions about the
underrepresentation of Latinas in STEM. However, it is also missing a key examination of
leadership experiences in the corporate workplace context. In an appreciative inquiry study
focused on educational leadership practices, Santamaría et al. (2014) found that qualified Latinx
leaders are able to provide counter-stories and solutions to educational challenges due to their
cultural and linguistic experience often required for success in the field. Their research findings
confirm that skills held by Latinx critical leaders remain untapped and often constrained by
traditional ways of performance evaluation and readiness for leadership (Santamaría et al.,
2014). While prior research focused on educational leadership provides some insight into ways
gender and race impact leadership practice, it is important to point out that the findings are not
necessarily applicable to STEM workplaces and the need for further research is even more
important.
STEM Identity
While the literature on Latina leaders in STEM is sparse, there is a body of work that
examines the reasons behind the overwhelming underrepresentation of Latinas in the field. A
possible explanation for this problem may be partly due to social identity threats and concerns
20

about the lack of safety and belonging in work environments (Pietri et al., 2019). For example, in
a study involving Latinas at a fictional STEM company, researchers found that Latinas could
relate more deeply to scientists who also identified as Latina, as compared to White scientists,
and felt a higher sense of trust and belonging towards the STEM organization as a whole (Pietri
et al., 2019). This idea of creating identity safety and belonging also translates to the higher
education field and can present various challenges for Latinas seeking careers in STEM because
of the lack of minority women faculty who might otherwise act as role models and mentors.
Despite the growing number of minority women STEM faculty in the last two decades, research
confirms that they are more likely to be employed at 2-year and non-doctoral granting 4-year
universities and spend less time on research activities than their White male counterparts
(Malcom & Malcom, 2011).
Additionally, only 14.8% of the full-time professors in the life sciences at top research
institutions are women, and those from minority racial and ethnic backgrounds are effectively
missing from leading science and engineering departments, which suggests that they still face
barriers to becoming active role models and are missing opportunities to strengthen the pool of
Latina and minority students in STEM (National Academy of Sciences, 2007). While the
research builds upon the critical importance of intersectionality and its influence on the makeup
of workers in STEM fields, it has failed to examine the impact of the intersectionality of Latinas
who hold leadership positions. This gap in the literature calls for a deeper examination of the
lack of Latinas in leadership positions by considering both race and gender on leadership career
paths.
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LatCrit and CRT
By definition, critical race theory accounts for the role of race and racism in the United
States. It works toward eliminating racism as part of a larger goal of eliminating other forms of
subordination, such as gender, class, and sexual orientation (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). CRT
suggests racism is the normal order of things in America and is the usual way we operate as a
society on a daily basis (Ladson-Billings, 2013). Critics of CRT suggest that it focuses too
narrowly on a Black/White paradigm and misses the Latinx, Asian American, Native American,
and other dimensions of race-based power relations (Valdes, 1996). LatCrit adds important
dimensions to a critical race analysis by addressing these issues and illuminating Latinx
multidimensional identities (Delgado Bernal, 2002). The following section will examine the
principles of CRT and LatCrit and discuss how both lenses can help provide a foundation by
which we explore the perceptions of Latina leaders in STEM as it relates to the impact of racism
on career progression.
Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory (CRT) is a theoretical framework born in the field of law that
examines the different ways in which seemingly race-neutral laws and policies facilitate
oppression based on race, ethnicity, and gender (Delgado Bernal, 2002). Ladson-Billings (2013)
describes the evolution of CRT from critical legal studies in the 1980s after a group of legal
scholars continued to find ways in which the law cultivated inequality. There are four key
principles of CRT that include the idea that racism is normal, storytelling as an important vehicle
to explore racism, a critique of liberalism, and a focus on racial realism (Ladson-Billings, 2013).
The goal of CRT is to deconstruct racial issues rooted in laws and governing systems to move
towards a more just and fair society. Crenshaw et al. (1995) suggests the systems that are deeply
22

embedded in society are layered with systemic racial privilege which automatically work to
oppress those who are a part of minority groups.
Latino/a Critical Race Theory
Latino/a Critical Theory (LatCrit) builds upon CRT and adds important elements to the
racial deconstruction analysis such as addressing the intersection of racism, sexism, classism and
other forms of oppression that Latinas/Latinos often experience (Delgado Bernal, 2002). LatCrit
was the result of a collaborative effort put forth by a community of Latina/o, Asian, and Black
legal scholars who sought to inject traditional CRT with new themes, ideas, and methodologies
(Iglesias, 1996). Multidimensional identities that belong to Latinas in particular are often ignored
by CRT theorists, however, LatCrit offers the opportunity to investigate these counter stories in
order to better understand how the broader system of oppression impacts this population. This
theory can provide insight into the importance of examining the influence of race on Latinas and
understanding the challenges and/or advantages they may encounter in attaining a leadership
position in STEM organizations. Contreras Aguirre et al. (2020) add that the oppressive
environments that are created by unjust systems of power can explain Latinas’ experiences as
minoritized groups in organizations where they face a triple bind status because of their race,
gender, and scientific role. LatCrit can serve as an acknowledgment of “experiential knowledge
and the historical context of Latinos” that can ultimately help reduce the negative effects caused
by prejudice and stereotypes based on race (Contreras Aguirre et al., 2020, p. 4).
Conceptual Framework
Maxwell (2013) suggests that a conceptual framework is primarily a model of the
relationship between the key concepts being investigated in a study and a tentative theory of the
problem. Figure 1 provides a visual illustration of how the overarching framework of CRT and
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LatCrit are applied together in collaboration to arrive at the conceptual framework that reveals
the relationship between perceptions of Latina leaders and the impact on their career progression
in STEM organizations. It is important to note that the principles of CRT and LatCrit work in
tandem to influence STEM and societal culture and ultimately the career progression of
historically underrepresented groups, in this case, Latinas.

Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Note. The figure illustrates the Latina career path (left) and the pressure from various aspects of STEM and societal culture (right) that
cause drop outs or leaks at different stages of their career.
24
25

The primary stakeholders to note are Latinas, leaders, and STEM organizations as a
whole. The leaky pipeline of women in STEM is a concept that illustrates women and minorities
leaking out of STEM careers due to the cracks and gaps caused by systemic biases and barriers
(Grogan, 2019). Figure 1 represents the specific career path that Latinas experience upon
choosing a career in STEM. As Latinas move through the pipeline they encounter pressure from
various aspects of STEM and societal culture that cause drop outs or leaks at different stages of
their career. Specifically, Latinas experience acts of explicit racism, sexism, and discrimination
from their peers from dominant groups in STEM which drive feelings of isolation and challenge
their future success (Rodriguez & Blaney, 2021). The result is a critical shortage of Latinas
represented at the highest leadership levels in STEM. The pipeline model is a useful construct to
visualize the critical intersections in a career at which Latinas tend to leave, and the tenets of
CRT and LatCrit that can provide an explanation for the pressure on the pipe. In summary, the
impact of organizational and societal culture that is rooted in systemic oppression adds pressure
to the pipeline causing Latinas to drop out of a career in STEM. As it relates to this study, this
pressure may ultimately influence the perception of Latina leaders and their ability to progress in
a career in STEM.
Summary
The unique perspective of Latina leaders in STEM is grossly neglected in literature and
research. It is clear that Latinas are not only underrepresented in STEM fields, but are rarely
appointed into leadership positions of such organizations. This study aims to fill this gap and
contribute to the larger body of work by examining the perceptions of Latinas who have been
appointed leaders in STEM organizations on the possible influence of institutional racism on
their career progression. To inform this study, this chapter has reviewed the literature related to
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CRT and LatCrit and the impact of racism on the career progression of women of color,
including Latinas. This review has also informed the identification of the gap in literature
focused on unique Latina perspectives. Chapter three outlines the research design methodology
and describes the research questions, population details, and data collection and analysis
procedures used in this study.

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Chapter Three: Methodology
This study focused on uncovering meaning behind the experiences of Latina leaders in
STEM and their perceptions of the impact of racism on career progression. This counter-
narrative study used a phenomenological methodology to explore the personal and lived
experiences of Latinas who have successfully entered leadership ranks in STEM organizations
with a focus on technology companies. Phenomenological research is a design of inquiry in
which “the researcher describes the lived experiences of individuals about a phenomenon as
described by participants” (Creswell & Creswell, 2018, p. 61). This chapter further outlines the
research design and methodology, data collection and instrumentation, and outlines the intended
data analysis process. The questions guiding this study are
1. What is the perception of Latina leaders on the presence of institutional racism in
technology companies?
2. What impact, if any, has identity (e.g., race, gender, class, culture and perspectives) had
on the career progression of Latina leaders?
3. What impact, if any, do these leaders believe institutional racism has had on their career
progression?
4. What are the Latina leaders’ attitudes towards discussing race as it relates to promotion
into leadership positions?
Overview of Methodology
A qualitative research design was used for this study. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) define
qualitative research as the way to understand how people interpret their own experiences, how
they construct reality, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences. This approach aids in
presenting data and findings that are plausible through strategies such as triangulation and
28

adequate engagement in data collection (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Additionally, a qualitative
design calls for a purposeful selection of participants and sites to ensure a careful understanding
of the problem and research questions (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Through an emergent design
lens and semi-structured interviews, this study aims to meet the standards of credibility,
transferability, dependability, and confirmability. One-on-one interviews assisted in
understanding the lived experience of each participant and gauged their perceptions on the
impact of racism throughout their careers.
Research Setting
The scope of this research spanned multiple technology organizations in the STEM field
in the United States. Participants, described in more detail below, held a leadership position
within their respective organizations and were invited to participate in qualitative interviews.
STEM organizations are critical to the advancement of society, and the recent focus on diversity
within the workforce and leadership ranks underscores the relevance of this research. Many
federal programs recognize the importance of building a talent pipeline in STEM fields and have
implemented a 5-year strategy aimed at providing access to high-quality STEM education for all
Americans that will ultimately position the country as a leader in STEM innovation and
employment. One such initiative is the significant investment in STEM education and research
via the U.S. Department of Education. In 2019, the U.S. Department of Education invested
nearly $540 million to support STEM education (U.S. Department of Education, 2020).
It is no surprise that the STEM workforce is growing at a lightning pace. In 2016, the
STEM workforce represented 13% of the total United States workforce, and about half of those
workers (52%, 9.0 million) were employed as health care practitioners and a quarter as computer
workers (Pew Research Center, 2018). The focus on the technology sector of STEM in this study
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is indicative of the large sample of workers employed in these companies and the significance of
their contributions to the labor market. The intentional focus on Latina leaders in technology
companies assists in providing a richer understanding of the impact of racism on career
progression and potential solutions regarding ways to diversify STEM talent in the future.
Participants
Participants were selected through purposeful sampling, which is based on the idea that
the investigator aims to discover, understand, and gain insight and must select a sample from
which the most insights can be gleaned (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). While the sample size
depends on the type of qualitative design being used, research suggests a range of 3-10
interviews is best for phenomenological studies (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The researcher
initially aimed to interview 6–8 participants, however, 11 participants volunteered to take part in
the study which exceeded the participant goal. Participants were selected based on the following
key factors: (a) identify racially or ethnically as Latina (b) occupy an executive-level leadership
position (c) work in a technology company. Participants were not required to possess technical
training or a degree in STEM. For example, respondents worked in areas such as, but not limited
to marketing, technology, sales, operations, customer success, and innovation. Participants were
identified using network sampling, which involved locating a few key participants who met the
criteria outlined above and were asked to refer to other participants that met the same criteria
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The primary platform for recruitment was social media platforms,
including LinkedIn and the Latinas in Tech non-profit global network. The snowball effect
allowed for the collection of new information-rich cases, which contributed to a more holistic
and multidimensional study.
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The Researcher
As a critical/transformative researcher, my primary goal is to uncover knowledge and
expose issues facing marginalized groups with the intention of developing creative solutions to
drive sustainable change. Creswell and Creswell (2018) describe this approach as one with an
agenda geared toward driving societal change based on issues related to inequality, oppression,
and empowerment. As a first-generation American, it is important that I seek out opportunities to
uplift others who may face unique challenges because of their identity, culture, or background.
Looking back at my experience growing up in a lower-middle-class suburb of Los Angeles,
California, I now realize how the social system influenced how I and those around me made
decisions about education and career paths.
My Latinx parents both immigrated to the United States and built a life rooted in
gratitude and respect. Respect for the opportunities earned and given and for the culture that
encouraged them to do better. My mother spent her career in healthcare and my father in
corporate tax (he was also the first in his family to get a college education). The expectation my
parents had of me was not any different from other American youth growing up in the ‘90s. They
expected me to excel in whatever I chose to do. The extraordinary difference was that they
provided the resources that enabled me even if that meant sacrificing time, effort, and money for
themselves.
This history is one of the reasons that I have focused my work on marginalized and
disadvantaged communities. From a professional standpoint, I chose to work in the human
Resources field because I felt a responsibility to lift others up and give a voice to those who may
feel underrepresented. As I learned and studied culture in retail, healthcare, and technology
organizations, I quickly noticed the lack of diversity in the highest levels of leadership. When I
31

finally had the opportunity to sit on leadership teams alongside senior leaders, it became clear
that I would be one of the only Latina (and Latinx in general) voices in the room. My belief that
employees at all levels of an organization have valuable insights that can positively impact
business performance, coupled with the apparent lack of representation in leadership, encouraged
me to ask tough questions and focus on surfacing ideas, concerns, and feedback from employees
and help leadership action to drive meaningful change. Creating an environment where people
can fulfill their full potential through fair employment practices is my mission which is heavily
influenced by my own life experiences.
The assumption can be made that based on my background, I may possess a bias towards
supporting those who are part of underrepresented groups. Recognizing this possibility and
anchoring my work around the transformative paradigm allowed for introspection and the ability
to move and shift based on the research. Identifying these potential assumptions, prejudices, or
biases and then bracketing them or temporarily setting them aside allowed me to focus on
practicing epoche and understanding the experiences at hand (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Moreover, using methods such as horizontalization (the process of laying out all the data and
treating it as having equal weight) and imaginative variation (viewing the data from various
perspectives) allowed for even greater focus on uncovering meaning and encourage objectivity
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Creswell and Creswell (2018) advise that researchers discuss the
results that place participants in a positive light based on the research questions and goal at hand.
I committed to telling a holistic story and highlighting the data, even if it meant disproving
personal hypotheses I held. Ultimately, I used my unique experiences to bring the perspectives of
marginalized people to a more prominent place in research.

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Data Collection and Instruments
Interviews were the primary method of data collection for this study. The following
sections discuss the methods used to collect data for this study in further detail.
A semi-structured interview approach was used for this study. This approach allowed for
a mix of unstructured and highly structured questions and was guided by a list of topics to
explore (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This method provided flexibility for the researcher to
respond to the issues at hand in a very intentional way as well as provide more opportunity to
learn from new topics that participants might introduce. An interview protocol including an
interview guide with questions and probes related to the study’s research questions and
conceptual framework was prepared in advance of the interview to ensure all topics were
covered despite the semi-structured approach (Appendix A). The 12 open-ended questions
focused on the career path to leadership, experiences relating to racism/discrimination, and
identity influences on career progression.
Interviews were scheduled based on the availability of each participant. Each participant
was provided with a Calendly link which allowed them to select a time and date for the
interview. Once the interview slot was confirmed, they received an automatic calendar invite
containing the details for the meeting. The interviews took place via a video conferencing
system, Zoom, which allowed for video and audio recording. The interviews were scheduled for
60 minutes. Zoom was also used to transcribe each interview. The researcher took notes
throughout the interview to ensure consistency. For confidentiality, the researcher ensured the
recordings were saved on the University cloud account on Zoom and stored on a password-
protected hard drive and laptop computer, and locked file cabinet. Pseudonyms were used to
identify interview participants.
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Data Analysis
In this qualitative study, it was critically important that data collection and analysis be
completed simultaneously in order to fully understand the lived experiences of the participants
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The emergent design of this study allowed the researcher to build
upon data collection strategies by continuously analyzing the data throughout each step of the
research process and aligning it to the purpose of the study. This section describes the systematic
process and plan of analysis.
The primary method of data collection in this study was one-on-one interviews. In order
to best direct each interview session, the researcher analyzed the collected data after each
interview to identify themes, categories, and findings. Zoom was used as the transcription service
and ensured each interview was transcribed accurately and completely. In order to maintain
confidentiality of the participants, the researcher ensured all transcriptions were destroyed post-
analysis. The researcher also took notes throughout each interview to capture additional insights
gleaned from participants and reviewed them individually as part of the analysis process. By
engaging in an ongoing data collection and analysis process, the researcher was able to adjust the
interview approach as needed in order to capture enough information to fully answer the research
questions.
In order to best organize and manage data, the researcher used coding software,
MAXQDA, to assign short-hand designations to various aspects of the data to make it easily
accessible and retrievable. Lastly, the researcher identified pattern codes and themes that
materialized based on the connection to the conceptual framework and research questions.
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) suggest the research design will aid in presenting data and
findings that are plausible through strategies such as member checks and adequate engagement
34

in data collection. Member checks were conducted throughout the course of the interviews to
ensure participants had an opportunity to review the preliminary analysis and provide feedback
on the accuracy of the researcher’s interpretation of their experiences. The researcher also spent
a significant amount of time looking for variations in the data throughout the interview process.
Patton (2015) encourages this practice and the researcher intentionally sought data that might
provide alternative explanations to the studied phenomenon. Through an emergent design lens of
semi-structured interviews, this study worked to meet the standards of credibility, transferability,
dependability, and confirmability.
Ethics
There are a number of ways participants were protected from an ethical perspective
including confidentiality and coercion avoidance. First, participants were provided with an
information sheet prior to participating in the research. Glesne (2011) suggests that participants
should be made aware that participation is voluntary of any aspects that may affect well-being,
and that they may choose to stop the study at any time. The information sheet provided an
explanation of the purpose of the inquiry and methods that were used. Participants had the
opportunity to review and consider the document before making a definitive decision. They were
not coerced in any way to participate in this study. Additionally, the researcher ensured
confidentiality by obtaining permission to conduct interviews in a private setting remotely via
video conference, Zoom. Any audio/video recordings were available for researcher access only,
transcribed, and then destroyed. The raw data were stored on a password-protected hard drive
and laptop computer. The study was reviewed by the IRB and was categorized as an exempt or
expedited level of review. The researcher fulfilled the IRB application process and responded to
feedback or questions as required.
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This study took a strengths-based approach by examining the perceptions of Latinx
leaders who have progressed in their careers, identifying the barriers (if any) they faced as a
result of institutional racism, and sharing their experiences to help organizations work towards a
more inclusive culture. As a researcher, my ontology reflects the idea that organizations are
made up of power structures that impact the employees and leaders who work in them.
Therefore, my relationship with participants can encourage an investigator/participant dialogue
that helps to center the perspectives of participants throughout the study. It is, however,
important to note that encouraging an open dialogue about race can cause harm from a
psychological discomfort and reputational perspective, the mechanisms to ensure confidentiality
ought to ease any prevalent concerns. Ultimately, the primary goal of this study was to share the
authentic perceptions of participants in such a way that it highlights the strengths of the Latinx
community and encourages organizations to see and invest in this talent pool. Organizations will
benefit from this study by understanding the nuances and perspectives of Latina employees more
thoroughly which could lead them to create more effective recruitment and retention strategies.
Limitations and Delimitations
Given the qualitative nature of the study, there are limitations to consider.
Limitations of this study known to the researcher include
● The study only included a small number of participants and may lack transferability
beyond the organizations to which they belong.
● The study was conducted within the context of a racially charged political and social
environment. The ongoing violence against Black Americans committed by police and
the disproportionate economic and health impact on Black and Latino communities in
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2020 sparked growing concerns about institutional racism in America. These recent
incidents may have influenced respondents’ mindset when providing interview answers.
Anticipated delimitations, boundaries established by the researcher for this study, also
affect this study and include
● Data collection was limited to Latina leaders. The data do not include perspectives from
other leaders and/or employees at each organization that belong to different racial/ethnic
groups.
● The study was conducted in a short amount of time with limited resources
preventing a larger sample size.
The study did not focus on other stakeholder groups that are critical contributors to
organizational systems and culture. It is important to note that stakeholders such as (but not
limited to) CEOs, front-line leaders, and/or employees may have different insights regarding
their perceived obstacles that Latinas faced on the path to leadership.

37

Chapter Four: Results and Findings
This chapter provides a summary of the results and findings from the qualitative study.
The purpose of this study was to examine the issue of the lack of representation of Latinas in
leadership levels in STEM organizations in the United States. Guided by qualitative interviews
and a conceptual framework rooted in critical race theory (CRT), the study explored the complex
experiences and perceptions of Latina leaders who have ascended into leadership positions and
the impact of racism on career progression. The research questions that guided this study are as
follows:
1. What is the perception of Latina leaders on the presence of institutional racism in
technology companies?
2. What impact, if any, has identity (e.g., race, gender, class, culture and perspectives) had
on the career progression of Latina leaders?
3. What impact, if any, do these leaders believe institutional racism has had on their career
progression?
4. What are the Latina leaders’ attitudes towards discussing race as it relates to promotion
into leadership positions?
The information presented in this chapter tracks the conceptual framework discussed in
Chapter Two and is guided by the research methodology identified in Chapter Three. Interview
responses were transcribed and axially coded under two categorical groups associated with the
presence and impact of institutional racism and the impact of identity on career progression using
MAXQDA software. Interview responses that referenced concepts such as unconscious bias,
stereotypes, discrimination, and microaggressions were coded under the institutional racism
category. Interview responses that reflected concepts such as cultural values, traditional gender
38

roles, family influences, and intersectionality were coded under the identity category. The
findings and results were organized according to the guiding research questions, and then
according to the emergent themes derived from the categorical coding process described above.
A summary of the interview participants and their demographic information is included below.
Participants
Eleven participants were interviewed virtually for this study. Participants were identified
based on the following key factors: (a) Identify racially or ethnically as Latina, (b) occupy an
executive-level leadership position, and (c) work in a technology company. Participants were not
required to possess technical training or a degree in STEM. For example, respondents worked in
areas such as, but not limited to marketing, technology, sales, operations, customer success, and
innovation. Participants were selected and identified through social networks such as LinkedIn
and the Latinas in Tech network. Table 1 provides demographic information regarding these
participants, including their pseudonyms, self-ascribed gender, ethnic identities, respective job
titles, and industry category.

39

Table 1
Summary of Interview Participants
Pseudonym Gender Ethnicity Job title Industry
Ruth Female Hispanic/Latino/a COO Fintech
Beth Female Hispanic/Latino/a Executive director Telecommunications
Abigail Female Hispanic/Latino/a Senior vice president Cloud computing
Carmen Female Hispanic/Latino/a Vice president Computer hardware
Magda Female Hispanic/Latino/a CIO Education technology
Laura Female Hispanic/Latino/a CEO Fintech
Sofia Female Hispanic/Latino/a CEO Digital media
Jessica Female Hispanic/Latino/a CMO Legal tech
Krystal Female Hispanic/Latino/a Senior vice president Electricity/Energy
Samantha Female Hispanic/Latino/a Vice president Digital advertising
Naomi Female Hispanic/Latino/a Vice president Cloud computing

Results for Research Question 1: What Is the Perception of Latina Leaders on the Presence
of Institutional Racism in Technology Companies?
Institutional racism is defined as “any organizational policy, practice, and structure in
government, business, unions, schools, churches, courts, and law enforcement agencies by which
decisions are made as to unfairly subordinate persons of color while allowing other groups to
profit from such actions” (Sue, 2005, p. 100). Questions 9–11 of the interview protocol were
designed to draw perceptions on the presence of such structures in organizations that may or may
not contribute to a climate where Latinas can grow in their careers. The results indicated that the
perceptions of seemingly subtle behaviors such as microaggressions, unconscious bias, and
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stereotyping demonstrate the presence of institutional racism and the need to address ongoing
systems of inequity.
Theme 1: Subtle and Often Invisible Behaviors Speak to the Presence of Institutional
Racism
To questions and probes relating to the presence of institutional racism in the workplace,
nine participants (80%) indicated that they had witnessed or experienced behaviors consistent
with microaggressions, unconscious bias, or stereotypes throughout their career. Two
participants shared that they did not experience or witness racism per se, but they were treated
differently at a point in their career as a result of their identified gender. The greater proportion
of the responses centered around the awareness of subtle behaviors in the workplace that might
easily go unnoticed, such as microaggressions, but were perceived as racist by the participants
themselves. Five of 11 shared specific examples of situations where they experienced
microinsults and aggressions at work. Magda, a corporate leader turned entrepreneur, described
when her corporate colleagues attempted to compliment her by saying they “could have sworn”
that she went to an Ivy League college such as Harvard or Yale instead of the state school she
actually attended. Magda identified these types of comments as “compliments, sort of” yet knew
her colleagues were making assumptions about her based on her position in the company and
marginalized identity. Jessica and Laura expressed similar sentiments, stating that they had
received compliments or questions in conjunction with negative racial stereotypes related to their
names and skin color. Jessica noted that people at work constantly mistook her for being Italian
and were surprised to learn that she was Latina and spoke Spanish because her last name does
not sound like a Latinx name.
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Do they not see that I’m Brown and do they not see that I’m the one speaking Spanish?
I’ve had people say well, you don’t have an accent and that is because Spanish is my first
language. I learned English in Kindergarten.
She finds the comments very interesting and thinks that people are surprised when they learn she
is Latina because they “don’t think Latino/as can be in leadership positions.” Similarly, Laura
describes experiencing “the classic micro aggressions and ridiculous remarks or comments that
people don’t find offensive when they make them” while holding leadership roles on several
boards of directors. Specifically, her colleagues would comment on “how lucky” she was that
she didn’t “look Mexican” and that she was invited to join the board or received funding because
she was “White-passing, like a White-xican.” While Laura did not understand what the term
meant, she decided to do a “bigger accent” when working around non-Latinos so that she “could
make sure that they understand I’m not them, I’m Latina.”
Four of 11 participants (36%) also identified acts of unconscious bias as evidence of
institutional racism in their organizations. Krystal noted that early in her career, she was
“mortified” while pregnant with her first child because she knew that women would be treated
differently because of their need to take care of their children. She shared that even to this day,
when women are up for potential promotions or a new role, decision-makers will say, “but she’s
got small children” and will take that into consideration when making the final decision. Krystal
believes it is even more challenging for Latinas because they often find themselves as the targets
of this unconscious bias because they are the caretakers and providers for their families. While
working for a prominent financial institution, Magda recalls a time when a senior male leader
mistook her for being part of the cleaning crew despite seeing her in the halls as a corporate
employee on a daily basis:
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I was working late and I happened to go into the copy room and there was a senior male
leader who had been messing with the hole puncher and confetti went everywhere all
over the ground. I had actually worked out at the gym that night and was not dressed in
my normal corporate attire. So, I walk into the copy room and I’m about to make some
copies and he kind of glances over and says “I’m sorry I made a huge mess, is there any
way you can vacuum this up and make sure that it is clean for tomorrow?” And I
remember at that moment thinking, oh my god he thinks that I’m part of the cleaning
crew. I paused and said I can call maintenance and let them know to come and clean here
in the copy room. At that moment I realized I’m here working late at night just like he is
but clearly in his mind he saw somebody different.
Overall, the participants perceived institutional racism to be present in their organizations
through subtle yet impactful behaviors such as microaggressions and unconscious bias. Notably,
one participant indicated that they could not recall a specific example or situation in which they
witnessed such behavior, however, they were “cognizant” of the existence of institutional racism
in general. While every experience is different for every individual, the examples provided
indicate a general awareness of the presence of institutional racism in the workplace.
Theme 2: Stereotypes Perpetuate a Double-Bind Dilemma
A significant number of participants (50%) noted that stereotypes frequently operate in
their organizations. Latinas, specifically, are faced with the double-bind dilemma and are forced
to work to overcome gender and ethnic stereotypes at work. As Abigail stated “we have this
perception of what it is to be a Latina, we’re feisty, we are hard, we are bossy, so when you stand
up for yourself they say see, it’s because she’s Mexican, Mexicans are so feisty.” In terms of
exhibiting stereotypical behavior such as showing emotion or nurturing, Samantha states,
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Women are already seen as more emotional than men, so when women get to leadership
they want to shovel so much emotion out of them. They shouldn’t be compared to a man
because it becomes almost something unnatural. Emotions were always something that
probably came into conversations of why I didn’t get something or why something didn’t
go the way I wanted, I’m almost 100% sure.
Expressing similar sentiments related to gender stereotyping, Krystal described a time
when she attended her first executive meeting and was mistaken for the secretary:
The leadership hadn’t met me during the interview process so they had no idea, they
assumed I was a man. When I told them I was the new hire, the look on his face was like
this just doesn’t compute.
While Krystal believes the leadership team did not mean any harm by thinking she was the
secretary initially, the stereotype was still prevalent years later when a member of the leadership
team told her, “we hired the right man for the job” as a way to recognize her for the positive
impact she had on the company. Carmen expressly articulated the linkage between gender and
ethnic stereotypes and perceived leadership competence, noting,
There’s always this perception that the better person to get the job done is a man vs. a
woman, and if you have an accent, people will say no his or her English is not great so
they probably can’t get the job done. God forbid it’s a white man who has an Australian
or English accent and it’s so sexy, but a Latino man with a heavy accent is not qualified.
Recognizing that stereotypes can limit career growth, Abigail felt strongly about not letting
stereotypes influence her identity and suggests women reframe and challenge stereotypical
feedback and says,
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I don’t want that stereotype to change who we are at work. If you are fiery, that is
passion, the passion you have about your job. Instead of calling someone aggressive, they
should give some examples of the behavior that needs to change. That would change the
dynamic so much as we continue growing in our careers.
Overall, most participants perceived that thinly veiled everyday instances of racism are
present in organizations through acts of microaggression, unconscious bias, and stereotyping.
While behavior can be intentional or unintentional, most participants believed that the
interactions or behaviors described communicated some sort of bias toward historically
marginalized groups. In other words, responses addressed the centerpiece of the guiding research
question by demonstrating that most Latina leaders perceived institutional racism to be present in
the technology companies in which they worked.
Results for Research Question 2: What Impact, if Any, Has Identity (e.g., Race, Gender,
Class, Culture and Perspectives) Had on the Career Progression of Latina Leaders?
Questions 1, 3, and 8 of the interview protocol were designed to draw perceptions on the
impact of identity components such as race, gender, culture, and class on the career progression
of Latina leaders. The results indicated that identity elements such as cultural values, family
relationships, and gender roles were highly influential in career decisions and ultimately helped
shape leadership identity. Participants noted the benefits of embracing key elements of their
identity and emphasized the challenges that they faced while balancing cultural and corporate
values.
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Theme 1: Cultural Identity and Positionality Have a Significant Impact on Career
Decisions
Overall, the participants attributed their ability to attain leadership positions in
technology to several elements of their identity such as, but not limited to, race, culture, class,
and family. Eight of 11 (73%) participants indicated that while they were afraid to bring their
authentic selves to work early in their careers, they became more confident in their leadership
capabilities once they learned to embrace key elements of their identity. For example, Ruth
stated that her intersectional identity made her feel insecure growing up, a feeling that translated
into her professional adult life. “I can’t hide that I’m brown, I can’t hide that I am a woman, but I
can hide that I’m gay. So, I did that a lot early on in my career.” When asked about the reasons
for hiding key elements of identity, Jessica said that she “realized other people around me were
not like that” in reference to the way she excitedly spoke with her hands and was warm towards
other people around her, behaviors which she believes are influenced by Latino culture. Sofia, a
CEO and Founder, was self-aware about the impact of embracing identity and suggested,
I think as I became more comfortable with those identities and being proud of all of those
different identities it definitely allowed me to consider spaces that I wouldn’t maybe
necessarily have considered 10 years ago or 15 years ago as I was starting all of my
careers. Because I didn’t feel worthy or I didn’t feel like I belonged. And so when you
start to lean into these identities, you do start to feel more worth in your value, more
confident in your presence. And I think that’s very much influenced the various career
decisions that I’ve made because the things that I have done have not been easy.
Some participants expressed that being an immigrant enabled them to pursue higher
levels of education and leadership. Laura stated,
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Being an immigrant, being a Latina, I never thought about being different, or that being
the only one was a detriment in any way. I would feel very empowered. When I walked
into a room and there was nobody like me, that’s amazing I had so much to say.
Krystal expressed similar sentiments, stating that “Being an immigrant you are more, at
least in my mind, a little bit more open minded and it impacts the way you do things.” Jessica
attributes her desire to succeed because her parents “came here for this American dream’’ and
“didn’t have the opportunities that I have.” Nine of 11 participants (82%) asserted that the
immigrant mentality and other values are learned from a young age and usually from a parent or
close family member. Ruth noted that her parents always taught her to fight for things and not be
shy or quiet despite cultural norms that might suggest otherwise. Abigail further emphasized the
impact of family on her career, stating that “My dad growing up always spoke to me about
business and never treated me as if I was different from my brothers because I was a female.”
Laura further emphasized the power of her relationship with her parents, stating that “my dad felt
like I could do anything in life and my mother always just really instilled the importance of self-
esteem, that has definitely helped me a lot.”
While familial relationships play an important role in the way participants pursue their
careers, most participants noted that cultural norms can create barriers and pose unique
challenges for those seeking leadership positions in organizations. Gender roles, in particular,
often influence Latina’s career decisions. For example, Naomi indicated that
Gender roles are still in the back of your mind, mainly for Latin women. Like you need to
have kids, you need to take care of your husband, you need to clean your house. It’s
getting better but we’re not there yet 100%.
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Samantha further emphasized that while Latinx culture can be very family oriented, there is often
“a lot of family pressure to stay home with the kids” that can limit the desire for Latinas to
pursue more work responsibilities. “There are just so many systemic patriarchal differences in
the way young boys and girls are treated especially in Latino households,” said Sofia. “It is really
incumbent on all the generations to essentially undo what has been done to us in the way in
which we were taught for our entire lives.” While cultural values such as respect, truth, and
community are generally associated with effective leadership, Carmen often struggled with
challenging her leaders and getting her ideas across because of the way she was taught to
demonstrate those values. She stated,
Respect held me back because I didn’t want to challenge the executive ranks because
you’re told not to challenge your elders which means don’t challenge your boss. Trying
to find my voice was really, really hard and took a long time.
For Jessica, demonstrating value and challenging the status quo are critical skills that Latinas
need to learn in order to advance their careers:
If a person talks about how great they are, my family will think they are bragging, but
there is a difference between managing up and showing your value through impact versus
bragging. As a Latina you really have to hone in on that skill because if you don’t, it’s
gonna be very very hard to keep advancing.
Magda summarized the constant tug of war between cultural values and corporate leadership
capabilities by stating,
My family didn’t know, and as much as they loved me, they’re like mija put your head
down and work really hard and it was like, it doesn’t work that way in the corporate
space. You have to learn the art of self-promotion which is really hard to learn because
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we’ve always been taught to put your head down and just work hard. I had to learn to
navigate that corporate culture and go against the grain of the whole cultural nuances that
I’ve been taught.”
Ruth believes that Latinas should be aware of the cultural influences that can hinder success and
use them to “speak with conviction, present more, and ask for equal pay.” Sofia echoed this
sentiment as she admitted that Latinas “have to change cultural norms in our own community,
and teach other Latinas how to advocate for themselves.” Overall, participants felt that gender
roles rooted in typical traditions of the Latinx community are often misaligned with the
leadership traits that are required to be a successful leader in technology organizations.
Theme 2: Perceived Greater Career Challenges as a Result of Gender Identity Versus
Ethnic Identity
Regarding the impact of gender and ethnic identity on career progression, over half of the
participants believed that they encountered more challenges during their career as a result of their
gender identity than they did due to their ethnicity. Specifically, seven of 11 (64%) participants
felt that building social capital and gaining access to networks plus having to infiltrate the “bro
culture” were significant barriers for career progression. Carmen believed that the challenge
begins with bias in the hiring process. “How you hire is based on your network and if all the
senior executives happen to be men that when they are looking to hire it ends up being someone
within their network of all men.” Sofia debunked the idea of a meritocracy and emphasized the
need to build relationships and network in order to get ahead. “It’s not what you know but who
you know. If you don’t come from a well-connected network already then you’re going to have
to work twice as hard to get into these networks.” Jessica, who did not join the workforce with
social capital, had to rely on organizations who helped minority students find resources and
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support. “I had friends in law school whose parents were judges and told them everything they
needed to do to succeed, but I was walking around like I had no idea what to do.”
Overall, participants indicated that building social capital and gaining access to networks
was difficult while working with homogeneous groups, such as male dominated teams. Beth
noted that her biggest challenge during her career was “cracking the good old boys arenas.” Ruth
described the challenges with identifying as a woman and working in a male dominated
organization and stated,
I can be one of the bros but I’m not because I’m still a woman. The bro culture was very
prominent. It was horrible. The women in leadership, we’re not as many as we should
have been and the men had the loudest voice and the men could get angry and throw a
tantrum one minute and if one of the ladies got a little too spicy it was like oh I don’t like
that tone, or they would get shut down.
Carmen described being the only woman on leadership teams as “horrible” and shared examples
of why “cracking the fraternity” was difficult. She stated “guys just want to hang out at the
golf course and they don’t want a woman to join, if you have one woman join it’s like they can’t
talk about whatever they want to talk about.” Carmen went on to describe a time when her male
colleagues attended a three-day sporting event and didn’t invite the two women on the team,
indicating the men would have more access to information and resources, which in turn, could
give them a competitive advantage at work. She summarized, “spending three days at the same
house and it’s all men, you’re going to build a bond.”
Many participants felt that while their gender identity made it difficult to network, they
were also treated differently because of it at least once in their careers. Some responses explicitly
labeled the behavior as sexist and discriminatory. For example, Abigail stated that she received
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feedback from a male superior in the C-suite about her communication style that was “too
aggressive and intimidating.” When she asked for specific examples of the behavior, he could
not provide one. Abigail was surprised and wondered if he would have given her the same
feedback if she was a man. Ruth stated that early in her career, a white woman suggested that she
dress more professional because her pants were too tight and revealing:
I felt like what am I doing wrong? I’m sorry we’re Latinas and our bodies are made how
they’re made, I really started to feel self-conscious about my body and I don’t know if
any other women got that feedback.
Practices surrounding promotions and pay disparity, Krystal described, were a clear indication
that she was being discriminated against. She stated,
I remember leaving my job, getting in my car and crying all the way home because I
knew I did so much better than my coworker and yet they got the award, promotion, and
the raise. Later I found out that I was paid 40% less than my male colleagues and that
irritated me so much that I moved into a role where I could control my earnings.
In contrast, three participants could not recall a time when they were treated differently because
of their gender. Laura describes her male counterparts as being “arrogant” but not
discriminatory. Beth noted that her gender identity did not create challenges from a social capital
perspective, however, it was the perceived lack of technical competence that made it difficult for
her to be accepted as a credible member of the broader technology industry and/or network. In
summary, the participants indicated that gender identity influenced the types of barriers they
encountered on their journey towards leadership. Constantly seeking access to social resources or
earning trust as a Latina had a perceived significant impact on leadership trajectory.
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Overall, the results indicated that elements of the participants’ identity such as cultural
values, familial relationships, and gender roles substantially contributed to their success as
leaders and perceived barriers throughout their journey. The emerging data gave insight to the
guiding research question by suggesting that identity elements were highly influential on career
decisions and simultaneously created unique barriers such as internal conflicts between cultural
and corporate values.
Results for Research Question 3: What Impact, if Any, Do These Latina Leaders Believe
Institutional Racism Has Had on Their Career Progression?
Questions 9 and 11 of the protocol were designed to draw perceptions on the level of
impact institutional racism had on participants’ careers and journey towards attaining a
leadership position. As previously discussed, the majority of participants indicated the presence
of institutional racism in their organizations through subtle and often invisible practices such as
microaggressions, unconscious bias, and stereotyping. Participants indicated that the impact of
such practices led to the creation of self-imposed limitations, including imposter syndrome and
stereotype threat which had a negative impact on their career. Additionally, participants noted
that the impact of institutional racism was so significant that it drove them to build systems to
combat its negative effects, including creating anti-racist companies and mentorship programs.
Theme 1: Self-Imposed Limitations As Barriers to Career Progression
Over half of the participants expressed the view that factors such as imposter syndrome,
stereotype threat, and the “queen bee” effect created significant barriers to career progression.
Imposter syndrome, a feeling of not belonging, and stereotype threat, a feeling of having to prove
belonging, often impacts women of color as they navigate workplace dynamics (Edwards, 2019).
Jessica described her experience working in Silicon Valley for the first time as “dark” because
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she was the only person and woman of color at her company which made her feel like an
“imposter” and out of place. Magda acknowledged the traditional systemic barriers that exist in
organizations and explicitly stated that internal barriers caused by imposter syndrome can also
create material challenges, especially for women of color.
You start telling yourself these stories that you know, maybe you aren’t good enough,
and it’s really kind of getting past some of those self-limiting beliefs and that imposter
syndrome that really does rear its ugly head, and I really do feel as a woman and as a
Latina statistics show that you know we have bigger cases, or we have bigger bouts with
an imposter syndrome, especially when you’re in a place surrounded with others who
don’t look like you, and there’s you know, you are the minority and you know it. There’s
a psychological toll or tax that you know you start having to deal with all the time. So
you do expend energy with doing that but I think then after you start having a few
successes, it’s easier to kind of start playing that playlist of all the accomplishments
you’ve had so far to keep that at bay.
Sofia concurs that while
there are a lot of systemic things that we need to change, we also need to look inward and
we need to recognize that we need to start empowering young women from the beginning
in order to combat the feelings of imposter syndrome and find ways to keep them at bay.
Two participants noted that in order to overcome imposter syndrome or stereotype threat, they
needed to be extra prepared when showing up at work. Carmen described how she would
imagine herself in a meeting and practiced what she would say to her superiors over and over
until she had enough courage to speak up in real-time. Beth hired a coach on her own to help her
prepare for important meetings because she was sure that that the senior team she was presenting
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to “had never seen a Latina working in this role” and she wanted to be perceived as a high
achiever. Feelings of imposter syndrome and fears of stereotype threat often led participants to
invest in extra preparation to ensure they would represent their communities in a positive way.
Another consequence of imposter syndrome is a phenomenon often referred to as “queen
bee” syndrome or effect. This effect identifies that women who have already attained leadership
positions tend to deny any systemic discrimination against women and undermine other women
for fear of competition (Mavin, 2008). Laura attributes the “scarcity mentality” as the reason she
did not have Latina mentors to help her as she ascended in her career and noted that older Latinas
may not “want to give up those board seats or those places of privilege to bring up the next
generation.” Samantha similarly believed that some women who achieved success “feel that
because they got there, they need to protect that space.” Sofia noted that while there were
“plenty” of Latinas who were not supportive throughout her leadership ascension, she believed
they were “instrumental” to her success because she learned “what not to do” and “who not to
be.”
In summary, participants believed that institutional racism impacted the development of
internal barriers such as imposter syndrome, stereotype threat, and the “queen bee” effect.
Responses indicated that such challenges created obstacles to career progression as well as
ignitors to help create sustainable change over time.
Theme 2: The Presence of Institutional Racism as a Catalyst for Change
In response to questions and probes pertaining to the impact of institutional
racism on career progression, over half of the participants indicated that simply the awareness of
the presence of racism in the workplace was a motivator to strive for higher levels of career
success and took actions that were designed to ensure that institutional racism was not a factor.
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Carmen believes she has the “responsibility to help the next generation” navigate the experiences
they face as women of color in the workplace. Similarly, Jessica founded a women in leadership
mentorship program at her organization and believes that she has a duty to use her platform to
make her voice heard. Magda believes that creating leadership development programs that are
tailored towards women of color that help them identify critical competencies for promotion and
teach them how to add value would be instrumental to increasing representation. Beth made a
connection between development programs and talent planning, noting, “I would love to see
programming where you are automatically placed after going through leadership development
training” and create opportunities to get “more young Latinas into STEM and on these tracks to
be in leadership positions.”
Notably, three participants expressed the view that the impact of perceived racism in the
workplace was so significant that it motivated them to build their own organizations where they
could support anti-racist communities. For example, Sofia claims that her own experiences with
institutional racism was a “big reason” for starting her own company. She states,
I felt very strongly that we needed to start building our own things, our own institutions
our own companies that are owned and operated by us that have us empowered, because
begging, and screaming and trying to knock down these doors, after hundreds of years of
built-in white supremacist policies and systemic racism and systemic sexism in this
patriarchal structure that we exist in is like banging your head against the wall.
Laura built her company partly in response to the issue of Latina representation in leadership
roles, noting,
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We could fund our own companies, we could fund our own movies, we could do so much
that we can’t do now so that’s why those are the two areas that I’m hyper focusing my
time on when it comes to representation for our community.
Overall, participants perceived the presence of racism in organizations to be a catalyst for change
and took on the responsibility to combat the issue directly by using their positions of power to
drive change.
Results for Research Question 4: What Are the Latina Leaders ’ Attitudes Towards
Discussing Race As It Relates to Promotion Into Leadership Positions?
Research suggests race-related conversations can provoke discomfort amongst
participants, yet, in some cases, it can also bring people together and provide learning
opportunities (Sanchez et al., 2021). Questions 10 and 11 of the protocol were designed to draw
attitudes towards discussing race as it relates to career progression and promotion into leadership
positions. The results indicated that Latina leaders generally perceive themselves to be more
comfortable discussing topics related to race and career progression as compared to non-Latinx
leaders. Participants perceived authentic emotion and openness toward racial issues as a sign of
commitment and inclusive leadership.
Theme 1: Latina Leaders Are Comfortable Talking About Race and Encourage Open
Dialogue Across the Teams That They Lead
In response to questions and probes on discussing issues of race and identity and their
relationship to career progression, participants unanimously expressed that they felt comfortable
sharing their views and actively participated in such conversations amongst their teams. For
example, Sofia stated that as a business owner, she is “very comfortable” talking about race and
career progression issues and feels responsible for establishing equitable practices within her
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company, including pay transparency and DEI practices. “We publish our salary ranges and I
practice these equitable practices as often as I can.” Krystal also concurred that she is “super
comfortable” discussing such topics because issues such as pay equity impacted her in such a
negative way throughout her career. Equally, Samantha is “100% comfortable” engaging in
conversations about racism and “talked about it as it comes as a team, and if somebody feels
some reason, they reach out.” Overall, participants felt that creating a safe space to discuss race
and career progression issues and building a culture centered on equity was critical to their
success as leaders.
Theme 2: Organizational Leaders Are Not Always Comfortable Discussing Race, and DEI
Commitments May Not Be Authentic
Six of 11 (54%) participants indicated that they did not perceive non-Latinx senior
leaders at their organizations as confident in discussing issues relating to race and career
progression. Magda states that it is important to recognize that “the majority of people aren’t
comfortable talking about racism, gender issues, microaggressions or any of those things because
it is difficult dealing with privilege.” In fact, many participants stated that senior leaders were not
held accountable for leading DEI commitments, including driving anti-racist rhetoric. Sofia
indicated that leadership often looked to marginalized groups to solve the problem of
representation instead of taking responsibility for driving the change themselves. She states,
They want us to fix the problem by creating a D&I initiative and paying the person who
leads it 20% less and creating its own department in the basement and those approaches
obviously have not resulted in any real systemic change.
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The group noted that leaning on marginalized groups to lead the charge in this space was
not effective; rather, they expected non-Latinx leaders to engage in such discussions and actively
drive change.
Carmen states that while senior leaders are quick to push teammates to engage in
initiatives such as DEI training courses, they do not actually exhibit behaviors consistent with
diversity efforts. “A lot of it is like lead by example,” she says. “Behaviors are the most
important, words don’t matter, behaviors do.” Among those who cited a lack of commitment
from leadership, the recommended action was to create accountability systems to help foster
anti-racist cultures. Samantha noted that companies need to “push accountability” in order to
motivate leaders to act on employee concerns involving racial issues. Abigail concurs with this
sentiment and stated that accountability “starts from the top” and needs to be driven by
leadership in order for the rest of the company to prioritize it. Carmen further elaborated on
accountability systems, “diversity and inclusion should be treated equal to the revenue goals and
if you don’t hit your target you are going to face consequences.”
In contrast, two of 11 participants stated that senior leadership was supportive of DEI
strategies and often led discussions surrounding such topics, including race. For example, Beth
noted that her CEO addressed the murder of George Floyd openly and she perceived it to be “a
great sense of strength and leadership because he actually cried and talked about how as an
organization, we could do better.” Laura echoed this sentiment and shared that as a CEO, she had
a duty to discuss racial issues. When asked why discussing racial issues was important as it
related to culture, she stated, “culture is everything and you’re only as good as the people who
work for you and their passion in the company and what they do and what they believe that
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you’re building.” Overall, the participants perceived authentic emotion and openness toward
racial issues as a sign of commitment and inclusive leadership.
Summary of Results and Findings
The results and findings were synthesized from raw interview transcripts categorized
according to the guiding research questions and through coding using MAXQDA software. Eight
themes were identified from the analysis of the interview data generated by the study. Questions
and probes exploring the perception of the presence of institutional racism yielded responses that
indicated that behaviors such as microaggressions, stereotypes, and unconscious bias confirm the
continued presence of such systems in technology institutions. With regards to the impact of
identity on career progression, some key themes that emerged were that identity and positionality
had a significant impact on career decisions and that family and elements of the Latinx culture
are often misaligned with the leadership traits that are required to be a successful leader in
technology organizations. In response to how participants perceived the impact of institutional
racism on their careers, themes that emerged included the belief that while factors such as
imposter syndrome, stereotype threat, and the “queen bee” effect created significant barriers to
career progression, they also acted as a catalyst for eradicating such behaviors.
Questions and probes exploring attitudes of the participants towards discussing racial
issues related to career progression yielded responses that indicated Latina leaders are
comfortable talking about race and encourage open dialogue across the teams that they lead.
However, other non Latinx organizational leaders are not always comfortable discussing race
and DEI commitments may not be authentic. Table 2 summarizes the emergent themes that
describe the perceptions of institutional racism and its impact on career progression.

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Table 2
Summary of Research Questions and Key Themes Resulting From Interviews
Research questions Key themes
What is the perception of Latina leaders on
the presence of institutional racism in
technology companies?
Subtle and often invisible behaviors speak to
the presence of institutional racism
Stereotypes perpetuate a double-bind dilemma
What impact, if any, has identity (e.g., race,
gender, class, culture and perspectives) had
on the career progression of Latina leaders?
Cultural identity and positionality have a
significant impact on career decisions
Perceived career challenges as a result of
gender identity vs. ethnic identity
What impact, if any, do these leaders believe
institutional racism has had on their career
progression?
Self-imposed limitations as barriers to career
progression
The presence of institutional racism as a
catalyst for action
What are the Latina leaders’ attitudes towards
discussing race as it relates to promotion
into leadership positions?
Latina leaders are comfortable talking about
race and encourage open dialogue across
the teams that they lead
Organizational leaders are not always
comfortable discussing race and DEI
commitments may not be authentic.

Chapter 5 discusses the findings and proposes concrete recommendations for
organizational leadership and human resource management to increase representation of Latinas
in leadership roles and build an anti-racist workplace.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Findings
This chapter provides a discussion of the findings and results in the context of the
research available on the underrepresentation of Latinas in leadership in technology, as it relates
to the impact of institutional racism and the impact of identity on career progression. The
following section will connect the findings back to the relevant literature review and define the
emergent themes generated by the study. This chapter will conclude with recommendations for
practice, possible areas for future research, and implications for equity in the field.
Findings
Chapter Four presents the findings and results shed light on the perceptions of an under-
researched but significant group of the technology workforce: Latina leaders. The 11 participants
shared their experiences regarding the impact of institutional racism on career progression and
how facets of their identity shaped their career decisions and work style. Applying a critical race
lens provided a means of considering how participants’ experiences were shaped by the presence
of inequitable social structures and the impact they perceived them to have on the
underrepresentation of Latina leaders in technology, which echoes Ferdman and Cortes’ (1992)
work. The underlying foundation of most of the themes that emerged from the study was the
level of complexity and challenge that can arise when Latinas aim to reach leadership positions
in technology organizations. As a group, they tended to focus on subtle and often invisible
practices such as stereotypes, unconscious bias, and enculturated gender norms which often
created both self-imposed and external barriers to career advancement. However, it is also
important to note that the group indicated that such practices and experiences served as internal
catalysts for driving positive change, including building and leading their own inclusive and anti-
racist organizations.
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Institutional Racism as a Challenge to Career Progression
Oppressive environments that are rooted in systemic inequity can explain Latinas’
experiences where they face a double, and in some cases, triple bind status because of their race,
gender, and minoritized role in STEM organizations (Contreras Aguirre et al., 2020.) The key
themes that emerged from the participants’ narratives were the presence of subtle and often
invisible behaviors that speak to the presence of institutional racism, how stereotypes perpetuate
a double bind status, and how the lack of network access can hinder career progression.
Studies have found that more women of color had experienced racial discrimination and
harassment in the workplace and faced more developmental hardship and adversity compared to
their white peers (Key et al., 2012). Responses showed participants were aligned with this
finding, and they shared experiences that included witnessing or being targets of
microaggressions, unconscious bias, and/or stereotyping. Faced with the double-bind dilemma
and forced to work to overcome gender and ethnic stereotypes at work, participants articulated
the linkage between gender and ethnic stereotypes and perceived leadership competence. Due to
the prescriptive belief that the most senior leadership positions require characteristics such as
emotional toughness and aggressive behavior and the belief that minority women may not
possess these traits, Latina leaders face the challenge of adjusting to the desired stereotype or risk
judgment and pressure to be successful (Hoyt & Blascovich, 2007). Most responses indicated
that such behaviors in the workplace could easily go unnoticed by the perpetrators, but were
usually perceived as offensive towards the participants themselves. Another indirect
consequence of racial discrimination described by participants is the lack of access to networks
compared to their white colleagues. Homosocial reproduction, a practice in which managers
select and hire candidates most like them, negatively impacts women of color who aim to reach
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leadership teams that are mostly homogenous (Nkomo & Al Ariss, 2014). Participants reported
that building social capital, gaining access to networks, and having to infiltrate the “bro culture”
were significant barriers to career progression. Most emphasized that to reach executive levels,
Latinas need to find ways to effectively network with homogenous senior teams and find ways to
make themselves visible by gaining access to “the good old boys arena” and other influential
networks across the organization. Gaining access to networks and leadership, however, is only
half the battle. Without holistic senior leadership support for dismantling the barriers that Latinas
face, the problem of representation may continue to exist. Responses indicated a lack of
confidence in senior leaders especially regarding discussing issues of race and career
progression. Participants also stated that senior leaders were not held accountable for leading
DEI initiatives, including driving anti-racist narratives. Without transitioning DEI ownership to
the business areas and holding leaders accountable for achieving expected outcomes, an
inclusive culture where all employees know what to do when leadership is not in the room
becomes difficult to build (Fan, 2019).
Enculturated Values and Gender Norms Influence Career Decisions and Leadership
Capability
Latinas often face pressure due to imposed gender norms related to being a caretaker and
provider within their family units (Murakami-Ramalho, 2008). Key themes that emerged were
that cultural and gender identity plays a critical role in career decisions, and that gender roles
rooted in typical traditions of the Latinx community are often misaligned with the leadership
traits required to be a successful leader in technology organizations. Responses showed that
participants who chose to pursue a leadership role were heavily influenced by their families,
particularly their parents. Participants noted that their parent’s constant support and desire for
63

success shaped their career choices and leadership style. When Latinas are encouraged by family
members, their expectations related to performance and persistence are high (Contreras Aguirre
et al., 2020). While familial relationships play an important role in the way participants pursue
their careers, most participants also noted that Latinx cultural norms can create barriers and pose
unique challenges for those seeking leadership positions in organizations. The group described
cultural values such as respecting elders and practices such as “putting your head down and
working hard” as potential barriers to career progression because they often conflict with the
corporate values associated with strong leaders. Due to the homogenous nature of technology
organizations, Latinas must learn to bridge their cultural norms with the majority values to
thrive, which requires high levels of ethnic identity and high levels of acculturation (Montas-
Hunter, 2012). Lastly, participants indicated that while they were afraid to bring their authentic
selves to work early in their careers, they became more confident in their leadership capabilities
once they learned to embrace key elements of their identity.
Institutional Racism as an Internal Catalyst for Change
Participants perceived the presence of racism in organizations to be a catalyst for change.
They took on the responsibility to combat the issue directly by using their positions of power to
drive change, including creating mentorship programs and building their own companies.
Culturally relevant mentoring continues to be a need for Latina leaders confronted with barriers
surrounding race and gender, as evident in Enomoto et al.’s (2000) study where Hispanic
educational leaders desired mentors who were similar to them because it was easier to
communicate and relate to them. Responses showed that while participants did not always have
Latina mentors during their careers (due to the critical shortage), cross-race and gender mentors
did play a role in helping them build leadership capabilities and navigate challenging situations
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in the workplace. In addition to mentoring aspiring Latina leaders, some participants expressed
that the perceived impact of racism and discrimination in the workplace was so significant that it
motivated them to build their organizations where they could support anti-racist communities.
This finding aligns with prior research that suggests that Latinas feel the need to persist in
overcoming stereotypes regarding their gender, racial, and ethnic identities and drive success by
“proving others wrong” (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001; Yosso, 2000). Instead of relying on
fixing deeply rooted systemic issues in organizations, respondents felt it was important to build
companies of their own to increase the representation of Latina leaders in the workplace and
create diverse cultures where marginalized groups could thrive.
Recommendations for Practice
Each of the recommendations in Chapter Five are derived from principles related to DEI
discussed in the literature and are informed by the findings of the study. In order to address this
problem of representation, one recommendation for aspiring Latina leaders and two
recommendations for human resource management and senior leadership are identified below to
address key findings. The first recommendation provides a framework for aspiring Latina leaders
to use as they chart a path towards leadership. The second recommendation outlines a process by
which organizations can build leadership development programs tailored to the unique needs of
their Latina workforce. The third recommendation outlines a multi-pronged approach to
accelerate senior leadership advocacy for DEI and anti-racist efforts.

65

Recommendation 1: Build a Personal Guiding Coalition to Support the Overall Direction
and Strategy of the Path to Leadership
Given the scarcity of Latinas in leadership roles, it is critical for aspiring Latina leaders to
secure a coalition of allies with different backgrounds and experiences who can provide
guidance, make connections, and can advocate on their behalf. Most of the participants in this
study attributed their success to others who helped them along the way. Specifically, nine of the
11 participants identified at least one non-Latinx individual who provided critical support and
guidance throughout their leadership journey. Nawaz (2016) suggests that emerging leaders
should build a personal board of directors made up of six to eight people who are fans, sponsors,
and critics. Fans deliver critical feedback with kindness, sponsors are senior leaders who can
advocate for new career opportunities, and critics can bring clarity to potential leadership
blockers (Nawaz, 2016). Having representatives in each of these roles can help Latinas
understand the motivations and perceptions of different kinds of people and develop an inclusive
leadership style. Once the coalition is built, it is recommended that emerging Latina leaders
maintain active connections with each person, align on a shared assessment of their strengths and
opportunities, and ultimately create a level of trust and a communication cadence (Kotter, 2007).
Lastly, aspiring leaders are responsible for applying learnings from their board of directors and
evaluating outcomes and impact as they progress throughout their careers. Sharing frequent
progress updates, milestones, and key learnings with the coalition is critical to the mutual success
of the dynamic relationship. Figure 2 illustrates the steps required to build and maintain a
personal guiding coalition. Overall, establishing a personal guiding coalition can help emerging
leaders make effective decisions that impact career trajectory by providing diverse perspectives,
expanding networks, and crafting a tailored path towards leadership.
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Figure 2
Three Steps to Build a Personal Guiding Coalition

Note. The figure illustrates the cycle of building and maintaining effective relationships with a
personal guiding coalition.

Recommendation 2: Increase the Number of Leadership Development Programs for
Latinas, Including Equitable Access to Sponsors and Highly Visible Business Assignments,
to Strengthen the Talent Pipeline
It is clear that Latina leaders in this study faced unique challenges throughout their
leadership journey due to a variety of factors, including institutional racism and enculturated
values and gender norms. From an appreciative inquiry standpoint, however, all 11 (100%)
67

participants indicated that access to a mentor and/or sponsor was critical to overcoming such
obstacles and their ability to obtain a leadership position at their company. Research has shown
that Latinx employees who have a mentor experience greater career success, are more satisfied
with their job, and experience less perceived discrimination (Blancero & DelCampo, 2005).
Mentoring programs also lead to greater diversity in the leadership ranks; specifically, they
increase the representation of black, Latinx, Asian-American women, and Latinx and Asian-
American men by 9% to 24% (Kalev et al., 2016).
Developing robust leadership development programs within organizations that include
access to mentors and sponsors and are designed to embrace the multiple identities of women of
color have the potential to minimize barriers to advancement (Corneille et al., 2019). Outside
experts can help organizational leaders design and implement such a curriculum to include
professional development, mentoring opportunities, and participation in highly visible business
experiences. The curriculum should also include tools and resources to help Latinas navigate
issues of racism in the workplace and battle its negative effects such as imposter syndrome and
stereotype threat. Creating a safe space where Latinas can speak openly about their experiences
and garner support from mentors will be integral to the success of the programs. One of the only
programs designed to address the problem of representation of Latinas in leadership is The
National Hispana Leadership Institute (NHLI) which can serve as a model for organizations
developing programs geared explicitly toward Hispanic women (Montas-Hunter, 2012).
Ultimately, these programs can help sharpen technical skills and enable Latinas to build strong
social capital across the organization which can in turn can lead to more engaged mentors who
can provide career advice, psychosocial support, and growth opportunities for future aspiring
leaders (Pace, 2018).
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Recommendation 3: Accelerate Senior Leadership Advocacy for DEI and Anti-Racism
Efforts With a Multi-Pronged Approach
According to the findings of this study, 7 of 11 (64%) participants indicated that their
organization did not demonstrate a high level of commitment and action towards diversity,
equity, and inclusion efforts that support Latina advancement. A recent study echoed this
sentiment, showing that while 95% of corporate executives said they were committed to helping
their organizations fight racism, a third of those committed to fighting racism noted they felt
forced into supporting anti-racism efforts. Additionally, 79% of participants stated corporate
efforts on DE&I were “overblown” (Seramount, 2021). Arming senior leaders with information,
training, and expectations on the benefits of a diverse leadership pipeline can increase the
effectiveness of diversity and inclusion efforts across the organization.
Before committing to diversity initiatives and training, there must be a form of
assessment to audit the climate and culture of the organization to assess and determine the type
of diversity initiative or training that is needed for an organization (Prieto et al., 2009). The first
recommended action is that organizations engage in an organizational assessment process
focusing on assessing and addressing racism to ensure equitable and inclusive work
environments (Trenerry & Paradies, 2012). Second, organizational leaders should create an
accountability structure across senior leadership by developing a strategic plan that includes key
DEI priorities, a clear timeline of implementation milestones, and a communication plan that
reflects the status of progress toward milestones. Accountability theory suggests that having a
task member in a team or department will encourage other managers to challenge assumptions
and biases (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). There must be a strong commitment to the strategic plan
from the CEO and C-Suite executives. Setting the tone and message from the top and crafting a
69

narrative that helps leaders explain why DEI is critical to success can help curate both an
inclusive culture and inclusive leadership (Fan, 2019). Finally, critical leaders, including those of
color, should be aware of, and be included in, voluntary anti-racist and diversity training that
engages them in solving the problem instead of mandating compliance. Rather than investing in
a single “diversity” training module, organizations can create a curriculum based on the history
of racism and modern-day manifestations of racism in the workplace to educate leaders and
employees alike about how racism has and can continue to influence organizational culture
(Boykin, Brown, Carter, et al., 2020). In summary, it is important to bring awareness to the
critical role senior leaders play in creating inclusive cultures where women of color, including
Latinas, get access to the resources they need to do their jobs and have equitable opportunities to
pursue leadership positions.
Recommendations for Future Research
As more Latinas enter the workforce and seek leadership positions, there will be
opportunities for researchers to explore and expand on the thematic findings introduced in this
study, including the impact of institutional racism on career progression, the role of identity and
cultural norms in building leadership capability, and the extent to which organizational leaders
can more aptly support the expansion of the pipeline of Latina leaders in STEM and across
various industries. There is also a need for more research and reflection from an appreciative
inquiry perspective on how Latina intersectionality benefits those striving for elevated positions.
Perhaps with more opportunities to study Latinas in leadership roles across various industries,
best practices might be identified surrounding how they build leadership capabilities despite the
internal and external challenges. Future studies could also examine the unique experiences of
Latina leaders of varying racial backgrounds since such distinctions were not purposefully
70

included in this study. Finally, a review of diversity, equity, and inclusion practices across
companies and industries globally can open the forum for discussion on diversity as related to
leadership capabilities and career paths.
Implications for Equity
The impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic is widespread and has influenced the way
workers and organizations operate and perceive success. While some occupational groups might
benefit from the pandemic, its overall impact will increase and broaden income, gender, racial,
and ethnic inequality, which may create additional barriers for aspiring Latina leaders (Kramer &
Kramer, 2020). Given the shifts in remote work and virtual team dynamics, Latinas may
encounter additional barriers to advancement due to limited opportunities to engage in highly
visible work experiences and demonstrate critical leadership capabilities. Given that women
leaders are more likely to be stressed at work, recent research suggests that more than half of
women leaders who manage teams say that they have felt burned out at work during the
pandemic often or almost always, and almost 40% of them have considered downshifting their
careers or leaving the workforce altogether (Cooper, 2021). Additionally, due to the pre-existing
economic gender disparities, remote work expectations, and cultural norms related to parenting
responsibilities, Latinas may face multiple role conflicts as they attempt to balance various
demands at work and home (Kantamneni, 2020). Understanding the unique experiences of
Latinas during the pandemic is more important than ever, and organizations who center and
uplift their voices can create systemic safety nets that can benefit all women of color.
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Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of Latina leaders in technology
and seek their perceptions of the impact of racism on career progression and its connection to the
underrepresentation of Latinas in leadership positions. The results of the data
indicated eight themes that emerged from the problem being explored: (a) the invisible presence
of institutional racism, (b) stereotypes perpetuate a double-bind dilemma, (c) career decisions
influenced by cultural identity, (d) the impact of gender and identity on career progression, (e)
self-imposed limitations to career growth (f) institutional racism as an internal catalyst, (g)
preference for open dialogue related to racial issues, (h) organizational leaders attitudes toward
race-related dialogue.
The findings and results indicated a level of complexity and challenge that can arise when
Latinas aim to reach leadership positions in technology organizations. A common feature across
all the themes that emerged was the manifestation of institutional racism utilizing subtle and
often invisible practices such as stereotypes, unconscious bias, and enculturated gender norms
which often created both self-imposed and external barriers to career advancement. However, in
many cases, such practices and experiences served as internal catalysts for driving positive
change, including creating mentorship opportunities and building anti-racist organizations.
Based on the data collected, it is recommended that emerging Latina leaders build a
diverse guiding coalition to support the overall direction and strategy of their path to leadership.
Organizations need to implement more leadership development programs, including equitable
access to sponsors and highly visible business assignments, to strengthen the Latina talent
pipeline and engage in a multi-pronged approach to accelerate senior leadership advocacy for
DEI and anti-racism efforts. Future recommendations for research include engaging in an
72

appreciative inquiry to understand how Latina intersectionality is a benefit for those striving for
elevated positions, opportunities to broaden the study to include more Latinas in leadership roles
across various industries, and examining the unique differences in experiences among Latina
leaders of varying racial backgrounds since such distinctions were not purposefully included in
this study. Overall, organizations should consider the unique experiences, challenges, and
contributions of Latinas as they aim to remain competitive in a global labor market and changing
demographic landscape. Without further attention to and engagement with the Latinx
community, organizational leaders will remain limited in their ability to improve work
environments and communities for women of color as a whole.

73

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85

Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Research questions:

1. What is the perception of Latina leaders on the presence of institutional racism in
technology companies?
2. What impact, if any, has identity (e.g., race, gender, class, culture and perspectives) had
on the career progression of Latina leaders?
3. What impact, if any, do these leaders believe institutional racism has had on their career
progression?
4. What are the Latina leaders’ attitudes towards discussing race as it relates to promotion
into leadership positions?
Respondent type: Latina leaders (VP+) in technology organizations
Introduction to the interview:
“Thank you so much for your participation in this interview. Your insights are valuable to this
study—I really appreciate you taking the time. My name is Gabriela Valverde-Rivera and I am a
Doctoral student at USC. My research and the purpose of this study focuses on understanding
Latina leaders’ perceptions of institutional racism and its impact on the critical shortage of
Latinas in leadership positions at technology companies in the United States.
Before we begin, I do want to ask if it is ok to record our conversation so I don’t miss any
of it. I don’t want to take the chance of relying on my notes and maybe missing something that
you say or inadvertently changing your words somehow. If at any time during the interview you
would like to turn it off, just let me know and I will end the recording. I can assure you that all
your comments will remain confidential and the recording will be destroyed after the study is
completed.
86

Do you have any questions before we begin?”

Table A1
Interview Protocol
Interview questions Potential probes
What are the elements of your identity that are the
most important to you?
Do you identify as a Latina? Why or why
not?

How do race and culture play a role in the
way you identify?
Can you provide a brief overview of your current
role, including your primary responsibilities?

What are some key components of your career
path that led you to this point?
Why do you feel those specific
components were critical?
Why do you think you were chosen for this role? What specific attributes do you possess
that made you an ideal candidate?
What barriers, if any, did you face while working
your way towards a leadership role?
Can you describe how you overcame this
barrier?
Who currently holds leadership positions at the
organization? Describe the racial/ethnic make-
up of the executive team.
How do you feel about the current make-
up of the team?
In what ways are Latinas represented at the senior
leadership level?
How does that make you feel?
How has your identity (e.g., race, gender, class,
culture and perspectives) influenced your career
path as a whole?
In what ways did your identity influence
your decision to pursue a leadership
position?

How does being Latina influence your
current leadership identity?
87

Interview questions Potential probes
Have you witnessed or experienced racism and/or
discrimination as a part of the promotion
process?
If yes, would you please share an
example?
How comfortable are you talking about
racism/discrimination as it relates to your career
progression? Tell me about a time when you
first realized racism and/or discrimination was
present in your organization?
Is race discussed in your organization?
How? Why?
Tell me about a time when you first realized
racism and/or discrimination was present in
your organization?

What are some changes you would make to your
current organization to address the presence of
racism and/or discrimination in the workplace?

Conclusion to the interview:
Thank you again for your time and participation today. May I contact you if I need any
clarifications? I really appreciate your time.

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Valverde-Rivera, Gabriela (author)

Core Title An examination of the perceptions of Latina leaders in STEM: identity, culture, and institutional racism

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2022-05

Publication Date 02/01/2022

Defense Date 12/08/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag critical-race theory,executive,institutional racism,Latina,Latinx,leadership,OAI-PMH Harvest,Racism,STEM,Women

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Ott, Maria (committee chair), Ledbetter, Bernice (committee member), Robles, Darline (committee member)

Creator Email gabrielavalverde626@gmail.com,gvalverd@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC110582768

Unique identifier UC110582768

Legacy Identifier etd-ValverdeRi-10371

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Valverde-Rivera, Gabriela

Type texts

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