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Graduating with faith: the impact of family, culture, and mentorship on Latino males in a Catholic high school

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Graduating with faith: the impact of family, culture, and mentorship on Latino males in a Catholic high school

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Graduating with Faith:
The Impact of Family, Culture, and Mentorship on Latino Males in a Catholic High
School
by
Luisa Camberos Ortega

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2022

© Copyright by Luisa Ortega 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Luisa Camberos Ortega certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Maria Ott
Darline Robles
Monique Datta, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
There is an equity gap in the graduation rates between Latino and White students in the United
States. Latinos continue to fall behind Whites in graduation rates by 10%. The California Latino
population is growing; however, only 20% of Latino males obtained an associate degree or
higher, compared to 56% of White students. Studies illuminate the importance of support
networks such as family and mentoring for educational success. This study examined the impact
of familism, culture, and mentorship on the graduation outcomes of first-generation Latino males
who attended an all-boys parochial school in California. Three research questions guided the
conceptual model of this study: How does familism influence academics for Latino male
students at ABHS? How does ABHS, with a high Latino male population, support identity
formation? How does culturally influenced mentoring affect the likelihood of enrollment in
college? Using semi-structured interviews to explore the lived experience of Latino male alumni,
this study focused on the LatCrit tenet of experiential knowledge emerging from the lived
experience of Latino male alumni of ABHS (an acronym) use of family, culture, and mentorship
to improve graduation outcomes. The results presented the lived experiences of first-generation
Latino males and the role familism, cultural alignment of the school campus, and the presence of
culturally relevant mentoring strengthened educational attainment.
Keywords: Latino critical race theory, Latino, culturally relevant pedagogy, Catholic
Schools

v
Dedication
To my ancestors, and guides, tlazocamati for your vision, love, and patience.

To my children, my gems: Maaso, Tonanaxochitl and Taiyari this study represents a prayer
started and a prayer completed in hopes that my experiences and growth in academia as a first-
generation Xicana Indigenous woman will create a legacy for our future generations. Whatever
direction the Red Road takes you three, always know Mama did her best to set a path of good
intention, love, and joy for you to follow. I am honored you call me mother and I give thanks for
the legacy we build in your names.

To my partner, my best friend, my fire, thank you Lee for elevating me.

To my parents, Jose Luis and Genoveva Ortega who journeyed to California with only hopes,
dreams and visions for better things to share with their daughters: Gracias por la medicina que
ingenieron en mi y por la medicina que comparten con toda la familia. Esto fue possible con el
apoyo y amor de usetedes.

Ometeotl.

vi
Acknowledgements
I acknowledge the memory of the original stewards of the land from which I write, thank
you for the space to research, learn, and grow.
Thank you to my committee chair, Dr. Monique Datta, for the countless hours of review
and feedback. Thank you to Dr. Maria Ott and Dr. Darline Robles for your role in my committee,
for the input, and for joining me to celebrate the journey to complete my doctoral studies. I
would also like to acknowledge the support of Dr. Evelyn Felina-Castillo, who spent hours of her
time supporting my process.
This journey would not have been complete without the help of my colleagues Donna
Brock and Eva Estrada and our reading group. Thank you to my community of brothers and
sisters, both biological and chosen, those who started my path in academia with prayer and ended
it with prayer, tlazocamati. Your support is immeasurable.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ........................................................................................................................................ v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures .................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Context and Background of the Problem ............................................................................ 2
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions .................................................................. 8
Importance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 8
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology ..................................................... 9
Definitions ......................................................................................................................... 10
Organization of the Study .................................................................................................. 12
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ............................................................................. 13
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 13
Latino Identity and Education ........................................................................................... 15
Alignment of Culture, Religion, and Education ................................................................ 20
Influence of Catholicism on Latino Education and Culture .............................................. 21
Familism ............................................................................................................................ 28
Mentorship ......................................................................................................................... 34
Chapter Three: Methodology ............................................................................................ 39
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 39
Overview of Design ........................................................................................................... 40
Research Setting ................................................................................................................ 41
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 44

viii
Chapter Four: Findings ...................................................................................................... 51
Recommendations for Future Research ........................................................................... 102
References ....................................................................................................................... 106
Appendix B ...................................................................................................................... 126

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Research Questions 41
Table 2: Participants 52
Appendix A: Interview Protocol 120
Appendix B: Document Analysis 126

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 38
Figure 2: Demographics Pie Chart 93

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
There is an equity gap in the graduation rates between Latino and White students in the
United States. Although graduation rates increased from 74% to 86% for Latinos nationwide
(State of Higher Education for Latinos in California, 2018; Statistical Picture of Latinos in
California, 2017), Latinos continue to fall behind Whites in graduation rates by 10% and 5% by
African American peers (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2019). In addition,
Latino students who attended predominantly Latino public schools in low-income communities
were 20% less likely to complete college requirements and scored 100 points lower on their
SATs (State of Higher Education for Latino in California, 2018). The California Latino
population is growing; however, only 20% of Latino males obtained an associate degree or
higher, compared to 56% of White students (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). As the Latino
population increases, accessibility to higher education to promote socioeconomic advancement is
critical for California's workforce (Statistical Picture of Latinos in California, 2017).
Latinos make up 39% of California’s population and 45% of the workforce (Bureau of
Labor Statistics, 2019), reflecting the significant impact the growth of Latinos is projected to
have on the state. Latinos, already considered the majority-minority in California, will continue
to experience population growth of 49% by 2060 (Alba, 2018; NCES, 2020). Investing in the
socio-economic development of California’s rising Latino community benefits the Latino
community and the state (Reardon & Bischoff, 2011; Yosso, 2005). The lack of post-secondary
education produces wage stagnation as Latinos hold the highest percentage of low-paying jobs in
the United States (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). Therefore, socioeconomic development
warrants a closer examination of school programs and policy changes that support Latino youth’s
long-term higher education prospects.
2

With the rise in the Latino population and the correlation between matriculation in higher
education and a subsequent increase in job opportunities, education is vital for social equity. In
the last 20 years, the wage gap between Whites and Latinos closed by only 1%, from 12% in
2000 to 11% in 2020 (Gould, 2020; Kucsera et al., 2015). Nationwide, the median income for
Latino families is $56,113, with 52% of all families identified as struggling for necessities. For,
White families, the median family income is $76,057 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019; U.S.
Census, 2019). Much of this gap is due to inaccessibility to high-wage labor by Latinos
(Bucknor, 2016), an obstacle that is traced back to educational inequities (Gould, 2020; Reardon
& Bischoff, 2011). Economic reports on Latinos highlight education as one path to closing
wealth gaps (Bucknor, 2016; Dee & Penner, 2021; Gould, 2020; Villar et al., 2012). Despite the
population growth of Latinos in California, Latino males continue to fall behind in high school
graduation rates and college enrollment. Despite this educational gap for Latino students, some
high schools have successfully worked with this student population. Specifically, Catholic High
Schools with large Latino populations successfully overcame the barriers present in other high
schools (Norte Dame Task Report, 2009; Valencia, 2019). For example, Catholic high schools
that adopt Catholic School Advantage (CSA) models highlight family culture and inclusion to
better support the needs of Latino males. The purpose of this study, then, is to identify the
influence of family, culture, and mentoring on the education of first-generation Latino males at a
Catholic high school that increases Latino graduation rates through a Latino critical race theory
(LatCrit) lens.
Context and Background of the Problem
California’s educational system does not meet the needs of its Latino constituents
(Dowling, 2014; Kucsera et al., 2015). While gains have been made, a history of segregation and
3

systemic inequities in education perpetuate stagnation for Latino students. The history of the
desegregation of California schools is one example of the limitations of the state’s educational
system in serving Latino students. The Mendez v. Westminister School Dist., 64 F. Supp. 544
(S.D. Cal. 1946), in which the family of a young Mexican American child sought to have equal
access to a school designated for Whites only, publicly spotlighted the academic disparities of
Latino children. Despite the impact of the ruling, the case did not gain the national attention
needed to enact the necessary change to level the educational field for Latino students (Ramos,
2010; Saenz, 2004). Instead, segregation remained a local issue focused primarily on access to
education for an isolated minoritized youth in Orange County. As a result, California parent-led
movements to desegregate California continued into the 1970s.
Desegregation in California has moved slowly, and the gains have historically come from
grassroots movements led by parents and community members (Valencia, 2019). Campaigns to
desegregate schools were parent-led, and familism played a prominent role in advancing
community desegregation plans (Valencia, 2019). Despite federal changes that occurred with the
passing of Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), California did not see significant
progress in school desegregation until the 1960s and 1970s. The Spangler v. Pasadena City
Board of Education 415 F.2
nd
1242 (1969), which forced Pasadena, California to desegregate, is
one example of the role familism and community organizations played in the struggle for Latino
education equity (Lozano, 2007). While the case ended desegregation in the district, neighboring
White communities responded by establishing new schools and districts. Council members
labeled the attempt to desegregate education as “REDucation” (Lozano, 2007, p. 260),
comparing court efforts to desegregate schools as a move toward socialist leanings in the
classroom. The political sentiment displayed by the council led to new ways to segregate
4

education, one of which was redlining in school districts (Lozano, 2007). The historical context
of the integration of students of color into public schools illustrates the uphill battle many
families faced for much of the 20
th
century and a legacy of inequity in education. While the
induction of Latino students in public school has seen positive gains, there remains a need to
address the lagging numbers in graduation rates from public high schools in California.
In contrast to public schools, parochial schools in urban California communities have
evolved with the needs of the immigrant communities they serve (Nichols, 2017). Following the
social justice movements of the 1960s and 1970s, many religious schools adopted curricula to
scaffold college requirements offering their students opportunities for college readiness (Nichols,
2017). The results have been apparent in Catholic Schools, with a 99% student graduation rate
and an 86% attendance rate at 4-year colleges (National Catholic Education Association
[NCEA], 2016). The practices employed by Catholic schools at Latino serving institutions yield
more significant results in graduation from high school and college (Nichols, 2017). Many
school models demonstrate success in implementing culturally relevant practices (CRP) that
involve familism and mentoring to advance the success of their high school graduates. This study
will focus on one school model that demonstrates the success of family, culture and mentoring
for first-generation Latino males.
Familism
Familism is defined as the sense of connection and obligation to family (Toyokawa &
Toyokawa, 2019). Further connected to familism is the construct of respect and the belief that
family comes before the individual (Stein, 2014). Latino immigrant families have been at the
center of studies about the effect of familism on the socioemotional development of first-
generation students (Corona et al., 2017; Diaz & Nino, 2019). Familism is an essential
5

consideration for first-generation Latino male students who cannot be separated from culture
(Stein et al., 2019). The intersection of culture, family, and immigration status within familism
lends itself to the LatCrit lens that identifies the intersectionality of Latino experiences in
education.
Culture
Culture, or cultura, has long been associated with healing and a foundational presence of
Latino culture (Garcia et al., 2020). Culture is tied to the family (Martinez & Huerta, 2018).
Additionally, culture responds to a LatCrit lens because the concept highlights Latino realities in
the United States (Solórzano &B Bernal, 2001). Family and identity are interdependent
constructs. They are not solitary or monolithic, and when considering the experiential knowledge
or lived experience of Latino students, exploring the role of culture is important (Huber, 2010).
A LatCrit theoretical lens in qualitative research necessitates viewing these elements of family,
culture, and cultural spaces necessary to understand educational research (Campos et al., 2018;
Huber, 2010). Culture, including cultural pedagogy, cultural mentorship, and the creation of
cultural spaces in education, is influenced by the experiential knowledge Latino students bring
into the classroom (Saenz et al., 2020; Yosso, 2013). In addition to family and culture, mentoring
has seen a tie to increased identity formation for Latino males, with promising emotional and
academic growth (Excelencia in Education, 2017; Hines et al., 2019).
Mentoring
Mentorship provides a structure that benefits the child and an opportunity to make
cultural connections between educators and youth (Blancero et al., 2017). For this study
mentoring is defined as a positive relationship between an adult and youth in a collaborative
environment such as a classroom or on the field (Alococer & Martinez, 2017). Distinctions
6

between naturally occurring mentorship will be made further in the study. When family, culture,
and mentoring are present in school models, first-generation Latino males exceed national
academic standards.
Organization Context and Mission
Responding to the cultural, societal, and family pressures of a growing Latino
community, Catholic schools aligned religious values to the value of educating and preparing
students for the United States workforce (Nichols, 2017). One example is the All-Boys High
School (ABHS), a pseudonym established in the early 1900s to support a growing immigrant
Catholic population in California.
The success of ABHS graduates offers a look at an alignment of culturally relevant
pedagogy and college prep curriculum models that boost achievement. ABHS’s adoption of a
Catholic School Advantage (CSA) model incorporating family, culture, and mentorship supports
Latino males’ intersection of higher education attainment goals. Staff and student testimonials
acknowledge the importance of the ABHS community that highlights college readiness and
brotherhood and values. The presence of family, culture, and mentorship at ABHS aligns with
the first-generation values of the heavily Latino population. The 2020 graduating class of ABHS
was composed of 76% Latino males. Of the 150 students graduating, 98% were accepted into
college, and 67% of students were the first of their families to attend college. A survey of
outgoing students determined that of the students admitted to college, 69% committed to a 4-year
institution, and 26% of respondents stated they would attend a two-year institution. This rate is
higher when compared with local public schools' 80% graduation rates (California Department
of Education, 2004-2005). The faith-based elements of the mission guide the school's pedagogy
to inform, educate, and produce successful young men from low socioeconomic backgrounds
7

(Marius et al., 2011). Changes made to the curriculum as a response to the region and school's
demographic shifts are vital in understanding the development of culturally relevant pedagogy to
meet the needs of Latino students.
In 1999, public schools attempted to align curriculum to college minimum requirements
to create a pathway for students to qualify for entrance into colleges and universities. However, it
would take the California Department of Education’s 2006 introduction of the Education Code
Section 51225.3 to standardize a minimum set of requirements for high school seniors, referred
to as the A-G requirements. Implementation of the education code in public schools was left to
the discretion of local boards to decide how to implement A-G requirements (Department of
Education, 2020). In contrast, many Catholic high schools adopted a college-prep curriculum to
support the demands of the communities they served (Smith et al., 2020). Following their
organizational mission statement and the Catholic pillars of equity, ABHS adopted curriculum
changes to fulfill A-G University of California requirements for their predominantly Latino
community. The mission of ABHS is to provide holistic education to young men with a focus on
those from socioeconomically disadvantaged families. The mission centers the importance of
offering educational opportunities for socioeconomically disenfranchised families. The mission
and the location of ABHS resulted in an increase of first-generation, male Latino students. Still,
declines in Catholic school enrollment are attributed to minoritized families losing the benefits of
these programs.
Catholic school closures disproportionately affect Latino students, further contributing to
the disadvantages of first-generation Latino males matriculating into higher education. Catholic
schools are experiencing economic hardships due to increasing facilities and pay scales of lay
teachers, leading to a rise in tuition. In 2020, 150 schools, or 2% of all Catholic schools
8

nationwide, closed in two months due to the economic hardships of the archdiocese (National
Catholic Educational Association, 2020). Catholic Schools in Los Angeles support 73,000
students and recently closed two elementary schools in predominantly Latino, working-class
neighborhoods (National Catholic Educational Association, 2020). In addition, school closures
affect minoritized youth in urban settings at a higher rate (Aldana, 2016). Catholic schools have
long provided an educational pipeline for Latino immigrant communities. Therefore, closures
due to lack of funds and declining enrollment harm Latino populations impacting the socio-
economic mobility of the growing Latino population of California.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
This study seeks to examine the impact of familism, culture, and mentorship on the
graduation outcomes of first-generation Latino males who attended an all-boys parochial school,
ABHS, in California. Three research questions guided this study:
1. How does familism influence academics for Latino male
students at ABHS?
2. How does ABHS with a high Latino male population support cultural and identity
formation?
3. How does culturally influenced mentoring affect the likelihood of enrollment in
college?
Importance of the Study
Higher education promotes socioeconomic advancement and benefits California’s
infrastructure (Statistical Picture of Latinos in California, 2017). Thus, addressing educational
attainment gaps in Latino communities is essential because higher education success increases
self-efficacy, job opportunities, and social mobility (Martinez & Huerta, 2018). Of the students
9

who graduate from high school and enter the community college system, 85% of students require
pre-college level courses to develop math and English skills (Statistical Picture of Latinos in
California, 2017). Further, only one-third of students will transfer to a 4-year university
(Statistical Picture of Latinos in California, 2017). Students who begin college in the California
State University (CSU) system also struggle to graduate. Latino students at CSUs graduate at
10% in 4-years, and 45% will graduate in their sixth year, with almost half of students not
finishing their degree. Even as educational attainment advances, Latino males continue to
struggle to graduate from high school, enter college, and, once there, graduate. Only 11% of
Latino males will receive a bachelor's degree or higher compared to 29% of White males
(Statistical Picture of Latinos in California, 2017). Overall, Latino students benefit from
compensatory programming that supports self-efficacy, including developing college access
programs, mentoring, and CRP in the classroom.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
LatCrit is the theoretical framework guiding this study. Solórzano and Delgado-Bernal
(2001) introduced LatCrit as a lens that "elucidates Latinas/Latinos' multidimensional identities
and can address the intersectionality of racism, sexism, classism, and other forms of oppression"
(p. 312). Critical race theory alone does not incorporate geography and the identity associated
with land and geographical space, which plays a vital role in Latinos' transformative educational
experience (Price, 2010; Solórzano & Delgado-Bernal, 2001). LatCrit branched from CRT in
anti-essentialism to highlight the multidimensional layers of identity that exist for Latinos. Anti-
essentialism recognizes that Latinos are not a monolithic community and are often shaped by
geography, country of origin, immigration status, nativist policies of their community, and
acculturation stress in education.
10

Applying LatCrit to contextualize lagging achievement gaps, successes, and the
exploration of experiential knowledge in a successful Latino male Catholic high school provides
an understanding of the environmental factors that influence learning. The theoretical lens of
LatCrit aligns with the trifold focus of this dissertation. As a conceptual framework, LatCrit
enables interrogation of dynamics inside and outside the classroom, including family structures,
the impact of community building, culturally relevant pedagogy experienced by the students, and
mentoring successes in high school achievements. As it applies to education, LatCrit promotes
empowerment among students through the concept of experiential knowledge and
transformational resistance through community connection (Solórzano & Bernal, 2001).
The centrality of student experiences and honoring the experiential knowledge they carry
navigating through an educational system is central to the methodology developed for this study.
This exploratory study took a qualitative approach to highlight the lived experiences of first-
generation Latino males of ABHS. The study used semi-structured interviews to explore the role
of familism, culture, and mentorship for Latino males. Additional data analysis included a
secondary review of school documents and senior exit surveys provided by ABHS to
contextualize the lived experiences of Latino males attending ABHS.
Definitions
The following list includes critical terms for this study based on reviewed literature.
Anti-Essentialism
Closely tied to intersectionality, anti-essentialism recognizes that multi-faceted
experiences that categorical placement in the American binary can ignore. Anti-essentialism
attempts to highlight the perspectives, views, experiences, and narratives of marginalized
communities (Ladson-Billings, 2018).
11

Community-building
Identified by Latino Critical Ace scholars, community-building is defined as a theoretical
and educational praxis utilized by Latino social activists to support the Latino community
(Valdes, 2005).
Counter-Storytelling
Storytelling “illustrates and underscores principles regarding race and racial justice
framed within an argument” (Ladson-Billings, 2018, p. 41).
Experiential Knowledge
Examines the unique factors of migration, language, and culture of the Latino experience
in the United States. It builds on the concept that Latino students' experiential knowledge can
motivate and validate the experience toward transformative resistance (Solórzano & Bernal,
2001).
Familism
Familism is described as a strong attachment and identification to the family (Sabogal et
al., 1987), focusing on the role of the family in the lives of first-generation Latinos.
Latinidad
This term illustrates the shared identity amongst Latinos specific to the United States.
The term connects communities based on language, socioeconomics, cultural celebrations and
attitudes, and the intersectionality of the migration experience in the United States (Aranas-Chica
et al., 2019; Price, 2007).

12

Social Capital
While Bourdieu's (1986) seminal study on the social capital theory described social
capital as not limited to wealth but extended to your network and connections; the theory defines
its view of who succeeds based on income and social status. For this study, social capital will
employ the definition used by Yosso (2005) to measure the capital of communities of color, the
importance of society, and social spaces within a culture for communities of color.
Organization of the Study
This dissertation is organized into five chapters. Chapter One introduces the problem of
practice, the importance of addressing this problem of practice, the project's purpose and
research questions, the methodological framework, and critical terminology. In Chapter Two, the
literature review addresses general literature related to the study and literature specific to the
conceptual framework of LatCrit. Chapter Three outlines the study's methodology for selecting
participants, data collection, and data analysis. Chapter Four provides the analysis and
assessments of research findings. Finally, Chapter Five outlines’ solutions and recommendations
based on the literature and findings.

13

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The literature review will explore various topics that support the focus of this research
study. It will begin with discussing the theoretical framework that grounds this study. It will be
followed by looking at Latino identity and education, and the alignment of culture, religion, and
education. Subsequent sections include a review of the influence of Catholicism on Latino
education and the role of culture, familism, and mentorship. The literature review will conclude
with a discussion of the study's conceptual framework.
Theoretical Framework
This study focuses on the following elements of critical race theory (CRT), including
intersectionality, anti-essentialism, and counter-narrative, directly applying Latino critical race
theory (LatCrit), which branched from CRT to apply to the intersectional needs of Latinos in
education. CRT grew from a Black/White binary in the 1980s to address the intersectionality of
cases in the legal system. The epistemology of CRT was introduced in the legal field to elucidate
racism as multidimensional and to look beyond the axis of only race or only gender (Crenshaw,
1989). With time, theorists who developed CRT recognized the need for new scholarships
emerging from CRT for application to education. A seminal article on CRT formation in
education discussed the operationalization of counter-narratives to elucidate the experiences with
anti-essentialist racism (Solórzano & Bernal, 2001). Communities of color called for academia to
move beyond the “multicultural” celebration, often limited to food, language, and traditional
dress, but to acknowledge historical experiences that offer dimension to the experiences of
people of color (Martinez & Polo, 2018). The pedagogy to reimagine epistemologies and
theoretical approaches across disciplines within a Latino context is attributed to Gloria Anzaldua
(1990) to call educators to occupy and re-theorize spaces in academia to acknowledge
14

experiential knowledge. Castillo (1995) challenged Latino educators to confront the “massacre of
the dreamers” to imagine a new educational policy and advocacy era in the 1990s (p.16). Anti-
essentialism branched from CRT to include and focus on the tenets specific to the Latino
experience; LatCrit developed from CRT to address the needs of Latino education (Jimenez-
Castellano et al., 2013). LatCrit emerged, which focused on the following tenets: counter-
storytelling, experiential knowledge, and resistance (Fernandez, 2002; Valdes, 1997). The
acknowledgment that students of color are "holders of and creators of knowledge” is central to
LatCrit (Delgado Bernal, 2002, p. 106). The epistemology of LatCrit offers the storyteller an
opportunity to share essential experiences within a decolonial lens that challenges the dominant
culture's prescribed essentialist viewpoint (Ladson-Billings, 2018; Martinez; 2014; Solórzano &
Bernal, 2001).
Race and gender epistemologies such as LatCrit and CRT support the multiplicity of
characteristics that define Latino experiences. LatCrit provides a framework to counter
educational policies that seek to devalue or decenter Latino experiences, such as those limiting
language or challenging the norms centering upon White supremacy (Delgado Bernal, 2002).
CRT and LatCrit empower people of color (POC), offering epistemologies to operationalize
culturally relevant pedagogy through a social justice lens, focusing on experiential knowledge
(Jimenez-Castellano et al., 2013). LatCrit expands on the anti-essentialism of CRT to address the
unique nativist, political, and racist policies used in the Southwest historically and presently to
subjugate the Latino population (Delgado Bernal, 2002; Jimenez-Castellano et al., 2013).
Literature and counter-storytelling with the Latino and Chicano pedagogy often describe
marginalized experiences of imagery such as the following: borderlands, in-between, Ni de Aqui
Ni de aya (Allen, 2002; Anzaldua, 1990; Chavez, 2002; Price, 2012). LatCrit offers a unique
15

look at the Latino experience in academia. The theoretical lens of LatCrit accounts for the
geographical experience, immigration status, language layered on top of race, class, and gender
that lead to a multifaceted complexity that requires a critical lens.
Latino Identity and Education
At the heart of Latino education is the intersectional history of U.S. Latino identity
formation, including the evolution of educational access. The influence of the family and access
to education plays a role in Latino males’ experiences navigating high school today. It is
important to understand the impact of Latino culture and educational access when exploring
Latino college enrollment and graduation rates through a LatCrit theoretical lens. In addition,
intersectionality introduces the importance and impact of evaluating Latino graduation rates
through the lens of CRT. A critical first step is to contextualize race, class, and gender. For
Latinos, an analysis needs to include immigration status, the role of family, the impact of
nativism, and education. The LatCrit lens addresses the tenets of anti-essentialism and
experiential knowledge and provides a pathway to critically analyze the academic inequities in
high school and low college enrollment rates. This section discusses the historical and
contemporary factors that have played a role in the educational gains of Latino students. This
summary is followed by a review of the current trends in education.
The contextualization of California's history is necessary to understand the importance of
family and culture in the lives of first-generation Latinos in California. Community-building as a
social justice course has long been integral to Latinos in California because these cultural,
political, and religious underpinnings are the foundational ethos of the Latino California
experience (Lopez, 2016; Treuer, 2019). A review of the history that led to immigration,
belonging, exclusion and resistance was borne of California's political and social landscape
16

shifts. Therefore, a review of the past is necessary to understand the present social movements
and demographic identity.
Changes in immigration status experienced by Mexicans after the signing of the Treaty of
Guadalupe Hidalgo dissolved social structures that once existed (Miguel & Valencia, 1998). As
presented in seminal studies, the literature reflects a change for Mexican nationals, including
Californios, who were no longer an elite class because of the change in sociopolitical status.
Indicators of reduced status included: land loss, lost wages in primary agricultural industries, and
a social shift to otherness (Bernal, 2002; Heizer & Almquist, 1999; Saenz, 2004). Mexicans who
once felt tied to a region for generations experienced an "otherness" that created dynamics that
persist in institutions today through systemic racism exhibited in the experiences in race and
identity formation from adolescence to adulthood (Dowling, 2014; Nunez, 2014; Yosso, 2005).
Intersectionality elucidates the identity formation of Latino males and their family,
culture, and identity in education. To evaluate the best practices employed in Latino education,
understanding the role of identity, nativity, family bonds, and cultural capital is necessary
(Dowling, 2014; Nunez, 2014; Yosso, 2005). Dowling (2014) highlighted the overlap of history,
family origins, and geography on identity formation in her qualitative findings of Texas Mexican
Americans identifying as White on U.S. census forms. Still, when asked in school settings,
respondents who check the box identifying as White on government forms take great pride in
identifying Mexican or Mexican Americans. Dowling's (2014) findings emphasized those of
Omi and Winant (2014), who view racial formation in the United States as political and flexible.
This flexibility is accurate for Latinos who have experienced various changes in identity in the
last century. For example, Flores-Gonzalez et al. (2014) found that youth identified their
Latinidad to racial categorization and aligned their identity to race based on their value and pride
17

in ethnic and pan-ethnic values in the United States. Latino identity formation and social justice
issues in the classrooms and their effects are relevant to understanding the current education
trends. The role of Latinos in desegregation provides context to how Latino intersectionality
slowed down efforts for educational equity.
The Effects of Desegregation and Social Justice Movements on Latinos
Latinos’ historical role in the desegregation movement explains Latinos’ racial construct
and poor education in California. Segregation of schools kept Mexican and Indigenous students
out of White schools, and many relied on the small mission institutions of Catholicism to
continue education (Bernal, 2002; Saenz, 2004). The Latino education trajectory in equity rights
is often seen from a nativist perspective (Olden, 2015). The 1930s and 1940s provided examples
of efforts to fight back against the segregation of Mexican Americans from schools deemed for
White children. Mexican Americans and Latinos in the United States have faced a contradictory
experience in education due to the bureaucratic process of race through census designations,
xenophobic responses in historical moments of struggle, and the history of school segregation.
The restrictions of White/Black binaries in the U.S. Census that remained the same until 2000
forced many Latinos to identify as White on paperwork, but it did not afford the equitable
treatment that White people experienced (Alvarez, 2016; Garcia, 2018; Patiño, 2020). Ambiguity
around race made discrimination permissible and left few protections for Latinos. An example of
this ambiguity is evident in the Repatriation Acts of the 1930s and 1940s and the Lemon Grove
Incident, the first recognized court-ordered desegregation in the United States.
Community and political context have long played a role in social injustices. Historical
context is significant in the early twentieth century because of its effects through the 1900s. An
account of the tense atmosphere of the 1930s and 1940s with anti-immigrant enactments of
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repatriation acts, also known as Operation Wetback, contextualizes the rise of Mexican schools
and segregation in California’s education system (Alvarez, 2016; Patiño, 2020). The Repatriation
decade responded to the 1929 stock market crash, the rise of xenophobia, anti-Mexican
sentiment, and directed violence towards anyone who looked Mexican, regardless of citizenship
status (Balderrama & Rodriguez, 2006). The 1930 U.S. Census estimates that 1.4 million
Mexicans were living in the United States. By the end of the decade, systemic repatriation
policies by local government officials resulted in the deportation of an estimated 1,000,000
Mexican nationals and U.S. citizens (Balderrama & Rodriguez, 2006). California alone estimated
that roughly 400,000 American citizens and legal residents were removed (California
Legislature, 2005-2006). Repatriation was not limited to state and local government efforts; the
policies to remove Mexicans and their children were continued through school segregation
movements, such as the case of Alvarez v. Lemon Grove of 1930.
The case of Alvarez V. Lemon Grove (1930) stemmed from a racist and discriminatory
effort by city officials to segregate Mexican children from local schools. Regardless of
immigration status, children who appeared Mexican were sent to a converted cattle stable in
January 1931 (Alvarez, 2016; Madrid, 2008; Patiño, 2020). Using the politics of fear, coercion,
and state violence, Lemon Grove, a small suburb in San Diego County, sought to separate
Mexican children from local schools under the guise of the need for Americanization (Alvarez,
2016; Patiño, 2020). Efforts to seek redress for racist policies to segregate Mexican children
were ultimately successful in Lemon Grove and illustrated an early example of the power of
parent mobilization. However, it also demonstrated how the government used one’s immigration
status to perpetuate further social injustice (McCormick & Ayala, 2007; Patiño, 2020). Many
parents who organized for fair, just, and equitable education were threatened with deportation
19

(McCormick & Ayala, 2007; Patiño, 2020). The response by local and state officials only
deepened the strain on Mexican families when welfare services forced family separation.
Historical events such as the repatriation of Mexican descent citizens, the subsequent move by
school districts to employ "Mexican schools” to segregate Mexican children from accessing
education, and census data to blur racial lines undermined the progress for Mexican families. The
effects of school segregation are still felt today. Despite the small legal victories of the twentieth
century, nativist and racist policies continued in California into the twentieth century.
The impact of these policies is relevant to the background of the problem because the
change to desegregate schools in California, or end the practice of “Mexican schools,'' was
regional. Mexican schools were educational institutions that were structurally run down, lacked
school supplies, and included a curriculum that tracked students into low-wage work (Bernal,
1990; Lozano, 2007). Within the framework of desegregation, the regional existence of Mexican
schools made the fight for educational equality slow because Mexicans did not exist within the
larger construct of race at the time the desegregation movement was gaining momentum across
the United States. Relegated to a regional otherness, Mexicans and Latinos were tied to a
political, xenophobic, and cultural otherness that kept them subjugated (Bernal, 1990; Garcia,
2018; Ramos, 2004; Saenz, 2004). Innate inability and underperformance were pushed as
inherent to Mexican Americans, supporting movements to keep schools segregated in the
Southwest (Olden & Parker, 2015; Yosso & Garcia, 2007). Despite setbacks, parents attempted
to advocate for their students; this was evident in the case of Mendez v. Westminister School
Dist., 64 F. Supp. 544 (S.D. Cal. 1946), which challenged the notion of “dirty Mexican children”
and the segregation of schools from a deficit model (Bernal, 2002; Ramos, 2004; Saenz,
2004). The otherness Mexican students experienced was challenged locally in the courts, but the
20

policy changes in California were piecemeal and continue to affect Latinos through the 20th
century. Significant changes did not occur again until after the Civil Rights and Black Power
social movements in the 1960s (Bernal, 2002). Students began to mobilize and incorporate the
Black Power Movement tactics to advocate for better conditions in schools. It was only through
student-led social movements that incremental change to public school education occurred for
Latinos.
In 1994, California’s proposition 187 denying education access and non-emergency care
to immigrants was one example of the attack on Latino communities (Guerra et al., 2019). In
Arizona, these efforts to curtail education for Latinos continued from 2000-2015, including the
English-only legislation of 2000 and legislation challenging ethnic studies curriculum in high
schools, reflected current trends aimed at disenfranchising Latinos in education (Jimenez-
Castellano et al., 2013). History demonstrates the gains and setbacks experienced by the
collective Latino community. The progress of the 1960s and 1970s became stagnant with the
setbacks of legislation in the 1990s and 2000s that continued a history of marginalization for
Latinos in education. The lack of equitable access to education provides the context in
understanding the lasting impact these models have on Latino students in K-12 schools today.
Alignment of Culture, Religion, and Education
The establishment of Catholic schools as an alternative education for immigrant families
was because of discrimination and immigration status of Latinos. Latinos sought the safety of the
church, the familiarity of the space for culture, value, and family, all aspects outlined by the
mission of the Catholic education pedagogy (Lee et al., 2012). Catholic schools' values
supported immigrants and families of low socioeconomic status. The Notre Dame Task Force
(2009) acknowledged a lack of academic progress from generation to generation absent viable
21

educational options. The accessibility and affordability of Catholic education made it an essential
choice for families (Nichols, 2017; Suhy, 2012).
In other words, education became a possibility through Catholic schools. The appeal and
influence of the Catholic Church for Latinos was supported by Catholic school values as well as
cultural values present in many first-generation families, which has continued to influence
college attendance rates for Latino males (Basil & Lorenzo, 2013; Notre Dame Task Force,
2009). The following section will present supporting literature of the influence Catholicism has
on Latino Education, beginning with access to education in urban schools, college prep models
through curriculum, and the alignment of culture, religion, and education of Latino families.
Influence of Catholicism on Latino Education and Culture
Catholic identity within the Latino culture is complex. On the one hand, the origins of
Catholicism in the lives of many Latin Americans include a history of colonization that led to a
forced hegemony of religion and culture for Latinos (Cadena & Medina, 2004). Concurrently,
the hegemonic relationship of Catholicism in the lives of Latinos in California has led to the
social justice underpinnings present in family, culture, and education (Cadena & Medina, 2002).
This relationship developed in California between the Catholic Church and Latino communities
is present in Catholic schools. The environments cultivated in many Latino serving Catholic
schools demonstrate a value system that aligns with culturally relevant pedagogy around family
involvement, mentoring between educators and students, and a sense of community. Catholic
schools in urban California have a history of providing access to education and offering
instruction in the higher education college prep models (Garcia, 2018). In California, the
alignment of Catholicism to academic success through social justice movements like the Los
22

Angeles Blowouts of the 1960s and sanctuary movements to end family separations (Garcia,
2018) further aligned Latinos to Catholic schools.
Regarding the Catholic school pedagogy, inclusionary values present in Catholic
education appealed to immigrant families and provided support for otherwise lost students in
public schools (Smiths et al., 2020). The Catholic Church provides disenfranchised immigrant
communities a space for college prep models and access to education. Data shows that Catholic
schools effectively aligned education with the family values of Latino immigrants (Ruiz et al.,
2018; Tompkins, 2008). When policies within the Catholic School Diocese change to support the
needs of their community, growth occurs. Unlike public schools that struggle to increase
graduation rates and college enrollment, Catholic schools that serve Latino populations have
shown the most effective success rate when addressing a child's needs (Fenzel & Richardson,
2019).
As the state population grew, the demand for schools increased, which subsequently
included Catholic institutions (Lopez, 2016). The Archdiocese built more schools to meet the
demand for Catholic education which aligned with the family values of California’s growing
immigrant Latino population in the 1950s (Marius et al., 2011). In addition to the alignment of
family values, Catholic schools advanced social mobility for immigrant and low-income
communities. Post-World War II veterans found Catholic institutions afforded a pathway to
socioeconomic growth in the United States (Nichols, 2017). By the 1960s, the development of
new Catholic schools would also provide a supportive space for social justice and socio-
economic advancement in the education of Latino students.
The 1960s student-led movements would influence the culture of Catholic schools that
served Latino communities, most notably by increasing the college-prep curriculum. Mexican
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American student-led movements of the 1960s, referred to as the Los Angeles Blowouts,
influenced Catholic schools’ changes to the curriculum (Gonzalez-Barrera, 2010; Martinez,
2008). Led by Sal Castro and supported by local churches in the East Los Angeles area, high
school students organized a six-day walkout that sought to bring attention to the disparities
existing in the classroom and the curriculum (Garcia & Castro, 2011). While the Blowouts of the
1960s occurred at local public schools, the impact and support of the Church was a direct display
of the Latino community’s affiliation with culture and religion (Steidl, 2019). After six days of
protests, the public schools agreed to the demands of the youth, which included an increase in
college prep courses and college counselors (Theoharris, 2010). Subsequent years showed an
increase in college enrollment for students of predominantly Latino East Los Angeles
neighborhoods. However, the path to educational equity did not see more considerable progress
until the 1990s.
Catholic schools are aligned with family values like those in first-generation Latino
families through language, cultural events during holidays, parent inclusion on campus. Catholic
school holistic values that align to the family structure of Latino immigrant families address the
multidimensional approach that is the basis for CRT and LatCrit (Crenshaw, 1989; Delgado
Bernal, 2002). Social justice movements of the past demonstrate the importance of examining
the connections that exist today. History and socio-political movements, including family
involvement in social movements contextualize the current need to address culturally relevant
pedagogy to fit the needs of Latino serving institutions. Catholic immigrant families recognized
the viability of Catholic schools for upward mobility. Accessibility and affordability of Catholic
schools for immigrant families became a source of social capital for families that felt
disenfranchised in a new country (Nichols, 2017; Suhy, 2012). Assimilation and its effects
24

ostracized Latino communities and impacted the enrollment of Latinos in Catholic schools.
However, it led to further alienation (Lopez, 2016). To address this issue, Catholic institutions
have responded to the needs of immigrant Latino populations both politically and economically.
Access to Catholic School
The central role of children, family, and community adopted by Catholic schools fosters
its success in graduation outcomes. Urban Catholic schools incorporate curriculum that centers
the child while providing safety and cultural community spaces for families. The level of support
in Catholic schools helps students achieve educational goals. Families recognize that Catholic
schools provides access to college and increased social capital (Suhy, 2012). The University of
Notre Dame surveyed families and found that Catholic schools provided more individualized
attention and a deeper focus on the whole child, leading to better educational outcomes (Basil &
Lorenzo, 2013). It is essential to align the lived experiences of Mexican American and Black
students to Catholic values to enhance student success.(Fenzel & Richardson, 2019; Ospino &
O’Neil, 2016). Catholic schools’ autonomy affords greater flexibility in responses to the
educational needs of the communities they serve.
Catholic schools have practiced this autonomy by implementing a form of culturally
relevant pedagogy aligned with Catholic values that supports family and community needs
(Fenzel & Richardson, 2019; Squire et al., 2019). The autonomy of the Catholic education
allowed churches to center the family and community; support that was attractive to Latino
immigrant families who sought a sense of inclusion in a new country. The belief that
individualized attention, parent involvement, and a focus on the whole child supports academic
success is outlined in studies highlighting the Catholic School Advantage (CSA) model.
Although CSA has not consistently proven to increase academic scores for all students, the
25

alignment of CSA that incorporates family, culture, and mentoring has shown benefits for first-
generation Latino males (Lopez, 2016; Ruiz et al., 2018).
Catholic School Advantage and Latino Culture
Catholic schools that adopt a CSA model that includes family, cultural inclusion, with an
emphasis on a positive teacher-student exchange, supports Latino males’ educational goals. In
1982, Coleman et al. coined CSA based on the research that showed a greater likelihood of
graduation and increase in GPA to the teacher-student community relationship in Catholic
schools. Since then, research has highlighted the success of CSA in addressing education
disparities in low socioeconomic settings (Fleming et al., 2018; Lee et al., 2012; Marius et al.,
2011; Nichols, 2017). Documented benefits of attending a Catholic school include higher GPAs,
better preparation for post-graduation academic performance, and a higher likelihood of
graduating from college. A recent study demonstrated Catholic high school graduates are 6%
more likely to graduate with a .11 points GPA increased average than students who did not
attend Catholic schools (Fleming et al., 2018). Although the research supports that Catholic
schools that maintain CSA are more successful in supporting the long-term success of Latino
students, the how is still under consideration (Lee et al., 2012; Marius et al., 2011; Nichols,
2017). Research that demonstrates higher Latino male graduation rates among Catholic schools
with a student-focused value system warrants a closer look to determine how some models of
CSA succeed while others may not show consistent results (Aldana, 2016; Lee et al., 2012;
Nichols, 2017). Critics of CSA point to discrepancies in research about the value system that
drives positive results for the benefits associated with Catholic schools (Fleming et al., 2018;
Vader, 2018; Wooden, 2002). Further research demonstrates that looking at family and culture
for Latino students offered an opportunity to discern the strengths of CSA to implement them in
26

schools (Fleming et al., 2018). The strength of Catholic schools as vessels for Latino higher
education occurred in the ability to pivot from practices that disenfranchise the community and
families (Nichols, 2017). When Catholic schools switched to models that align CSA to cultural
practices that support the student, the family, and culture, the impact had lasting effects on the
lives of Latino families (Anguiano, 2020; DiPierro et al., 2018).
The CSA model in Catholic schools benefits Latino and Black students through cultural
practices highlighting family, inclusion, civic growth, and global citizenry. A qualitative study of
37 graduates found spaces of cultural relevance-built confidence, and uplifted resiliency
produces positive outcomes, with participants reporting a greater belief in their pursuit of college
(Fenzel & Richardson, 2019). Despite the positive outcomes of using cultural practices in the
curriculum for minoritized youth, a current practice to focus solely on college preparation led to
a loss of appeal for Catholic schools that stray from cultural and family-centered practices. Ruiz
et al. (2018) and Lopez (2016) discussed areas for improvement that Catholic schools need to
consider for future growth. One of which includes a return to a focus on family to strengthen the
Catholic school community (Lopez, 2016; Ruiz et al., 2017). While the autonomy of a Catholic
education supports Latinos, veering from the cultural models aligned with CSA in urban areas
negatively impacts enrollment in Catholic schools. The loss of active support of families in
Catholic schools and cultural support systems previously embedded in the familial exchanges
between staff and families results in a disconnect. Families who no longer feel included within
the school culture turn away from the values that CSA once promised (Smith et al., 2020)
leading to a further stagnation in higher education outcomes for Latinos.

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Culturally Relevant Pedagogy in Catholic Schools
Culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP) is defined as the conscious use of experiential
knowledge to connect to students within an educational context (Jackson & Knight-Manuel,
2019). CRP draws upon awareness and desire to act against social inequities and disadvantages.
CRP in this context is presented as an exchange between Latino teachers and Latino students'
centering approaches to family. This is an exchange of information between students and
teachers, a leveling of hierarchy demonstrating an element of experiential knowledge (Huber,
2010). Experiential knowledge points to the expertise of a child’s experience through a cultural
lens, and when introduced in the classroom, facilitates cultural relevance in education thus
supporting the growth of the student (Huber, 2010). The use of CRP school models that align to
cultural values, as is the case in Catholic Schools with a high Latino population, supports student
success (Corpora & Fraga, 2016). In addition, experiential knowledge exchanges assist teachers
and mentors in identifying strategies to improve college readiness in Latino males (Hines et al.,
2019; Jackson & Knight-Manuel, 2019). The importance of engaging cultural relevance models,
in part, centers the experiential knowledge of the student, and in the case of Catholic schools that
adhere to value systems alighted to family and culture, demonstrate success in academic
performance for first-generation students.
Catholic schools proved a better choice for Latino immigrant families in that they provide
culturally relevant space, not only for religion but an extension of family values and cultural
practices (Aldana, 2016). Positive teacher influence that occurs with CRP increases motivation
and self-efficacy, leading to better college completion outcomes (Hines et al., 2019). For Latino
males attending same-gendered schools, the Catholic school pedagogy provides an opportunity
to cultivate a support system that mirrors their family and culture. Lee et al. (2012) continued
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this assertion and specifically connected the value of Catholic education as a deterrent for
delinquency and poor academic performance in their study of Korean immigrant students who
attend a Catholic Sunday school. Cultural membership or community belonging based on
ethnicity provides a protective religious community and family, which lowered delinquency
incidents in male participants of the study. Aldana's (2016) study used a social capital lens,
highlighting the emergence of school climate as a support system for Latino students and their
families. The study attempted to frame CRT, positing that the tenants of race and class have
social impacts on student-teacher relationships. A school culture that supports Latino students'
cultural and academic needs found that teachers consciously and subconsciously activate
culturally relevant responses when working with Latino youth. The intersection of culture and
mentoring in Catholic schools have a further impact on educational attainment when
accompanied by family support, as examined in the following section.
Familism
This section examines the behavioral effects associated with first-generation students,
identity formation in first-generation families, and familism on Latino graduation outcomes.
First-generation behaviors and familism influence combine to increase graduation rates and
support college success among Latino males.
The research explored illustrates the complexity of first-generation Latino students
navigating higher education, including societal barriers, and balancing family cultural norms.
The first-generation status is defined by scholars as first in the family to attend college, and in
some cases includes students with only one parent that participated in college (Longwell-Grice et
al., 2016; Stephens et al., 2014). For Latinos, the first-generation status can describe both first in
the family to attend college and first in the family born in the United States. Studies presented in
29

this section review strengths and obstacles first-generation students face as they set goals and
navigate educational institutions.
Familism is attributed to an offset of acculturation as well. The findings align with
Dennis et al. 's (2005) earlier study that unique ideas and confidence defined as esperanza or
"hope" (Vela et al., 2017, p.74) was a high predictor of success but further impactful when
accompanied by familism. The role of the family provides a positive foundation for Latino
students to be successful in college. Familism is a key monolithic trait of Latino culture. Sabogal
et al.'s (1987) seminal study provided a lens on the effects of acculturation on the family for
Latinos. The acculturation experiences of Indigenous Mexican immigrants reveal similar trends
presented by previous studies (Messina & Perez, 2016). Strong positive relationships within the
family and identity cultivation in the home divert pressures to acculturate in adolescence. Latino
parents play a central role in their children's educational outcomes. Family consejo, or advice,
provide Latino students with experiential knowledge to increase self-efficacy (Grace & Gerdes,
2018). Quality experiences of Latino parents with counselors positively impact education, not
only for the student but also for the family (Tuttle & Haskin, 2017).
Family plays a positive role in student success, which increases self-motivation, self-
efficacy, and an optimistic view of the self. Centralizing familism and the notion of feeling
included in the community benefits the well-being of Latino children. Tuttle and Haskin’s (2017)
study leveraged familism to address cultural shifts, desire for community, quality of experience
in school culture, and Latino families' experiences. The study examined parent perceptions
through lived experience, highlighting the importance of experiential knowledge when
conducting training for counselors and other school administrators. Smokowski et al. 's (2008)
quantitative study of 402 Latino families from North Carolina and Arizona illustrates how the
30

positive influence of culture of origin and family mitigate the socioemotional difficulties
adolescents face after 16 years of age. The role of the family is pivotal to increasing the
messaging of the importance of college, but alone it has not succeeded in improving Latino
college graduation rates. In contrast to studies that demonstrate goal setting and self-efficacy in
first-generation students, other studies point to acculturation stress for these students.
Family perceptions have a significant effect on the self-efficacy and self-esteem of
children. Seminal studies such as Sabogal et al. (1987) contextualize and highlight the discourse
surrounding the role of the family for Latino children’s education. The presence of familism, the
support of the family, and cultural activities in the community increases high school graduation
outcomes for Latino youth (Flores-Gonzalez et al., 2014). Familism provides a positive outcome
in higher education attainment. Positive cultural socialization derived from a supportive family
contributes to a child’s positive values and behavior (Tsai et al., 2015). On the other hand,
Mesinas and Perez's (2016) qualitative research of students looked at 15 parent-child dyads
finding that before 16 years of age, 100% of children deemed culture influential. After the age of
16, the importance of culture associated with family dropped to 80%. In teens, it is replaced with
an outward search for connection, such as mentoring. Messina and Perez’s (2016) study are
significant because it enforces the need for culturally relevant pedagogy to support youth into
their high school years when American influences become more heightened and peer external
pressures of culture more influence adolescents. However, familism alone does not go far
enough to support the needs of first-generation Latino students; understanding the influence of
external factors and stress of first-generation status is needed for further context.

31

First-Generation Status
External factors such as nativist policies, acculturation pressures and language barriers,
have a negative influence on Latino immigrant students compared to Latino youth who have
been in the country for more than one generation. Social-cultural theory, like LatCrit, enhances
Latino educational experiences because it centers the academic outcomes of Latino students
around positive and quality social influences to advance education (Martinez & Polo, 2018;
Tuttle & Haskin, 2017). In drawing a comparison between Latino immigrant youth and Latino
youth who have been in the United States for longer, Dennis et al. (2005) examined the role of
motivation, parental support, and peers in the college experiences of first-generation students.
And! What did he find?
Geography, community, and ethnic ties influence academic achievement for first-
generation students. Geography and programs offered in their community affect first-generation
students’ educational trajectory. First-generation students living in neighborhoods that support
cultural activities and inclusive education fare better academically than first-generation students
living in areas that adopt nativist approaches to teaching (Martinez, 2012; Martinez & Polo,
2018). Latinos in public schools have experienced challenging political and nativist
environments that directly attack their education. Examples of nativist policies that marginalized
Latino students include Prop 187 California and Arizona policies that made bilingual education
and ethnic studies education inaccessible in the early 2000s (Martinez, 2012). Despite political
and xenophobic attempts to disenfranchise Latino students in education, first-generation students
continue to demonstrate the self-efficacy, motivation, and perseverance to pursue higher
education.
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Family plays a significant role in children of Latino immigrant families (Dowling, 2014;
Nunez, 2014; Yosso, 2005). When supported by a strong foundation of familism and community
support, first-generation students exhibit goal-setting attributes and motivation to support
increased graduation rates. In addition, first-generation students showed more self-efficacy and
goal-setting trends in academic achievement (Martinez & Polo, 2018). First-generation students
benefited from close family ties and the guidance of consejos, or advice-giving narrative, from
family members to set goals for education (Marrun, 2018). Parents of first-generation students
tend to use experiential knowledge of migration and the socioeconomic realities of working in
traditionally low-paying jobs (Martinez & Polo, 2018; Tsai et al., 2015; Tuttle & Haskin, 2017).
Furthermore, Mesinas and Perez (2016) alluded to the intersectionality of language, identity,
delinquency, and nativity, essential tenets explored through a LatCrit lens. Intersectionality in the
analysis of first-generation students strengthens goal setting and motivation. Culture and
acculturation stress for first-generation Latino students will be examined in the following
section.
Culture and Acculturation
The juxtaposition of the idea of cultural values of first-generation Latino students and
families is the concept of acculturation. Acculturation is defined as the influence of one or more
cultures on a person or group of people that results in the change of culture (Berry, 1997). As
applied to the Latino experience, acculturation involves the experience of Latinos navigating the
geopolitical, social, and cultural spaces in the United States (Nieri, 2012). One familiar example
of acculturation is assimilation (Berry, 1997). Assimilation as a form of acculturation for Latino
immigrants has long been a source of stress. Socio-emotional health and stressors associated with
acculturation lead to low self-efficacy in Latino students (Berry, 1997; Nieri, 2012). Attempts to
33

assimilate Latinos by cutting ties to culture and language are academically and emotionally toxic
for Latino teens, leading to low college completion rates (Berry, 1997; DeCarlo Santiago et al.,
2014). Cultural ties help first-generation students mitigate the effect of adverse outcomes. When
not supported, duality in cultural adaption with Latino youth leads to decreased value in self and
motivation. Knight et al.'s (2013) study revealed a correlation between acculturation and
increased adverse behavioral and mental outcomes. Acculturation stress occurs with the
incongruences of familism and identity for first-generation students. Promoting institutional and
school contexts that center biculturalism, or the intersection of more than one culture as is the
case with first-generation students, yield better education outcomes for Latino youth (Berry,
1997; Nieri, 2012).
On the one hand, Latino first-generation students feel a tie to familism that supports the
pursuit of higher education. Students describe positive outcomes associated with messaging that
supports their degree attainment and stress when family did not understand the level of
commitment it takes to adjust to college life (Gloria & Castellanos, 2012; Stephens et al., 2014).
The influence of familism on student educational outcomes correlates with the messaging
received at home. Positive messaging for students was described as consejos, or advice, from
teachers that supported the shared cultural models in the classroom and at home (Huber, 2010).
While assimilation and acculturation create a backlash, in contrast, college prep models in urban
Catholic schools that support the culture and education of Latino students demonstrated better
outcomes for Latino success in higher education (Sabogal et al., 1987). Mitigating the effects of
acculturation for Latino students with mentoring and community support through an exchange of
cultural relevance has shown positive results for Latino males. In the following section, a review
34

of mentorship will evaluate the positive influences strong dyadic relationships have on Latino
males.
Mentorship
Mentoring has been shown to increase the overall wellness of the minoritized student.
Mentoring within the LatCrit lens develops through two components defined in this study, the
concept of experiential knowledge exchange and the community building that occurs when
relationships are built with the goal of Latino male students’ educational success. The role of
mentorship offers a holistic approach to the child that increases opportunity and social
development. A holistic approach, characterized by attention to the emotional and mental growth
of a child increases self-efficacy, resilience, and positive outlooks (Liou et al., 2015). Latino
students' goal setting, academic success, and higher education prospects improve with formal
and informal mentoring (Perez, 2017). Within the context of ABHS, mentorship occurs with
teachers and students in traditional spaces like sports and church activities, as well as natural
moments and exchanges that occur between teachers and students. While the mentoring may not
always be formal, the socio-emotional spaces that are engaged through cultural exchanges such
as a teacher sharing common first-generation journeys is important for goal setting among Latino
males (Liou et al., 2015). Subsequent sections will review the literature on formal and naturally
occurring mentoring models that support Latino students in education.
Mentorship and Socioemotional Learning
The impact of a healthy adult-child relationship encourages children’s socio-emotional
and academic growth. Socioemotional learning is described as a culturally ground, emotion-
regulated strategy for learning with youth (Savina & Wan, 2017). Teachers or adults who take
time to connect with youth have a lasting impact on their lives. Social-emotional connections can
35

occur through talking circles, or cultural knowledge exchanges, and improve the chances of
Latino students succeeding in higher education (Excelencia in Education, 2017). Given these
points, a trusting, healthy relationship formed between an adolescent and an adult outside of the
family increases the outcome for identity formation leading youth to embrace the authenticity of
self, and academic success (Spencer, 2006; Warren & Hale, 2020). Subsequently, mentorship
occurs in various forms including counseling, non-formal, naturally occurring, institutional
advocacy, and traditional non-profit mentor programs like Boys and Girls Clubs (Bensimon et
al., 2019; Carey, 2020; Sanchez et al., 2006). Mentorship can also be attributed to an increase in
strong social networks and the increase of self-confidence to establish meaningful social bonds
(Chapman et al., 2017). In addition, students who received mentorship in high school benefited
from higher academic performance and positive personal growth (Chapman et al., 2017; Serido
et al., 2011; Sanchez et al., 2011; Spencer, 2006). The wellness manifested in adult-child
relationships result in an increased sense of self-efficacy, resilience, and positive outlooks for the
student not only in high school, but also into college (Chapman et al., 2017; Serido et al., 2011;
Spencer, 2006). The following section will review literature that looks specifically at the role of
cultural relevance when mentoring Latino males.
Influences of Mentorship on Latino Males
Early mentoring models were developed to reduce recidivism and improve behavioral
concerns, such as poor academic performance. The effects of in-school mentoring have been
attributed to a decrease in delinquency, an increase in academic progress, and a positive impact
on a child’s sense of self (Carey, 2020; Sanchez et al., 2006). Literature emphasized how
mentoring, and the long-term bond young men created with positive adult role models offer
multifaceted support to minoritized youth. Many of these formal mentoring models incorporated
36

activities and access to experiences that were out of reach for Black and Brown youth. Teachers
also play a role in mentoring (Saenz et al., 2015). Mentoring in classrooms decreased
delinquency, increased academic progress, and supported socio-emotive learning (Bensimon et
al., 2019; Carey, 2020; Sanchez et al., 2006). Few student-centered studies on mentoring Latino
students by Black and Latino mentors are available. More research that emphasizes the
importance of culturally relevant mentoring is needed.
For teachers, mentoring can occur both formally and informally. Experiential knowledge
exchanges, or the cultural experience exchange of student experiences to teachers’ lived
experiences, assist teachers and mentors in identifying strategies to improve college readiness in
Latino males (Hines et al., 2019; Jackson & Knight-Manuel, 2019). Whether it occurs on high
school campuses or college campuses, research supports the positive impact of mentoring on
graduation outcomes for Latino males. The studies in this section include research conducted on
on-campus mentoring for both Black and Brown males that occurs both formally and informally
through academics, community, activities, and observations. The confidence of Latino male
youth increased when provided with a space to share experiential knowledge and mentorship
support when they moved away from home to attend college (Brooms et al., 2018). The support
received through mentoring, including college preparation, guidance, and encouragement,
benefits Latino males (Brooms et al., 2018; Liou et al., 2016; Sanchez et al., 2011). More
recently, studies illuminate the benefit of mentoring that includes cultural relevance and a
centralized voice from the youth for mentoring success. Given the opportunity to share
experiences of mentoring in their own "voices" (Carey, 2020, p. 392), participants described
missing "paternalism," which the author suggested reveals a lack of "salient sources of social and
navigational capital to buffer boys from school failure" (Carey, 2020, p. 408). Mentoring that
37

includes biracial competency, respect for familism, and a focus on the voice of the child showed
marked improvement in behavior, anxiety, and socio-emotional growth for at-risk Latino youth
(Barron-McKeagney et al., 2007; Keating et al., 2002).
Conceptual Framework
Widely used methodologies employed in education do not affirm the intersectional lives
of Latino male students in education. Counter-Storytelling, mentoring, and familism to build
community through a LatCrit methodology are pedagogical approaches that highlight a student’s
experience. In turn, Catholic schools employing the CSA studies which afford familism, culture,
and mentoring alignment for Latino males’ support advances for higher education attainment.
The conceptual framework detailed in Figure 1 will enable exploration of respondents'
experience of family, culture, and mentoring within a Catholic institution serving a
predominantly Latino population supporting the needs of graduating high school and attending
college. The framework (Figure 1) situates the Latino Male student, on the far left, utilizing
family, culture, and mentoring as a means to graduate high school. The study is framed through
the LatCrit lens emphasizing the tenets of family and culture that intersect the lives of first-
generation Latino males. Following a LatCrit theoretical lens focused on family and culture as
important influences on Latino students, this study explores ABHS’s successful graduation and
college enrollment rates of Latino males looking specifically at the role of family, mentorship,
and culture. See Figure 1 for further reference:

38

Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Summary
There is a need for a student-centered focus in the research efforts to elevate education
attainment among first-generation Latino males. Experiential knowledge in mentoring focused
on identifying strategies to improve college readiness, and the importance of lived experience on
students’ perspectives drives college readiness. Over a long course of contact, social networks
created through teachers and mentors who share a cultural tie to students have shown gains in
postsecondary educational lives (Carey, 2020; Cooper & Corral, 2019). Whether looking solely
at the deficit models, or the movement for educational equity, understanding the context of
Latino experiences in education illuminates the current need to create and support programs and
models that allow Latino males to thrive.
How do the roles of family, culturally relevant spaces such as those created in Catholic
schools, and mentorship provide best practices for students? The study will follow a LatCrit
framework to explore the influence of family, culture, mentoring on first-generation Latino
males’ at ABHS that completed high school and enrolled into college.
39

Chapter Three: Methodology
This qualitative research study used a LatCrit lens to investigate the influence of family,
culture, and mentorship on the education of first-generation Latino men who graduated from
ABHS. This study explored three tenets of LatCrit including family, culture, and mentorship
through culturally relevant experiences at ABHS, and semi-structured interviews highlighting
experiential knowledge of Latino male students. Qualitative research was appropriate for the
exploration of this study to understand the emergent trends of family, culture, and mentorship in
the lives of Latino male graduates of ABHS. Qualitative research supports the inductive
emergence of research from the lived experiences of the interview participants (Morgan, 2014).
The semi-structured interviews facilitated the focus on the experience of the Latino male alumni
that graduated from ABHS and attended at least one year of college.
The following chapter revisits the research questions presented in Chapter One and an
overview of the study’s methodological approach. Positionality is also explained, followed by
bias, data sources, relevant ethical considerations, and a discussion of limitations and
delimitations.
Research Questions
Investigating the impact of family, culture, and mentoring on the experiences of first-
generation Latino males who graduated from ABHS, enrolled, and have attended at least one
year in a university the following questions guided the study:
1. How does familism influence academics for Latino male
students at ABHS?
2. How does ABHS with a high Latino male population support cultural and identity
formation?
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3. How does culturally influenced mentoring affect the likelihood of enrollment in
college?
Overview of Design
This exploratory qualitative study used semi-structured interviews to highlight the lived
experience of Latino male students who attended ABHS and the role of family, culture, and
mentoring in their academic experiences. Data for the study highlighted alumni experiences at
ABHS to answer the research questions in Table 1. Data sources included interviews, secondary
analysis of school-administered exit interviews, and document analysis . The document analysis
reviewed the school website, the school’s marketing “look book” distributed at all marketing
events, and the student handbook.

Table 1
Data Sources
Research Questions Interview Exit Survey Document Analysis
How does familism influence. X X X
academics for Latino male x
students at ABHS?
How does ABHS with a high X X
Latino population support
cultural and identity formation?
How does culturally influenced X X
mentoring affect the likelihood
of enrollment in college?

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Research Setting
ABHS has a 77% Latino attendance rate in a low-socioeconomic community. The 2020-
2021 senior class at ABHS graduated at 98%, and 69% of students plan to attend a 4-year
university. In contrast, public schools with a similar demographic in the same area have an 88%
graduation rate, with only 28% of Latino public-school students qualifying for a 4-year
university in 2021 (California Department of Education, 2020; Campaign for College
Opportunity, 2013). ABHS offers an institutional setting appropriate for this exploratory study to
better understand how an all-male, Latino population succeeds academically when family,
culture, and mentoring are present. All semi-structured interviews of first generation Latino male
alums from ABHS will be conducted via Zoom due to COVID restrictions.
The Researcher
My Chicano identity is tied to geography. As a first-generation Indigenous Chicana, the
connection to land and culture centers my epistemological view of society. Geography and
community are vital for identity formation and efforts to develop self-efficacy to succeed in
academics can be shaped and challenged when we are raised to understand that identity is tied to
the community (Anzaldua, 2012; Castillo, 1995; Delgado-Bernal, 1998). My family lived
between the national borders of Mexico and the United States and the borders of social-economic
realities of being undocumented, immigrant, and unfamiliar with the social constructs of
America. This lens of experience resonates with LatCrit and the study of cultural relevance and
community-building formation within the context of education for Latino youth. LatCrit sets the
perimeters of identity and place as evolving, not stagnant, and further understands that
identifying as Chicano comes with a unique feeling of in-betweenness (Chavez, 2002). The in-
betweenness also emerges in the bias and limitations. Just as identity and connection to
42

geography are strengths, the limits come in Chicano experiential knowledge of identity
formation in the student movements of the 1990s. The understanding of identity in flux, as
described by Bernal and Solórzano (2001), becomes the vehicle to continue the work to evolve
with the fluidity that is being Chicano, Latino, Latinx and Mexican within the colonial structure
of the United States of America. A further limitation is shaped within the construct of
motherhood; my interest in advocating for Latino youth’s academic success is directly tied to the
educational legacy of Chicanos and Latinos. This study created a counter-story narrative to the
statistical evidence that often highlights a Latino male community struggling. Instead of deficit
models, the study aims to develop and highlight a formative model that encourages an
environment where young Latino men can succeed academically.
Data Sources
The study included three data sources to contextualize the background of the problem and
highlight the participants’ lived experiences (Creswell, 2014). The first source of data were semi-
structured interviews following a protocol administered to 12-15 participants. Next, a review of
secondary analysis of existing ABHS’s Exit Surveys administered by ABHS staff was
conducted. Exit Survey data results provided by ABHS with no identifiable information were
used to corroborate demographic information from the look book and the interviews. The final
step included document analysis of the school website, the school’s marketing “look book”
distributed at all marketing events, and the student handbook. These data sources follow the
methodology of gathering evidence to support the research questions to explore the presence of
culture relevance at ABHS and mentoring.

43

Interviews
Semi-structured interviews provided an opportunity to highlight the lived experiences of
the participants, aligning with the tenet of Lat Crit introduced in this study which includes
centering the experiential knowledge of the student in education (Bernal & Solórzano, 2001;
Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The use of semi-structured interviews was selected for two reasons.
First, to develop the trustworthiness of the study by maintaining an interview protocol and
providing probes where needed. Second, the semi-structured interview allows the participants to
provide historical, personal, and rich descriptive answers to centralize knowledge experienced by
the participants (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Secondary Analysis of Exit Surveys
ABHS has conducted exit surveys to gather information about graduating students. The
instrument collects information on demographics, as well as intended plans after graduation and
first-generation status. The aggregated data is used for marketing purposes to attract enrollment
and donor appeals. A secondary analysis was employed using collected data provided by ABHS
in the form of pie charts, with no identifying information to draw comparisons to the research
questions of this study. A key concept that guided the analysis included the alignment of the
mission of ABHS with the results of the data collected in the 2021 exit survey. An example
included the number of first-generation students graduating and the alignment of this graduation
rate with the organizational mission of the school. Furthermore, the demographic information
assists in increasing trustworthiness when checking responses from the exit survey to the
artifactual data provided on the website and look books.

44

Document Analysis
Creswell (2014) outlines the importance of supporting documents as an unobstructed
collection of information that offers a description of the background of the study. Further,
demographics, school mission, and outcomes contextualize the exploration of cultural relevance
at the school. The artifactual data of the school helped further analyze the interviewees'
experience attending ABHS by broadening the imagery, or as Merriam and Tisdale (2016)
describe as a detailed description of the qualitative study. The artifactual data lay the foundation
of the analysis. Data analysis reviewed the school website, the school’s marketing “look book”
distributed at all marketing events, and the student handbook.
Participants
The participants were purposefully sampled (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) from the alumni
network of ABHS. Access to the alumni network was obtained through a partnership with ABHS
college counselors and board members. An introductory email was created listing participant
specifics and recruitment of participation for the study. The email and purpose of the study was
reviewed by the ABHS board. After approval by ABHS, the email and flyer were added to the
alumni network newsletter, and listserv to locate interview participants for the study. An initial
response of two participants followed the first recruitment email. After a month of stalled
recruitment, IRB was contacted to amend the ages of participants from 18-24, to over 18 years of
age. Following the age amendment, two additional participants made contact to participate in
interviews. Subsequently, snowball sampling was effective for an additional six participants. The
final participant was interviewed in January of 2022. Eight participants verbally consented to the
interview protocol and completed a 60-minite Zoom interview. All contact with participants was
confidential.
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Participant Specifics
Participants of the semi-structured interviews self-selected based on the subsequent
criteria: graduated ABHS, identified as Latino, and first-generation to attend at least one year of
college in the United States. An ABHS staff member distributed the recruitment email. An email
was circulated via the listserv for the Alumni network in August of 2021. The email
announcement ran weekly for two months. After an initial response of two participants, interest
slowed. Snowball sampling was employed after the age amendment to IRB. Participants emailed
known alumni, who then made initial contact to participate in the study. Participants were
scheduled via Google calendar using initials for confidentiality. One hundred percent of
scheduled participants attended scheduled interviews and verbally agreed to share their lived
experiences.
Instrumentation
The study included three forms of instrumentation, including an interview protocol (see
Appendix A), a review of school documents, exit surveys, and to support standards of
trustworthiness (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) for data collection. The interview protocol details the
planned semi-structured interview for qualitative analysis to be administered to each participant
(Appendix A). The school documents include the website and the ABHS "look book," used by
the marketing department to highlight the school’s demographics, mission, and curriculum. In
addition to the documents, exit survey results provided by ABHS served as a secondary
instrument for data. Exit surveys from 2021, looked at enrollment, graduation numbers, and
future career plans of graduated students.

46

Data Collection Procedures
This study collected data using a semi-structured interview protocol (Appendix A),
secondary analysis of ABHS’s exit surveys, and document analysis of school documents. The
interviews were conducted, confirmed, and completed during the Fall of 2021 and early Winter
of 2022. The ABHS administration provided documents, including publicly shared information
available on the website, demographic information from exit surveys and marketing material.
The interviews were scheduled after IRB approval in November of 2021. Participants
self-select based on the criteria provided in the email. Interviews were scheduled for a session of
60 minutes via email and all interviews were conducted via the Zoom platform. To protect
anonymity, participants used initials prior to the start of recording and a pseudonym was chosen
for transcription purposes. Confidentiality was reviewed at the start of the interview and
verbally agreed to before proceeding. Interviews were recorded via Zoom’s recording feature
and uploaded to a password protected file in both audio and video form. Transcriptions were
performed using the Otter.ai system. Upon completion of transcripts, participants received a
copy to review for accuracy. If participants agreed with the accuracy and representation captured
via Otter.ai, the transcripts were confidentially stored on an internal hard drive using initials for
confidentiality (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). No discrepancies were noted by participants in the
transcripts.
Data Analysis
This exploratory study utilized inductive coding when analyzing the semi-structured
interviews. Line-by-line coding of emergent trends were identified and categorized (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Observation notes from the interviews followed every interview conducted to
crosscheck emergent trends and enhance raw data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The discussions
47

were combined to improve the descriptive text of the categories and to align with the research
questions to understand the role of family, culture, and mentoring for ABHS alumni. The
organization of emergent categories were coded to support the investigation of the study
(Stringer, 2008). To align with the theoretical framework of LatCrit and the underlining theme of
anti-essentialism which states the Latino experience is not a monolith, distinctions in the
meaning of words such as family, culture, mentoring, and identity for alumni of ABHS were
made. The coding was viewed carefully to understand systems of meaning for constructs such as
family, culture, and identity for the purpose of cultural competency of the study (Stringger,
2008).
Following semi-structured interviews, the ABHS public documents were analyzed to
understand the demographics of the study site. The ABHS website provides yearly updates on
enrollment, demographics of the young men that attended, and the curriculum provided by the
school. A combination of the school website and marketing materials supported the
establishment of emerging themes for the study. Finally, a secondary analysis of exit survey
results administered to the 2021 graduates of ABHS was utilized to cross-reference the data
collected in interviews, the website, and marketing look books. Data from exit surveys gathered
by the school highlight demographics on first-generation status, ethnicity, and socio-economic
background. The analysis of documents compared responses from participants in the study and
the mission and messaging of the ABHS. Results for the exit surveys are anonymous and
provided in the form of pie charts with percentages providing information on graduation
commitments and first-generation status.

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Credibility and Trustworthiness
Miriam and Tisdell (2016) demonstrate the importance of creating trustworthiness and
credibility in qualitative research. Researchers play a direct role when interacting with “subjects''
of study, and ethical issues are bound to arise in the field that will need to be addressed (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). The consistency of the initial protocol questions helped determine content
validity or ensure that the questions asked for the study are consistent with the cross-cultural
examination of the demographics of the study participants (Salkind, 2014). Additionally,
Merriam and Tisdell’s (2016) strategies for establishing trustworthiness will be utilized, focusing
on triangulation and member checking. The interview protocol followed each of the participants
as scripted in Appendix A. In addition to the interview protocol, every interview was conducted
and recorded via Zoom. Post-interviews consisted of observation notes to maintain inventory of
thoughts related to interview themes.
Reflexivity and Peer Review
Creswell and Creswell (2018) articulate the importance of addressing research bias in
qualitative analysis to ground the study as trustworthy and credible. Important to achieving
reflexivity are researcher memos that accompany interview notes to check for bias while
following the Interview Protocol (Appendix A). Every interview conducted was followed by a
memo entry into a research journal. Additionally, two forms of peer review occurred to support a
credible study. The first included a review by members of the researcher’s dissertation
committee to review methodology and steps for data analysis.
Triangulation
Triangulation of methodologies is necessary to establish trustworthiness and credibility
for a qualitative study (Patton, 2015). For this study, triangulation included a secondary analysis
49

of ABHS’s exit interview results, a review of ABHS marketing material, and the inclusion of
narratives that emerged from the interviews of respondents for triangulation. A one-to-one semi-
structured interview protocol was developed for this study. The protocol included a standard
opening and introduction of the research and researcher. The study consisted of 15 questions that
aligned to the research questions of this study. Interviews included background and open-ended
questions that allowed the participant to share their story related to Catholic school attendance
(Patton, 2015). Probing questions were utilized as needed or to gather further information.
Ethics
The research of this study is grounded on LatCrit theory that posits the importance of family,
culture, and experiential knowledge of the Latino experience in the United States to frame issues
of social justice. Lived experience is key to understanding the experiential knowledge of Latino
students who contribute to classrooms as they juggle culture, acculturation, familism, language,
nativism, and often immigration status (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). Due to the sensitivity of the
immigration status, and the politicization that presents itself around the immigration status, it is
important to protect the anonymity of students and families that may be undocumented (Chang et
al., 2019; Katsiaficas et al., 2016). The anonymity of the participants' lived experiences as first-
generation students is key to the ethical approach of the study. All documents were coded to
ensure anonymity. Secondary ethical considerations include the voluntary nature of the study.
Participants were reminded of the voluntary nature of interviews, and the right to review
transcripts.
Data for the study was collected after IRB approval in November of 2021. Participation
in the interview used verbal informed consent, which was established before the interview.
Participants reserved the right to decline involvement at any point in the process. Following the
50

interview, participants had the opportunity to ask questions for clarification. After transcription,
participants had access to transcripts for accuracy. Furthermore, measures to protect
confidentiality included the following actions: pseudonyms of names, option to turn off the
Zoom camera for recording, and pseudonyms in all paperwork and field notes. Finally, in
accordance with USC’s code of ethics, each participant in the study was treated with “respect
and dignity” (USC Code of Ethics, 2020).

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Chapter Four: Findings
This study highlights the experiential knowledge of Latino male alumni who graduated
from ABHS and attended at least one year of college. The experiences collected from study
participants provided insight into the role of familism, culture, and mentorship in the lives of
students who attended ABHS. Chapter Four presents the experiences of eight interview
participants, and emergent themes culled from a thematic analysis of ABHS documents.
For this study, a Latino critical race theory framework acknowledges and centralizes the
lived experiences of first-generation alumni of ABHS. The experiential knowledge of the
participants is highlighted to explore the strengths identified by alumni as catalysts for
educational success. The study considers success within the perimeters of participants who have
graduated high school and enrolled in at least one year of college. The literature review
illuminated desegregation of the 1900s and the parent/student mobilization that was pivotal for
policy change to provide context for the importance of exploring ABHS’s alumni experiences.
Lat Crit further reminds the reader of the central role of the shared experiences of Latino youth,
highlighting the role of experiential knowledge necessary for future advocacy and policy change.
Using the lens of LatCrit, the analysis explored the following research questions:
1. How does familism influence academics for Latino male
students at ABHS?
2. How does ABHS with a high Latino male population support cultural
and identity formation?
3. How does culturally influenced mentoring affect the likelihood of
enrollment in college?

52

Participants
Interview participants were self-selected based on the following criteria: graduated from
ABHS, identified as Latino, first-generation, and attended at least one year of college. An email
message was sent in October 2021 requesting interview participation, that message yielded three
responses. The original age range of 18-23 identified for the study did not yield viable
participants so the range was expanded to 18 to 43. The modified age range provided two
important outcomes: first, the introduction of snowball sampling after the third interview and
second the age range of the participants provided unique insight on the generational shifts at
ABHS. Of the eight participants, seven participants enrolled and graduated from a university,
one is currently earning an undergraduate degree, and one has earned a graduate degree. All
participants of this study are first-generation children of immigrant parents as well as first-
generation college students. Every interviewee reported using public transportation to attend
ABHS, with an average commute time of 45 minutes to and from school and an average time at
school of 10 hours. Additionally, seven of the eight participants played sports. Table 2 provides
information on participant pseudonyms, graduation year, ethnicity, sports participation, financial
aid status, years in college, languages spoken, and socioeconomic status.

53

Table 2
Demographic Identifiers of Study Participants
______________________________________________________________________________
Participant Grad Yr. Identity Sports. ABHS Yrs. of College Bilingual SES*
Financial Aid

Frances 2016 Mexican N Y 4- BA Y Y
Damien 2020 Mexican Y Y 2-Ongoing Y Y
Xavier 1995 Mexican American Y Y Post-Bac Y Y
Juan 1998 Latino Y Y 4-BA N Y
Diego 1997 Latino/Guatemalan Y Y 4-BA Y Y
Martin 2013 Latino/Hispanic Y Y 4-BA Y Y
Agustin 2004 Latinx Y Y 4-BA Y Y
Tomas 2013 Mexican American Y Y 4-BA Y Y
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
*Self-described working class

Data Collection
Interview recruitment used purposeful sampling and subsequent snowball sampling
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) of ABHS alums. Initial recruitment parameters requested recent
graduates of ABHS, but participation slowed after two interviews. An amendment was made via
IRB to open recruitment to any alumni of ABHS. Snowball sampling occurred after the third
participant completed participation noted the importance of sharing stories for the growth of
ABHS. All Zoom interviews were conducted and collected between November 2021-January
2022. All participants verbally consented to involvement via Zoom recording (See Appendix A).
The interviews were semi-structured, a format that best suited the tenet of experiential
knowledge sharing highlighted in LatCrit because it offered opportunities for participants to
54

share anecdotes, narratives and ideas that were not limited to structured interview protocols.
Probes were added and tailored when follow up or clarity were needed during interviews.
Interviews lasted between 60 and 85 minutes. Upon interview completion, audio transcripts were
uploaded to Otter-ai for line-by-line coding of emergent trends, later identified and categorized
by hand (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Handwritten notes were taken during each interview and
were utilized to crosscheck emergent trends and enhance raw data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Interviews were followed by a document analysis of ABHS website, and the marketing
materials used by ABHS for recruitment and Senior Exit surveys administered by ABHS staff.
Data analysis sought to answer the questions on the document analysis protocol (Appendix B) to
investigate the alignment of the ABHS mission, school pillars, and demographics to the
narratives shared by participants. Lastly, Senior exit surveys, a Google document administered
by ABHS for graduating seniors, were reviewed to correlate the findings of student
demographics with those available to the school. Senior Surveys included aggregated data for
the 2021 senior class available on pie charts with no identifiable information.
Data and Analysis
Each interview was scheduled, conducted, and recorded via Zoom. A notebook was
utilized for reflections pre and post interviews. Handwritten notes were typed into a Microsoft
Word document after each interview and saved to a password-protected drive. Zoom post-
interview recordings were transferred and uploaded to Otter.ai transcription software for
corrections. The first round of transcript reviews included highlights and pattern identification to
explain participants’ experiences (Bernard, 2018). Once words and phrases were identified,
further coding was drawn from attributes that emerged in the language of interviewees to
centralize their lived experiences (Saldaña, 2021). A second cycle of coding synthesized initial
55

themes that were identified and created new open codes (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). A priori
codes were used to identify emergent themes from the eight interviews, employing what Saldańa
and Omasta (2018) describe as the “five Rs: routines, rituals, rules, roles, and relationships”
(p.13). Initial codes were based on the first cycle of analysis included familism, mentors, culture,
identity, and community. Following the completion of interviews, secondary analysis of data was
conducted of marketing material and exiting exit surveys provided by ABHS.
Findings Research Question One
This section discusses findings related to research question one regarding the role of
familism for alumni participants. The following themes emerged: Family is foundational to
student success, the importance of feeling a sense of family and comfort, and the positive role of
natural mentoring. This study defines natural mentoring as a relationship that emerges
organically between the student and adult at ABHS. The themes are found in the lived
experiences of all participants and crossed over into Latino familism, culture on the ABHS
campus and mentors on campus. In addition, counter-storytelling highlighted the experiential
knowledge of alumni, and their families. Emerging concepts of intersectionality were explored to
highlight the multi-layered, interdisciplinary connections of alumni family support, and ABHS
culture. Thematic analysis was utilized to explore the role of families in the lives of first-
generation Latino males at ABHS.
Family is Foundational to Student Success
The first theme to emerge was the critical role family plays in the success of Latino
students. The family in this study was identified as parents and grandparents who played a
significant role in the participants' lives. One hundred percent of the participants discussed the
positive impact of their families, or a family member, on their education. Martin’s reflection of
56

his family’s impact was summarized with the following quote he heard often from his parents,
“Si quieres hacer algo, hazlo, pero hazlo bien” or the idea that family often motivated their sons
by explaining, “do it but do it well.” Familism played a role in the journey to ABHS, influencing
school choice and the move from public to private school. Familism also impacted the
motivation of participants to excel academically and pursue college. The role of familism in the
lives of the study's participants supported the literature that demonstrates that familism plays a
significant role in first-generation Latinos' matriculation.
Additionally, family messages or experiential knowledge sharing defined in LatCrit,
about improving socio-economic status (SES), were significant for participants. Family members
often turned to a story or experiential knowledge sharing to motivate their sons. Knowledge
sharing included relaying stories about financial struggle and migration experiences reinforcing
the ties to family. The connection to their families led all participants to credit family systems for
their academic success and matriculation into college. Mothers were credited as a source of
knowledge and motivation.
The Positive Role of the Mother
The role of the mother was very influential to ABHS alumni of this study. Mothers
played a significant role using examples of family stories to relay expectations of success to their
sons. Six of the eight participants highlighted the influence of their mothers, while only one
discussed the significant role their father played in maintaining relationships with ABHS staff
and supporting school success. Mothers were overwhelmingly the volunteers, school contacts,
and as Tomas described, a driving force for his educational success. Tomas shared, "my mom
was really big on not having kids at a young age, for me to go to college just becoming better
than she did.” Mothers were the vessels for experiential knowledge sharing with their sons.
57

Mothers were credited for sharing narratives of the limitations previous family members reached
and providing stories to motivate their sons to push forward for a better life through education.
Tomas credits his mother for the move by sharing,
My mom ended up moving me out from middle school in seventh grade into a Catholic
school…I went there, my eighth-grade year, my mom took me out of the public school
system, because she didn't think that it was it was good for me. She thought that I started
kind of like… messing up. I started getting into the wrong crowds…I was the type of
student that…could slack off… my mom in middle school started getting annoyed of that.
So, she thought that the best possible way for me to get away from all the gangs and all
that stuff that was around there was sending me to a private school.
Tomas describes the move as a response from his mother to the threat she saw in the community,
including gangs and the poor academic performance of participants in local schools. Tomas'
mother's hopes for a better life were tied to educational opportunities. Tomas' mother used the
conditions of their neighborhood to start conversations with her son about getting ahead and
improving their socio-economic status.
Damien, a recent graduate of ABHS, shared his experience with the knowledge sharing
his mother offered on education. After his mother's deportation, Damien lived in Mexico for the
first ten years of his life. After some time, Damien's mother realized that educational attainment
would be more accessible in the United States. As Damien shared regarding his mother, "my
mom didn't finish high school" and he believed she wanted her son to have a different outcome.
Despite the difficult decision to leave his mother in middle school, Damien moved to Los
Angeles to live with his father. He found both his parents a source of support and motivation. He
shared that losing the physical connection with his mother was difficult, but his mother
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encouraged education and "doing better" in weekly phone calls. Damien added that his mother
saw this move as an opportunity to be the first to graduate high school and the first to go to
college.
Similarly, Juan, who lost his mother at 22, felt motivated to keep his commitment to
finish school despite taking a year off from studies and transferring to a new school when the
sports scholarship did not work out. He described how as a first-generation Latino male who
grew up surrounded by family, his move out of state led to loneliness in college. Those moments
in college away from his family were a struggle that led him to question his presence at the
university. Juan’s struggle to navigate college was compounded by his’ mother’s cancer
diagnosis. Despite the struggle to stay in school and juggle his family’s adversity, his mother's
illness was the motivation to return and finish. Juan shared that he made a "promise" to his
mother to finish and did so after her passing. While the conversations that mothers engaged in
with their sons may not have been directly about attending college like Tomas' experience, or a
promise for growth like Damien's, every participant felt that their family members conveyed the
chance to create a better life.
Mother’s shared knowledge with their sons about the importance of education as a
vehicle for improving socio-economic conditions. For example, Francis shared that his mother
often said to him, “whatever you want to do but just do it.” Francis’ mother would have her sons
look outside the window at examples of inequities experienced in their neighborhood and ask,
“the good life or the bad life?" Mothers dichotomized the education of their sons to be one of
"two things," the process of choosing a road that kept Frances and others in the same socio-
economic conditions of their neighborhood or a chance to improve their lives through education
and hard work (see Table 2). Parents viewed education as an opportunity to have a "good life."
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Frances shared his mother's messages about education, noting, "my mom would always tell me
the story about my grandma" and how she did not receive a formal education because his mother
hoped for generational advancement in education and opportunity. As Francis continued, “she
wanted me to be different than her mom.” Education, or educación, became a motivating force
for academic success. The struggle for education was not limited to getting good grades but a
struggle to improve their lives and a lesson that multiple family members passed down.
The strength of the family was evident for all participants, but like Tomas, mothers were
the primary source of motivation for educational advancement. Stories mother’s shared about
education were not always implicit; experiential knowledge shared by mother’s included seeking
better opportunities in the United States. The message was not “you have to go to college” more
so “you just have to make the right choice.” Examples of this form of educación included
Frances' mother who shared she would remind him of his grandmother’s migration stories to
motivate him to persist in academics. Mothers of alumni used family examples of migration,
limited educational opportunities, and low socio-economic conditions as a source for motivation.
In sum, stories shared by mothers while not always implicit about the importance of education
were an underlying force of motivation for Latino males in this study. While mothers were a
primary source of motivation for six of the participants, motivation to succeed came from other
family members as highlighted in the following section.
Experiential Knowledge (EK) Sharing and Familism
An additional theme generated from the findings is the experiential knowledge (EK) of
family positively impacts academics. Experiential knowledge focuses on the centrality of the
lived experience of students of color and their families when considering education (Solórzano &
Bernal, 2001). The concept of experiential knowledge is related to struggle, migration, and
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family. The experiences of family members often served as a cautionary tale or a source of
motivation to continue with studies. Family members used lived experiences to share knowledge
to motivate their sons to succeed in education, but EK was a form of passing educación, a
concept in the Latino community that includes making the right choices, as shared in the
literature review. Experiential knowledge was present for all participants through their mothers,
fathers, and grandparents. Seven out of the eight participants shared that they lived with at least
one grandparent or on the same property as a grandparent. The proximity to intergenerational
experiential knowledge of a family member played a role in the education and educación of all
participants. Agustin reflected on the examples of he felt his family taught him in the following
narrative,
Culture, for me means…lived experience…there's a way in which folks gather around
culture and lived experience…and they kind of go hand in hand...having Latino culture
meant that there's a lot of influences around how…I move or how I think about things. I
see my parents work hard and part of that was an influence on myself…familismo
structure of things for Latinos, and the dependency on family is a huge cultural
component that also…influenced a lot of aspects of my life.
The intergenerational influence of family impacted academic success. Juan discussed
grandparents as a "support system" and a source of "joy." Juan's grandparents' presence helped
him navigate a complex relationship with his father, whom he described as distant. His
grandparents and their cultural influences were sources of knowledge that kept Juan motivated.
Similarly, Xavier attributed his success to his grandmother. Xavier shared that his mother
worked long hours to support her sons, and he was left in the care of his grandmother. Xavier's
grandmother was a source of safety while his mother was away. Xavier also credits his
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grandmother for his enrollment in ABHS. He recalled his grandmother enrolling him because a
Catholic school offered a safe alternative to his local public school. Xavier shared that his
grandmother did not directly emphasize the importance of academics but instead shared stories
about his father and uncles' mistakes. As Xavier explained, “she always had…high expectations
for me, even though she might not verbalize them” to describe how he set higher academic
standards.
The experiential knowledge shared with many of the participants was not always verbal;
family members also modeled behaviors like “working hard" and working multiple jobs while
raising families, which left an impact on alumni. Xavier, Martin, and Agustin shared instances of
watching their families work long hours and still come home to care for the family without
complaints. Xavier shared that he internalized the cues that his grandmother modeled as "high
expectations for [himself]" and that "family was the motivation" for his educational attainment.
When remembering the lessons learned at home and finding the motivation to complete his
studies, Augustin added,
Their work ethic was something that I realized was, I didn't realize it right away, but…
because it was around me, I picked it up as well. And so, you know…family was the
motivation, being the oldest was the motivation.
Education for all the participants was not just about academics but also about life and
maneuvering through the various obstacles presented as first-generation Latino students. Further
introspect was shared by Francis, who stated family "nailed stuff in my head," and lessons
learned while at school that once felt like "nagging" were recalled while in college. The life
lessons family ingrained into these participants led to the motivation to succeed in high school
and pursue college to make their families proud.
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Discussion of Research Question One
Regardless of how the message was delivered, whether explicit or alluded to, familism
was a foundation for every study participant. For the participants of this study, mothers often
carried the role of educating and motivating their sons to excel academically. Overall, the role of
sharing EK was a prominent theme for all participants who shared the memories of their parents
and grandparents that left lasting impressions on their lives.
Findings Research Question Two
Reflecting on the role of ABHS in cultural and identity formation participants described
feelings, memories and adults that led to a support for Latinidad. While ABHS was not credited
specifically with the formation of identity, it served as an important backdrop to the cultural and
identity formation while at school and when they left to college. The theme of comfort and
fitting in was a prominent theme followed by two subthemes that illustrate the importance of
ABHS culture, including the presence of Latino culture on the campus and the community,
language, and shared hardships which will be covered in this section.
The Importance of Feeling a Sense of Family and Comfort
A theme to emerge from the interviews was the importance of feeling a sense of family
and comfort at ABHS. The high Latino demographic at ABHS has led to a reputation for
supporting first-generation immigrant families throughout the area. Evidence presented in the
literature review highlights the importance of creating family focused and culturally relevant
spaces for first-generation (Fenzel & Richardson, 2019; Ospino & O’Neil, 2016). While uplifting
Latino culture was not explicitly part of the ABHS curriculum, the school created support
systems for students that invoke familism and culturally relevant exchanges between staff,
students, and family to promote academic success.
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Similarly, the presence of cross-cultural themes, in this case Catholic school culture and
Latino culture, emerged in the interviews for all participants, supporting the literature that
highlighted the strength of Catholic schools in addressing the needs of Latino students (Steidl,
2019). The participants responses to the definition of culture in their lived experiences aligned
with the literature that defined culture as a reflection of ethnic identity related to the way they see
and experienced elements of race and ethnicity (Molina, 2014). When asked to define culture,
one hundred percent of participants shared that culture was often the feeling of family and the
connection to their Latinidad. There was a similar response when participants were asked to
describe school culture and the role of ABHS in supporting the academic growth of each
participant. Agustin described the influence of culture and Latinidad with the following,
The culture around me really influenced the way I thought and the way that I moved
anywhere…not just community wise but even what it meant…for folks to gather around
culture and lived experience…a dependency of family…the intention was to create
community, and this was really across all cultural spaces…definitely for Latinos.
Three out of the eight participants described the intersection of family and school culture as a
shared space for Latino students within the ABHS campus which included a connection through
language, music, food, and financial struggle. Overall, findings of ABHS culture, familism and
the importance of feeling comfortable at school intersected in the lives of the alumni interviewed
for this study.
Alumni identified comfort and fitting in as a catalyst for success while at ABHS. Being
comfortable with peers within the ABHS culture was associated to the academic success of
participants. Participants associated comfort and fitting in at ABHS with an eagerness to pursue
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higher education because it motivated them to not “let anyone down.” Seven out of eight
participants used the word “comfort” or “comfortable” to express why ABHS was a good fit.
Comfort equated to a sense of “home” for seven out of the eight participants. While familism is a
concept introduced in research question one, family concepts merged as a foundation for ABHS
culture. The theme of comfort overlapped for all alumni in their experiences at ABHS.
The Presence of Latino Culture
The presence of Latino culture, and the shared commonality with ethnicity and class
status emerged as a source of connection and comfort for all the participants. Martin described
this connection ethnically sharing that the number of “Mexicans” on campus helped students,
“feel close to everyone around you.” Martin named a local affluent, predominantly White
Catholic school to draw a comparison of ABHS to distinguish ABHS from other schools that
were not predominantly Latino. Martin felt connected with classmates due to shared socio-
economic status (SES) and ethnicity, that was not present at the affluent schools ABHS
sometimes competed against in sports. Further describing ABHS, Martin shared, “you know that
everyone that you’re going to school with has struggled.” Martin experienced ABHS as a
brotherhood where he felt that they, “all had each other’s back.” Agustin had a similar
experience with the bonds created at ABHS sharing,
The way in which we interacted in the classroom…with my teachers, for the most part,
were always very positive…it felt like…an older sibling at times, or there was a level of
respect that existed within the classroom. And then the familismo piece…comes back
down to…the programming infrastructure that existed at [ABHS] through different days
that…focused on certain things or religion…and the way in which we observed religious
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holidays, and came together, the way that we acknowledged culture…through the
different events [was] actually, a big piece.
Agustin’s acknowledgement that familismo, or familism, was present on campus even as he
described it in a “subliminal” manner through the structure at ABHS.
The intersection of family culture and school culture was associated with “comfort.” An
example of how ABHS school culture connected to family culture came from Martin who
compared staff members to an “older brother or an older sister looking out for you.” Family was
mentioned multiple times when describing ABHS. It was important to all eight participants, and
it is a memory that resonated through 100% of the experiences shared in interviews. Martin,
Agustin, and Tomas echoed the feeling of family within the community of ABHS calling it a
“brotherhood.” Martin summarized the feeling of family and brotherhood with the following
sentiment, “somehow we were like, rooted together and came together as one.” Feelings of
comfort, family and shared lived experiences resonated with all eight participants. The
underlying feeling of family on the ABHS campus was highlighted by the stories shared of
culture and identity, which is explored in the following section.
Community Influences Impact Identity Formation
Identity and culture played a significant role in the lives of all participants. Race and
ethnic identity were often synonymous with culture at home and at ABHS. In both cases,
exploration of identity on the ABHS campus extended into the college journey. All participants
described growing up in a predominantly Mexican community, with Agustin adding that both at
home and at ABHS, the community was “homogenous.” Previous questions in the interview
protocol that centered around culture and identity yielded similar responses, often leading back
to intergenerational family presence, language, food, and messages of communal struggle. While
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many of the participants defined culture with feelings of loved ones, knowledge of their shared
family experiences and associations of food, one participant described his personal experience
with intersectional identities and culture. Agustin defined culture as a “ lived experience” and
recalled the way school, home and community supported the “intersections” of his identity.
Identity was also discussed as a journey in names, much like Juan. The use of first names
depended on the environment. At ABHS his name was used with a Spanish pronunciation, but in
settings like college or work, his name was shortened and anglicized.
The emergence of the intersection between culture, identity and ethnicity is important
because it often aligned to the feelings associated with why ABHS felt like home.
Identity also changed with age and life experiences. Identity and culture were often synonymous
to ethnicity at ABHS but with maturity, identity formation became more complex. For some
participants identity at ABHS was shaped by the homogeny of the environment. Given a
predominantly Latino space, there was no shame in being Latino. Xavier explained his identity in
the following way,
It tends to differ…it also depends on where you’re at, but you can’t forget where you
come from…I would never deny that part of me…but generation to generation it kind of
dilutes…Never felt shame”
For others, Latino was defined and refined into terms that felt better represented. Where identity
was once just part of their culture, over time some choose to use it as a primary source of pride,
like Agustin who stated, “I lead with my identity, because that was my…opportunity …where I
got to take ownership.” Identity formations are important for all participants and their academic
growth. Understanding their place at ABHS, the support their campus community provided, and
the messages that emerged about being the first in the family to attend college, impacted how
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they later saw themselves while attending college. Identity was also important in navigating the
cultural shock experienced when they left ABHS. Xavier, Diego, Martin, and Agustin all shared
stories of how they have used identity in different ways to navigate college, careers, and family.
Martin and Xavier, both graduates form the early 1990s, shared that ABHS has moved
away from cultural celebrations, like Día de La Virgen, which they felt celebrated the connection
of family, culture, and religion important to Latinos. Martin expressed his hope for a return to
ABHS’s cultural traditions because he found it “important” for school pride. Martin stated that
celebrations focused on family and culture instilled Latino pride. He shared that he believed
students would benefit from the comfort and “sense of pride” that was invoked for him when
ABHS acknowledged cultural religious ceremonies. Xavier echoed the hope shared by Martin
for a return to cultural celebrations on the campus. Both Xavier and Martin credited celebrations
of culture tied to ethnicity and religion at ABHS as pivotal to their own identity formation. While
Martin felt his pride of Latino identity started at ABHS and expanded into college on the East
Coast, Xavier believed that the early exposure of shared cultural experiences at home, in his
community and at school instilled a sense of comfort and pride of being Mexican. Xavier found
this experience important to his academic growth and stated that he promotes cultural pride in his
home today. Identity at the ABHS campus was heavily influenced by the cultural exchanges that
were experienced in church and classroom for older alumni of ABHS. Cultural exchanges were
not limited to those experienced by Martin and Xavier. Alumni also valued the role of language
as a source of comfort and culture at ABHS.
The Importance of Language
An additional expression of familism and comfort was through language. Martin gives an
example of how language contributed to feelings of comfort stating his mother was, “more
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comfortable expressing herself in Spanish.” Martin’s mom was greeted in Spanish by staff and
teachers at ABHS, which in turn offered access to communicate when there were concerns over
grades. Language and the accessibility it offered to parents of first-generation students was
discussed in seven out of the eight interviews. It was not only important for parents, but
participants also felt that language connected them on the school campus.
While Damien was the only identified English language learner, additional participants
expressed the importance of shared language as a source of community building. Martin
continued discussing how ABHS makes families feel comfortable through language stating,
Sometimes I think we take for granted that word, what’s comfortable, right? So, the
example being that my mom understands English, but she’s much more comfortable
expressing herself in Spanish.
Language was a source of comfort because it was a shared commonality for participants.
Damien coped with his mother’s absence through community building with ABHS students who
spoke Spanish. He explained that ABHS was a source of comfort because “the students and
teachers spoke Spanish and speak Spanish back.” Damien’s father encouraged his attendance at
ABHS after meeting coaches in the community that were Latino and spoke the language. He
recalls that the demographics of ABHS were important to his father because “he wanted me in a
comfortable space.” The comfort associated with language was shared by Xavier who saw
language as “just comfort level” and continued, “it felt comfortable” to have an option to speak
in his native language. Language, like cultural celebrations at ABHS, supported the feeling of
pride and belonging on the campus. All the participants expressed the importance of this comfort
extending to their families who were often navigating American education for the first time and
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who felt attendance at ABHS was central to receiving educational opportunities that would offer
future SES improvements.
Shared Financial Struggles
A final attribute associated with comfort was the shared financial struggles of the
students’ communities. The socioeconomic status (SES) of alumni was a commonality that
shaped the ABHS community. As stated in Chapter One, ABHS is situated in a low-SES, high
immigrant community with reported language barriers. ABHS’s mission directly speaks to the
design of the school to serve “low-income students.” The mission aligns to the needs of the
students it serves, and Table 1 illustrates that in the case of all eight participants, low SES was an
external condition that influenced their family lives. Participants discussed the instances of
family struggles, like financial strains, and being the first in their family to graduate as influences
that drove them to succeed. In response to a medical emergency in the family, Tomas stated, “I
was old enough to see…what was happening around me” describing the financial and emotional
stress his family was under to juggle work and the hospitalization of a sibling.
The awareness of his parents’ financial strain to support seven siblings motivated Tomas
to work harder at school so his parents would not need to worry. The pressures of being the
oldest child were also present. Experiential knowledge of being the first in the family to navigate
school was used to help support his siblings during difficult times. Tomas reflects on mirroring
the message his family demonstrated when facing difficult situations, to “work hard” and
overcome challenges. Tomas remembered the financial burdens and ABHS’s response to help
their families, saying,
They still managed to be able to help us out. We knew that if there was a month that was
tough on us…that we we'd be told, like straight up… if you can't pay this month, just try
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to pay as much as you can, don't worry about it…do what you can, you shouldn't stress
out…for the education of your son, and I’m lucky to have been given that opportunity.
Because there was times where, you know, it got tough.
Like Tomas' story, three out of the eight participants described their upbringing as a “struggle”
and two used the term “poor” when recalling their SES while attending ABHS. Only one
participant used the term “ghetto” to reflect on the community around ABHS. In each case, the
understanding that external realities of SES influences serve as visual motivations to succeed
academically. Martin shared that he felt, “finances as a source of shared struggle” with his peers
while at ABHS. Tomas echoed these sentiments sharing, “we all get that…our families are
struggling” when discussing the culture at ABHS and how they felt academically supported.
Multiple participants agreed that there existed a shared commonality in being on financial aid.
Martin explained that the bond came from knowing that fellow ABHS students were struggling
when we shared, “we don’t have to talk about it…but we know.” Martin followed up with his
assessment of the ABHS culture, stating that there was “no shame” about finances because
ABHS financial aid made it possible for him to attend. Discussions about the need for
scholarships were not limited among students, and participants shared that they openly discussed
their financial struggles with coaches and ABHS staff. The open communication about financial
challenges led to participants feeling more connected to the school and extended to their
families. As Xavier shared, “making my parents feel comfortable” led to his own feelings of
comfort. ABHS’s implicit support of familism and culture translated to comfort for Latino
participants.

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Discussion of Research Question Two
The experiential knowledge regarding feeling comfortable at school shared by
participants of this study supports the literature highlighting the success of Catholic high schools
when cultures align (Fenzel & Richardson, 2019; Ospino & O’Neil, 2016). Further, ABHS
provided socio-economic and culturally specific sense of comfort for students that supported a
safe environment for learning. Participants shared the impact of attending a school in which low
SES was not a stigma or deterrent from a positive academic performance. The shared lived
experiences of participants across generations were an opportunity to feel comfortable to engage
in academics. The studies and interviews suggest a strong matriculation rate is possible when
Catholic schools with a high immigrant, Latino school population provide cultural support for
students (Fleming et al., 2018; Lee et al., 2012; Marius et al., 2011; Nichols, 2017).
Findings Research Question Three
The final question of this exploratory study looked to understand the role of culturally
relevant mentorship in increased likelihood of college enrollment. Participants described
interactions with staff and educators who shared first-generation experiences as important to
their own decisions to make positive choices in education. The presence of natural mentoring
was a theme with an emphasis on coaches, teachers who were alumni and the role of the
Christian Brothers on the ABHS campus.
The Positive Role of Natural Mentoring
Studies regarding the role of mentoring in the lives of marginalized youth abound.
Mentoring in classrooms has been linked to a decrease of delinquency and an increase in
academic performance (Bensimon et al., 2019; Carey, 2020; Sanchez et al., 2006). In addition to
academics, the literature supports the findings of this study that linked mentoring to a positive
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socio-emotional learning environment that sustained the first-generation Latino alumni of this
study. At ABHS, the mentoring is built into the mission to support the specific needs of low-
income Black and Brown students from the area. Services, such as college readiness and sports
programs at ABHS buttress the mission to support the needs of these students to increase
matriculation. Beyond the mission, ABHS alumni reported three areas in which the natural
mentoring of staff and teachers were identified as prominent roles in their success to graduate
high school and college: coaches, teachers, and the Christian Brotherhood.
Natural Mentoring at ABHS
Natural mentoring, also recognized in the literature as informal mentoring, was a theme
that emerged for all alumni of this study. This theme aligns with the literature that states teachers
in high Black and Brown population schools often take on a role of mentoring (Saenz et al.,
2015). Participants of this study stated that ABHS coaches, teachers, and staff were pivotal to
their success. Participants described multiple examples of how supportive adults nurtured their
development and made the ABHS community welcoming. Findings of this study support
research that suggests experiential knowledge exchanges, were attributed to academic success
and socio-emotional learning for the participants (Hines et al., 2019; Jackson & Knight-Manuel,
2019). One reason mentorship happened organically within the school was the intersection of
culture, family, and values present at ABHS.
The Positive Impact of Service-Driven Natural Mentoring
Natural mentoring and the role of teachers at ABHS was a primary theme among alumni
because it supported their educational pursuits. Natural mentoring is defined as informal
organically occurring mentorship relationships; within the context of ABHS, mentoring occurred
naturally because of the cultural relevance of the lived experiences of teachers within the school.
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When asked about mentoring programs, only two of the eight participants mentioned the Big
Brother program designed to support freshmen transitioning into the campus. ABHS offers a
traditional mentoring program where senior students were matched with freshmen, but many
participants did not recall this as mentorship. Six of the participants described it as a natural
process between staff and students as best described by Frances:
There's no like, get a mentor… it's more like your favorite teacher and you bug
them enough and then …they start talking to you… I would see [them] every
single day we talk, we chat …[they]became less of a teacher…they became …my
mentor…there's no like formal mentorships but the staff is really cool. And they
all want to help.
All eight respondents spoke of their relationship with a close coach or teacher who served in the
role of guide. Diego explained, “one of my teachers… was a mentor to me” and explained the
relationship as an opportunity to receive “guidance” from a trusted adult. Diego continued, “most
of them just do it naturally, right?” Diego reinforced this notion sharing the natural mentorship
that was exchanged with his teacher through lived experiences when he said, “here’s this young
Latino who is motivating us to do well in school and continue to college.” He believed teachers
were people who students could “turn to” because they understood the challenges students faced.
The shared cultural and ethnic experiences between teachers and students led naturally occurring
mentorship relationships because as Xavier put it, “they probably had somebody like that in high
school.” Four of the eight participants also described hearing personal anecdotes from their
teachers about being the first in the family to attend college or sharing the Latino perspective of
being in college.
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Natural mentorship roles of teachers and staff often carried over into concepts of family
highlighting the impact of mentoring and culture on the campus and at home. Female teachers
felt like mothers and sisters to many students, and male teachers were like fathers and brothers.
Some participants, like Martin and Agustin, describing their mentors as taking on “fatherly
roles.” Others discussed female teachers as being “surrogate mothers or sisters” for students.
Agustin explained that teachers’ “interaction in the classroom…[was] always very positive…felt
like an older sibling.” Similarly, Frances agreed that female teachers provided a motherly role
with students. He attributed a teacher’s belief in him as a source of faith to succeed. When asked
about his teachers, Frances shared,
They would have faith in you, and they would… believe in you. They were mothers, so
they would…treat you like their kids and, man, it’s like, I'm getting yelled at like by my
mom right now… There was one teacher…she was great. She's very mom-like to a lot
of students…People really confided in her and people loved her.
Connections between teachers and students were attributed to shared experiences with family,
community, and education. Diego believed the shared experiences of first-generation status
between teachers and students made them “more empathetic.” Here the concept of comfort is
mentioned again, when Diego stated that mentorship helps the students to “feel comfortable.”
Diego continued, “when they feel comfortable being there that allows them to not be afraid of
doing well…Not holding back or not feeling like, oh man, I don’t belong here.” In turn, this
feeling of comfort and support translated to feelings of improving academic performance
because Agustin recalls, “I want to do good for the teacher because the teacher cares for me.”
Reflecting on the ABHS teachers, Martin mentioned, “they know you more intimately than
maybe other people or even more than your parents.” The impact of these opportunities to build
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relationships with adults at ABHS were felt with every interviewee. Open discussions with
teachers and mentors alike gave students a feeling of comfort, connection, and community that
supported their growth in and out of the classroom. Martin remembered,
[ABHS] knows exactly how to get the best out of students for sure, because they care so
much about being able to give things that create school or give a sense of interest to
students to be able to…latch on and have those good memories.
Three of the participants agreed that the lessons they learned in the classroom, and the
opportunity to question content, made them more confident to be critical in college. With
Agustin highlighting the variety of texts being read in class and discussions as a pivotal part of
his education and pursue of his major once he attended college. Positive relationships students
built with their teachers in the classroom cultivated the concepts of critical thinking and an
awareness of self that stayed with every participant after graduating from ABHS. Thus, natural
mentoring models at ABHS played a vital role in each of the participants lives and often
extended to the extra-curricular activities.
The Positive Impact of ABHS Sports and Coaches for Mentorship
Participation in organized sports, and the guidance of coaches, played a positive role in
peer bonding for students while they were enrolled at ABHS. For seven of the eight participants,
sports were the entire reason they attended the school. Sports supported student emotional well-
being and playing was highlighted as both a coping mechanism and as an opportunity to extend
community. One example of the socio-emotional importance of sports came from Agustin who
credited sports for providing a nurturing environment as he navigated the intersections of his
identity. Agustin also shared the limitations of a single sex Catholic school as it related to his
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gender identity but found that the expectation to play a sport served as a “catalyst” for their
connection to ABHS. Agustin explained further,
Sports was definitely the catalyst for me, that really changed a lot of things for me…the
biggest thing for me was [sports] because of the way that you…just gravitated towards it,
it made more sense to me, I excelled in it better than I did anything else… I leaned in on
sports and academics and religion.
Augustin found his mentor and coach as a person who “cared” and “nurtured” the various
intersections of his identity. Coaches who provided support and mentorship were an important
role for all the participants. One hundred percent of participants discussed the crossover
experiences of their teachers or coaches filling mentor roles. Martin’s comment that coaches and
mentors cultivated feelings of ABHS’s “tight knit school” because “they get to know you well”
was shared by seven of the eight participants.
In some cases, coaches became mentors before their arrival to ABHS. This situation was
true for Xavier, Martin, Agustin, and Tomas. For these alumni, coaches were volunteers in youth
leagues around the community. These were the same communities they were often a part of
themselves, which helped to facilitate the role of mentor. Damien explained the importance of
mentorship roles filled by coaches in the following quote,
The coaches were really respectful towards us. If we were on the wrong, they'll
tell us immediately. And if we were on the right, they'll tell us to. And I think that
helped a lot because people have a lot more compassion. And, like 80% of
the of the soccer players there…they were mostly Mexican people and I think
that's… helped me a lot to fit in.
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Xavier described his coaches as “a Mexican guy from LA” or from the “neighborhood,” and
saw their coaches as “relatable.” Coaches were seen as a source of experiential knowledge
because they shared the same backgrounds as the students. Relatability created a sense of
compassion and understanding between students and coaches. Martin felt that having Latino
coaches led to “a lot more compassion” because there was a shared experience being Mexican, a
shared language, and the lived experience of migration and first-generation status. For some,
community sports led to a sense of family connection. Agustin described his coach as a “second
father” because “he took us under his wing.” The coaches often supported the transition to
ABHS and walked the family through the process of attending a private school. The support
provided by coaches extended to choices about college too. Students felt that their coaches were
supportive of their questions about college, and at times directly encouraging them to pursue
sports in college as a source of motivation.
Participants identified the relatability of the coaches as a strength when interacting with
their family members. A shared language, Spanish, assisted in what Damien described as
coaches being “really respectful towards us,” including his family. Xavier and Diego both agreed
that the role of coaches, who supported their growth on the field and on campus, was helpful
because they knew how to give them the “tough love” they needed. Xavier and Diego, both
alumni from the 90s, shared their experiences managing dangerous neighborhood dynamics due
to the 1990’s gang culture of the area. They highlighted the ability of their coaches to understand
what they were experiencing in the community and the family support they received in school.
Diego stated his coaches “form a close bond” with students that helped ABHS “feel a little more
like home…more like a family atmosphere.” When Martin began considering his college options
for soccer, his coach was integral in the process, “he literally would come in talk to my parents.”
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The coaches served as a bridge between students and their family. Finally, coaches were
identified as a driving force for education in most of the participant’s experiences. The presence
of coaches as mentors impacted the lives of ABHS alumni in a positive and lasting way. Coaches
left lasting impressions that not only influenced students on the field but influenced their
academic standing. Alumni memories did not only credit coaches; teachers who were once
students at ABHS were attributed to motivation to succeed in high school and college.
The Positive Impact of Returning Alumni as Teachers
A theme to emerge alongside the role of natural mentoring was the presence of alumni
that returned to teach on campus and the positive impact it had on the lives of the students. In
most cases, knowing that a teacher returned to ABHS, was an example of the success of the
school and solidified the familism students felt at school. One interviewee, Diego, was an
example of a student who graduated, completed their degree, and returned first to coach and then
to teach. Xavier came back to volunteer and Agustin spent some time volunteering as a coach.
When asked about their return, and the impact it had on the campus culture, Diego remarked that
it was a “been there done that type of deal” and “they went through that same experience”
therefore they felt a connection to students. Xavier discussed his return to ABHS as cyclical in
nature because “people helped me so why wouldn’t I want to help them now.” Xavier’s
experiences of ABHS as an “extension of home” reminded him later in life that it was important
to mentor at ABHS because “they can’t forget about the kids like me.”
Xavier and Diego agreed that alumni who come back help students who are presently
attending. Both Xavier and Diego agree that for long-term survival of the school, reinforcing the
sense of community and support for students is necessary. Agustin’s following statement echoed
the belief that Xavier and Diego shared about returning alumni. Agustin stated, “teachers who
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were ABHS alumni…would share their lived experience with us, and I could find points to
relate, and that felt like a way of trust.” As an important part of his success at ABHS, Martin
shared that his mentor had attended ABHS and taught at ABHS. Martin believed the connection
between attending ABHS and returning to ABHS to teach fostered the feeling of “a tight knit
school.” With Agustin adding,
Because of the experiences that I had, and the richness of it all… I went back to
coach water polo for two seasons at [ABHS]. And that was important to me. And it felt
like it was a full circle moment for me, because of my interactions with my water polo
coach, and in being that mentor to me, the way that I felt like [ABHS] gave to me, and
going back to coach just was such a good fit, and I loved it…it was such a rewarding
experience to feel that full circle moment to interact with the students again, and things
like that…it says a lot when alumni come back, or when folks come back.
Finally, Xavier and Diego stated that they choose to become mentors because it happened for
them, and they believe in “paying it forward.”
Every interviewee expressed the benefit of having a mentor. Juan’s words highlight the
importance of mentoring in his life,
Because as much as you know, you don’t know shit. Having a mentor would be huge for
adolescents. I think its somewhere where someone who has gone through the same things
they’ve gone through to understand, like, it is possible.
While Juan felt he could have benefited from more mentoring, Diego’s experience of mentoring
helped to shape his decision to move out of state for college. Diego struggled with his desire to
move away from home and felt that his family would not support the move. He spoke
extensively of his experience choosing a university on the East Coast because he wanted to
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experience a new environment. As the first-born male, Diego felt cultural pressures from his
family to stay home. He credited his mentor for “helping [him] in the process” of choosing to
move away and that his mentor “helped [him] realize where my parents were coming from.”
Diego’s mentor was a bridge for his own experience navigating the intergenerational stressors
many first-generation Latino males shared they experienced navigating high school and
matriculation into college. Diego was not alone in sharing the importance of his mentor
navigating these first-time experiences. Mentors shared personal stories of navigating first-
generation challenges with students and their families as a form of counseling.
Like Diego, Martin’s mentor helped him feel “comfortable” about going the community
college route. Martin discussed the importance of having the space to choose community college
because he felt pressure to be the first in his family to enter a 4-year university. While college
readiness at ABHS successfully motivated many of the participants to attend a 4-year university
out of high school, Martin’s story highlights the importance of having a mentor to discuss
various educational options. Martin stated that his mentor openly discussed community college
as a viable option and with his help, Martin was able to advocate his choice to his family without
feeling as though he had failed. Martin closed his story stating he hopes to “normalize” this route
when he begins mentoring students.
Martin’s story further highlights the choice that participants made to become mentors
later in life. Five out of the eight participants shared that they have become mentors after
completing college. Of the five participants who choose to become mentors as an adult, four of
them are mentors at ABHS. In every case, they attributed their choice to continue mentoring to
the experience they had while at ABHS. Martin explained the importance of alumni as mentors
stating that mentors “gave you the space that you needed and the openness to be yourself speak
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your mind even as bad as it was sometimes.” Martin continued that he wanted to share with
future generations that it “doesn’t matter what route you take as long as you take it…and you
kind of keep your head up high along the way” because they “make it real safe.”
Support came from all facets of ABHS life; from administration to teachers, every alum
felt uplifted and heard. Agustin summarized that he felt ABHS established a “mindfulness” to
the creation of space that unites the students with shared knowledge and experiences of
immigrant families. Returning alumni of ABHS became a prominent feature of experiential
knowledge and mentoring on the ABHS campus. The support that teachers who had themselves
experienced the ABHS campus and the journey of being first-generation sons of immigrants and
first-generation sons to go to college left an impact on the lives of all eight of the participants.
Additionally, experiential knowledge introduced in the classrooms from mentors at ABHS
became more clearly apparent when students interacted with the faith-based structures of the
school. One prominent group that alumni referred to in interviews were The Christian Brothers
of ABHS and the lasting impact their presence left on the lives of the alumni interviewed for this
study.
Christian Brothers
Christian Brothers play an important role at ABHS. The Brothers uphold the mission of
the school’s religious and service-centered pillars and for all the participants, the Brothers were
an integral part of their holistic development. Despite ABHS’s faith-driven mission, some
participants who did not identify as religious shared the connection they developed with the
Brothers academically and spiritually. Seven of the eight participants described themselves as
culturally Catholic or Catholic and felt the presence of the Christian Brothers on campus played
a significant role while they attended BHS. Three of the participants who did not identify as
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devout Catholics shared the importance of the Christian Brothers presence was in large part due
to the environment, they helped to cultivate at ABHS. Martin, Agustin, and Tomas agreed that
despite questioning their faith, the Christian Brothers never turned away from conversations that
were critical of religion, or that questioned concepts presented in religious studies. Martin
remarked, that when it came to the Brothers the students “all love them” and that they are “very
accepting.”
The Brothers were highlighted in Tomas’ discussion of how he connected with a Brother
who engaged in jokes, gave space for students to questions material and subjects, and developed
lasting bonds with students. Tomas articulated,
Brother [ is] one of the religion teachers. He was one of my favorite
teachers to have…I'm really big at being able to question people and I love
playing devil's advocate…So whenever we would have World Religion I would
just [ask] random questions just to poke his brain and kind of get a get a reaction
out of him…but he was I gotta say like, the way he taught the way he interacted
with other students… I thought he was like a very genuine person.
As Martin stated, the Brothers gave him the “liberty and freedom to speak your mind.”
The positive impact of The Brothers on the participants was felt both religiously and
academically. The guidance of the Christian Brothers in the classroom was credited by Tomas
for cultivating critical thought, and their natural mentorship in the community was a highlight for
all the participants of this study. Frances shared,
The Brothers are also awesome…they're a dynamic in themselves, they play a huge role,
and blend it in with the teachers’ piece…I do think that the brothers serve a different
purpose…There's something about having them in combination with other teachers who
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are not …brothers. And the way that you see these dynamics are also helpful to
experience because… I think that they bring a different element. And they're also very
forthcoming about their own experiences. That it allowed for me to experience religion
without feeling oppressed by religion. Like, I'm not forced to stick to this Bible thing,
right? Like, the brothers are still very human and actually humanizes religion in a
different way. And at that time, religion played a big role, for me …the Brothers are a
huge staple to the ecosystem of cathedral.
The perpetuation of family-like settings, comfort, and the interchangeable role played by the
educators of ABHS provided an atmosphere that left a mark on all the participants of this study.
Discussion of Research Question Three
The importance of mentoring in the lives of marginalized youth is supported by the
literature and a key finding of this study. Coaches, teachers, and the Christian Brothers of ABHS
were not only mentors for the participants, but also second fathers, substitute mothers, and
brothers. While familism was central to the first research question, it has emerged as a unifying
theme for all findings in this study. Family, culture, and the connection to mentors work together
to amplify the motivation many of the alumni felt to be the first in their families to matriculate to
college, and for some continue to be a motivating force to succeed in life. The role of mentors set
examples that not only influenced high school years but continued to influence the choices
alumni take throughout their lives.
Additional Findings
At the conclusion of the interview, a final question was presented to each participant, “Is
there anything you would like to add that I may have missed in this interview?” In most cases,
participants felt the interview questions covered their experience at ABHS well, but three
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participants offered noteworthy responses about areas for further reflection. The findings from
the final open-ended question illuminated the stress that alumni experienced when “moving
away” from home and the “culture shock” associated with leaving their Latino communities. The
concepts of identity and intersectionality associated with ABHS’s heavy Latino presence, and the
generational gaps perspectives of study participants are also important to discuss.
Experiencing Culture Shock in College
While the comfort that ABHS offered through family and cultural alignment in the
environment was covered in the interview questions, three participants discussed that they were
unprepared for the culture shock that came with leaving their comfortable surroundings. Ethnic
and familial ties to surrounding community of ABHS were important for academic success while
in high school. Homogeneity of ABHS and home helped alumni fit into their surroundings as
youth, but once outside of this space, many felt alone. Diego described the ethnic and racial
challenges of his transition into college as follows,
It was rough. It was White, it was whiter than white, there was a few of us and
we tended to kind of hang out primarily, but it was it was rough. Because it
was just culture shock. I went from going to school predominantly with Latinos,
like half Latino, half Black. But at this college, it was like, more suburban white.
And, yeah, it was really tough at first.
Diego also shared his challenges of leaving home due to family and cultural pressures. Diego
reflected on the cultural pressures he faced when deciding on a college as a “whole taboo of
leaving home.” Despite the challenge of sticking to his decision to move away, Diego lost three
months of communication with his parents because of his choice to leave out of state for his
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education. He described the challenge he faced to move and the reasoning of his parents to
challenge his move with the following quote,
Your parents are not coming at you for the wrong reason. You know, you just
have to understand that in the Latino culture, you typically don't leave home until
you get married. I remember when I moved out of my house…after I
graduated…my dad didn't talk to me for three months, because I moved out.
Diego made the transition into college alone. Without a support system in place beyond ABHS,
Diego faced difficulties acclimating to his new life far from home and moved back to his
community after the first year. While he did complete his degree closer to home, Diego
suggested that more preparation for current students is needed to face the challenges of being a
first-generation student.
While Martin did not leave out of state, he shared that his challenge was adjusting to the
new cultural realities of his surroundings and the stress of feeling like a minority. Martin
described his experience of attending a college with a low Latino rate as a “culture shock.”
Martin shared the changes that he felt once he attended college and the stress of “trying to fit in.”
He continued, “I wanted to be a part of that” when describing attending a college that was
predominantly White and navigating friendships with wealthy friends. He described attempting
to join a fraternity to mirror the brotherhood he felt at ABHS. Over time the attempts he made to
fit in never materialized because he felt “othered.” Instead, Martin learned to “truly just own it
and embrace it” when it came to his Mexican identity. Martin shared that he began to understand
the “very rich traditions” of his Mexican culture and how his culture is “something I personally
can bring back here to the states.” His additional comment to the interview included a suggestion
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that more discussions be made available for ABHS students to prepare them for the “culture
shock.”
Agustin was a final example of describing matriculation to college as a “culture shock.”
Agustin described entering college as “losing this sense of community and connection” when he
left home. As the first child in the family to attend college, Agustin’s transition felt abrupt
because he felt it was a “huge jump from…being in a small conducive community to a large…
predominantly White.” Both Martin and Agustin agreed that more discussions on the changes
that occur after leaving ABHS’s small community and entering predominantly White college
institutions are needed for future students.
Intersectional Identity at ABHS
An important insight generated from the final question was from Agustin who offered the
limitations associated with the ABHS environment when it came to intersectional identity
beyond race and ethnicity. He disclosed his “Queer/two spirit identity” and understood that it
would be difficult to find a source of support for this part of himself, not only in his community,
but at ABHS as well. Agustin described ABHS by stating that “machismo and masculinity” were
a prominent dynamic that made navigating every part of himself a challenge. He shared his
experience tempering his sexuality identity with parts of himself he believed would help him fit
in. For example, he shared that he “leaned in on sports and academics…because I went to
Catholic School.” He concluded,
And as I look back at… what growing up really meant there are so many intersections at
that time that I didn’t know they were intersections…there was not a place to nurture
those things together. I then just said, okay, what do people nurture? What can people
nurture in me? Where do I find that care? And I found that care in Water Polo and [my
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mentor] cared for me in that way… [ABHS] tried to prepare me academically and to
some extent culturally, but there was like a veil of what that really would be… …I put on
this veil of how I needed to be perceived…Understanding the impact of patriarchy and
understanding the dynamics that exist between male and female…ABHS was still a
place that I loved.
Agustin’s example tied together the importance of intersectionality in the lives of first-generation
students and the importance of school environments in nurturing spaces for educational success.
The Agustin’s response acknowledges the academic and cultural preparation ABHS provided,
and where the needs were not met. In the case of Agustin, sports served as a space to find a
balance from the “veiling” he felt he needed to balance the lack of gender identity support, but
overall expressed the love he developed for his community. While not all intersections can be
addressed, ABHS provided the nurturing these students needed to attempt to balance the life
lessons he experienced.
The Influence of Generational Gaps in the Interview Findings
The generational differences in the school body, the reasons they attended ABHS, and
why they wanted to matriculate were also distinct for two generations of students. Xavier, Juan,
and Diego who graduated in the 1990s said they sought safety from gang violence and college as
a way out of that lifestyle, while four participants who graduated in the 2000s discussed the
changes that ABHS underwent when they switched to a College Prep school and how the culture
of college readiness normalized the journey for college access. Two distinct stories emerged. For
participants attending ABHS in the 1990s and early 2000s, safety was a primary reason to attend
ABHS, and it was often initiated by their mothers. Alumni from the 90s engaged discussions
about the normalization of gang culture in their communities. Juan explained that the Catholic
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school choice was a safe space from the gangs present in their neighborhood. He further
discussed the impact of the LA Uprising on the community sharing that they, “shut the school
down” and the decision by his mother to send him to Catholic school came because of “what’s
going on around us” a response to the tensions pre- and post- Los Angeles social turmoil of
1992. Agustin recalled gangs in his neighborhood during his elementary school years but felt
safe because he felt ABHS was “community centered.”
Another generational shift came in the form of college-prep labels. In the late 1990s,
ABHS adopted the label of college preparatory in their marketing material. Besides the name
change and changes to administrative leadership, ABHS adopted uniforms. Diego described the
students of ABHS as “resistant to change” regarding the proposed changes to clothing choice,
and changes to cultural celebrations. Diego shared changes to school culture were met with
opposition by students that equated the label college-prep and the move to school uniforms as
changing the ethnic identity of the school. Diego shared,
I remember in high school, when that transition happened…a lot of my classmates, and I
just kind of thought…the changes [were] affiliated with [the local affluent school]. For
us, it felt like, Oh, they're trying to anglicize our school, just because there was subtle
changes…after we became a private school, we transitioned over to uniforms. That's
something that [the local affluent school] was already doing. So for us, we're like, why
are you trying to make us into [the local affluent school]? We're not [the local affluent
school], we're not White?
Diego recalls that the campus was “pretty rough” in the nineties referring to the external
presence of gangs in the community. Diego further shared that ABHS students of the 1990s
responded to the messaging of the local community politics, including the LA Uprising, by
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interpreting shifts to college prep as an attempt to “make us White.” Diego recalls students
pushing back against the uniforms because they felt judged, as “ghetto” for looking “gangster.”
The second stories to emerge with alumni who graduated in subsequent years, was not
due to safety or concern with gang violence, but options to continue in a school that offered
guidance, support, and an extension of family. Agustin recalled the influence of an early contact
with a teacher that “invested in me” and changed his trajectory in school stating that feeling seen
by his teacher made him focus on classes with a renewed motivation. He recalled, “that one
year…school was different for me” when reflecting on his shift in motivation to excel in
academics. Agustin discussed the influence of parks and recreation sports and the introduction to
coaches and new activities that led them to ABHS. Martin discussed ABHS as a “melting pot”
and “you’re able to be yourself, you’re able to just be who you are” but also “learn about other
cultures.” Shifting demographics of ABHS at the time had a positive impact for Martin and
Tomas. They celebrated the diversity while seeing ABHS retain a sense of community and
family.
In both examples of the generational stories that emerged in the interviews, college was a
pathway. Graduates of the 1990s saw ABHS as an option to find safety and support to
matriculate. Graduates from the 2000s saw college to continue the road that ABHS laid out,
gaining a degree to improve the socio-economic realities of their lives. In both cases the support
of ABHS’s community impacted their decisions to matriculate as well as supported their growth
in their communities.
Discussion of Additional Findings
The final open-ended question posed to participants aligned to the LatCrit tenet of
experiential knowledge used to centralize the voice of the study. The final question, “Is there
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anything you would like to add that may have not been covered in the interview” sought to give
participants an opportunity to share comments or thoughts that may have lingered. The findings
from the question support the importance of the experiential knowledge of first-generation
Latino alumni who navigated the educational system of ABHS because it provides an
opportunity for participants to share narratives the previous questions may have missed. The
experiences shared are central to the policy changes needed and the ontology driving this study.
Alignment between the interview findings and document analysis are supported by the literature.
Policy and advocacy often begin in the home for Latino families and future steps to address best
practices for ABHS should center the voices of the students who attend ABHS.
Final Summary of Findings
The demographics of the community influenced the awareness of identity of individuals,
and it also impacted the extension of community within ABHS. All participants shared their
journeys of how they got to ABHS, and how they felt the teachers, staff, and school supported
this sense of community. The experience of students at ABHS, and the support of family’s,
created a space for students to engage in the college process and supported matriculation.
Students felt that teachers and staff speaking with their families, introducing college visits in the
9
th
grade, and supporting a message Diego summarized as “not if, but when” about college,
helped to normalize the transition into college attainment for students.
The interview findings explored the key themes of family, culture, and mentoring that
were stipulated in the research questions. In 100% of the interviews, familism was a prominent
precursor to instilling the idea of education and the motivation to pursue higher education. The
role of culture, whether predominantly defined as ethnically and racially Latino was also of
significance for the lives of all eight participants. Culture was a source of “comfort” and “fitting
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in” and was also largely felt when students attended college and felt minoritized. Finally, the role
of mentoring, in mostly a naturally occurring phenomenon at ABHS, provided pillars for the
students navigating first generation experiences of college attainment and simultaneously
provided nurturing spaces for personal growth. All together, these findings illustrated the key
role family, culture, and mentoring play for first-generation Latino students’ matriculation.
Document Analysis
The ABHS marketing material and website were analyzed to answer questions on
Document Analysis protocol aligned with research questions that reflect on the role of familism
and cultural identity formation for ABHS alumni (Appendix B). The faith-based mission
statement of ABHS supports the two following themes: family is foundational to student success
and the importance of feeling a sense of family and comfort. Both themes are presented in the
first photos found on the look book, and the marketing material reflects the ethnic demographics
highlighted in interviews and exit survey experiences. The mission statement clearly articulates
the focus on “disadvantaged” students of the area. Various pillars, including respect, acceptance,
critical thought, and faith are represented in the mission statement, supporting the holistic
approach ABHS takes with their students. An additional focus on the mission and the website is
the presence of family and community as an integral part of the ABHS experience.
An alignment with the role of identity formation and culture on the ABHS campus. The
ABHS marketing material focuses on traditions, with a historical context that tells the story of
the mission and what interview participants describe as the family feel of the school. Marketing
material aligns with research question two’s exploration of the role in identity formation and
culture on the ABHS campus. While never stating the focus on ethnic demographics, there is a
call to support the “economically disadvantaged” of the city in upholding the traditions of the
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school’s mission. A statistic in the brochure shares that 90% of students receive financial aid to
attend ABHS. The pictures provided in all marketing material also reflect the ethnic makeup that
the interview participants share. There is a section that highlights the importance of community,
both geographically and in traditions related to the Christian Brothers of the school. Academics
and sports, both cornerstones to the support ABHS highlights, are also prominently featured.
Regarding sports, the marketing material points to over 60% student participation. For
academics, service projects, academic extracurriculars, and college readiness programming are
highlighted. Some data of note: college acceptance rates are at 100%, students on the Honor roll
are at 62%. Further supporting the interviewees’ views about feelings of family and mentorship
by teaching staff, ABHS notes that 65% of their teachers have taught for more than ten years.
Senior Exit Surveys
Exit surveys correspond to research questions one and three in relation to familism and
college enrollment for ABHS students. Exit surveys supported the themes of the importance of
feeling a sense of family and comfort at the ABHS campus and the subthemes related to
community and identity formation. ABHS provided pie charts from the most recent graduating
class of ABHS seniors. The data provided aligns with both the document analysis of the look
book, as well as the information provided on the website. Pie Chart A illustrates the ABHS
collected responses. The chart reports an acceptance rate of 98% for the 2020-2021 school year,
and over 92% of ABHS seniors plan to attend college (Figure, 2). Of those that plan to attend,
75% will attend a 4-year university and 20% will attend a two-year college (Figure 2).

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Figure 2
Pie Chart A

*ABHS Exit Survey 2020

Exit surveys provide ABHS with important data to mark gains, identify gaps, and establish
patterns for future recruitment and retention purpose. The data collected through the exit surveys
support the mission statement and information provided through ABHS marketing material. In
relation to the interviews, the exit surveys offer a demographic snapshot to the current ABHS
population and supports estimations of the Latino population alumni shared. In the future,
aggregated data from the senior surveys could provide ABHS with an opportunity to identify
trends that shape policy.
Discussion of Document Analysis
The ABHS analysis of documents served two main purposes: the imagery to support
interview findings regarding the cultural and identity formation of ABHS alumni and the support
of rich description of participants describing the familism and mentoring components
experienced on campus. Marketing material supported the mission of ABHS to serve the
underserve. The ABHS website gives adequate context to the presence of a high Latino
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population, the role of family in the process of education, and the prominent role of educator sin
shaping the lives of the school’s students. Further, exit surveys contextualized the experiences of
the first-generation, Latino males interviewed for this study.
Conclusion
Participants identified positive roles of family, culture, and mentorship in their pursue of
higher education. In answering the research questions, the interview findings, and document
analysis supported the importance of family, culture, and mentoring for first-generation Latino
students. The interview findings illuminate the lived experiences and highlight the experiential
knowledge exchange that occurs from family to student, mentor to student, and student to
culture. The analysis of these findings illustrates the way home, school, and sports are concentric
circles each supporting the growth of the individual. The themes that emerged from the
interviews are a collection of stand-alone memories that brought together a tapestry of
experiences that supported growth into college and beyond. One does not exist without the other
for alumnus of ABHS.
When asked about family, they look back to examples of their home, but also examples
of the family they created at school. When discussing school culture, they talk vividly of music,
food, ethnic culture, and brotherhood, and finally when asked to remember their mentors, they
describe adults akin to members of their immediate family. Three distinct themes emerged
supported by the experiences of the participants: familism, culture, and mentorship.
Familism elements that included inter-generational knowledge, and motivation was
present in all interviews. Additionally, familism was present for all alumni at ABHS in the form
of connection, family like ties to staff and teachers, and brotherhood amongst the students.
Culture was fluid and present for all interviews. Culture was defined as ethnically tied to
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countries of origin as well as to the perception of shared culture at ABHS. Culture was defined as
lived experience and shared knowledge for all participants of this study. Culture were
experiences listening to mothers share stories of their own struggles to access education, hopes
for their sons to find the path to education they left behind, and the food from their homes.
Culture crossed over into school when teachers and coaches took on the mantle to instill faith in
their ability to complete high school and go on to college. Mentors shared stories of their
upbringings in Latino or Mexican homes with their mentees, who then learn from these
experiences, and grow into their own roles of mentoring. Mentorship for all alumni at ABHS
provided the support they needed to believe they could complete their academics, perform on the
field, and enroll in college. Finally, mentors were seen as a reflection of the participants
themselves, with the theme of culture and identity emerging as a primary connection for Latino
first-generation experiences at ABHS. There is an overlapping wealth of cultural exchange that is
present in all the participants of this study.

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Chapter Five: Recommendations and Discussion
The purpose of this study was to highlight the experiential knowledge of first-generation
alumni students of ABHS to explore the role of family, culture, and mentoring as factors of
educational attainment. While advances in A-G curriculum and pathways to college policies in
education under California Assembly Bill No. 928 were made, new setbacks posed by COVID
and a rise in the Latino population of California increase the importance of developing best
practices to support educational success for Latino males.
The following findings and recommendations were derived from the eight interviews
exploring the lived experience of ABHS alumni and supporting documents from ABHS.
Recommendations for the future growth at ABHS include introduction of curriculum that
supports the diverse culture of ABHS including a California history course, and a mentoring
professional development training that provides insight into the importance of cultural relevant
mentoring in education.
Discussion of Findings
Research findings collected through interviews with ABHS alumni support the literature
in Chapter Two and the research questions posed regarding the role of familism, culture, and
mentorship for first-generation Latino males. It is important to clarify that the findings of the
literature review and the interviews align to the LatCrit tenets of the importance of
intersectionality and anti-essentialism in that the findings are specific to ABHS. Intersectionality
recognizes that the experiential knowledge shared by the participants of this study are specific to
their lived experience while attending ABHS. The qualitative data of this study supports the
credibility of sharing the experiences of ABHS students highlights the role family and culture
play in the lives of first-generation Latino students. Further, anti-essentialism posits that
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geography, communities, immigration status, language, and SES may differ from one Catholic
school community to the next, as well as from one Latino experience to the next. Understanding
the intersections of the Latino educational experience is pertinent to ABHS but requires further
study. The research and findings of this study align with the importance of familism, culture, and
mentoring in the lives of first-generation Latino males who attended ABHS and will be discussed
in the next sections.
First-Generation Latino Males are Supported by Familism
When students felt at home, when the extension of their home support carried over into
the classroom, ABHS Latino males felt comforted and better prepared for success.
Seminal studies such as Sabogal et al. (1987) and recent studies that highlight cultural wealth
models of Latino students in education (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001) support the findings of this
study that illuminate the positive role familism plays in the matriculation from high school to
college. One hundred percent of participants agreed that fitting in and feeling comfortable helped
them maintain connection to the school and their studies. This finding supports the assertion
from the literature that positive relationships derived from family have a positive impact on
values and behavior of students (Tsai et al., 2015). Specifically, this study revealed the role of
mothers in the lives of ABHS Latino male first generation students as a positive influence on
goal attainment. Six out of eight participants credited their mothers as primary source of support
and motivation. The results of this study are supported by the literature highlighting the
importance of mothers and family for educational attainment. Of the eight narratives shared in
the study, six associated a positive relationship with their mother and credited their maternal
relationships for positive values and behavior as they navigated life choices. One participant
identified his father’s positive role as a source of motivation, and an additional respondent
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credited the role of his grandmother as a source of motivation to succeed. Additionally, the
positive relationships, when supported by ABHS, established strong foundations for comfort and
fitting in for alumni. It was not enough to have supportive family; it was important that ABHS
also created a space that helped families feel a sense of community through language and
financial support. Family perceptions have a significant effect on the self-efficacy and self-
esteem of children. Sabogal et al. (1987) contextualized and highlighted the discourse
surrounding the role of the family for Latino children. The presence of familism, the support of
the family, and cultural activities in the community increases high school graduation outcomes
for Latino youth. In addition, familism provides a positive outcome in higher education
attainment. Overall, positive cultural socialization derived from a supportive family contributes
to a child’s positive values and behavior (Tsai et al., 2015).
ABHS strengthens motivation for First-generation Latino students
The supportive culture of ABHS, that aligns with Latino culture, strengthens motivation
for first-generation Latino students to matriculate from high school and enroll in college. The
effects of discrimination and immigration status that often intersect in the lives of Latinos
rendered Catholic schools an alternative for immigrant families. Latinos sought the safety of the
church, the familiarity of the space for culture, value, and family; all aspects outlined by the
mission of the Catholic education pedagogy (Lee et al., 2012).
Supported by the Notre Dame Task Force (2009) which highlights the importance of
Catholic school models in the lives of immigrant families, ABHS offers am inclusive space for
students of Latino families in the community. Specific findings include the emergence of the role
of ABHS as an important institution that alleviates the financial stress of accessing college prep
education. ABHS offers financial aid to over 80% of families that attend their school.
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Accessibility and affordability of ABHS supports the literature findings of Nichols (2017) and
Suhy (2012) who described the viability of Catholic school models for first generation, low SES
students in urban communities. One hundred percent of the participants of this study identified as
scholarship recipients and discussed the school as either a place of safety or comfort. The
presence of culture on the ABHS supported the foundation of family cultural wealth in the lives
of Latino first-generation students.
Culturally Relevant Mentoring Support for ABHS
Mentoring, or the presence of a nurturing relationship with an adult, influenced academic
success. The confidence of Latino male youth increased when provided with a space to share
experiential knowledge and mentorship support when they moved away from home to attend
college (Brooms et al., 2018). The support received through mentoring, including college
preparation, guidance, and encouragement, benefits Latino males (Brooms et al., 2018; Liou et
al., 2016; Sanchez et al., 2011). Multiple participants of the study expressed the importance of
teacher-mentors sharing their lived experience both as alumni of the school and returning to
teach at the school after receiving their degrees. Agustin illustrated this point with the following
“teachers who were ABHS alumni…would share their lived experience with us, and I could find
points to relate, and that felt like a way of trust.”
Recommendations
This exploratory study of Latino first-generation alumni of ABHS resulted in the
following recommendations to support the mission of the school and to elevate the practices that
yield the best results for continued success of Latino students. Two recommendations were
identified to address key findings. First, a review of best practices for board members with a
focus on findings of this study to illuminate CRP practices and concepts of intersectionality. The
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second recommendation is the introduction of a culturally relevant course curriculum elective to
support the interdisciplinary needs of students to better prepare them for the culture shock of
college.
Board Review of Study
A primary recommendation for consideration is a board review of studies that discuss
best practices for Latino youth matriculating into higher education. ABHS alumni shared
experiences with culture shock when attending Predominantly White Institutions (PWI), a
phenomenon common for first-generation Latino students. ABHS leadership should consider
evaluating best practices to centralize the voices, needs and cultural capital of students at ABHS
with two outcomes in mind: addressing intersectionality of ABHS students and providing
support for students who will attend a PWI. This approach can include introducing liberatory
design training models for board members, administration, and faculty to foster mentorship
programs in the school. Further, inclusionary models incorporate the voices of designated student
representatives and emphasize the need for a climate survey to set goals for future consideration
and address gaps that exist for ABHS. Lastly, centering the lived experiences of the greatest
stakeholders, the students, is a practice that aligns with LatCrit’s tenet of focusing on the power
of student experiential knowledge to affect change.
Culturally Relevant Course Curriculum Elective
Culturally relevant courses that provide space for students to engage with culture and
identity are better for long-term success in education. The 2016 introduction of Ethnic Studies
courses to California curriculum known as AB 101, introduced by Assemblyman Luis Alejo (D-
Watsonville) aimed to address the importance of culturally relevant courses in California high
schools. AB 101 passed in October 2021 and used commission findings that supported the
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importance of cultural pedagogy for students to establish a model curriculum for schools (661:
Sections 51225.3 and 51226.7 of the Education Code). The Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum
(Board of Education, 2021) outlines the interdisciplinary studies and guidelines covered in the
Ethnic Studies courses with an emphasis on the four founding disciplines of Ethnic Studies
including Chicano/Latino History, African American Studies, Asian American Studies and
Native American Studies. Culturally relevant pedagogy strengthens a sense of belonging and
attempts to teach historical factors that were previously omitted from textbooks in California
schools. Additionally, critical thinking has been shown to support the development of Black and
Brown students when culturally aligned to lived experiences (Dee & Penner, 2017; de los Rios
et al., 2015; Usher, 2018). A review of findings of the AB 101 commission are recommended for
ABHS. Participants shared that ABHS helped Latino students feel “more comfortable quicker”
and that the campus “felt more like home” because the campus reflected the neighborhoods that
alumni and students came from throughout their community. Pending further exploration of
student identified benefits to culturally specific curriculum, an introductory course to California
education that examines the influences and contributions of all Californians supports the goal
stated in the ABHS mission.
Limitations and Delimitations
Limitations and delimitations are expected to arise when working at a Catholic school
and recruiting Latino male alumni of ABHS. In centering lived experiences, and the cultural
knowledge of the participants, a limitation is the expectation of forthright responses through
semi-structured interviews. To address the limitation of data collection in discussions, the
interview questions in the interview protocol (See appendix A) included follow-up questions for
clarity, and an opportunity for participants to review the transcripts for approval.
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Despite the extensive research and perimeters set in this study delimitations are expected.
The delimitations set by the study around identity are the use of the term Latino, and the question
in the interview to ask participants to self-identify. Identity and racial identification are
multifaceted in the Latino community, a criterion outlined in LatCrit’s anti-essentialism tenet.
The most recent introduction of the term, Latinx, has further established the need to dialogue
around terms and self-selection. For this study, participants self-selected as Latino and
background interview question number one followed the discussion on identity to further explore
the topic.
An additional delimitation of the study is centering a heteronormative, Latino male
perspective without a closer analysis of the role of male performative concepts of machismo
within the diverse Latino culture (Sing, 2020). LatCrit posits that the Latino experience is
multidimensional, and this study is limiting the experience of self-identified Latino males who
attended ABHS. LatCrit theory advances a need to address anti-essentialism of the
Chicano/Latino experience in education.
Recommendations for Future Research
Future research should be grounded on the operationalizing of best practices around
cultural models that support minoritized students (Dee & Penner, 2017; Duffy et al., 2020;
Gallimore & Goldenberg, 2001). While data driven methods fell out of favor post-NCLB (Marsh
et al., 2006), data collection to identify interventions for education can help to navigate decision
making in smaller school systems like those in Catholic Schools. As Catholic Schools experience
closures, fine tuning these best practices using data sources will support long-term growth
(Marsh et al., 2006). Introduction of models that highlight inclusion (Smith et al., 2020) and
drive Catholic School Value models to appeal to donors, and to the families of urban centered
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Catholic schools will help to develop long term goals for sustainability of Archdiocesan schools.
Findings of this study highlight the importance of conducting further research that does not
stereotype or perpetuate injustices of lived experiences of Latino participants (Usher, 2018), but
shapes it to the needs of the community. Sustainability to address the Latino growth of
California, the need for equitable education, and the survival of Catholic Schools requires
challenging systemic structures of education to align to the growing changes of the cultural
ethnic make-up of the state.
Implications for Connection to the Rossier Mission
This study aligns with the Rossier mission to address disparities in marginalized
communities. Further research and policy development is of benefit for ABHS and small
parochial schools that serve marginalized communities in urban areas. Parochial schools are
supportive spaces that are often underfunded and under explored. Since the Norte Dame Task
Force (2009) study, limited research exists on the quantitative and qualitative benefits associated
with Catholic Schools and Catholic School Values effectiveness in educational advancement.
Further, partnerships with local parochial schools with a high Latinx population in the
surrounding community would benefit from the mechanization of programs that have been
initiated through the Center for Urban Education. Further exploration benefits the Rossier
community and the mission to drive equity-minded practices in education.
Conclusion
There is an equity gap in education for Latino males and graduation should not be left to
faith to decide future socio-economic outcomes. Since the inception of formalized education,
Latinos in California have fought to change the conditions of inequitable schools. From the
parents of Lemon Grove mobilizing to keep their children from being forced into barns, or the
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Mendez family in Westminster waging legal battles to push back the perceptions of the “dirty
Mexican,” the fight for justice in the classrooms has always seen parents working side by side
against systems that attempt to marginalize Brown children in schools.
One commonality in the struggle has been the role of families, and in particular mothers.
Literature and research findings support the role of mother’s sharing their immigrant pasts and
faithfully promoting promises of a better opportunity in the United States to fight for their
children’s access to education. A mother’s faith in her child has driven policy changes, equitable
education, and motivation to continue closing gaps in higher education attainment.
Cultural models and community exchanges are important for Latino students. Literature
and the findings of this study support the importance of students feeling comfortable in their
school environments. Additionally, the feeling of fitting in with their peers and school served as
a motivation for success in the lives of the eight participants; students who have faith in teachers
are driven to succeed academically. When students felt they were not alone in economic
struggles, language, and family culture they felt better prepared for success.
While research illuminates the need for mentors, ABHS alumni described the natural
occurring mentoring of their school as vital to their academic performance. Participants
described their teachers and coaches as knowledgeable experts in their culture. They felt heard,
seen, and comforted by stories that assured them they were not alone in their struggles to be the
first in their family to succeed in school and go to college. Mentors were often the bridge
between parents and students for difficult conversations like moving away to attend college or
choosing community college instead of a 4-year university. The combination of support offered
at ABHS through school culture and mentoring, while underlying the role of family was credited
by every participant in their drive for success.
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Today, the struggle continues as there are observable gaps in equitable education. It is
critical for the state of California to foster initiatives that grow educational opportunity for Latino
students. In 2021, the largest school district in the state of California, Black and Brown students
experienced a steep decline in A-G eligibility requirements for college. In contrast, schools such
as ABHS have continued to keep their numbers steady. Students are graduating high school from
ABHS A-G ready, they are enrolling in college, and completing their degrees. As the Latino
population increases it is vital to invest in equitable education, to support the graduation rates of
Latino youth, to increase enrollment in higher education, and to retain Latinx students to drive
the future of California.

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120

Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Research Questions:
1. How does familism influence academics for Latino male
students at ABHS?
2. How does ABHS with a high Latino male population support higher education
matriculation?
3. How does culturally influenced mentoring affect the likelihood of enrollment in
College?
Respondent Type: First-generation Latinx males’ that graduated from ABHS, enrolled, and
attended at least one year of college.

Introduction to the Interview:
Thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview to explore the role that family, culture
and mentoring played while you attended ABHS.
My name is Luisa, and I am a USC graduate working on my doctorate in education.
I will begin with a few background questions that align with the purpose of my study. These are
questions that help me understand your journey. Next, I will ask questions about your family and
experience in school. The interview is intended to highlight your story, and your input is
essential. If I ask a question, you do not want to answer, please let me know. All questions and
responses will be kept confidential.

121

Interview
Questions
Potential
Probes
RQ Addressed Key Concept
Addressed
Q Type
(Patton)
BACKGROUND/
CHARACTERISTICS

What year did you
graduate?
Background and
Characteristics
Background
How many years
were you enrolled
at ABHS?
Background
How did you get to
school?
Did you live in the
area or far from
ABHS?
Background
During HS who
did you live with,
your parents or
extended family?
Background
Are you the first in
your family to

Background
122

graduate high
school?

Are you the first in
your family to
attend college?
Background
How do you
identify yourself in
terms of race,
ethnicity, or
country of origin?
Does your
identity differ
from your
family?
Background
FAMILISM
How did your
family interact
with ABHS?
How was your
family
integrated into
the ABHS
community?
1 Behavior/
Experiences
What types of
activities or
volunteer work did
1 Knowledge
123

your family
participate in
while at ABHS?
How does your
family discuss
education at
home?
Tell me about
your most
impactful
memory of
your family
discussing
education?
1 Knowledge
Culture
How do you define
culture?
Opinions/Values
How do you feel
about your
connection to
Latino culture?
Feelings
I often think back
to some of the
great “dichos''
and “consejos”
Feelings
124

my mother would
share when
relaying a
message. Tell me
about some
“dichos” or
“consejos” from
family or someone
you looked up to in
your life?
How do you feel
about the way
ABHS supports
your cultures and
values at school?
What would
your family say
about ABHS’
integration of
culture at
school?
Feelings
What activities did
you volunteer with
at ABHS?
At your
church? In
your
community?

2 Behaviors/
Experiences
125

How does ABHS
align itself with
your own cultural
values?
2 Opinions/Values
How did ABHS
create a culturally
welcoming
environment for
you and your
family?
2 Opinions/Values
How do you feel
about your time at
ABHS?

Tell me how
you maintain
your
connection to
the culture or
community of
ABHS?
2 Feelings/
Emotions
Mentoring
Tell me about an
adult at school or
in your community
Tell me about a
memory or
specific
3
126

that influenced
your decision to
go to college.

experience you
can share
about how you
were
influenced?
How is mentoring
integrated into the
ABHS curriculum?
3
What did you find
helpful about the
mentoring process
at ABHS?
3

The conclusion to the Interview:
Thank you for sharing today. Just a few more minutes to answer your questions and tell you what
the next steps are in the process, including a follow-up review of the transcript from today to
ensure that all your responses are fair and well representative of your experience.

127

Appendix B
Document Analysis Protocol
The documents that will be analyzed for this study include the following:
1. All-Boys High School (ABHS) Website
2. A secondary analysis of Senior Exit Surveys, with no identifying information
3. Marketing material provided by Marketing Director, including look books and pamphlets
with demographic statistics
High School Website:
1. How many students graduated from ABHS? (RQ2)
2. What graduates of ABHS are attending colleges/universities? (RQ2)
3. What curriculum is offered by ABHS that supports college readiness? (RQ2)
4. How does the mission align with the success rate of graduates from ABHS? (RQ2)
Senior Exit Surveys:
1. Do the number of graduates that go on to a two-year community college or 4-year university
align with the experiences shared by the interview participants? (RQ 2,3)
2. Do the experiences of interview participants feeling supported by ABHS align with the
results of Senior Exit Surveys that ask for overall experience at ABHS? (RQ2,3)
Marketing Material:
1. Does the mission and information highlighted in the marketing look book align with the
experiences shared in the exit survey results and interviews? (RQ1, 2, 3)
2. Does the material highlighted in the marketing material promote family, culture, or
mentorship at ABHS? (RQ1, 2, 3)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Ortega, Luisa (author)

Core Title Graduating with faith: the impact of family, culture, and mentorship on Latino males in a Catholic high school

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2022-05

Publication Date 04/28/2022

Defense Date 04/20/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Catholic schools,culturally relevant pedagogy,Latino,Latino critical race theory,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Datta, Monique (committee chair), Ott, Maria (committee member), Robles, Darline (committee member)

Creator Email luisacortega@gmail.com,luisaort@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111136627

Unique identifier UC111136627

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Ortega, Luisa

Type texts

Source 20220428-usctheses-batch-934 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu