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Factors that contribute to high and low performing Vietnamese American high school students

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Factors that contribute to high and low performing Vietnamese American high school students

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FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTE TO HIGH AND LOW PERFORMING
VIETNAMESE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

by

Mark Hung Nguyen

______________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2009

Copyright 2009 Mark Hung Nguyen

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to take the opportunity to thank many individuals who have
helped me to make this dissertation possible through continued love, support and
guidance. First and foremost, I would like to thank my chair, Dr. Ruth Chung, who
has served as my advisor, encourager, and mentor for the past year and a half. Your
words of encouragement and understanding always made me feel at ease every time I
would talk to you. Your patience for me throughout this rigorous process has given
me strength to keep on pushing through. For that I am truly grateful.
I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee, Dr.
Mary Andres and Dr. Charles Park, who have provided me valuable feedback
throughout the dissertation process and who have given me the support and
encouragement to persevere to the end.
This dissertation would also not have been possible without the statistical
talents of Dr. Yuying Tsong. Thank you for helping me through the hurdles of
sorting through my data and making sense of it all. Your soothing voice and calm
demeanor allowed me to overcome my fear of numbers as it relates to the data
collection. Your gifts have been nothing but a blessing.
Words cannot express the heartfelt love and deepest appreciation that I have
for my father and mother, Robert and Elaine Nguyen, who have loved and supported
me from day one. You both have made many sacrifices throughout the years so that
I can be given the opportunity to succeed in life. For that I dedicated this degree to

iii

both of you. Thank you for guiding, supporting, encouraging, and loving me
throughout the years.
A special thank you goes to my wife, Thu Doan. I could not have
accomplished this without you. Your support and encouragement got me through
those difficult times and sleepless nights. You had to sacrifice a lot for the past three
years so that I could accomplish this momentous task, for that I am truly grateful and
indebted to you. All I can say is thank you and I love you.

iv

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ii

List of Tables vii

Abstract viii

Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Academic Concerns Affecting Minority Students 2
Academic Concerns Affecting Asian American Students 4
Academic Concerns Affecting Vietnamese Students 6
Rational for Study 7
Theoretical Framework 8
Symbolic Interaction Theory 8
Parenting Theory 11
Acculturation Theory 12
Importance of the Study 12
Organization of the Study 14

CHAPTER 2: Review of Literature 16
Vietnamese Value System 16
Social-Emotional Overlays of the Vietnam War 18
Parenting Styles 21
Parental Demandingness and Responsiveness 22
Authoritarian Parenting 22
Authoritative Parenting 23
Permissive/Indulgent Parenting 24
Parenting Styles and Academic Achievement 27
Using Baumrind’s Framework with Asian Americans 28
Vietnamese Parenting Styles 30
Acculturation 32
Berry’s Model of Acculturation 33
Unidirectional and Bidirectional Acculturation 35
Acculturation and Asian Americans 36
Acculturation and Vietnamese Families 37
Acculturation and Academic Achievement of Vietnamese
American Adolescents 39
Summary of Acculturation 42
Intergenerational Conflict 42

v

Intergenerational Conflict and Asian Americans 43
Intergenerational Conflict and Vietnamese Americans 44
Intergenerational Conflict and Academic Achievement of
Vietnamese Americans 45
Summary of Intergenerational Conflict 46
Socioeconomic Status and Achievement 46
Socioeconomic Status and Asian Americans 48
Socioeconomic Status and Vietnamese 48
Summary of Socioeconomic Status 49
Conclusion/Summary 50
Purpose of Study 50
Research Questions 51

CHAPTER 3: Methodology 53
Participants 53
School and Student Information 53
Parent Participant Demographic Information 55
Instruments 57
Parental Authority Questionnaire 57
Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale 58
Intergenerational Conflict Inventory 60
Demographic Questionnaire 61
Procedures 61

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS 64
Intercorrelations 64
Analyses of Research Questions 69

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION 74
Discussion of Results 74
Implications 83
Limitations of Study 86
Future Directions for Research 88
Conclusion 90

REFERENCES 92

APPENDIX A : Informed Consent 98
APPENDIX B : Parent/Guardian and Student Consent to Participate in
Research 102
APPENDIX C: Parent/Guardian and Adult Student Consent to Participate in
Research 106

vi

APPENDIX D : Parent and Background Survey 110
APPENDIX E: Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ)-Parent 112
APPENDIX F: Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ)-Adolescent 115
APPENDIX G : Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale 118
APPENDIX H : Intergenerational Conflict Inventory Parent Version (ICI-P) 120
APPENDIX I: Intergenerational Conflict Inventory Adolescent Version (ICI-A) 122

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Demographic Information of Participants, Overall and by School

Table 2: Means and Standard Deviations of Parent Participants

Table 3: Means, Standard Deviations, and Zero-order Pearson Product Correlations
for Measured Variables

Table 4: Summary for Statistics of Predictors of Academic Achievement

Table 5: Summary of Statistics of Paired-Samples Correlations and T-Tests

Table 6: Means and Standard Deviations of Parents and Students’ Perceptions of
Parenting Styles and Intergenerational Conflicts

Table 7: Summary for Statistics of Demographic Predictors of Academic
Achievement

viii

ABSTRACT

Despite the growing number of Asian immigrants, very little research
currently exists on Asian families (Chung, 2001), including Vietnamese American
families. The current study attempts to add to the existing research and knowledge
base on immigrant Vietnamese American families by examining factors that
contribute to academic performance of Vietnamese American high school students.
Ultimately, this study intended to answer the following three questions: 1) Do
parenting styles, acculturation levels, and intergenerational conflicts reported by
students and parents predict academic performances in Vietnamese American high
school students? 2) To what extent are perceptions of parenting styles and
intergenerational conflict similar or different between Vietnamese parents and their
adolescent children? 3) Do demographic factors (years in the US, years of education
in Vietnam, and family income level) predict academic performances in Vietnamese
American high school students?
While other studies have identified possible variables that predict academic
achievement of Asian American, this study provided specific information for a single
subgroup within Asian-Americans, focusing specifically on Vietnamese Americans.
The study pointed out that parenting styles, acculturation and intergenerational
conflict do not predict high or low performing students, but it identified demographic
characteristics within the Vietnamese population that can be used as possible
predictors in academic achievement in children. The study also highlighted

ix

significant parent-child differences that may impact academic achievement in
regards to parenting practices and intergenerational conflict. Understanding the
disparities that exist among the parent and child will provide for better understanding
of the complexities that exist within the family dynamics in order to better develop a
healthy parent-child relationship. It is with this new knowledge that researchers and
practitioners can continue to build on addressing the academic achievement issues
surrounding Vietnamese American high school students.

1

CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
Student academic achievement and the era of accountability are pressing
issues that face America’s public schools. In order to address this concern former
President George W. Bush adopted a plan entitled No Child Left Behind (2001)
which called for states to set clear academic standards and develop annual
assessments to measure students’ and schools’ progress. This law was the federal
government’s attempt to hold schools accountable for preparing students to compete
in today’s workforce. Although the lofty goal of 100% graduation for every student
by 2014 might be unattainable, schools must make progress toward the mark or be
punished by a series of corrective actions.
Regardless of one’s personal feelings about the means of attaining the goals
or how the goals were thrust upon all public educators in America largely without
any additional funding, one thing almost all educators can agree on is the opening
line of the law that reads, “An act to close the achievement gap with accountability,
flexibility, and choice, so that no child is left behind” (U. S. Department of
Education, 2004, n. p.). According to Rothstein (2004), most Americans believe all
people should have an equal opportunity regardless of race, gender, economic status,
or national origin.

2

Academic Concerns Affecting Minority Students
As NCLB becomes the driving force behind the educational system, one of
the most serious and explosive issues that face America’s public schools today is
how to meet the educational needs of the culturally and linguistically diverse
students. If current trends in educational achievement continue, millions of students
(primarily poor African-American, Asian, Native American and Hispanic) will not
obtain the education necessary for full participation in the “American Dream”.
Furthermore, the inequality that results from the differences in educational
achievement of children is likely to make the social stability of America’s future
increasingly more doubtful.
While the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) results have
shown that, over time, black and Hispanic students have made great strides in
narrowing the gap that separates them from their white peers. That progress seems
to have come to a halt since the mid-1980s. For example, in 2003, while thirty-nine
percent of white students scored at the proficient level or higher on the forth grade
reading exam portion, only twelve percent of black students and fourteen percent of
Hispanic students did so. Forty-two percent of white fourth graders scored at the
proficient level or above on the mathematics exam compared with just ten percent of
black students and fifth-teen percent of Hispanic students (U.S. Department of
Education, 2003).

3

Such disparities are also evident in graduation rate and college success
statistics. While seventy-two percent of white students enrolled in ninth grade
graduated from high school on schedule in 2001, this was true for only just over half
of the same group of black and Hispanic students (Greene, 2003). According to the
National Black Caucus of State Legislators (2001), while thirty of every one-hundred
white kindergartners go on to graduate from college, only sixteen of every one-
hundred black kindergartners later earn bachelor's degrees. In 2000, the U.S.
Department of Education released data showing that black and Hispanic
kindergartners already trailed their white and Asian-American counterparts on tests
of general knowledge and abilities.
With high school graduation being the pivotal point in one’s life for greater
opportunities, the current state appears depressing, especially for minority students.
The most recent projections of high school graduates are that roughly one out of
three public high school students will drop out of school and fail to graduate
(Thornburgh, 2006). Others have suggested this percentage could be inflated
because of the variety of ways that states define graduates (Barton, 2005).
Regardless of the most accurate number, many of today’s educational researchers
have stated that dropping out of school is an epidemic in the United States. A large
portion of dropouts might experience financial instability that could place a heavier
burden on tomorrow’s taxpayers. With minority students from impoverished
backgrounds leading the dropout epidemic, one might wonder if today’s public

4

schools are offering an equal opportunity to an education for all students, especially
those coming from minority backgrounds.
Several studies have concluded that the following risk factors contribute to
student academic performance: socioeconomic status, single parent families, parent
education level, drug and alcohol abuse in the home, immigrant families, level of
criminal involvement, and amount of support outside of the nuclear family all
contribute to levels of academic attainment (Anderson, 1997, Buckner, 2001, &
Azzam, 2007). The greater the number of risk factors the greater the likelihood of
student failure. At-risk students show persistent patterns of under-achievement and
of social maladjustment in school, leading to their failure to finish high school.
According to Azzman (2007) most of these risk factors are more likely to be found in
minority students.
Previous research attempts to generalize the aforementioned risk factors to
all groups, however only if the research could be more segregated by specific ethnic
groups in particular the information would be more meaningful as educators attempt
to address the minority subgroups that are struggling academically. With this study
the research brings to the forefront a particular minority group that straddles both
sides of the fence when it comes to educational achievement.
Academic Concerns Affecting Asian American Students
Of all the minority groups, the Asian American subgroups have demonstrated
the ability to overcome many barriers and still were able to perform well in most

5

academic areas. Nickerson (2006) indicated that when comparing to Black and
Hispanic students the Asian American subgroup have demonstrated equal or even
surpassed their white counterparts on both academic and standardized assessments.
Asian Americans appear to be taking advantage of the land of opportunity, in which
the key to success and economic advancement is through educational attainment.
Asian American students have been known as the “Model Minority” because of the
successes they have acquired in education. Nickerson (2006) suggested that the
factors that may contribute to the achievement in Asian American students are parent
involvement, time spent on task and study habits. The National Center for Education
Statistics has found that these are the leading factors that determine or contribute to
the success of Asian American students.
Despite the model minority image of Asian Americans, a disproportionate
number have found it difficult to succeed academically. Lee (1996) reported that
high and low achieving Asian American students experienced high anxiety to uphold
the expectations of the model minority stereotypes. The students who were unable to
perform well academically felt depressed and were embarrassed to seek help, due to
possible shame and fear of parental reactions. The stereotype placed on all Asian
Americans can create dangerous situations if people ignore the between and within
group differences of assimilation/acculturation, social, political, economic and
educational backgrounds (Lee, 1997, Siu, 1996, and Yin, 2000). By only focusing
on exceptional success stories and generalizing to all Asian Americans, the model

6

minority myth does not take into account the large number of Asian American
students who struggle academically for whatever reason. In addition, it is imperative
that future research focus on ethnic specific difference and not revert to continuing to
classify all Asian Americans in a homogenous subgroup. Research conducted by
Dornbusch, Ritter, Mont-Reynaud, and Chen (1990) addressed the aforementioned
concern. Based on their study, they found unique differences in Vietnamese
adolescents when considered separately from Asian Americans and the
recommendations were to desegregate the subgroups so that future research focus on
ethnic specific differences and not only label all Asians under one classification.
Addressing the aforementioned issue is the basis for the present study.
Academic Concerns Affecting Vietnamese American Students
Specifically, within the Asian American subgroup, Vietnamese Americans
demonstrate the same kind of complexity as other Asian Americans in regards to
performing both high and low academically. The academic success of Vietnamese
Americans can be summarized by the model minority perceptions (Lin, Masuda, &
Tazuma, (1982); LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, J. (1993); however their
difficulties are under documented. Vietnamese Americans specifically have
demonstrated academic difficulties due to limited English skills, acculturation to
street culture, and possibly mental health issues (Ima and Nidorff, 1998; Tsunokai
and Kposwa, 2002). This study plans to contribute to the existing body of research

7

about the factors that help to understand academic attainment or lack thereof in
Vietnamese American youth.
Rational for Study
As our current educational system becomes the hot topic in political agendas,
especially as NCLB’s targeted date quickly approaches, schools across the nation
still grapple with closing the achievement gap among minority students. Of the
minority subgroups, Asian Americans lead the way in academic achievement and
have been often classified or labeled as the “Model Minority” because of their
academic success. Despite their successes, failures are also evident, in which the
stereotype of the model minority should be viewed with extreme caution due to the
academic struggles of several Asian Americans, especially Vietnamese Americans.
Within the Asian-American subgroup, there are many different ethnicities,
such as Korean, Chinese, Japanese, Hmong, Cambodian, Laotian, Vietnamese, etc.
Each Asian subgroup comes with their own specific history, culture, and experiences
that contribute to their own cultural view on education and academic success. Since
each Asian group bring their own unique value system, lumping them into one
category such as “Asians” in relation to research we can often overlook the important
differences that exist among each subgroup (Uba, 1994). At this point there is
limited research that has attempted to desegregate the data on Asian Americans
(Uba, 1994). Therefore; it is imperative that future research focus on dissecting

8

specific Asian groups to thoroughly understand the factors that contribute to their
own individual academic success or lack thereof.
Theoretical Framework
This study incorporates several theoretical models that serve as the
framework for examining a particular set of variables in relation to academic
achievement. The relevant theories are, Symbolic Interactionism, Parenting Styles,
and Acculturation.
Symbolic Interaction Theory
Symbolic Interaction Theory is a pertinent theoretical framework through
which the dynamics of the parent-child relationship may be understood. The basis of
symbolic interaction theory rest on how each individual interprets situational events
(White & Klein). This theory focuses on “uniting cultural meanings with social
behavior” (White & Klein, p. 59). Through this theoretical lens, each individual
defines his or her own meaning of context and situation. Symbolic interactionists
believe the way in which people interpret a situation explains what problems they see
and what actions and solutions they implement (White & Klein, 2002). In addition,
symbolic interaction theory proposes that higher satisfaction in relationships exists
when there is an opportunity for a higher quality of role enactment made capable by
clear role expectations. Thus, an individual is more satisfied in a relationship role
when expectations are clearly identified and there are opportunities to perform well
in that role. A person will experience role strain when there is too much

9

diversification in their role and there is no clear consensus of expectations (White &
Klein, 2002).
In viewing intergenerational relationships, symbolic interaction theory can
help us understand the cultural gap between immigrant parents and their children.
The viewpoints of immigrant parents and their children in any situation are uniquely
based on their individual and shared experiences as well as external influences. For
instance, varying acculturation rates between parents and their children may
influence each person’s expectations and solutions to problems. A study conducted
by Chung (2001), revealed that within the various Asian-American ethnicities,
college students from Korea and Southeast Asia perceived higher conflict with their
parents over family expectations than Japanese students. Chung (2001) suggested
that the cultural gap is wider between generations for more recent immigrant groups
such as Koreans and Southeast Asians than for established immigrant groups such as
Japanese Americans. Therefore, the cultural gap lessens with subsequent generations
as interpretations of situations and expectations are more culturally aligned between
parents and children (Chung, 2001).
Symbolic interaction theory considers role strain as a possible result of an
overload of role expectations (White & Klein, 2002). According to this theory, when
individuals take on a role within a social structure, they are expected to take on the
rules that accompany that role (White & Klein, 2002). In order for a person to
perform his role effectively, the rules that govern that role must be clear (White &

10

Klein, 2002). The traditional Asian family structure is hierarchal with clear role
definitions (Segal, 2000). However, the immigrant experience causes disruptions in
the continuity of family life, thereby creating pressures that destabilize family
relationships and affect established roles (Segal, 2000). During the adjustment
period, children may become unsure of their role in the family structure (Ying,
Coombs, & Lee, 1999). Role strain may result if there is an overload of expectations
from multiple roles or when the multiple roles contradict each other (White & Klein,
2002).
For Asian immigrant children, cultural disparities in role expectations
between their culture of origin and their new culture may contradict, thus causing
acculturative stress (Chung, 2001; Kim, Brenner, Liang, & Asay, 2003) or bicultural
conflict (Willgerodt, Miller, & McElmurry, 2002). For example, Asian children may
be told by their parents that their behavior is too Americanized, yet their behaviors
may be perceived as very Asian by their peers or mainstream society (Ying, Coombs,
& Lee, 1999). This may occur when parents with traditional thinking support the
Asian concept of filial piety and expect their children to obey parental wishes
unquestioningly. However, mainstream western society encourages individualistic
thinking, a concept contrary to what is expected by Asian parents. As a result,
children may feel torn between the polarities of two cultures unable to reconcile the
contradiction of what is expected of them in their dichotomous world. By examining
variations in personal meanings and individual interpretations of events, symbolic

11

interactionism provides a theoretical framework for understanding the acculturative
stress that may be felt by immigrant children from an overload of conflicting
expectations as well as by the parents who fear losing their children to the new
culture (Chung, 2001). By addressing the issues associated with symbolic
interactions theory this will allow for broader application and understanding as it
relates to Vietnamese families. Symbolic interactions theory brings to the forefront
the issues that Vietnamese American high school students face in dealing with
parent-child relationships, acculturation issues and intergenerational conflict all of
which affect academic achievement.
Parenting Theory
In order to understand the parent-child relationship and the implications on
children’s academic performance, parenting typology must first be considered.
Parenting is a life long commitment of nurturing, guidance, care, love and support.
Parenting practices vary among individuals, cultures, societies, and families. Family
relationships play a pivotal role in individual psychological development and serve
as a primary source for socialization during childhood (Ying, Coombs, & Lee, 1999).
Theories on parenting practices have already been well established through many
bodies of research (Baumrind, 1971; Dornbusch et al., 1987; Stienberg et al., 1992;
Darling & Steinberg, 1993). Previous studies have indicated that parents play a vital
role in the outcomes of children, especially as it pertains to academic achievement.
Parenting practices are referred to as the patterns and attitudes that parents express

12

towards their children (Darling & Steinberg, 1993). Most researchers who attempt to
describe this broad parental scope rely on Diana Baumrind’s (1968) typological
approach to parenting style. In later studies, Baumrind (1989) and Maccoby and
Martin (1983) developed four types of parenting styles, using the labels: 1)
authoritarian, 2) authoritative, 3) permissive indulgent and 4) permissive neglecting
parenting (further explanation on parenting practices will be discussed in detail in
Chapter 2).
Acculturation Theory
This study explores the important variable of acculturation when studying
Vietnamese Americans in relation to academic achievement. Acculturation has been
defined as “the degree of cultural change that takes place in values and behaviors”
(Liu, 2003, p. 38) when two cultures come into continuous contact with one another
(Berry, 2003; Kwok, 2004; Kim, 2007a). Studies have indicated that acculturation
plays a role in the levels of intergenerational conflict that exist (Chung, 2001)
directly impacting academic achievement of Asian Americans. Moreover, Kim and
Chung (2003) have also suggested that acculturation has played a role in recent
changes in Asian parenting practices, as Asian Americans parents have increasingly
been exposed to the U.S. culture.
Importance of the Study
As the influx of Vietnamese immigrants continues to grow within the
dominant society, very little is known about this particular subgroup. Especially in

13

the areas that contribute to their academic success or lack thereof. In order to
address the gap in literature related to Vietnamese Americans, this study will
investigate the factors that differentiate between high performing and low
performing Vietnamese American high school students in relation to parent and child
perceptions.
Despite the growing number of Asian immigrants, very little research
currently exist on Asian families (Chung, 2001), including Vietnamese American
families. The current study attempts to add to the existing research and knowledge
base on immigrant Vietnamese American families. In addition, findings from this
study may provide a culturally sensitive perspective for individuals such as,
educators, counselors, and human services representatives working with Vietnamese
American families. Finally, this work is significant because unlike other studies, the
proposed research aims to examine one specific group, Vietnamese Americans,
instead of Asian Americans in general, thus recognizing the uniqueness of this group
within the broad category of Asian Americans.
The purposed study attempted to examine the factors associated with
academic achievement as it pertained to Vietnamese Americans. Ultimately, this
study intended to answer the following three questions: 1) Do parenting styles,
acculturation levels, and intergenerational conflicts reported by students and parents
predict academic performances in Vietnamese American high school students? 2) To

14

what extent are perceptions of parenting styles and intergenerational conflict similar
or different between Vietnamese parents and their adolescent children? 3)
Do demographic factors (years in the US, years of education in Vietnam, and family
income level) predict academic performances in Vietnamese American high school
students?
Organization of the Study
Chapter One contains an introduction to the importance of conducting a study
that looks specifically at Vietnamese Americans and factors that differentiate
between high performing and low performing students in relation to academic
achievement.
Chapter Two, a review of the current literature surrounding the cultural
background of Vietnamese Americans, in particular focusing on Baumrind’s
parenting style model, three types: authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive, the
strategies of Berry’s acculturation model and others, intergenerational conflict that
impact the parent-child relationship and finally; social-economic status and its
relationship to high or low performing academic achievement.
Chapter Three, is methodology, which provides research design, subjects,
instruments including measurements (Demographic backgrounds, Parent Authority
Questionnaire (PAQ), Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale
(AAMAS), and Intergenerational Conflict Inventory (ICI), procedure of data
collection, and using logistic multiple regression analysis and correlation analysis to

15

determine factors contributing to high and low performing Vietnamese American
high school students.
Chapter Four presents the main results of the present study, which provides
demographic information on Vietnamese American participants, data set in relation
to the parenting styles of Vietnamese-immigrant parents, Acculturation levels of
Vietnamese-immigrant parents and the level of intergenerational conflict that exist
among Vietnamese-immigrant parents and their children.
Chapter Five, the final chapter, is a summary of the findings of the study,
with conclusions made based on the findings, and implications for future research.
References and appendices may be found at the end of this study.

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CHAPTER TWO
Review of Literature
The review of the literature begins with an overview of the Vietnamese
culture and Vietnamese Americans, followed by the literature on parenting styles
and/or practices, acculturation, intergenerational conflict and socio-economic status
as predictors of academic success.
Vietnamese Value System
The Vietnamese value system is based on four fundamental principals that
dictate the day to day lives of most Vietnamese families: 1) allegiance to the family,
2) yearning for a good name, 3) love of learning, and 4) respect for other people. The
most important factor in the value system of Vietnamese families is undoubtedly the
family. The family is the focal point for all Vietnamese families and the foundation
of Vietnamese society. By virtue of the principle of collective and mutual
responsibility, each individual strives to bring pride to his or her family. Misconduct
of an individual is blamed not only on himself, but on the entire family (parents,
siblings, relatives, and ancestors). Conversely, any success achieved by an
individual brings respect, pride, and honor to all members of the family. Central to
the concept of family is the emphasis of “filial piety” which is considered the most
essential of all values in Vietnamese families. Vietnamese children are expected to
be grateful to their parents for all that they have done for them. Children are taught
to think of their parents and ancestors first before making decisions, often times

17

making sacrifices for the parents’ sake. A Vietnamese individual who lacks filial
piety is looked down upon and often ostracized not only by their family but also by
the community as well.
The value that the Vietnamese place on the concept of “good name” can not
go un-discussed. To Vietnamese families, honor and respect rest upon the reputation
of their name. A rich and powerful person with a bad reputation is looked down
upon, while a poor man with a good name is respected. A belief that is instilled
through family proverbs is that it is believed that the best thing that an individual can
leave behind once they have left this world and by which he or she will be
remembered is by his or her good reputation. An individual who has a bad
reputation will be disgraced by the community and family. In view of the strong
solidarity of the Vietnamese family, children strive for a good name not only for
individual acknowledgement, but rather for the entire family, especially to honor the
parents for giving them the opportunity.
Vietnamese families place great emphasis on knowledge and learning.
Education represents the essential stepping stones to the social ladder and to
attainment of good job opportunities. It is the prime force of up-ward mobility in
Vietnamese society. Parents have stressed the importance of education for all
children especially those coming from lower socioeconomic backgrounds because of
the acknowledgement of potential success and opportunity through continued
education.

18

The concept of respect is ingrained in the lives of all Vietnamese. Western
values stress the importance of respect; however the connotation is followed by
respect is earned in which individuals must do whatever it takes to earn respect, but
within the Vietnamese culture, respect is automatically given to people who are older
then them, hold a higher status or position. At home Vietnamese children are
expected to show respect to parents, older siblings and older relatives. This is
expressed by obedience in words and action. Respect is a part of the concept
previously discussed: filial piety.
Social-Emotional Overlays of the Vietnam War
Understanding the value system of Vietnamese families is critical; however
addressing the pressing factor that brought all Vietnamese families to America is
something that needs particular attention as it plays a vital role in understanding
Vietnamese Americans. A critical issue that often goes un-discussed in homes of
many Vietnamese American families is the topic of the Vietnam War. The
horrifying images and memories of the Vietnam War have been implanted in the
memories of most Vietnamese parents and young adolescents. The ability to talk
about the war plays a significant role in conflict that exists among parent and child.
Vietnamese American children know that their parents have lived through the war;
however their children are living through the “silence” of the war. The inability to
genuinely communicate about the war has created an exterior wall that separates
Vietnamese parents and their children emotionally.

19

April 30, 1975 the fall of Saigon marked a memorable date that will be
entrenched in minds of all Vietnamese Americans. This date symbolized the end of
the Vietnam War. The specific details that individuals experienced during times of
War (death, torture, and imprisonment) have brought about many unresolved issues.
The issues that Vietnamese parents are grappling with long after the war is over;
have just been recently classified as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).
According to the DSM-IV, PTSD is defined as “the development of characteristic
symptoms following exposure to an extreme traumatic stressor involving direct
personal experience of an event that involves actual or threatened death or serious
injury, or other threat to one's physical integrity; or witnessing an event that involves
death, injury, or a threat to the physical integrity of another person; or learning about
unexpected or violent death, serious harm, or threat of death or injury experienced by
a family member or other close associate.”
Specifically for Vietnamese Americans PTSD is under-documented due to
the lack of appropriate diagnosis immediately after the war, and culturally
Vietnamese have not been receptive to the idea of mental health treatment. A recent
study found that Vietnamese Americans over fifty-five, most who come to the
United States as political refugees, report more mental health problems than their
white counterparts (Sorken at el, 2008). Many Vietnamese refugees who immigrated
to the U.S. in the 1970s,’80s and ’90s suffered from depression and post-traumatic
stress disorder, and they continue to have mental health issues today.

20

Historically, mental health treatment or services within Vietnamese families
has been very limited. According to the study conducted by Sorken at el (2008)
Vietnamese Americans participating in the Health Interview Survey were twice as
likely as whites to report needing mental health care, but were less likely to discuss
such issues with their doctor. In addition, they were more prone to have trouble
functioning in their daily lives because of these problems. Rarely do Vietnamese
families seek out a psychologist or psychiatrist because of the social stigma
associated with seeing a specialist and culturally the issue of embarrassment to the
family name. Vietnamese children have been taught from birth that what happens in
the family stays within the family. No one outside of the family should know about
the internal issues that exist within the family.
The mental health issues that some Vietnamese parents are faced with have
created a barrier between their children. The inability to communicate has been
interpreted by their children as lack of emotional support and love. Parents who
have suffered from PTSD have difficulty acculturating to Western values and beliefs
which further creates distance between parent and child. Vietnamese parents
historically struggle with communication skills because of the hierarchy that exist
within the family. As previously mentioned, children are not allowed to challenge or
question parents. This lack of communication is contributing to the conflict that
exists among many Vietnamese families.

21

In summary, value system and the aftermath of the Vietnam War are critical
elements that will assist researchers in understanding the uniqueness of this
particular minority group. Having a brief understanding of the history and culture of
Vietnamese Americans will provide the foundation to better understand the
dynamics associated with their parenting styles, acculturation levels,
intergenerational conflict, and social-economic status.
Parenting Styles
Parenting is a life long commitment of nurturing, guidance, care, love and
support. Parenting practices vary among individuals, cultures, societies, and
families. Family relationships play a pivotal role in individual psychological
development and serve as a primary source for socialization during childhood (Ying,
Coombs, & Lee, 1999). Parenting is a complex activity that includes many specific
behaviors that work individually and together to influence child outcomes. Theories
on parenting practices have already been well established through many bodies of
research (Baumrind, 1971; Dornbusch et al., 1987; Stienberg et al., 1992; Darling &
Steinberg, 1993).
Most researchers who attempt to describe this broad parental scope rely on
Diana Baumrind’s (1968) typological approach to parenting style. Baumrind’s
original study was conducted primarily on Caucasian, middle-class, well-educated
families. The goals of her study were to identify “optimal competence in children

22

and adolescents” by analyzing parenting styles and characteristics (Baumrind, 1989,
p. 349).
Parental Demandingness and Responsiveness
Moreover, parenting styles have been defined in regards to two other
elements, including: 1) parental Demandingness (warmth, acceptance, support and
involvement) and 2) parental Responsiveness (control, supervision, and maturity
demands) (Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Baumrind, 1991a). Here, Baumrind describes
demandingness as “direct confrontation, monitors, intrusive-directiveness, and a
pattern of firm, consistent discipline and high maturity demands” (Baumrind, 1989,
p. 361). Responsiveness is defined as a combination of behaviors such as affective
warmth, cognitive responsiveness, attachment, acceptance, sensitive attunement,
involvement, and reciprocity (Baumrind, 1989, p. 361).
Using these two dimensions in subsequent studies, Baumrind (1989) and
Maccoby and Martin (1983) developed four types of parenting styles, using the
labels: 1) authoritarian, 2) authoritative, 3) permissive indulgent and 4) permissive
neglecting parenting.
Authoritarian Parenting
The characteristics of authoritarian parenting include using strict standards to
control, shape, and evaluate the attitudes of the child. These parents tend to be highly
directive and value unquestioning obedience (Baumrind, 1971; Kim & Chung, 2003;
Sigelman & Rider, 2003) and their children tend to be moody, unhappy, easily

23

annoyed, aimless, and unpleasant (Sigelman & Rider, 2003). Authoritarian parents
believe in holding their children to a very high level of achievement and status.
Authoritarian parenting generally produces a combination of both positive
and negative outcomes as children progress in their adolescent years. A positive
outcome cited by past research has indicated that children that come from
authoritarian parents display less school misconduct, less drug use, less involved
with deviant behavior, and are more likely to comply with adults (Lamborn et al.,
1991). Steinberg et al. (1994) identified negative outcomes such as developing low
achievement, poor self perceptions along with high levels of psychological and
somatic distress.
Baumrind (1991a) defines authoritarian parenting as the state of being highly
demanding but less responsive to children’s needs. The conflicting research as to
why authoritarian parenting has positive or negative outcomes is due to the
combination of high demandingness and low responsiveness. Baumrind (1991a)
suggest that healthy development needs an equal balance of demandingness and
responsiveness. Steinberg (1990) indicated that if children need a balance between
demandingness and responsiveness, then when one or either is missing in an
individual’s life, adverse effects are a result.
Authoritative Parenting
Authoritative parents (Baumrind (1967), on the other hand, set limits for their
children, but do not restrict children with excessive rules. These parents utilize

24

power and reason along with warmth and flexibility to achieve their parental goals
(Baumrind, 1971; Kim & Chung, 2003; Sigelman & Rider, 2003). Steinberg and
Darling (1994) defined authoritative parenting when parents demonstrate high
degrees of acceptance, behavioral control, and psychological autonomy-granting.
Children who experience this type of parenting style appear to be well-adjusted,
cheerful, socially responsible, cooperative, self-reliant, responsible, and achievement
oriented (Sigelman & Rider, 2003).
An overwhelming body of research links authoritative parenting to healthy
development, high levels of competence in adolescence, high levels of self-reliance,
less psychological problems, high levels of school performance, and less
involvement in delinquent behavior (Steinberg, et al., 1991). According to Baumrind
(1989), authoritative parenting refers to a type of parenting characterized by high
levels of demandingness and high levels of responsiveness. Baumrind (1991a)
strongly argues that in order to develop competent adolescents, demandingness and
responsiveness are essential.
Permissive/Indulgent Parenting
The final category is permissive parenting. Permissive parents tend to be less
controlling, warm, and autonomy-granting to their children (Baumrind, 1991c).
Permissive parents tend to place few demands on their children and allow for the
child to self-direct without much parental control. These parents are non-punitive
and are more accepting of their child’s impulses and desires. Children of permissive

25

parents are often impulsive, self-centered, rebellious, aimless, lacking in self control,
and low in independence and achievement (Sigelman & Rider, 2003). Further results
suggest that adolescents that have identified themselves as coming from permissive
parents demonstrate poor academic achievement, low academic competence, higher
involvement in delinquent behavior, and low psychological functioning (Baumrind,
1991a; Hein & Lewko, 1994; Lamborn et al., 1996).
Permissive parenting can be divided into two facets, permissive or indulgent
style and disengaged or neglectful style (Baumrind, 1991b; Lamborn et al.; 1991). .
Of all the sub-classifications of permissive parenting, the neglectful style produces
the poorest developmental outcome across all ethnic groups (Lamborn et al.; 1991).
Neglectful parents have few rules and place few demands on their children. They are
relatively uninvolved in their children’s lives and are insensitive to their children’s
needs. These parents do not seem to care much about their children and may even
reject them. Neglectful parents may also be so overwhelmed by their own personal
problems that they cannot devote sufficient energy to setting and enforcing rules
(Sigelman & Rider, 2003). Figure 1 provides a representation of each of the four
parenting styles in terms of responsiveness and demandingness.

26

Figure 1

Parenting Styles

In summary, there have been numerous attempts to utilize Baumrind’s model
and generalize it for adolescent outcomes. Several studies have been able to explain
the relationship between parenting styles and adolescent outcomes in the area of
academic achievement (Dornbusch et al., 1987; Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown,
1992), psychological functioning (Lamborn et al., 1991), and substance abuse
(Baumrind, 1991a). Researchers using Baumrind’s conceptual framework have
consistently found the following results. Children raised from authoritative parents
develop high levels of competence, achievement, social development, and positive
self perception (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Children raised in permissive and
authoritarian homes are primary associated with negative development, such as low
self esteem, higher risk of school drop out, truancy, and earlier exposure to sexual
activity (Lamborn et al., 1991). As adolescents coming from authoritarian homes
are socially incompetent and have poor communication skills because they have not
been given the opportunity to develop a sense of independence. They have been

27

accustomed to being controlled which has resulted in an inept ability to effectively
socialize. Children who are brought up in permissive homes tend to be less
competent and less pro-social than others. They also have a greater frequency in
committing juvenile crimes since they struggle with social conformity to rules both
at school and in the community. Permissive children are of greater risk in
developing internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors (Lamborn et al., 1991).
To provide an assessment to measure parental authority, John Buri (1991) created the
Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ). The PAQ has been based on Baumrind’s
(1971) definitions of authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive parenting, and has
been one of the most widely used tools today to investigate parenting styles. The
PAQ will be used for this study.
Parenting Styles and Academic Achievement
Parenting styles have been associated with academic success (Dornhusch et
al., 1987; Hurrelmann, Engel, Hollar, & Nordlhne, 1998: Paulson, 1994; Steinberg,
Elmen, & Mounts, 1989). More specifically, authoritarian and permissive parenting
styles have been associated with, poor academic grades, poor college adjustment and
poor self-esteem in adolescents (Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991).
Eskilson, Wieley, Muehlbaurer, and Dodder (1986) found that most school-related
conflict between parents and high school youth was related to demanding
expectations (authoritarian) or not high enough expectations (permissive). In
addition, high-achieving students, more often than low achieving students, described

28

their parents as understanding, approving, trusting, affectionate, encouraging
achievement, and not overly strict in disciplining (Masselam, Marcus, & Stunkard,
1990). Conversely, low achievers described their parents as very strict and
demanding, lax, or punitive in their disciplinary techniques (Dornbusch, Ritter,
Mont-Reynaud, & Chen, 1990). Finally, Lamborn et al. (1990) found that
adolescents from authoritative home environments demonstrated greater levels of
academic competence and adjustment than adolescents living in authoritarian homes.
Thus, adolescents raised in authoritarian or permissive home environments appear to
be at greater risk for negative academic outcomes.
Using Baumrind’s framework with Asian Americans
In addition to white families, Diana Baumrind’s original study included
sixteen black children and their parents. These early findings suggest that race and
context may be important factors when discussing the effects of parenting style on
minority children. Because the findings of racial differences were preliminary and
were derived from a small sample, Baumrind’s model remains solely based on
middle class European-American families. Recently, researchers have begun to
assess the applicability of this parenting model to minority parents (Lim & Lim,
2004; Kim & Chung, 2003) by questioning whether authoritative parenting is
necessary for optimal outcomes for ethnic minority children (Kim & Rohner, 2002).
Some researchers (Chao, 2001: Steinberg, Lamborn, Darling, Mounts & Dornbusch,
1994) have suggested that outcomes of parenting style may differ between European

29

Americans and ethnic minority Americans because parenting style may be
moderated by cultural context and the role of parents may be understood differently
by children of different ethnic groups.
One ethnic group for which the applicability of Baumrind’s model has been
questioned is Asian-Americans. Research indicates that authoritarian parenting is
most common among Asian-American families (Lin & Fu, 1990). Based on
Baumrind’s model, Asian-American children should experience negative outcomes
from authoritarian parenting. However; this does not seem to be the case for many
Asian-American children. Unlike European-American students, many Asian-
American students who experience authoritarian parenting perform quite well in
school (Chao, 1994). Although several studies have compared parenting practices on
academic achievement across different ethnic groups, the results are somewhat
inconsistent (Chao, 1994, Leung et al., 1998). According to pervious research on
parenting practices one would expect Asian Americans who typically come from
authoritarian parenting practices to have lower academic success in comparison to
European Americans.
Ironically, Asian Americans demonstrate greater academic gains compared to
their European American counterparts (Peng and Wright, 1993). A recent study
comparing Asian Americans and European American showed significantly different
parenting practices between ethnic groups (Chao, 1994). Chinese parents conveyed
the high degree of value they placed on education. With the greater degree and

30

sacrifice placed on education, Chinese parents feel that they need to offer a more
direct approach to their children’s education and it is their belief that they can play a
significant role in their children’s success in school.
On the other hand, European American parents primarily expressed that
academic success is less important then social skills, exhibited a less directive
approach to learning and exhibited a greater concern for building their children’s
self-esteem (Chao, 1994). This study maintained that Asian parents who are
authoritarian typically emphasize educational attainment and set high standards for
their children so that their controlling behavior and emphasis on obedience actually
pushes their children towards educational success. Such research showing positive
outcomes contrary to Baumrind’s parenting model suggest that while the
authoritarian parenting style overlaps on some characteristics of Asian parenting, it
appears to be an incomplete conceptualization of Asian parenting (Kim and Wong,
2002).
Vietnamese Parenting Styles
Specifically focusing on Vietnamese parenting, studies have suggested three
major characteristics of parenting style: compliance to traditional values, strong
parental expectations and obedience in parent-child relationships. In a study of new
immigrants, Pomerleau, et. al (1991) observed 25,000 Vietnamese individuals and
found strong evidence of traditional value-oriented parenting. The immigrants
strongly believed that their child-rearing practices could reinforce the hierarchy of

31

the family structure, and the chosen parenting method must promote family
cohesiveness. Identification with traditional family values has been demonstrated to
be positively correlated with authoritarian parenting styles in Vietnamese families
(Caplan, et al., 1989; Nguyen, 1998; Zhou and Bankston, 1996). Quietness is
viewed as a cultural norm within the Vietnamese culture, implying children do not
openly express frustrations to parents and parents do not readily share problems with
their children (Cheung and Nguyen, 2001; Chung and Singer, 1995). The
fundamental principal that drives this particular parenting practice is associated with
authoritarian parenting, in which the household is controlled by parents, especially in
a patriarchal structure that exist within the Vietnamese culture. The father runs the
house and makes all household decisions and it is felt that children should not have
the opportunity to question anything, because if allowed then disobedience is
forming. Cheung and Nguyen (2001) indicated regardless of parenting style, it is
common for Vietnamese parents to command their children to obey without
question.
In summary, the literature suggests that authoritative parenting styles appear
to be the most effective in producing positive outcomes among children and
adolescents. While authoritarian and permissive parenting styles produce less
positive outcomes. However it should again be mentioned that the research on
parenting styles are inconclusive as it pertains to Asian-Americans. Addressing the
issue of parenting practices for Asian American families are somewhat contradictory

32

to previous research that suggests authoritative parenting practices will produce
greater benefits. For Asian American families, authoritarian parenting practices can
have just as or even more benefits on Asian American adolescences. Due to the
inconsistency among research on what parenting style works for Asian-Americans,
further study should focus addressing the aforementioned issues.
Acculturation
Beyond parenting styles, academic success among minority students has also
been associated with the rate of acculturation to the dominant group. Students who
have developed a healthy acculturation; meaning a balance between the dominant
group and still maintaining a since of ethnic identity have proven to produce higher
academic achievement. To better understand how parenting style affects the parent-
child relationship in immigrant families, it is important to examine how the external
forces of acculturation impact the conceptualization of parenting for both parents and
children, which can directly impact academic achievement.
Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits (1954) defined acculturation as the process of
adapting to a new environment as a result of two distinct cultures coming in contact
with each other. Similarly, Graves (1967) defines acculturation as changes
experienced by an individual due to contact with another culture. Throughout the
adaptation process, immigrants face the decision of which traditional values to retain
and which ones to change. The process and rate of acculturation is personal and
varies between individuals (Pham & Harris, 2001). Differing views between

33

immigrant parents and children on what is considered ideal in parenting will produce
conflict above typical levels in the parent-child relationship.
Berry’s Model of Acculturation
John Berry’s model of acculturation has been referenced by various
researchers (Benet-Martinez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002; Liem, Lim, & Liem, 2000;
Pham & Harris, 2001; Baker, 1999; Rudmin, 2003) in the study of acculturation.
Berry’s model incorporates a bidirectional framework that can assess an individual’s
cultural identity with the majority group and with one’s own cultural group
(LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993, Pham & Harris, 2001, Rudmin, 2003)
According to Berry (1986), acculturation occurs in several stages. In the first
stage, individuals establish contact with another culture. Second, individuals
experience conflict due to differences between their culture of origin and the new
culture. Third, adjustments are made by the individuals to reduce conflict
differences. Berry (1998, 1999) proposed four acculturation strategies that
conceptualize an individual’s attempt to reduce conflict. The four acculturation
strategies reflect the level of participation an individual has with his culture of origin
and the new culture. The acculturative strategies are based on two decisions in the
acculturation process (Pham & Harris, 2001). First, the individual must decide
whether to maintain or reject the values of their culture of origin. Secondly, they
must decide whether to accept or reject the values of their new culture. Berry

34

considers these two concepts as independent of each other and presents his strategies
as follows:
A. Assimilation – the individual rejects the values and identity of their culture
of origin and accepts the values of the new culture
B. Integration – the individual accepts both the values and identity of their
culture of origin as well as the values of the new culture
C. Separation – the individual accepts the cultural values and identity of their
culture of origin and rejects the values of the new culture
D. Marginalization – the individual rejects both the cultural values and
identity of their culture of origin as well as the new culture.
Berry’s model serves as a framework in assessing individual levels of
acculturation. If viewed on a range, a high level of acculturation would indicate
assimilation into the new culture, while a low level of acculturation would reflect
separation. For immigrant families, the acculturation level of the child could have a
significant impact on the parent-child relationship which can affect the child’s
overall academic achievement. Parents and children may be at different stages or
using different strategies in navigating the new culture. Parents may use more
traditional parenting styles that were considered ideal in their country of origin, but
are considered to be too restrictive by their more acculturated children (Chung,
2001). As a result, immigrant parents and their children may experience conflict

35

above typical levels in their relationship as compared to non-immigrant children and
their parents.
Unidirectional and Bidirectional Acculturation
Pham and Harris (2001) discussed two contemporary classifications of
acculturation: unidirectional and bidirectional. In a unidirectional or unidimensional
model (Chung, Kim, & Abreu, 2004), assimilation was considered the optimal form
of adaptation where the individual psychologically and socially moves away from
their culture of origin into adopting the customs and values of the new culture. In
other words, as the individual adopts host culture attributes, he simultaneously
discards the same attributes corresponding to the culture of origin (Chung, Kim, &
Abreu, 2004). It was believed that individuals who did not assimilate would suffer
negative psychological effects (Roberts & Starr, 1989).
Bi-directional or bi-dimensional (Chung, Kim, & Abreu, 2004) models,
consider acculturation as the process of developing an individual’s relationship or
identity to the new culture and to the culture of origin (Pham & Harris, 2001). These
models emphasize the degree of adaptation to the new culture and the degree of
retention of the culture of origin (Pham & Harris, 2001). Bidirectional models
therefore provide a more accurate picture of the individual’s adaptation to the new
environment. Supporters of bidirectional models (Rogler, Cortes, & Malgady 1991)
believe that individuals can understand and participate in two cultures without
experiencing conflict or losing their ethnic identity. In other words, healthy

36

acculturation allows immigrants to maintain their culture of origin while facilitating
participation in the host culture. These individuals experience less anxiety and
psychological distress than those who cannot function effectively in the new culture.
Therefore, the bidirectional approach emphasizes integration rather than assimilation
into the new culture (Pham & Harris, 2001).
This model aligns with the acculturation measurement scale (Chung, Kim, &
Abreu, 2004) used in this study in that individuals are measured for their level of
acculturation to the culture of origin and to the host culture. Acculturation involves
personal decisions regarding the extent to which one maintains the old culture and
accepts the new culture (Lee & Lui, 2001; Ying, Coombs, & Lee, 1999; Kim,
Brenner, Liang, & Asay, 2003; Willgerodt, Miller, & McElmurry, 2002; Lu, 2001).
Acculturation and Asian American Families
For Asian immigrant children, cultural disparities in role expectations
between their culture of origin and their new culture may contradict, thus causing
acculturative stress (Chung, 2001; Kim, Brenner, Liang & Asay, 2003) or bicultural
conflict (Willgerodt, Miller, & McElmurry, 2002). For example, Asian children may
be told by their parents that their behavior is too Americanized, yet their behaviors
may be perceived as very Asian by their peers or mainstream society (Ying, Coombs,
& Lee, 1999). This may occur when parents with traditional thinking support the
Asian concept of filial piety and expect their children to obey parental wishes
unquestioningly. However mainstream western society encourages individualistic

37

thinking, a concept contrary to what is expected by Asian parents. As a result,
children feel torn between the polarities of two cultures unable to reconcile the
contradictions of what is expected of them in their dichotomous world. By
examining variations in personal meanings and individual interpretations of events,
symbolic interaction theory provides a theoretical framework for understanding the
acculturative stress that may be felt by immigrant children from an overload of
conflicting expectations as well as by the parents who fear losing their children to the
new culture (Chung, 2001).
In viewing intergenerational relationships, symbolic interactions theory can
help us understand the cultural gap between immigrant parents and their children.
The perspectives of immigrant parents and their children in any situation are
uniquely based on their individual and shared experiences as well as external
influences. For example, varying acculturation rates between parents and their
children may influence each person’s expectations and solutions to problems.
Acculturation and Vietnamese Families
Vietnamese immigrants have to adjust between the Eastern and Western
cultures. Little empirical research addresses cultural adjustment issues among
Vietnamese youths. Furthermore, the little research that has been completed on the
Vietnamese population has been mainly through observation or lacks generalizability
because of the small sample sizes (Nguyen and Williams, 1989). Fuligni (1998)
asserted that a few studies (Kao & Tienda, 1995; Rosenthal & Feldman, 1992) have

38

consistently suggested that many immigrant children do not have as much difficulty
with school as expected from a cultural adjustment perspective. In fact, it was found
that children of Asian immigrant families perform in school as well as, if not better
than, their native-born counterparts (Caplan, Choy, & Whitmore, 1991). Despite the
fact that most of the Vietnamese immigrant children may thrive academically, they
are facing an environment that is very different from their native one. The
adaptation process is similarly stressful for parents and children, but the process is
different for both in many aspects. During the journey of escaping Vietnam, they left
their relatives, gave up their livelihood, and survived the dangerous journey. Once
landed in the United States, these parents must quickly adapt to the new and foreign
economic system and immediately attempt to find jobs so they may rebuild their
lives and provide for the family. Vocationally, most Vietnamese parents experience a
drop in status by accepting mediocre jobs with low wages and begin working in
fields that are unfamiliar to them (Zhou & Bankston, 1998). This can be a
humiliating experience for many parents, which is worsened by their lack of
knowledge about the English language. Along the process, most Vietnamese parents
must deal with the unfamiliarity of the U.S. culture, values, and rules in the working
environment and the potential for discrimination.
Vietnamese children face a process of adapting to the school environment
and beginning their academic work among unfamiliar people and attempting to learn
a new language, English. At the same time they attempt to fit in or socialize with

39

their peers but must also deal with teasing by those very same peers. This immersion
in the mainstream culture allows Vietnamese children to experience drastic
differences in American values while simultaneously preserving traditional
Vietnamese values preached and practiced at home.
The individual stress that occurred for Vietnamese parents and children are
due to their successful transition to mainstream society. The complexity of their
experience plays a crucial role in fueling the overall stress of the family system, thus
creating possible friction between members. Situations as such can be dangerous and
can deteriorate quickly, especially in a traditional Vietnamese family structure that is
rigid with limited communication and does not reach out to community resources.
The end result can be a strained parent-child relationship.
Acculturation and Academic Achievement of Vietnamese American Adolescents
Research in the areas of academic achievement as it pertains to acculturation
of Vietnamese adolescents is of mixed results. Several studies support the model
minority stereotype in which Vietnamese students acculturate rather quickly and do
well academically (Lin, Masuda, & Tazuma, (1982); LaFromboise, Coleman, &
Gerton, J. (1993). Conversely, other studies suggest the acculturation process for
Vietnamese adolescents are extremely difficult, resulting in dropping out of school,
associating with gangs, and committing criminal activity (Ima and Nidorff, 1998;
Tsunokai and Kposwa, 2002).

40

Low English proficiency has been cited as one possible explanation as to why
Southeast Asian students tended to do poorly in certain academic areas (Cheng,
1998). Generally, Vietnamese students performed below average in subjects that
require English proficiency (Caplan, Choy, & Whitmore, 1992). One reason English
proficiency may be lower among Vietnamese students is because many of these
students tend to live in ethnically homogenous communities, where few people speak
English or they find that there is no need to speak English because they have
developed a strong homogenous community all in itself, for example “Little Saigon”
in Westminster, California. This geographic homogeneity may limit their English
proficiency and thus impact their educational success, aspirations and future career
options (Hune & Chan, 1995).
The poorer academic performance of Vietnamese youth might be attributed
to the adaptive strategies some students employ. Ima and Nidorff (1998) suggested
that Vietnamese students living in urban areas may be acculturating more to the
street culture rather than the dominant culture. Recent Vietnamese immigrants face
many difficult challenges that contribute to their academic failures. Students who
immigrate to the United States during their high school years often find it difficult to
adapt to the mainstream culture, especially as it relates to the school environment.
The current educational system is not set up to address new immigrants transitioning
as adolescents. Currently students are only able to attend four years of high school,
if lucky certain districts allow English Learners an additional year, totaling five years

41

maximum. With the limited language skills to help them navigate the educational
system, students often develop a sense of frustration and displacement. According
to Cummins (1999) he addresses the language develop of immigrant students by
classifying them into two categories: Basic Interpersonal Communion Skills (BICS)
and Cognitive Academic Linguistic Proficiency (CALP). Cummins (1999) suggest
that it takes a minimum of two years to just develop conversational language of the
dominate culture, while it may take a considerable longer time (five-ten years) to
develop the academic language abilities or CALP to function and be successful in
school. Given the time line, students who are recent immigrants have a greater
chance of experiencing difficulty in high school. Compound educational difficulties
with social isolation or harassment from other students allows for greater
acculturation to the street culture. According Tsunokai and Kposwa (2002)
Vietnamese street gangs are on the rise, especially with the new immigrant
population. This recent phenomenon is associated with the lack of success in school
and the difficulties successfully acculturating to the pro-social elements of a
community within the first two years of arriving to the United States (Baba, 2001).
Another important factor that might account for academic difficulties faced
by Vietnamese immigrant students relates to possible emotional and mental health
concerns. Felsman, Leong, Johnson, and Felsman (1990) found that Vietnamese
adolescents experienced high rates of depression and anxiety and that these
symptoms were experienced more greatly by unaccompanied minors. Recent

42

Vietnamese immigrants come to the United States with few resources, including
little money, few skills marketable in the U.S. labor force, and little knowledge and
familiarity with the English language and American culture (Gold & Kibria, 1998).
The circumstances surrounding their settlement in the United States were quite
different from that of the larger Asian American populations (i.e., Chinese, Japanese,
Korean), and thus their adjustment experiences might be different. Because of these
differences, it is important to examine the experiences of Vietnamese immigrants
separately from the experiences of other Asian American groups.
Summary of Acculturation
In sum, levels of acculturation play a vital role in the overall academic
achievement of immigrant students. Parents who appear to acculturate quicker
appear to have adopted dominant norms and values which enable parents be actively
participants in their child’s lives. The Berry’s acculturation model and contemporary
approaches to acculturation (Chung, Kim, & Abreu, 2004; Pham & Harris, 2001)
have provided the framework to measure the levels of acculturation as it pertains to
ethnic minorities. The acculturation processes for Vietnamese Americans have both
been of success and frustration, contingent of the adaptation process.
Intergenerational Conflict

The level of intergenerational conflict that exists among families is a critical
factor contributing the academic success. In the parent-child relationship, this
constant struggle may be most evident in parenting style, where children experience

43

the dichotomous nature of both cultures in the form of mixed messages from their
parents and from key individuals in the host culture, especially teachers. The level
of intergenerational conflict contributes to academic success because the more
conflict that exists the more distant children are with their parents, resulting in less
parent involvement. As a result parents are less involved with school related issues
(Jeynes, 2002). Students who have uninvolved parents are less likely to be
successful in high school.
Intergenerational Conflict and Asian Americans
A study by Lee & Lui (2001) indicated that Asian-American college age
children reported the greatest likelihood of intergenerational conflict compared to
European-American and Hispanic college age children. Areas of conflict included
culturally related family expectations such as learning the ethnic language or
following culturally specific tradition (Chung, 2001).
Lu (2001) found that immigrant parents are usually aware of the cultural gap
and differing rate of acculturation between themselves and their children which may
contribute to greater relationship conflict. Parents see their children acculturate
quickly and experience fears and anxieties over losing their children to the new
culture (Chung, 2001). Many immigrant parents respond by becoming more rigid
and reinforcing stricter adherence to traditional values (Chung, 2001).
Unfortunately, this may occur at the same time that traditional values are being
undermined by mainstream cultural values, especially over issues of individuality

44

and personal freedom (Chung, 2001). As a result, these contradicting messages
could affect the level of intergenerational conflict with the family. The mixed
messages that are being ingrained in the minds of children are the driving force
behind some of the intergenerational conflict that exists. From the parental
perspective, closing the cultural gap meant encouraging their children to retain Asian
ways (Lu, 2001), while parent’s attempt to adopt the mainstream values.
Intergenerational Conflict and Vietnamese Americans
Vietnamese American families in particular may be more susceptible to
higher levels of parent-child conflict because of their recent immigration status as an
ethnic group. Being recent immigrants, Vietnamese American parents and children
may have a greater disparity in acculturation level between them and a larger cultural
gap, because immigrant parents tend to acculturate at a slower rate than their
children (Lee et al., 2000).
Explaining this family conflict, Herz and Gullone (1999) found Vietnamese
adolescents’ self-esteem to be inversely related to parenting styles, characterized by
low levels of self acceptance and high levels of overprotection. Different levels of
acculturation between children and parents have been the primary reason why
intergenerational conflict exist (Cheung and Nguyen, 2001; Nguyen-Chawkins,
1997). Another reason focuses on parental expectations. Vietnamese parents’
expectations of academic and career achievements for their children are higher than
those of other ethnic groups (Dandy and Nettlebeck, 2002). The misconception

45

between what parents see and expect are driving issues that face many Vietnamese
American youth. The struggle to balance both cultural and parental expectations
creates intergenerational conflict.
Intergenerational Conflict and Academic Achievement of Vietnamese Americans
Intergenerational conflict also results from choices that children need to make
in regards to maintaining Vietnamese cultural traditions versus assimilating to U.S.
societal norms (Earm, 2002; Tan, 2000). Vietnamese youth may experience both
explicit and subtle pressure from U.S. society, including within the school context
(e.g., peers, teachers, etc.), to adopt an identity that is “American” while there is
conflicting pressure from their parents and other elders to maintain Vietnamese
cultural traditions, values, and language in their daily lives, resulting in direct
conflict with older family members.
These particular conflicts have directly affected academic performance of
Vietnamese American high school students. With education being one of the
significant values in Vietnamese culture, living up to the pressures and expectations
have had adverse affects on academic performance of Vietnamese American high
school students if they were unable to live up to those expectations, resulting in
factors contributing to intergenerational conflict (Ying and Han (2007). Arguments
and disagreements occur in my Vietnamese families due to low achievement. As
mentioned previously academic achievement is contributed to future employment as
well as having direct impact on family reputation and name.

46

.Summary of Intergenerational Conflict
In sum, different levels of acculturation between children and parents have
been the primary reason why intergenerational conflict exist (Cheung and Nguyen,
2001; Nguyen-Chawkins, 1997). Especially as it pertains to Asian-American
children who are struggling with the issues revolved around “straddle two worlds”
(Bankston, 1996). The pressures that children feel when trying to fit in with the
dominant society outside of their home lives, but when at home trying to retain their
cultural heritage instilled by their parents are possible factors to consider as it
pertains to intergenerational conflict. Addressing the cultural gap that exists between
parent and child are critical areas of focus when dealing with intergenerational
conflict. Within Vietnamese Americans subgroup living up to family roles and
expectations are distinct factors that contribute to intergenerational conflict.
Socioeconomic Status and Achievement
High performing students come from families with more affluent
backgrounds (Eamon, 2005). Taking ethnicity out of the equation, the
overwhelming body of research addresses the issue of socioeconomic status of the
family, their ability to access resources, family values, and parent involvement
(Eamon, 2005). Minority students, who have many of the aforementioned factors,
are more likely to demonstrate high academic performance (Eamon, 2005).
Socioeconomic status (SES) remains a topic of great interest to those who
study child development. The interest derives from a belief that high SES families

47

afford their children an array of services, goods, parental actions, and social
connections that potentially benefit children. Conversely; a concern for those who
come from low SES lack access to those same resources and experiences, thus
putting them at risk for developmental and academic problems (Brooks-Gunn and
Duncan, 1997).
Studies have repeatedly found that SES affects student outcomes (Baharudin
and Luster, 1998; Jaynes 2002; Eamon, 2005; Hochschild, 2003; McNeil, 2001 &
Seyfried, 1998). Students who have low SES earn lower test scores and are more
likely to drop out of school (Eamon, 2005 and Hochschild, 2003). Low SES students
have been found to score about 10 percent lower on the national assessments than
students coming from higher SES backgrounds (Seyfried, 1998). SES has also been
shown to override other educational influences such as parental involvement
(McNeil, 2001). It is believed that low SES adversely affects academic achievement
because low SES creates barriers to access vital resources and creates additional
stress at home (Eamon, 2005; Majoribanks, 1996; & Jeynes, 2002). The economic
hardships that are caused by low SES lead to disruptions in parenting, an increased
amount of family conflicts, and an increase likelihood of depression in parents and
single-family households (Eamon, 2005). For these reasons SES is closely linked to
home environment and one could argue that SES dictates the quality of life for
children.

48

Socioeconomic Status and Asian Americans
The distribution of SES across Asian American subgroups is almost bimodal
(Zhou and Gatewood, 2000). For example, the 2000 census data show that more than
sixty percent of immigrant adults from Taiwan, but fewer than five percent of those
from Cambodia and Laos reported having college degrees. Occupation and income
levels also show similar patterns, with Chinese, Korean, Japanese, and Filipino
Americans at the upper level, while Southeast Asians at the lower level (Zhou &
Gatewood, 2000). Family SES, as measured by parental education, occupation, and
family income, is one of the strongest predictors of youth behaviors. Jang (2002)
showed that the patterns of general deviation from the model minority stereotype
among Asian subgroups correlates with family SES. For example the Asian
subgroup with the highest SES reported to have the lowest deviation from the model
minority stereotype, while the Asian subgroups reporting low SES tended to be those
exceptions to the model minority stereotypes. Specifically, Far East Asians
(Chinese, Japanese, and Korean) reported the least deviation then followed by
Southeast Asians (Vietnamese, Laotian, Cambodian, and Thai).
Socioeconomic status and Vietnamese
Family economic status is generally considered to be an important factor
associated with students’ educational outcomes. Measuring the economic status of
Vietnamese families has been particularly difficult as the respondents have not been
able to report accurately on their income (Cuc and Patrick, 2007). Accurate research

49

is limited connecting academic achievement of Vietnamese students to their reported
socio-economic status; however a study conducted by Bankston, Caldas, and Zhou
(1997) attempted to do such that.
Bankston, Caldas, and Zhou (1997) attempted to address the academic
achievement of Vietnamese high school students in relation to socio-economic status
and family structure. Using data from an achievement test taken by public high
school students in Louisiana, they investigated whether or not there are differences in
test scores among Vietnamese, black and white students in two schools where there
are large numbers of Vietnamese students. Bankston, Caldas, and Zhou (1997)
concluded that the Vietnamese students outperformed the other groups and that white
student’s do somewhat better than the black students. Controlling for socioeconomic
differences and family structure, Vietnamese students perform even better relative to
the other groups tested. The strongest predictors of achievement are the racial/ethnic
identities of these students’ friends (Bankston, Caldas, and Zhou, 1997). They
concluded that the academic achievement of Vietnamese students is not attributed to
socioeconomic status and family structure, but to the social relations and networks
established by the Vietnamese students (Bankston, Caldas, and Zhou, 1997).
Summary of Socioeconomic Status
In sum, socioeconomic status was discussed as it pertains to academic
achievement. Most bodies of research have indicated that children coming from low
SES backgrounds are less likely to demonstrate academic success compared to

50

families with more affluent backgrounds. The economic hardships that are caused
by low SES lead to disruptions in parenting and an increased amount of family
conflicts (Eamon, 2005). Most research on SES focus on European-Americans,
African-Americans, and Hispanics; however very limited research focuses on Asian-
American with even less research on Vietnamese Americans. The limited research
conducted by Bankston, Caldas, and Zhou, (1997) suggest that the academic
achievement of Vietnamese students is not attributed to socioeconomic status and
family structure, but to the social relations and networks established by the
Vietnamese students.
Conclusion/Summary
In order to truly understand the dynamics associated with Vietnamese
American high school students as it relates to their academic achievement, several
contributing factors should be explored in detail to accurately depict their growth in
the United States. The above sections attempted to address parenting styles,
acculturation, intergenerational conflict, and socioeconomic status as factors that
predict academic achievement among Vietnamese American high school students.
Purpose of Study
Despite the growing number of Asian immigrants, very little research
currently exists on Asian families (Chung, 2001), including Vietnamese American
families. The current study attempts to add to the existing research and knowledge

51

base on immigrant Vietnamese American families by examining factors that
contribute to academic performance of Vietnamese American high school students.
Research Question 1:
Do parenting styles, acculturation, and intergenerational conflicts reported by
students and their parents predict academic achievement in Vietnamese American
high school students?
Hypothesis 1a: There will be performance group differences in parenting styles
based on parent and student report.
Hypothesis 1b: There will be performance group differences in acculturation to the
European American subgroup identification based on parent and student report.
Hypothesis 1c: There will be performance group differences in intergenerational
conflict based on parent and student report.
Research Question 2:
To what extent are perceptions of parenting styles and intergenerational conflict
similar or different between Vietnamese parents and their adolescent children?
Research Question 3:
Do demographic factors (years in the US, years of education in Vietnam, and family
income level) predict academic performances in Vietnamese American high school
students?
Hypothesis 3a: The amount of years parents are in the United States will predict
academic performance in Vietnamese American high school students.

52

Hypothesis 3b: The amount of education parents have acquired in Vietnam will
predict academic performance in Vietnamese American high school students.
Hypothesis 3c: The amount of family income will predict academic performance in
Vietnamese American high school students?

53

CHAPTER THREE
Methodology
This chapter reviews the methods utilized in conducting this study. First,
relevant demographic characteristics of participants are discussed. Second, the
instruments used to operationalize constructs and collect data are examined. Finally,
recruitment and data collection procedures are explained. The purpose of the present
study was to determine if parenting practices, acculturation, and intergenerational
conflict differ between low and high academic achievement Vietnamese American
high school students from both the students and their parents’ perspectives.
Participants
School and Student Information
A total of 159 Vietnamese American high school students and 159 matching
parents participated in this study. All student participants were in high school, 22
(9
th
grade), 56 (10
th
grade), 52 (11
th
grade) and 30 (12
th
grade). There ages range
from 14 to 18 years old and, 89 students were female and 70 were male (Refer to
table 2 for parent demographic data). Fifty-six (56, 35.2%) students were from the
low performing high school and 103 (64.8%) students were from the high
performing high school. The disparity among high and low students is because of
the difference in number of students enrolled at each school. The high performing
school currently has over 2000 students enrolled, while the low performing school
has enrollment of only 480. They were recruited from two different high schools in

54

Garden Grove California, within the Garden Grove Unified School District. The
high performing students were selected from La Quinta high School and they were
institutionally classified as high performing based on California Standards Test
(CST) scores and overall grade point average (GPA). La Quinta High School has a
school population of 70% Asian (of the Asian subgroup 99% are classified as
Vietnamese), of which this particular subgroup scored the highest for a single
subgroup (873) on the 2007 CST. The 2006 CST scores indicated that the Asian
subgroup API score was 863. Their average GPA for this subgroup is 3.6. Based on
the academic scores the selected Vietnamese students would best be described as
high performing. On the other hand, the low performing subgroup was selected
from Hare Continuation High School, and the students were institutionally classified
as low performing based on their enrollment at Hare Continuation High School.
Students who attend Hare for the same reason – they were behind in credits. All
students that attend Hare are not on track to graduate if they stay at their
comprehensive high schools, meaning that all students at Hare have failed numerous
core academic classes. Students who attend Hare are at least one year behind in
graduation credits. The GPA for students that attend Hare ranges from 0.00 to 2.96.
Hare has the lowest 2007 CST score for the entire district of 449, dropping 92 points
from the 2006 CST (541).

55

Parent Participant Demographic Information
Of the parents who participated in the study, there were 83 (53.2%) fathers
and 73 (46.8%) mothers overall. Three did not report their gender, marital status, or
the country they were born in. One hundred thirty-three (133, 85.3%) parents were
married, 2 were single, and 3 were divorced. All of the parents were born in
Vietnam, with a mean of 18.05 years living in the U.S (SD = 7.14). Most of the
parents were either Catholic or Buddhist (n = 70, 45.8%; n = 73, 47.7%), did not
graduate from college (89.7%), were of Working class (62.7%), and earn less than
$49,000 per year (62.7%). Table 1 illustrated the detailed demographic information
of all the parent participants and the information by school. Table 2 illustrated the
mean and standard deviations of the demographic information, such as their years
living in the US, number of children, etc.
Table 1
Demographic Information of Participants, Overall and by School
Overall

Low Performing

High Performing
N %

n %

n %
Sex

Male 83 53.2

27 49.1

56 55.4
Female 73 45.9

28 50.9

45 44.6
Marital Status

Married 133 85.3

45 81.8

88 87.1
Single 1 .6

1 1.8

0 0
Divorced 22 14.1

9 16.4

13 12.9

56

Table 1: (Continued)
Demographic Information of Participants, Overall and by School
Class

Working Class 94 62.7

30 56.6

64 .66.0
Lower Middle Class 14 9.3

7 13.2

7 7.2
Middle Class 29 19.3

11 20.8

18 18.6
Upper Middle Class 8 5.3

2 3.8

6 6.2
Upper Class 5 3.3

3 5.7

2 2.1
Family Income

Less than $25,000 58 38.7

21 39.6

37 38.1
$25,000 - $49,000 36 24.0

9 17.0

27 27.8
$50,000 - $74,000 14 9.3

7 13.2

7 7.2
$75,000 - $99,000 21 14.0

7 13.2

14 14.4
$100,000 - $149,000 10 6.7

5 9.4

5 5.2
$150,000 - $199,000 7 4.7

2 3.8

5 5.2
$200,000 or more 4 2.7

2 3.8

2 2.1
Religion

None
9 5.9

3 5.5

6 6.1
Catholic 70 45.8

26 47.3

44 44.9
Buddhism 73 47.7

26 47.3

47 48.0
Protestant 1 .7

0 0

1 1.0
Degree

Less than high school 54 34.8

20 36.4

34 34.0
High school or GED 42 27.1

13 23.6

29 29.0
Some college 43 27.7

16 29.1

27 27.0
Associate 7 4.5

2 3.6

5 5.0
4-yr bachelor 4 2.6

2 3.6

2 2.0
Master 2 1.3

1 1.8

1 1.0
Doctorate 3 1.9

1 1.8

2 2.0

Table 2

Means and Standard Deviations of Parents Participants
Overall Low Performing High Performing
M SD M SD M SD
Age 51.16 .61 51.18 7.43 51.15 7.66
Number of Children 2.65 .95 2.73 .89 2.61 .98
Years in the US 18.05 7.14 15.58 7.02 19.42 6.86
Years of Education 11.67 3.22 11.76 3.29 11.62 3.19
Years of Education in Vietnam 10.25 2.24 10.33 2.18 10.20 2.28

57

Instrument
Parenting Styles
The Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ, Buri, 1991, see Appendix A)
was developed specifically for the purpose of measuring Baumrind’s (1971)
authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive parenting prototypes, and has been one of
the most widely used tools to investigate parenting styles. The PAQ was developed
to measure parental authority as recalled by the child, adolescent, or young adult
(Buri, 1991).
The PAQ has a total of 30 items in composition of 10 permissive, 10
authoritarian, and 10 authoritative items. Each item on PAQ is scored with the 5-
point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree), to 5 (strongly agree). Scores on
each parenting style can range from 10 to 50. The higher the score, the greater the
appraised level of the parental authority prototyped measured. A sample question
taken directly from the PAQ is “While I was growing up my parents felt that in a
well-run home the children should have their way in the family as often as the
parents do.” (Buri, 1991). .
The PAQ was used due to its appropriateness to the population under study,
as this assessment has been noted as particularly useful for both men and women,
older adolescents, and young adults (Buri, 1991). With the objective of evaluating
parenting styles from a holistic perspective, a combined form of the PAQ was used
to assess overall parenting style, rather than a separate assessment of both the mother

58

and father. The final parenting style for each participant was determined by finding
the highest score amongst all three scores. The parent self report version of the PAQ
was administered to the parents and the adolescent self-report version of the PAQ
was administered to students. The adolescent version attempts to have children rate
their parent’s parenting practices based on their own perceptions.
According to Buri (1991), the PAQ continues to have strong reliability and
validity. In a study conducted on the reliability of the PAQ, test-retest reliability
over a two week period ranged from .77 to .92, while internal consistency ranged
from .74 to .87 (Buri, 1991). In the same study, Buri (1991) also found strong
discriminant-related validity and criterion-related validity with the PAQ.
Furthermore, PAQ scores also did not appear to be vulnerable to social desirability
response bias (Buri, 1991).
In this study, the Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients were .70, .88, and
.62 for parents’ perceptions of the Permissive, Authoritarian, and Authoritative
parenting styles respectively. They were .77, 91, and .84 for students’ perceptions of
the Permissive, Authoritarian, and Authoritative parenting styles respectively.
Acculturation
To assess the levels of acculturation participants were asked to rate
themselves using the Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale
(AAMAS; Chung, Kim, & Abreu, 2004, Appendix A). The AAMAS was developed
“to provide an assessment of acculturation level of Asian Americans and its

59

relationship to psychological functioning” (Chung et al., 2004, p. 66). In the
AAMAS, acculturation was measured on the three scales of AAMAS Culture of
Origin (AAMAS-CO), AAMAS Asian American (AAMAS-AA), and AAMAS
European American (AAMAS-EA). For the purpose of this study, similar to a study
conducted by Liu (2003), only the two scales of AAMAS-CO and AAMAS-EA were
included, to assess enculturation of one’s Asian culture and acculturation to the
European American culture. Since participants’ adaptation to other Asian groups
was not a focus of this study, responses to the AAMAS-AA (other Asian groups)
was not calculated for this particular study.
The AAMAS is a fifteen question orthogonal measure assessing acculturation
on three different cultural dimensions: Culture of Origin (AAMAS-CO), Asian-
American culture (AAMAS-AA), and European-American culture (AAMAS-EA).
Chung et al. (2004) found the reliability data for the three cultural dimension scales
range from .76 to .91 for internal consistency and .75 to .89 for test-retest. The
AAMAS uses a Likert scale response system that ranges from 1 (not very well/not
very much) to 6 (very well/very much).
In this study, the Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients were .89 and .93
for parents’ perceptions of their own Culture of Origin acculturation and their
European American culture acculturation dimension, respectively. They were .85
and .84 for students’ perceptions of their own Culture of Origin acculturation and
their European American culture acculturation dimension, respectively.

60

Intergenerational Conflict
To assess the levels of intergenerational conflicts participants were asked to
rate themselves using the Intergenerational Conflict Inventory (ICI; Chung, 2001,
Appendix A). The ICI was developed specifically to measure type and severity of
intergenerational conflict between Asian-American adolescents/young adults and
their parents. Unlike previous scales measuring intergenerational conflict, this scale
pays particular attention to the domains of conflict relevant to Asian-American
families (Chung, 2001).
This 24 item scale is intended for Asian-American college/young adults ages
17 to approximately 30 years or until married. The measure assesses the adult-
child’s current relationship with their parents. The ICI contains three subscales of
Family Expectations, Education and Career, and Dating and Marriage. A parent
version will be administered to parents to rate their own perceptions of the amount of
intergenerational conflict. Within these subscales, the ICI’s reliability ranges from
.81 to .87 (Chung, 2001). To calculate the total score for each subscale, participants’
scores for the item numbers in each domain was averaged. A sample question
directly taken from the ICI “You desire for greater independence and autonomy.”
(Chung, 2001)
In this study, the Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients were .92, .95 and
.94 for parents’ perceptions of the Family Expectation, Education and Career, and
Dating and Marriage subscales, respectively, and they were .90, .91, and .97 for

61

students’ perceptions of the Family Expectation, Education and Career, and Dating
and Marriage subscales, respectively. The Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients
for the overall Intergenerational Conflicts Inventory were .96 and .95 for parents’
and students’ perceptions, respectively.
Demographic Backgrounds
All participants will be asked to complete the demographic questionnaire.
On the questionnaire parent participants provided relevant background information
pertaining to age, gender, martial status, number of children, years they lived in the
United States, occupation, number of hours worked per week, socioeconomic status,
parents’ nation of origin, educational level both in Vietnam and the United States,
and if other extended family members reside in the home. The questions pertaining
to socioeconomic status has two parts: family income and parents’ levels of
education. The item of family income will serve as the indicator for socioeconomic
status.
Procedure
The data was collected during the months of February, March, and April of
the 2008-2009 school year. The two schools were selected for data collection
because La Quinta High School and Hare Continuation High School have already
institutionally separated the high and low performing students. Students who attend
La Quinta High School represent the high achieving students and those attending
Hare Continuation High School are classified as low achieving students. The

62

researcher contacted the superintendent of the Garden Grove Unified School District
for pre-authorization prior and has been approved by Internal Review Board (IRB) to
conduct this study. After permission was granted, the researcher contacted the
principals at both schools to set up the specific dates for the scheduled administration
of the survey. Prior to the surveys being distributed parent permission was requested
because most participants were under the age of eighteen.
The primary source of data for this study was from a questionnaire completed
by Vietnamese American high school students and their parents. The researcher
contacted the school’s community liaison who works for the district and agreed to a
monetary compensation or gift certificate for their time. Their primary role was to
help recruit families who attend each school to participate in the research study.
Before the start of the questionnaire, the purpose of this research and instructions for
completion of the questionnaires was carefully explained to all participants. Either
the researcher or the principal administered this process. The questionnaire took
approximately 20-30 minutes to finish. Therefore, all participants voluntarily
participated in this research. All questionnaires were translated in Vietnamese for
parents and students utilized the English versions of the questionnaires. The
researcher contacted the Assessment Center for Garden Grove Unified School
District and contracted two trained Vietnamese translators to do the translations.
The translation was conducted using Brislin’s (1980) back translation method to
ensure fidelity of questionnaire. First the original forms (questionnaires) were given

63

to one translator and after the translations were complete, the second translator began
to translate the documents back into English to ensure that translations did not alter
the original questionnaires. After discrepancies were resolved, all documents were
copied and made available to all participants.

64

CHAPTER FOUR
Results
This chapter provides the descriptive data of the variables in this study,
including means, standard deviations, and intercorrelations. Results from logistic
multiple regression analysis and paired-sample t-tests for the three major research
questions are presented. The three research questions are,
1. Do parenting styles, acculturation levels, and intergenerational conflicts
reported by students and parents predict academic achievement in
Vietnamese high school students?
2. Are perceptions of parenting styles and intergenerational conflict between
Vietnamese high school students and their parents related to each other?
3. Do demographic factors (years in the US, years of education in Vietnam, and
family income level) predict academic performances in Vietnamese high
school students?
Intercorrelations
The means, standard deviations, and correlations for all of the variables are
presented in Table 3. Parents age was significantly inversely correlated with
students’ perceptions of authoritative parenting style, r = -.20, p = .013, suggesting
that those students of older parents reported experiencing lower level of authoritative
parenting style.

65
Table 3

Means, Standard Deviations, and Zero-order Pearson Product Correlations for Measured Variables
Variables 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
1. Age -.21** .08 -.09 .15 -.20* .05 .04 .04 -.06 .00 .12 .05
2. Sex -- -.12 -.06 .02 -.01 -.09 -.09 .07 .00 -.13 -.04 -.25*
3. Yr_US -- -.03 .02 -.09 -.03 -.20* -.13 -.04 -.01 -.21** .15
PAQ 4. Perm-S -- -.66*** .42*** .36*** .01 .10 -.16* .21** -.14 .15
5. AuthNN-S -- -.57*** -.20* .28*** .03 .18* -.14 .27** -.04
6. AuthVV-S -- .04 -.23** .04 .30*** .08 -.10 -.20*
7. Perm-P -- .17* .15 -.02 .27** .25** .11
8. AuthNN-P -- .39*** -.18* -.02 .17* -.09
9. AuthVV-P -- .10* .17* .48*** .22**
AAMAS 10. CO-S -- .23** .26** -.12
11. EA-S -- -.03 .38***
12. CO-P -- .15
13. EA-P --
Note. All scores are scaled scores. 1. Age = parents’ age in years; 2. Sex (1 = Male, 2 = Female); 3. Years in US; PAQ (Parenting Authority
Questionnaire): 4. Perm-S = students’ perception of permissive parenting style, 5. AuthNN-S = students’ perception of authoritarian parenting
style, 6. AuthVV-S = students’ perception of authoritative parenting style, 7. Perm-P = parents’ perception of permissive parenting style, 8.
AuthNN-P = parents’ perception of authoritarian parenting style, 9. AuthVV-P = parents’ perception of authoritative parenting style; AAMAS
(Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale): 10. CO-S = students’ culture of origin enculturation, 11. EA-S = students’ European
American acculturation, 12. CO-P = parents’ culture of origin enculturation, 13. EA-P = parents’ European American acculturation.
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

66
Table 3: (Continued)

Means, Standard Deviations, and Zero-order Pearson Product Correlations for Measured Variables
Variables M SD 14 15 16 17 18 19
1. Age 51.16 7.55 .08 .03 .15 .01 .03 .05
2. Sex .19 .12 .12 .01 -.04 .11
3. Yr_US 18.05 7.14 -.10 -.05 -.01 -.09 -.09 -.02
PAQ 4. Perm-S 2.23 .65 -.56*** -.51*** -.33*** .06 .01 -.09
5. AuthNN-S 3.60 .88 .61*** .56*** .55*** .16* .20* .16*
6. AuthVV-S 3.27 .70 -.41*** -.22** -.37*** .02 -.03 .00
7. Perm-P 2.88 .52 -.34*** -.37*** -.26** .28*** .33*** -.04
8. AuthNN-P 3.04 .75 .22** .01 .03 .37*** .26** .33***
9. AuthVV-P 3.76 .42 .14 -.07 -.19* -.00 -.09 -.19
AAMAS 10. CO-S 4.70 .75 .18* .10 -.01 -.11 -.05 -.14
11. EA-S 4.96 .63 -.11 -.27** -.11 .11 .09 -.35***
12. CO-P 4.94 .71 .14 .19* .07 .03 -.07 .03
13. EA-P 2.89 .91 -.08 -.15 -.17* -.20* -.17* -.39***
ICI 14. FE-S 2.91 .99 -- .72*** .52*** .10 -.01 .12
15. EC-S 3.43 1.24 -- .64*** .12 .00 .21**
16. DM-S 3.41 1.79 -- .06 -.09 .18*
17. FE-P 2.41 .97 -- .80*** .54***
18. EC-P 2.61 1.19 -- .38***
19. DM-P 3.03 1.49 --
Note. All scores are scaled scores. ICI (intergenerational conflicts inventory): 14. FE-S = students’ perception of Family Expectation
dimension of intergenerational conflicts, 15. EC-S = students’ perception of Education and Career dimension of intergenerational
conflicts, 16. D-S = students’ perception of Dating and Marriage dimension of intergenerational conflicts, 17. FE-P = parents’ perception
of Family Expectation dimension of intergenerational conflicts, 18. EC-P = parents’ perception of Education and Career dimension of
intergenerational conflicts, 19. D-P = parents’ perception of Dating and Marriage dimension of intergenerational conflicts
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

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Parents’ gender was significantly correlated with parents’ perception of
authoritarian parenting style, r = .19, p = .021, students’ perception of Family
Expectation dimension of intergenerational conflicts, r = .19, p = .021, and inversely
correlated with parents’ reported level of acculturation, r = -.25, p = .002. This
suggested mothers reported higher level of authoritarian parenting style and lower
level of European American acculturation, and their children reported higher level of
intergenerational conflicts in Family Expectations.
Significant correlations among the subscales were found within each of the
major measures (AAMAS, ICI, and PAQ), except parents’ reported level of
acculturation and enculturation. Levels of acculturation and enculturation were not
related to each other for the parents.
Students’ perceptions of permissive and authoritative parenting styles were
significantly and inversely correlated with their perceptions of all three dimensions
of intergenerational conflicts, while their perception of the authoritarian parenting
style was significantly correlated with intergenerational conflicts. This suggested that
students who perceive their parents having more permissive and authoritative
parenting styles and less authoritarian parenting style also perceive higher level of
intergenerational conflicts in all three dimensions.
Regarding parents’ perceptions of their own parenting styles and levels of
intergenerational conflicts, significantly correlations were found between permissive
parenting style and only two dimensions of the intergenerational conflicts (Family

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Expectations and Education and Careers), while authoritarian parenting style was
significantly correlated with all three dimensions of the intergenerational conflicts
from the parents’ perspectives. This suggested that those parents who reported a
more permissive parenting style also reported higher level of intergenerational
conflicts in Family Expectation and Career and Career dimensions, and those parents
who reported a more authoritarian parenting style reported higher level of
intergenerational conflicts in all three dimensions.
Students’ level of culture of origin enculturation was significantly correlated
with students’ perceptions of intergenerational conflicts in Family Expectation, and
students’ level of European American acculturation was significantly and inversely
correlated students’ perception of intergenerational conflicts in Education and
Career, and parents’ perception of intergenerational conflicts in Dating and
Marriage. This suggested that the more enculturated students reported higher level
of conflicts in Family Expectations, while the more acculturation students reported
more conflicts in Education and Career, and their parents reported higher level of
conflicts in Dating and Marriage.
Parents’ level of culture of origin enculturation was significantly correlated
with their perceptions of Family Expectation dimension of intergenerational
conflicts, and parents’ level of European American acculturation was significantly
and inversely correlated with students’ perception of Dating and Marriage
intergenerational conflicts, parents’ perception of intergenerational conflicts in all

69

three areas. This suggested that students with more enculturated parents reported
more conflicts in Family Expectations and those with more acculturated parents
reported fewer conflicts in Dating and Marriage. In addition, those parents who are
more acculturated perceive having few intergenerational conflicts in all three
dimensions.
Research Question One: Do Parenting Styles, Acculturation Levels, and
Intergenerational Conflicts Reported by Students and Parents Predict Academic
Performances in Vietnamese High School Students?
A logistic multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine if parenting
styles, acculturation levels, and intergenerational conflicts reported by both students
and parents predict academic performances (high or low) in Vietnamese high school
students.
Results indicated that the logistic regression model this study proposed did
not significantly predicted academic performances, χ
2
(16) = 13.06, p = .669. The
model accounted for approximately 8.4% to 11.4% of the variances in academic
performances, with 91% of the high academic performance students successfully
predicted. However, only 32.1% of the predictions of the low academic performance
students were accurate. Overall, 69.1% of the predictions were accurate. The only
significant predictor amongst the predictors examined was the level of
intergenerational conflicts in Education and Career perceived by the parents, OR =
.50, p = .024, 95% CI of OR = .27 to .91, suggesting that students with parents who

70

perceived higher intergenerational conflicts in Education and Career were
significantly more likely to have low academic performances. Table 4 illustrates the
odds ratio (OR) and the Wald statistics values for each of the predictor variables.
Table 4

Summary for Statistics of Predictors of Academic Achievement

95% CI of OR

Variables Wald OR p Low High
Parents’ Parenting Style

Permissive .05 .91 .832 .37 2.22

Authoritarian .18 .86 .674 .42 1.75

Authoritative .13 .80 .721 .23 2.75
Parents’ Acculturation Levels

Enculturation .32 .80 .571 .37 1.74

Acculturation 1.34 1.35 .247 .81 2.26
Parents’ Perceived Intergenerational Conflicts

Family Expectation 3.79 2.02 .052 1.00 4.87

Education and Career* 5.19 .50 .024 .27 .91

Dating and Marriage .05 .96 .819 .67 1.37

Students’ Perceived Parenting Style

Permissive .20 .82 .651 .34 1.96

Authoritarian .11 1.16 .744 .48 2.76

Authoritative .65 .70 .419 .29 1.67
Students’ Acculturation Levels

Enculturation 1.37 1.57 .241 .74 3.31

Acculturation 2.68 .50 .102 .22 1.15
Students’ Perceived Intergenerational Conflicts

Family Expectation .58 .75 .446 .36 1.56

Education and Career .45 .83 .502 .47 1.45

Dating and Marriage .09 1.05 .762 .76 1.44
Note: p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001
Research Question Two: Are Perceptions of Parenting Styles and Intergenerational
Conflict between Vietnamese High School Students and their Parents Related to
Each Other?
Paired-samples correlations and paired-samples t-tests were conducted to
examine if parents’ perceptions of parenting styles and intergenerational conflicts
were related to the students’. Statistics are summarized in Table 5.

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Table 5

Summary of Statistics of Paired-Samples Correlations and T-Tests
Correlation T-Tests
Pair of Variables r P T df P
Parenting Styles
Permissive .36*** .000 -12.10*** 158 .000
Authoritarian .28*** .000 7.21*** 158 .000
Authoritative .04 .584 -.70*** 158 .000
Intergenerational Conflicts
Family and Expectation .10 .199 4.46*** 154 .000
Education and Career .00 .999 5.84*** 154 .000
Dating and Marriage .18* .023 2.20* 156 .029
Note: p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

Table 6

Means and Standard Deviations of Parents and Students’ Perceptions of Parenting Styles and
Intergenerational Conflicts
Parents Students
Variables M SD M SD
Parenting Styles
Permissive 2.88 .52 2.23 .65
Authoritarian 3.04 .75 3.60 .88
Authoritative 3.76 .42 3.27 .70
Intergenerational Conflicts
Family and Expectation 2.41 .97 2.88 .98
Education and Career 2.61 1.19 3.41 1.25
Dating and Marriage 3.03 1.49 3.41 1.80

Results indicated that, only perceptions of permissive parenting style,
authoritarian parenting style, and Dating and Marriage intergenerational conflicts
were significantly correlated with each other, r = .36, p < .001; r = .28, p < .001, and
r = .18, p = .023, respectively. These results suggested that parents of those students
who perceive experiencing a more permissive parenting style or a more authoritarian
parenting style also self-report having a more permissive or a more authoritarian
parenting style. In addition, parents of those students who reported having more

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intergenerational conflicts in Dating and Marriage also report having more
intergenerational conflicts in Dating and Marriage.
Further, results of the paired-sample t-tests indicated that students and parents
significantly differ in their perceptions in parenting styles and intergenerational
conflicts in all areas. More specifically, students’ perceived their parents having a
less permissive style and a less authoritative parenting style than what their parents’
self-report, t (158) = -12.10, p < .001 and t (158) = -7.70, p < .001, respectively,
while students perceived their parents having a more authoritarian parenting style
than what their parents self report, t (158) = 7.21, p < .001. In addition, students
perceive higher levels of intergenerational conflicts in all three areas than what their
parents perceive, t (154) = 4.46, p < .001, t (154) = 5.84, p < .001, and t (156) = 2.20,
p = .029, respectively.
Research Question Three: Do Demographic Factors (Years in the US, Years of
Education in Vietnam, and Family Income Level) Predict Academic Performances in
Vietnamese American High School Students?
A logistic multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine if parents’
demographic factors (years in the YS, years of education in Vietnam, and family
income level) predict academic performances (high or low) in Vietnamese high
school students. Results indicated that the logistic regression model this study
proposed significantly predicted academic performances, χ
2
(3) = 20.38, p < .001.
The model accounted for approximately 12.8% to 17.6% of the variances in

73

academic performances, with 86.5% of the high academic performance students
successfully predicted. However, only 39.6% of the predictions of the low academic
performance students were accurate. Overall, 69.8% of the predictions were
accurate. There were two significant predictors amongst the demographic predictors
examined – Years in the US, OR = 1.14, p < .001, 95% CI of OR = 1.07 to 1.22, and
level of Family income, OR = .75, p = .021, 95% CI of OR = .58 to .96, suggesting
that students with parents who have been in the US for longer and have lower level
of family income were significantly more likely to have high academic
performances. Table 7 illustrates the odds ratio (OR) and the Wald statistics values
for each of the predictor variables.
Table 7

Summary for Statistics of Demographic Predictors of Academic Achievement

95% CI of OR

Variables Wald OR P Low High
Parents’ Years in the US*** 16.41 1.14 .000 1.07 1.22
Level of Family Income* 5.36 .75 .021 .58 .96
Parents’ Years of Education in Vietnam .45 .94 .503 .80 1.12
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

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Chapter Five
Results and Discussion

The present study investigated factors contributing to high and low
performing Vietnamese high school students through several logistic regression
analysis and correlations analysis identifying parenting styles, acculturation levels,
and intergenerational conflict as possible contributing factors associated with student
performance. Parent and student comparisons among performance groups were
conducted to identify possible predictors of academic achievement as determined by
high and low performance groups. The following chapter provides a summary and
discussion of the results, as well as theoretical and applied implications. Limitations
of this study are also discussed as well as possible directions for future research.
The findings of this study indicate that parenting style, acculturation, and
intergenerational conflict do not differentiate between high and low performing
Vietnamese high-school students. Both performance groups (high and low) reported
similar parenting practices, acculturation levels and amount of intergenerational
conflict (except for conflicts in the areas of education and career), suggesting that
these particular variables are not significant predicators of academic achievement.
This finding is surprising given that previous research indicated that specific
parenting practices applied in the home are possible indicators of high or low
performance in adolescents (Dornbusch et al., 1987; Steinberg, Dornbusch, &

75

Brown, 1992). Children raised from authoritative parents develop high levels of
competence, achievement, social development, and positive self perception
(Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Children raised in permissive and authoritarian homes
are primary associated with negative development, such as low self esteem, higher
risk of school drop out, truancy, and earlier exposure to sexual activity (Lamborn et
al., 1991). The results of this study are aligned to what Chao (1994) indicated in her
study that when comparing parenting practices on academic achievement across
different ethnic groups, results are inconsistent. Participants in this study reported
the same types of parenting practices displayed in both high and low performing
schools, suggesting that similar practices are being displayed at both settings, so the
parenting practices alone to do not predict high or low performing students.
In relation to acculturation, research in the areas of academic achievement as
it pertains to acculturation of Vietnamese adolescents is of mixed results. Several
studies support the model minority stereotype in which Vietnamese students
acculturate rather quickly and do well academically (Lin, Masuda, & Tazuma,
(1982); LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, J. (1993). Conversely, other studies
suggest the acculturation process for Vietnamese adolescents are extremely difficult,
resulting in dropping out of school, associating with gangs, and committing criminal
activity (Ima and Nidorff, 1998; Tsunokai and Kposwa, 2002). Results of this study
confirm the notion that when studying Vietnamese families the acculturation variable
alone is not a significant predictor of academic success because as reported in the

76

present study both students and parents demonstrate equal acculturation patterns at
both high and low performing schools.
The only significant predictor amongst the predictors examined was the level
of intergenerational conflicts in the area of Education and Career. Results of this
particular finding suggest that when families argue or have disagreements around the
areas of education and career especially when the disagreements are with fathers,
they are more likely to have children perform poorer academically. This could be
associated with the values and expectations that are imposed within the Vietnamese
culture and the pressures of living up those expectations set forth by their parents.
Similar to the findings from Dandy and Nettlebeck (2002), indicating that
Vietnamese parents’ expectations of academic and career achievements for their
children are higher than those of other ethnic groups causing a direct conflict
between what parents see and expect resulting in low academic performance.
Intergenerational conflict is more likely to occur between father and child in the area
of education and career (Tsai-Chae and Nagata, 2008). Results of the demographic
data suggest that more fathers participated in the study (53%), affirming the study
conducted by Tsai-Chae and Nagata (2008). As students struggle academically,
continued conflict will occur, resulting in other possible factors contributing to
lowered academic performance such as depression. Vietnamese adolescents who
display signs of depression are less likely then their white counterparts to seek
treatment and this is due to the cultural stigma associated with a diagnosis of

77

depression (DuongTran, 1996). Depression does not only affect Vietnamese
adolescents, but also parents are more likely to experience mental health issues as
well. Vietnamese Americans over fifty-five, most who come to the United States as
political refugees, report more mental health problems than their white counterparts
(Sorken at el, 2008). If parents are suffering from mental health issues as well,
treatment for the entire family will be impacted.
Based on this study, the three aforementioned variables did not predict
academic achievement among Vietnamese American high school students. It may be
that individual and external factors (outside the home environment) such as peer
group, intrinsic motivation, and teacher-student relationships may be more
compelling factors in explaining the academic disparity among high and low
performing Vietnamese students.
Research by Bankston, Caldas, and Zhou, (1997) suggest that academic
achievement of Vietnamese American high school students is closely associated with
their peer/social group in which they associate with. If students associate with
positive peer roles models that are academically driven are likely to perform better in
school conversely, as students associated with negative peers they are more likely to
struggle academically (Wentzel and Caldwell, 1997). According Tsunokai and
Kposwa (2002) Vietnamese street gangs are on the rise, especially with the new
immigrant population. This recent phenomenon is associated with the lack of
success in school and the difficulties successfully acculturating to the pro-social

78

elements of a community within the first two years of arriving to the United States
Baba (2001).
When studying academic achievement among adolescent students,
motivation is an area that should be considered in order to accurately assess
performance levels (Meece, Anderman & Anderman (2005), in which this study did
not account for. The will to achieve is essential in determining student performance.
Students that are motivated intrinsically are more likely to perform better
academically (Burton, Lydon, D'Alessandro & Koestner, 2006).
Positive teacher-student relationships correlate with student performance.
Students who report having positive relationships with teachers perform better at the
secondary level (Darling-Hammond & Baratz-Snowden, 2007). Characteristics of
positive teachers are individuals that demonstrate democratic interactions styles,
develop high expectations for all students, model a caring attitude, and provide
constrictive feedback (Darling-Hammond & Baratz-Snowden, 2007).
In terms of convergence of perceptions in parenting style and
intergenerational conflict between parents and adolescents, there were some notable
positive correlations, mainly in the areas of permissive parenting style, authoritarian
parenting style, and intergenerational conflict in area of Dating and Marriage.
Students’ perceived their parents as having a less permissive parenting style, a less
authoritative parenting style and less intergenerational conflict in the area of dating
and marriage than what their parents’ self-reported. A significant discrepancy was

79

noted in the perception of authoritarian parenting styles. Students felt that their
parents exhibited more authoritarian characteristics then what their parents believed.
Regarding intergenerational conflicts, students report experiencing higher level of
intergenerational conflicts in all three areas (family expectations, education and
career, and dating and marriage) with higher levels of discrepancies in the area of
dating and marriage than what their parents perceive (i.e., their parents report lower
level of intergenerational conflicts).
The significant discrepancy between parent and child’s perceptions around
intergenerational conflict indicated that what parents report, especially in the area of
marriage and dating, are not what their children perceive. This conflict can be
explained by understanding the cultural values that Vietnamese families hold. Issues
revolving around dating and marriage especially during high school years are
considered a taboo because of its implications on education and career. Vietnamese
parents have taught their children that education is the key to success; therefore
everything else will be considered a distraction. Vietnamese parents are strict about
allowing their children to date early especially in high school because dating may
deter from their studies, which in turn my have direct impact on their future
educational and career opportunities. All of the intergenerational conflict
discrepancies within Vietnamese families can be directly linked to their cultural
value system. Intergenerational conflict will continue to occur as the acculturation
process for Vietnamese parents continue to be slower then their children. As

80

children acculturate to European-American values while parents maintain strong ties
to their culture of origin, intergenerational conflict with persist (Chung, 2001). The
present study only identified the fact that parents and children view things
differently. The results do not identify the reasons that account for the difference in
perceptions, but the results do allow for inferences to be made.
There were two significant predictors amongst the demographic information
obtained from parents: Years in the United States and level of Family income. The
two areas identified suggested that students with parents who have been in the
United States longer (almost 20 years) and have lower level of family income were
significantly more likely to have high academic performances.
Vietnamese parents who have lived in the United States for almost 20 years
are more likely to acculturate to the dominate cultural norms and are more likely to
be more supportive and inclined to support the educational endeavors of their
children. Parents who have lived here longer, have had the opportunity to learn the
educational system in the United States, either by going to school themselves or by
learning through support groups, which allow for parents to better equip themselves
with the tools necessary to help their children succeed academically. As Vietnamese
parents become more acculturated to European American values, less
intergenerational conflicts occur (Chung, 2001), supporting previous studies
indicating that the less conflict that exist among parent-child relationships directly

81

impact academic performance (Ying and Han, 2007; Cheung and Nguyen, 2001;
Nguyen-Chawkins, 1997).
The longer individuals are settled in a particular location, individuals develop
better knowledge of the community and the resources available to them. Vietnamese
families are excellent examples of this. The Vietnamese culture strives on the notion
that the community is an extension of the family and what is successful or positive
should be shared with everyone in the community. As soon as one family realizes
that a particular program or service is beneficial, they will share the information with
everyone in the community. By doing this; Vietnamese families have developed a
positive network that allows for equitable access to resources. Research based on
SES and academic achievement suggest that parents who have access to community
resources as it pertains to academics are more likely to have children who perform
higher academically despite the levels of SES (Borman and Overman, 2004). This
phenomenon could be explained by addressing the cultural capital theory (Bourdieu,
1973). Cultural capital is the knowledge, experience or connections one has had
through the course of their life that enables them to succeed more (Bourdieu, 1973).
Vietnamese adolescents who come from low SES backgrounds are high
achieving contradicts past research indicating that students who come from low SES
families have a greater chance of struggling academically. In one study conducted
by Duncan at el., (1998) found that children in families with incomes less than one-
half of the poverty line were found to score between six and thirteen points lower on

82

the various standardized tests. In another study, Caldwell and Ginther (1996) found
that students from low SES backgrounds constitute the largest population of
individuals considered to be at-risk of not graduating form high school. While there
is some research that disputes the fact that SES affects students’ academic
achievement, most researchers agree that children are affected by SES. Perhaps
most alarming are the findings that while SES seems to affect all children in their
academic achievement and cognitive abilities, it tends to be most detrimental in the
earliest years of development (Ram and Hou, 2003; Bradly and Corwy, 2002;
Lindjord, 2002).
Despite overwhelming research on how low SES can negatively impact
student performance, results of this study indicated that Vietnamese families coming
from low SES backgrounds can be a positive predictor for higher academic
performance in high school. Alluding to the fact that despite coming from low SES
families, Vietnamese students can be resilient and still perform better academically.
Milne and Plourde (2006) concluded the following three factors in the home
contributed to student success even though students came from low SES families: 1)
the need to have extensive home guidance and support, through school and
community organizations, 2) parental expectations and their willingness to speak
with their children about the importance of getting and education and how it would
help them in the future (imposing this educational value early on) and 3) parents
establishing clear boundaries so that their children would know that doing

83

schoolwork and other educational activities was not optional. In addition to home
factors contributing to resiliency, school factors also contribute to the success of
students coming from low SES backgrounds. The most powerful school
characteristic of academic resilience are represented by the supportive school
community model that includes the following characteristics: 1) Caring and
Supporting teachers, 2) A safe and orderly school environment, 3) Positive
expectations for all children, 4) Opportunities for students to become meaningfully
and productively involved and, 5) Efforts to improve partnerships and relationships
between home and school (Borman, 2004).
Implications
The results of this study provides important implications for researchers
currently developing theories to explain possible factors contributing to academic
achievement of Vietnamese high school students. Despite the findings; the role of
parents, parenting styles, acculturation levels, and intergenerational conflict should
be considered important variables; however the degree it has on academic
achievement may not be as important factors contributing to performance group
differences. Yet despite the continued discourse on the importance of these
variables, few empirical studies have been conducted on the specific role that
parenting styles, acculturation levels, and intergenerational conflict contribute to the
overall academic success of Vietnamese high school students. Continued research
and development is needed in this area. While mixed results have been found using

84

Baumrind’s (1971) theoretical framework on racial/ethnic minorities, this study
supports its continued use, with an understanding that other variables, such as
acculturation, intergenerational conflict, and SES may play an even more important
role in the academic achievement outcomes of Vietnamese American high school
students.
The degree in which students and parents see eye to eye in regards to the
types of parenting styles and the amount of intergenerational conflict is contingent
on the relationship that exist within the family dynamics. It is clear that what parents
report in regards to parenting practices and the amount of intergenerational conflict
contradicts what their children perceive. The misconception of what parents
perceive they are doing two what their children actually report is alarming because
this will create continued difficulties in developing positive parent-child
relationships. Especially in the areas of parenting styles, when children perceive
higher amounts of authoritarian practices, while the parents report higher levels of
authoritative and permissive practices. These results open up new important
theoretical implications for researchers studying parenting styles using Baumrind’s
(1971) typology with Vietnamese Americans. Current literature suggests that
authoritative parenting for Caucasians rears the most competent children in all
behavioral and psychological dimensions. Authoritarian parenting, conversely, is
suggested to lead to poor mental health, estranged family relationships, and low self-
esteem for students (Shek, 1999; Kerka, 2000). However, the results of this study

85

reveal that there are positive attributes of authoritarian parenting in regards to
academic achievement of Vietnamese Americans. The results from this study also
lend support for Chao’s (1994) assertion that authoritarian parenting may not have
the same connotation for Asian American students as defined from a Western
perspective, and that this type of parental authority may be viewed as positive
involvement in the life of the child and adolescent. Based on this it is imperative
that effective communication skills be developed, which will allow for honest
conversations to occur to address the differences in the perceptions which may have
direct impact on academic achievement.
Demographic information also has important implications that should be
taken into account when working with Vietnamese families. The findings from this
study indicated that parents who live in the United States longer have a positive
correlation to high academic achievement in their children. In regards to Vietnamese
parents, the acculturation element is the area that needs to be examined. Results
revealed that it was acculturation to European American culture that had an influence
on academic achievement. Suggesting that the longer parents are exposed to the
cultural norms within the dominant society they are more supportive in the
educational process of their children because they are more knowledgeable of the
educational processes.
The level of SES does not have a significant impact on academic
achievement of Vietnamese families. The findings indicated that low SES has a

86

positive correlation to high performance in Vietnamese American high school
students. Suggesting that low SES does not actually produce lower achieving
students, as mentioned by previous studies (Ram and Hou, 2003; Bradly and Corwy,
2002; Lindjord, 2002; and Duncan at el., 1998). Based on this finding, further
research should focus on the resiliency aspects and what they are doing within the
home that contributes to the academic success of Vietnamese Americans.
Results of this study should focus on the practical implications associated
with the educational achievement of Vietnamese American high school students.
Educators or other mental health professionals must continue to take into
consideration the important familial and cultural factors that may play a role in their
academic achievement of Vietnamese American high school students. Educators
should be prudent in asking students about the specific roles that their family and
culture may play in their lives, as well as the expectations that may or may not be
placed on them in regards to academics. Based on the feedback of the student,
assistance could be provided on ways to encourage healthy parent-child relationships
and discussions to facilitate their academic achievement through continued
partnership with both the parent and child in hope to bridge the cultural gaps that
exist among parent and child.
Limitations of Study
Several limitations must be taken into consideration for this study, including
issues of design, internal and external validity, generalizability, and instrumentation.

87

First and foremost, with the use of a self-report survey, results of this study relied on
the subjective experiences. This study may have been limited with any discrepancies
between students’ perceived parenting styles, acculturation levels, and
intergenerational conflict in relation to their parents’ perception.
Secondly, this study did not take into about other potential factors that could
have direct impact on academic achievement, such as individual motivation, study
skills, peer group, self-efficacy, self-regulatory behavior, and cognitive ability.
A third limitation to this study focused on high school students; therefore the
ability to address the factors associated with these students prior to arriving to high
school was not addressed. Students could have entered high school with un-
diagnosed disabilities, social-emotional overlays, or cognitive delays that could have
impacted education and was not accounted for in this study.
A fourth limitation to this study was in the type of design used for this study.
Due to the non-experimental nature of this study, statistical analyses could only be
provided on the degree of the relationships between the independent and dependent
variables. No cause-and-effect relationships could be implied that parenting styles,
acculturation, and intergenerational conflict produced high or low performing
academic students.
A fifth limitation to this study was in the instrumentation used. Although the
AAMAS and ICI was specifically developed for use with Asian Americans, there
have been a limited number of studies that have been conducted using only

88

Vietnamese Americans. In addition, there have been limited studies using the PAQ
specifically for Asian Americans not to mention Vietnamese Americans. Thus,
caution must be used when analyzing the results of this study, as personal and
contextual factors must be taken into consideration, as well. Although strong
reliabilities were found for most of the measures in this study (except for the PAQ)
more empirical research must be conducted on each of these measures, specifically
for racial/ethnic minorities.
Lastly, by using translated material the fidelity of the translations need to be
viewed with caution. Despite using the Brislin’s (1980) back translation method
exact translations can never occur, especially when specific English words are not
found within the Vietnamese language.
Future Directions
While this study provided a cross-sectional study of the relationship between
parenting styles, acculturation, and intergenerational conflict, it would be valuable to
conduct a longitudinal study on these meaningful relationships by expanding the
study to a broader age range and also following the academic performance of
individuals from elementary school through high school, in addition further analyses
should include more internal and external factors associated with the individual child
as possible predictors of academic achievement. While the use of self-report survey
methods provide an understanding of the relationships between important variables,
future research may want to include a combination of self-reports, interviews, and

89

case studies to provide an even greater contextualization on the influences of
academic achievement for Vietnamese American students.
Continued research in the areas of parenting styles specifically in relation to
Authoritarian practices within Vietnamese families should continue to be explored,
since this study alluded to the fact that children perceive more authoritarian practices
being displayed. Similar to studies conducted by Chao (1994) in which she noted
that this parental authority has often been used in order to help children achieve
specific goals that are deemed important in Asian culture, such as education.
Similarly, Lau and Cheung (1987) have also pointed out that authoritarian parenting,
such as parental obedience and some aspects of strictness, have been viewed as
concern, care, involvement, and/or fostering family harmony in Asian American
families. Thus, the use of control by Asian American families may not necessarily be
the equivalent of authoritarian parenting that has been defined from a Western
perspective.
Further research should also focus on the low achieving Vietnamese high
school students, demystifying the “Model Minority” stereotype. Especially because
based on the targeted subgroup classifications (high and low performing) selected
there are obvious concerns with the low performing Vietnamese students. Further
focus should explore the acculturation to the street culture and the development of
Vietnamese youth gangs as possible predictors to low academic achievement as
indicated by Ima and Nidorff (1998).

90

The demographic, economic, and cultural shifts of a new generation of
Vietnamese Americans in the United States, it may be helpful to do research on the
unique changes that may be occurring in parenting, parenting styles, acculturation,
and the amount of intergenerational conflict that exist. As a new wave of Vietnamese
Americans become parents, changes may occur in how children and adolescents are
raised. Researchers must begin to investigate potentially new influences on the
academic achievement of the next generation of Vietnamese American students.
Lastly, an area that should be researched is in the area of intergenerational
conflict. The amount of conflict that exists alludes to possible emotional overlays
that may have significant impact on academic achievement. Despite having students
still performing well, there are significant areas that should be addressed in regards
to the mental health status of Vietnamese Americans. Research conducted by Sorken
at el, (2008) indicated that Vietnamese Americans participating in the Health
Interview Survey were twice as likely as whites to report needing mental health care,
but were less likely to discuss such issues with their doctor. In addition, they were
more prone to have trouble functioning in their daily lives because of these
problems.
Conclusion
While other studies have identified possible variables that predict academic
achievement of Asian American, this study provided specific information for a single
subgroup within Asian-Americans, focusing specifically on Vietnamese Americans.

91

The study pointed out that parenting styles, acculturation and intergenerational
conflict do not predict high or low performing students, but it identified demographic
characteristics within the Vietnamese population that can be used as possible
predictors in academic achievement in children. The study also highlighted
significant parent-child differences that may impact academic achievement in
regards to parenting practices and intergenerational conflict. Understanding the
disparities that exist among the parent and child will provide for better understanding
of the complexities that exist within the family dynamics in order to better develop a
healthy parent-child relationship. It is with this new knowledge that researchers and
practitioners can continue to build on addressing the academic achievement issues
surrounding Vietnamese American high school students.

92

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98

APPENDIX A
University of Southern California
[Rossier School Of Education]

INFORMED CONSENT

********************************************************************
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
(ADULT STUDENT)

Academic Achievement Among Vietnamese American
High School Students

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Mark Hung Nguyen, M.S.
from the Rossier School of Education at the University of Southern California. You must be
at least 18 years of age to participate. Your participation is voluntary. You should read the
information below, and ask questions about anything you do not understand, before deciding
whether or not to participate. Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form.
You may also decide to discuss it with your family or friends. If you decide to participate,
you will be asked to sign this form. You will be given a copy of this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to explore the factors that contribute to academic achievement
among Vietnamese American High School students; addressing Parenting Styles,
Acculturation to European American culture and Intergenerational Conflict.

Your participation is completely voluntary. Your grades will not be affected whether or not
you participate, and the school will not be told whether or not you participate in this study.
Please take as much time as you need to read the information below before deciding whether
or not to participate. The individuals listed at the end of this form will be happy to answer
any questions you have about this form or the study. You are welcome to discuss the study
with anyone you like before making your decision. A second copy of this form is included in
this packet for you to keep.

If you give agree to participate, you will be asked to sign this form.

PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask you to do the following things:

99

You can participate in all or some of them.

1. Complete Surveys. You will be asked to complete short surveys about your perception of
parenting practices within your home, your perception of how much you have acculturated
to the European American culture and your perception of the amount of intergenerational
conflict that exist within the home. Your parent will be asked to fill out the parent versions
of the student surveys. The survey will take about 30 minutes to complete and will be given
your teachers/counselors at school to send home.

Confidentiality
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified with
you will remain confidential and will be given out only with your permission or as required
by law.

Your participation is voluntary and all responses are confidential. If enrolled in the study,
you will be randomly assigned a study ID. Any responses provided as part of this study, and
any other data obtained, will be stored with a study ID, not with names. All study data will
be stored in the investigator’s home in a locked file cabinet or password-protected computer.
Only Mark Hung Nguyen and his dissertation committee will have access to the study data.
After three years, all of the data will be destroyed (shredded or deleted). Your responses
will not be shared with your teacher or anyone at their school.

When results of the research are published, presented, or discussed with anyone outside the
dissertation committee, the responses that were given will be grouped with the responses
from other students in the study. This means your choice to participate and your individual
responses will not be shared with you, your child’s teachers, the school or anyone not on the
research team.

Potential Risks and Discomforts
There are minimal risk and discomforts by participating in this study. Common discomforts
include answering questions perceived as personal or sensitive. You can choose not to
answer any question during the survey that you are not comfortable answering.

Potential Benefits to Participants and to Society
You will not directly benefit from your participation. It is hoped that this research will help
teachers, parents and researchers learn more about the contributing factors associated with
high and low performing Vietnamese High School Students.

Compensation for Participation
You will not be paid for participating in this study. All students who were asked to
participate will be given an option to participate in a raffle drawing. The raffle drawing is
optional and students do not have to participate in order to enter the drawing. Prizes will
include gift cards or certificates for the following: 1- IPOD (grand prize), 4 -Movie tickets
(five dollar in value), 4-Ice Cream certificates to Cold Stone (five dollar in value), 1-
Outback Steakhouse (twenty dollar value), 1-Mall certificates (twenty dollar value), 4-

100

Starbucks (five dollar value), and 4-In & Out burger certificates (five dollar value). The
drawing will be conducted by the site administrator in May/09 and students that names were
drawn will be contacted by the site administrator. The odds of winning the grand prize (I-
Pod) is at least or no less than 1 chance in 100. The odds of winning one of the minor prizes
are at least (or no less than) 6 chances in 100.

Freedom to Withdraw
Your participation is voluntary, and you are free to withdraw from this study and to refuse to
answer any questions you do not want to answer without consequences of any kind. Your
grades will not be affected, whether or not you agree to participate.

Alternatives to Participation
Your alternative is to not participate. If you do not want to participate in the research study,
you will continue to participate in the normal school activities without any recourse.

Obtaining Copies of Research Instruments
To obtain copies of the surveys, please contact the principal investigator at the address
below.

Rights of Research Participants & Contact Information
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue your participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
permission to participate in this research study. If you have any questions about your rights
as a study participant or you would like to speak with someone independent of the research
team to obtain answers to questions about the research, or in the event the research staff can
not be reached, please contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room 224a, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1146, (213) 821-
5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

Identification of Investigator
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Mark
Hung Nguyen, M.S. Principal Investigator at 12012 Magnolia Ave, Garden Grove, CA
92840 telephone: 714-724-5722; email: markhngu@usc.edu OR Dr. Ruth Chung, Ph.D.,
Dissertation Chair at rchung@usc.edu.

101

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT

I have read (or someone has read to me) the information provided above. I have
been given a chance to ask questions. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction,
and I agree to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of this form.

Name of Subject

Signature of Subject Date

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the subject and answered all of his/her questions. I
believe that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely
consents to participate.

Name of Investigator

Signature of Investigator Date

102

APPENDIX B
University of Southern California
Rossier School Of Education

PARENT/GUARDIAN AND STUDENT
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH

Academic Achievement among Vietnamese American High School Students

Purpose
You and your child is being invited to participate in a research study conducted by
Mark Hung Nguyen, M.S. from the Rossier School of Education at the University of
Southern California. Your child was selected as a possible participant because he or
she attends either La Quinta or Hare Continuation High School and is of Vietnamese
decent.

The purpose of this study is to explore the factors that contribute to academic
achievement among Vietnamese American High School students; addressing
Parenting Styles, Acculturation to European American culture and Intergenerational
Conflict.

You and your child’s participation is completely voluntary. Your child’s grades will
not be affected whether or not s/he participates, and the school will not be told
whether or not s/he participates in this study. Please take as much time as you need
to read the information below before deciding whether or not to participate. If you
agree to allow your child to participate, s/he will also be asked if s/he wants to
participate. Your child will be given a separate form, called an Assent Form to read.
The individuals listed at the end of this form will be happy to answer any questions
you have about this form or the study. You, or your child, are welcome to discuss the
study with anyone you like before making your decision. A second copy of this form
is included in this packet for you to keep.

If you give permission for your child to participate, you and your child will be asked
to sign this form. Even if you do give your permission, the final decision lies with
your child, who may choose whether or not to participate in the study.

Procedures
If you give your permission to participate, and your child also agrees to participate in
this study, you and your child will be asked to do the things described below.

103

You and your child can participate in all or some of them.

1. Complete Surveys. Your child will be asked to complete short surveys about his or
her perception of parenting practices within the home, his or her perception of how
much they are acculturated to the European American culture and his or her
perception of the amount of intergenerational conflict that exist within the home.
You as the parent will be asked to fill out the parent versions of the student surveys.
The survey will take about 30 minutes to complete and will be given to your child’s
teachers at school to send home.

Confidentiality
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with your child will remain confidential and will be given out only with
your and your child’s permission or as required by law.

You and your child’s participation is voluntary and all responses are confidential. If
enrolled in the study, you and your child will be randomly assigned a study ID. Any
responses provided as part of this study, and any other data obtained, will be stored
with a study ID, not with names. All study data will be stored in the investigator’s
home in a locked file cabinet or password-protected computer. Only Mark Hung
Nguyen and his dissertation committee will have access to the study data. After three
years, all of the data will be destroyed (shredded or deleted). You and your child’s
responses will not be shared with his/her teacher or anyone at their school.

When results of the research are published, presented, or discussed with anyone
outside the dissertation committee, the responses that were given will be grouped
with the responses from other students in the study. This means your child’s choice
to participate and his or her individual responses will not be shared with you, your
child’s teachers, the school or anyone not on the research team.

Potential Risks and Discomforts
There are minimal risk and discomforts by participating in this study. Common
discomforts include answering questions perceived as personal or sensitive. You and
your child can choose not to answer any question during the survey that you and
your child are not comfortable answering.

Potential Benefits to Participants and to Society
You and your child will not directly benefit from his/her participation. It is hoped
that this research will help teachers, parents and researchers learn more about the
contributing factors associated with high and low performing Vietnamese High
School Students.

104

Compensation for Participation
You and your child will not be paid for participating in this study. All students who
were asked to participate will be given an option to participate in a raffle drawing.
The raffle drawing is optional and students do not have to participate in order to
enter the drawing. Prizes will include gift cards or certificates for the following: 1-
IPOD (grand prize), 4 -Movie tickets (five dollar in value), 4-Ice Cream certificates
to Cold Stone (five dollar in value), 1-Outback Steakhouse (twenty dollar value), 1-
Mall certificates (twenty dollar value), 4-Starbucks (five dollar value), and 4-In &
Out burger certificates (five dollar value). The drawing will be conducted by the site
administrator in May/09 and students that names were drawn will be contacted by
the site administrator. The odds of winning the grand prize (I-Pod) is at least or no
less than 1 chance in 100. The odds of winning one of the minor prizes are at least
(or no less than) 6 chances in 100.

Freedom to Withdraw
You and your child’s participation is voluntary, and you are free to withdraw from
this study and to refuse to answer any questions you both do not want to answer
without consequences of any kind. Your child’s grades will not be affected, whether
or not s/he agrees to participate.

Alternatives to Participation
You and your child’s alternative is to not participate. If you, or your child, do not
want to participate in the research study, s/he will continue to participate in the
normal school activities without any recourse.

Obtaining Copies of Research Instruments
To obtain copies of the surveys, please contact the principal investigator at the
address below.

Rights of Research Participants & Contact Information
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue you or your child’s
participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your permission for your child to participate in this research
study. If you have any questions about your rights and/or your child’s rights as a
study participant or you would like to speak with someone independent of the
research team to obtain answers to questions about the research, or in the event the
research staff can not be reached, please contact the University Park IRB, Office of
the Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room 224a, Los Angeles,
CA 90089-1146, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

105

Identification of Investigator
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Mark Hung Nguyen, M.S. Principal Investigator at 12012 Magnolia Ave, Garden
Grove, CA 92840 telephone: 714-724-5722; email: markhngu@usc.edu OR Dr. Ruth
Chung, Ph.D., Dissertation Chair at rchung@usc.edu.

THANK YOU FOR REVIEWING THIS INFORMATION!
If you DO give permission for your child to participate in this study,
please complete the form on the following page and return it to your child’s
school.
If you do NOT give permission no further action is requested and you
may do as you wish with this form.

SIGNATURE OF PARENT OR GUARDIAN
I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask
questions. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I give my
permission for my child to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of this
form.

My signature below indicates that I give permission for my child to
participate in this study.

Parent or Guardian Name Child’s Name
____________
Parent or Guardian Signature Child’s Signature

If you would like someone from the research team to contact you about this
study, please check the box below and provide us with a way to reach you.

 Please contact me about this study. I can be reached at: __________________
Email / Phone Number

106

APPENDIX C
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

PARENT/GUARDIAN AND ADULT STUDENT CONSENT TO
PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH

Academic Achievement among Vietnamese American High School
Students

Purpose
You and your child is being invited to participate in a research study conducted by
Mark Hung Nguyen, M.S. from the Rossier School of Education at the University of
Southern California. Your child was selected as a possible participant because he or
she attends either La Quinta or Hare Continuation High School and is of Vietnamese
decent.

The purpose of this study is to explore the factors that contribute to academic
achievement among Vietnamese American High School students; addressing
Parenting Styles, Acculturation to European American culture and Intergenerational
Conflict.

You and your child’s participation is completely voluntary. Your child’s grades will
not be affected whether or not s/he participates, and the school will not be told
whether or not s/he participates in this study. Please take as much time as you need
to read the information below before deciding whether or not to participate. Even
though your child is 18 years of age I am providing this information for you to
review because you are also asked to participate in the study. Your child will be
given a separate form, called a Consent Form to read. The individuals listed at the
end of this form will be happy to answer any questions you have about this form or
the study. You, or your child, are welcome to discuss the study with anyone you like
before making your decision. A second copy of this form is included in this packet
for you to keep.

If you give permission for your child to participate, you and your child will be asked
to sign this form. Even if you do give your permission, the final decision lies with
your child, who may choose whether or not to participate in the study.

Procedures
If you give your permission to participate, and your child also agrees to participate in
this study, you and your child will be asked to do the things described below.

107

You and your child can participate in all or some of them.

1. Complete Surveys. Your child will be asked to complete short surveys about his or
her perception of parenting practices within the home, his or her perception of how
much they are acculturated to the European American culture and his or her
perception of the amount of intergenerational conflict that exist within the home.
You as the parent will be asked to fill out the parent versions of the student surveys.
The survey will take about 30 minutes to complete and will be given to your child’s
teachers at school to send home.

Confidentiality
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with your child will remain confidential and will be given out only with
your and your child’s permission or as required by law.

You and your child’s participation is voluntary and all responses are confidential. If
enrolled in the study, you and your child will be randomly assigned a study ID. Any
responses provided as part of this study, and any other data obtained, will be stored
with a study ID, not with names. All study data will be stored in the investigator’s
home in a locked file cabinet or password-protected computer. Only Mark Hung
Nguyen and his dissertation committee will have access to the study data. After three
years, all of the data will be destroyed (shredded or deleted). You and your child’s
responses will not be shared with his/her teacher or anyone at their school.

When results of the research are published, presented, or discussed with anyone
outside the dissertation committee, the responses that were given will be grouped
with the responses from other students in the study. This means your child’s choice
to participate and his or her individual responses will not be shared with you, your
child’s teachers, the school or anyone not on the research team.

Potential Risks and Discomforts
There are minimal risk and discomforts by participating in this study. Common
discomforts include answering questions perceived as personal or sensitive. You and
your child can choose not to answer any question during the survey that you and
your child are not comfortable answering.

Potential Benefits to Participants and to Society
You and your child will not directly benefit from his/her participation. It is hoped
that this research will help teachers, parents and researchers learn more about the
contributing factors associated with high and low performing Vietnamese High
School Students.

108

Compensation for Participation
You and your child will not be paid for participating in this study. All students who
were asked to participate will be given an option to participate in a raffle drawing.
The raffle drawing is optional and students do not have to participate in order to
enter the drawing. Prizes will include gift cards or certificates for the following: 1-
IPOD (grand prize), 4 -Movie tickets (five dollar in value), 4-Ice Cream certificates
to Cold Stone (five dollar in value), 1-Outback Steakhouse (twenty dollar value), 1-
Mall certificates (twenty dollar value), 4-Starbucks (five dollar value), and 4-In &
Out burger certificates (five dollar value). The drawing will be conducted by the site
administrator in May/09 and students that names were drawn will be contacted by
the site administrator. The odds of winning the grand prize (I-Pod) is at least or no
less than 1 chance in 100. The odds of winning one of the minor prizes are at least
(or no less than) 6 chances in 100.

Freedom to Withdraw
You and your child’s participation is voluntary, and you are free to withdraw from
this study and to refuse to answer any questions you both do not want to answer
without consequences of any kind. Your child’s grades will not be affected, whether
or not s/he agrees to participate.

Alternatives to Participation
You and your child’s alternative is to not participate. If you, or your child, do not
want to participate in the research study, s/he will continue to participate in the
normal school activities without any recourse.

Obtaining Copies of Research Instruments
To obtain copies of the surveys, please contact the principal investigator at the
address below.

Rights of Research Participants & Contact Information
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue you or your child’s
participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your permission for your child to participate in this research
study. If you have any questions about your rights and/or your child’s rights as a
study participant or you would like to speak with someone independent of the
research team to obtain answers to questions about the research, or in the event the
research staff can not be reached, please contact the University Park IRB, Office of
the Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room 224a, Los Angeles,
CA 90089-1146, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

109

Identification of Investigator
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Mark Hung Nguyen, M.S. Principal Investigator at 12012 Magnolia Ave, Garden
Grove, CA 92840 telephone: 714-724-5722; email: markhngu@usc.edu OR Dr. Ruth
Chung, Ph.D., Dissertation Chair at rchung@usc.edu.

THANK YOU FOR REVIEWING THIS INFORMATION!
If you DO give permission for your child to participate in this study,
please complete the form on the following page and return it to your child’s
school.
If you do NOT give permission no further action is requested and you
may do as you wish with this form.

SIGNATURE OF PARENT OR GUARDIAN
I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask
questions. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I give my
permission for my child to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of this
form.

My signature below indicates that I give permission for my child to
participate in this study.

Parent or Guardian Name Child’s Name

____________
Parent or Guardian Signature Child’s Signature

If you would like someone from the research team to contact you about this
study, please check the box below and provide us with a way to reach you.

 Please contact me about this study. I can be reached at: __________________
Email / Phone Number

110

APPENDIX D
Parent and Background Survey
You do not have to answer any question you do not feel comfortable with
and can stop the survey at any time. There are no right or wrong answers, so don’t
spend a lot of time on any one question.

Please check the items that describe you and fill in the requested information
1. Age _____

2. Gender: ____Male ____Female

3. Martial Status: _____Married ______Single ______Divorced
_____Other

4. How many children do you have? ___________

5. In what country were you born?___________________________________

6. How long have you lived in the U.S.? ___________years

7. In what year did you arrive in the U.S?_______________

8. How would you describe the class background of your family?
_____ working class _____ middle class _____ upper
class
_____ lower middle class _____ upper middle class

9. What is your annual family income?
____Less than $25,000 ____$75,000-$99,999 ____$25,000-$49,999
____$50,000-$74,999 ____100,000-$149,000 ____$150,000-$199,000
____$200,000 or more ____Don’t know

10. What is your current occupation? __________________________________

On average how many hours do you work a week? ____________________

111

11. Which religion do you practice?
____None ____Buddhism ____Protestant
____Catholic ____Hinduism ____Islam
____Judaism ____Confucianism Other ______________

12. How many years of education have you completed? ___________________

13. How years of education did you complete in Vietnam? _________________

14. What is the highest degree you hold? _______________________________

15. Please indicate the generation that best applies to you:
____1
st
generation = you were born in another county

____2
nd
generation = you were born in the U.S.

16. Check if any of the following currently reside in the home and have been
significantly involved in raising your child:
grandparents aunt/uncle cousins other_________

112

APPENDIX E

Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ)-Parent
For each of the following statements, circle the number on the 5-point scale that
best indicates how that statement applies to you. Try to read and think about each
statement as it applies to you as parents while your children were growing up.
There are no right or wrong answers, so don’t spend a lot of time on any one
item. We are looking for your overall impression regarding each statement. Be
sure not to omit any items.

1 2 3 4 5
Strongly Disagree Undecided Agree Strongly
Disagree Agree

1. I feel that in a well-run home the children should have their way in the family
as often as the parents do.

1 2 3 4 5
2. As my children were growing up, even if they didn’t agree with me, I felt that
it was for their own good if they were forced to conform to what I thought was
right.

1 2 3 4 5
3. Whenever I told my children to do something as they were growing up, I
expected them to do it immediately without asking any questions.
1 2 3 4 5
4. As my children were growing up, once family policy had been established, I
discussed the reasoning behind the policy with the children in the family.
1 2 3 4 5
5. I have always encouraged verbal give-and-take whenever one of my children
has felt that family rules and restrictions were unreasonable.
1 2 3 4 5
6. I have always felt that what children need is to be free to make up their own
minds and to do what they want to do, even if this does not agree with what their
parents might want.
1 2 3 4 5
7. As my children were growing up, I did not allow them to question any
decision that I had made.
1 2 3 4 5
8. As my children were growing up, I directed their activities and decisions
through reasoning and discipline.
1 2 3 4 5
9. I have always felt that more force should be used by parents in order to get
their children to behave the way they are supposed to.
1 2 3 4 5
10. As my children were growing up, I did not felt hat they needed to obey rules
and regulations of behavior simply because someone in authority had established
them.
1 2 3 4 5
11. As my children were growing up, they know what I expected of them in the
family but they also felt free to discuss those expectations with me when they felt
1 2 3 4 5

113

that they were unreasonable
12. I feel that wise parents should teach their children early just who is boss in
the family.
1 2 3 4 5
13. As my children were growing up, I seldom give them expectations and
guidelines for their behavior.
1 2 3 4 5
14. Most of the time as my children were growing up I did what the children
wanted when making family decisions.
1 2 3 4 5
15. As my children were growing up, I consistently gave them directions and
guidance in rational and objective ways.
1 2 3 4 5
16. As my children were growing up, I would get very upset if any of them tried
to disagree with me.
1 2 3 4 5
17. I feel that most problems in society would be solved if parents would not
restrict their children’s activities, decisions, and desires as they are growing up.
1 2 3 4 5
18. As my children were growing up, I let them know what behaviors I expected
of them, and if they didn’t meet those expectations, I punished them.
1 2 3 4 5
19. As my children were growing up, I allowed them to decide most things for
themselves without a lot of direction from me.
1 2 3 4 5
20. As my children were growing up, I took their opinions into consideration
when making family decisions, but I would not decide for something simply
because the children wanted it.
1 2 3 4 5
21. I did not view myself as responsible for directing and guiding the behavior
of my children as they were growing up.
1 2 3 4 5
22. I had clear standards of behavior for the children in our home as they were
growing up, but I was willing to adjust those standards to the needs of each of the
individual children in the family.
1 2 3 4 5
23. I gave direction for my children’s behavior and activities as they were
growing up and I expected them to follow my directions, but I was always
willing to listen to their concerns and to discuss that direction with them.
1 2 3 4 5
24. As my children were growing up, I allowed them to form their own point of
view on family matters and I generally allowed them to decide for themselves
what they were going to do.
1 2 3 4 5
25. I have always felt that most problems in society would be solved if we could
get parents to strictly and forcibly deal with their children when they don’t do
what they are supposed to as they are growing up.
1 2 3 4 5
26. As my children were growing up, I often told them exactly what I wanted
them to do and how I expected them to do it.
1 2 3 4 5
27. As my children were growing up, I gave them clear direction for their
1 2 3 4 5

114

behaviors and activities, but I was also understanding when they disagreed with
me.
28. As my children were growing up, I did not direct their behaviors, activities,
and desires.
1 2 3 4 5
29. As my children were growing up, they knew what I expected of them in the
family and I insisted that they conform to those expectations simply out of
respect for my authority
1 2 3 4 5
30. As my children were growing up, if I made a decision in the family that hurt
one of the children, I was wiling to discuss that decision with that child and to
admit it if I had made a mistake
1 2 3 4 5

115

APPENDIX F
Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ)-
Adolescent
For each of the following statements, circle the number on the 5-point scale that
best indicates how that statement applies to you and your parents. Try to read and
think about each statement as it applies to you and you parents during your years
of growing up at home. There are no right or wrong answers, so don’t spend a lot
of time on any one item. We are looking for your overall impression regarding
each statement. Be sure not to omit any items.

1 2 3 4 5
Strongly Disagree Undecided Agree Strongly
Disagree Agree

1. While I was growing up my parents felt that in a well-run home the children
should have their way in the family as often as the parents do.

1 2 3 4 5
2. Even if their children didn’t agree with them, y parents felt that it was for our
own good if we were forced to conform to what they thought was right.

1 2 3 4 5
3. Whenever my parents told me to do something as I was growing up, they
expected me to do it immediately without asking any questions.
1 2 3 4 5
4. As my children were growing up, once family policy had been established, I
discussed the reasoning behind the policy with the children in the family.
1 2 3 4 5
5. My parents have always encouraged verbal give-and-take whenever I have felt
that family rules and restrictions were unreasonable
1 2 3 4 5
6. My parents have always felt that what children need is to be free to make up
their own minds and to do what they want to do, even if this does not agree with
what their parents might want.

1 2 3 4 5
7. As I was growing up my parents did not allow me to question any decision
that they had mad.
1 2 3 4 5
8. As I was growing up my parents directed the activities and decisions of the
children in the family through reasoning and discipline.
1 2 3 4 5
9. My parents have always felt that more force should be used by parents in order
to get their children to behave the way they are supposed to.
1 2 3 4 5
10. As I was growing up my parents did not feel that I needed to obey rules and
regulations of behavior simply because someone in authority had established
them.
1 2 3 4 5
11. As I was growing up I knew what my parents expected of me in my family
but I also felt free to discuss those expectations with my parents when I felt that
1 2 3 4 5

116

they were unreasonable.
12. My parents felt that wise parents should teach their children early just who
is boss in the family.
1 2 3 4 5
13. As I was growing up, my parents seldom gave me expectations and
guidelines for my behavior.
1 2 3 4 5
14. Most of the time as I was growing up my parents did what the children in the
family wanted when making family decisions.
1 2 3 4 5
15. As the children in my family were growing up, my parents consistently gave
us direction and guidance in rational and objective ways.
1 2 3 4 5
16. As I was growing up my parents would get very upset if I tried to disagree
with them.
1 2 3 4 5
17. My parents feel that most problems in society would be solved if parents
would not restrict their children’s activities, decisions, and desires as they are
growing up.
1 2 3 4 5
18. As I was growing up, my parents let me know what behaviors they expected
of me, and if I didn’t meet those expectations, they punished me.
1 2 3 4 5
19. As I was growing up, my parents allowed me to decide most things for
myself without a lot of direction from them.
1 2 3 4 5
20. As I was growing up, my parents took the children’s opinions into
consideration when making family decisions, but they would not decide for
something simply because the children wanted it.
1 2 3 4 5
21. My parents did not view themselves as responsible for directing and guiding
my behavior as I was growing up.
1 2 3 4 5
22. My parents had clear standards of behavior for the children in our homes as I
was growing up, but they were willing to adjust those standards to the needs of
each of the individual children in the family.
1 2 3 4 5
23. My parents gave me direction for my behavior and activities as I was
growing up and they expected me to follow their directions, but they were
always willing to listen to my concerns and to discuss that directions with me.
1 2 3 4 5
24. As I was growing up, my parents allowed me to form my own point of view
on family matters and they generally allowed me to decide for myself what I was
going to do.
1 2 3 4 5
25. My parents have always felt that most problems in society would be solved
if we could get parents to strictly and forcibly deal with their children when they
don’t do what they are supposed to as they are growing up.
1 2 3 4 5
26. As I was growing up, my parents often told me exactly what they wanted me
to do and how they expected me to do it.
1 2 3 4 5

117

27. As I was growing up, my parents gave me clear direction for my behaviors
and activities, but they were also understanding when I disagreed with them.
1 2 3 4 5
28. As I was growing up, my parents did not direct the behaviors, activities, and
desires of the children in the family.
1 2 3 4 5
29. As I was growing up, I knew what my parents expected of me in the family
and they insisted that I conform to those expectations simply out of respect for
their authority.
1 2 3 4 5
30. As I was growing up, if my parents made a decision in the family that hurt
me, they were willing to discuss that decision with me and to admit it if they had
made a mistake.
1 2 3 4 5

118

APPENDIX G

Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS)

Instructions: Use the scale below to answer the following questions. Please circle the
number that best represents your view on each item. Please note that reference to
“Asian” hereafter refers to Asians in America and not Asia.

Not very well/ Somewhat Very well/
Not very much Very much

1 2 3 4 5 6

1. How well do you speak the language of –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. English? 1 2 3 4 5 6

2. How well do you understand the language of –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. English? 1 2 3 4 5 6

3. How well do you read and write in the language of –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. English? 1 2 3 4 5 6

4. How often do you listen to music or look at movies and magazines from-
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6

5. How much do you like the food of –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
6. How often do you eat the food of –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
7. How knowledgeable are you about the history of –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6

119

Not very well/ Somewhat Very well/
Not very much Very much

1 2 3 4 5 6

8. How knowledgeable are you about the culture and traditions of –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6

9. How much do you practice the traditions and keep the holidays of –
a. your own Asian ethnic culture? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian cultures? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream culture? 1 2 3 4 5 6

10. How much do you identify with –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6

11. How much do you feel you have in common with people from –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
12. How much do you interact and associate with people from –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6

13. How much would you like to interact and associate with people from –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6

14. How proud are you to be part of –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6

15. How negative do you feel about people from –
a. your own Asian ethnic group? 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. other Asian groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6
c. the White mainstream groups? 1 2 3 4 5 6

120

APPENDIX H
Intergenerational Conflict Inventory Parent Version (ICI-P)
Directions: For each of the items below, use the following scale to indicate how much
conflict each item causes between you and your adolescent child.

Please circle the sex of your child: Male Female
What is the age of your child?_______
No conflict over Some conflict A lot of conflict
this issue over this issue over this issue
1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Lack of communication with your child 1 2 3 4 5 6
2. Your child’s desire for greater independence and autonomy 1 2 3 4 5 6
3. Your desire for your child to follow cultural traditions 1 2 3 4 5 6
4. Your child learning your own Asian language 1 2 3 4 5 6
5. Expectations of your child based on being male or female 1 2 3 4 5 6
6. Expectations of your child based on birth order 1 2 3 4 5 6
7. Family relationships being too close 1 2 3 4 5 6
8. Family relationships being too distant 1 2 3 4 5 6
9. How much time your child spends with the family 1 2 3 4 5 6
10. How much your child helps around the house 1 2 3 4 5 6
11. How much your child helps out in the family business 1 2 3 4 5 6
12. How much time your child spends on the telephone 1 2 3 4 5 6
13. How late your child can stay out 1 2 3 4 5 6
14. Type of friends your child has 1 2 3 4 5 6
15. Type of music your child listens to 1 2 3 4 5 6
16. Type of clothes your child wears 1 2 3 4 5 6

121

17. How much time your child spends on studying 1 2 3 4 5 6
18. How much time your child spends on recreation 1 2 3 4 5 6
19. How much time your child spends on sports 1 2 3 4 5 6
20. How much time your child spends on practicing music 1 2 3 4 5 6
21. Importance of academic achievement 1 2 3 4 5 6
22. Emphasis on success and materialism 1 2 3 4 5 6
23. Which school your child should attend 1 2 3 4 5 6
24. What major your child should have in college 1 2 3 4 5 6
25. Which career your child should pursue 1 2 3 4 5 6
26. Comparing your child to others 1 2 3 4 5 6
27. Importance of financial security 1 2 3 4 5 6
28. Importance of status and success 1 2 3 4 5 6
29. When your child can begin to date 1 2 3 4 5 6
30. Who your child can date 1 2 3 4 5 6
31. When your child should marry 1 2 3 4 5 6
32. Who your child should marry 1 2 3 4 5 6
33. Race of the person your child dates or marries 1 2 3 4 5 6

122

APPENDIX I
Intergenerational Conflict Inventory Adolescent Version (ICI-A)
Directions: For each of the items below, use the following scale to indicate how much
conflict each item causes between you and your parents. If you have different degree of
conflict with your mother and father on any of the items, rate the problem based on the
parent with whom you have the most conflict.
No conflict over Some conflict A lot of conflict
this issue over this issue over this issue
1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Lack of communication with your parent
1 2 3 4 5 6
2. Your desire for greater independence and autonomy 1 2 3 4 5 6
3. Following cultural traditions 1 2 3 4 5 6
4. Pressure to learn one’s own Asian language 1 2 3 4 5 6
5. Expectations based on being male or female 1 2 3 4 5 6
6. Expectations based on birth order 1 2 3 4 5 6
7. Family relationships being too close 1 2 3 4 5 6
8. Family relationships being too distant 1 2 3 4 5 6
9. How much time to spend with the family 1 2 3 4 5 6
10. How much to help around the house 1 2 3 4 5 6
11. How much time to help out in the family business 1 2 3 4 5 6
12. How much time to spend on the telephone 1 2 3 4 5 6
13. How late you can stay out 1 2 3 4 5 6
14. Type of friends you have 1 2 3 4 5 6
15. Type of music you listen to 1 2 3 4 5 6
16. Type of clothes you wear 1 2 3 4 5 6
17. How much time to spend on studying 1 2 3 4 5 6
18. How much time to spend on recreation 1 2 3 4 5 6
19. How much time to spend on sports 1 2 3 4 5 6
20. How much time to spend on practicing music 1 2 3 4 5 6
21. Importance of academic achievement 1 2 3 4 5 6
22. Emphasis on success and materialism 1 2 3 4 5 6
23. Which school to attend 1 2 3 4 5 6

123

24. What to major in college 1 2 3 4 5 6
25. Which career to pursue 1 2 3 4 5 6
26. Being compared to others 1 2 3 4 5 6
27. Importance of financial security 1 2 3 4 5 6
28. Importance of status and success 1 2 3 4 5 6
29. When to begin dating 1 2 3 4 5 6
30. Whom to date 1 2 3 4 5 6
31. When to marry 1 2 3 4 5 6
32. Whom to marry 1 2 3 4 5 6
33. Race of the person I date or marry 1 2 3 4 5 6

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Asset Metadata

Creator Nguyen, Mark Hung (author)

Core Title Factors that contribute to high and low performing Vietnamese American high school students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 08/14/2009

Defense Date 06/10/2009

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Academic Achievement,acculturation,intergenerational conflict,OAI-PMH Harvest,parenting styles,Vietnamese American high school students

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Chung, Ruth, H. (committee chair), Andres, Mary (committee member), Park, Charles (committee member)

Creator Email markhngu@usc.edu,mnguyen1@ggusd.us

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2566

Unique identifier UC1268750

Identifier etd-Nguyen-3046 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-252185 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2566 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Nguyen-3046.pdf

Dmrecord 252185

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Nguyen, Mark Hung

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu